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THE 

HISTORY 

OF 

MODERN EUROPE: 

WITH AN 

ACCOUNT OF THE DECLINE AND FALL 

OF THE 

ROMAN EMPIRE; 

AND A 

VIEW OF THE PROGRESS OF SOCIETY, 

FROM THE 

RISE OF THE MODERN KINGDOMS TO THE PEACE 
OF PARIS IN 1763; 

IN A 
SERIES OF LETTERS FROM A NOBLEMAN TO HIS SON. 



NEW EDITION, 
CONTINUED TO THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA OF ENGLAND. 



IN FOUR VOLUMES. 

VOL. II. 



LONDON: 

LONGMAN, BROWN, & CO.; T. CADELL ; J. M. RICHARDSON ; J. G. F. & J. RIVINGTON ; 
HATCHARD & SON; HAMILTON & CO. ; WHITTAKER & CO. ; ALLEN & CO. ; DUNCAN 

& MALCOLM; M MI-KIN, MARSHALL, & co.; T. HEARNE; COWIE & co.; j. DOWDING; 

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ROUTLEDGE. CAMBRIDGE: J. & J. DEIGHTON. LIVERPOOL: G. & J. ROBINSON. 

OXFORD: j. PARKER. EDINBURGH: A. & c. BLACK. 
1842. 



LONDON : 

GILBERT AND HIYINGTON, PRINTERS, 
ST. JOHN'S SQUARE. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS 



VOLUME II. 



PART I. (continued.} 

FROM THE RISE OF THE MODERN KINGDOMS TO THE PEACE OF 
WESTPHALIA IN 164a 

LETTER LXVI. 

Of the Affairs of Poland, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, from the latter Part of 
the Fourteenth to the Middle of the Sixteenth Century. 



A.D. PAGE 

1386 Reign of Jagellon 1 

War between the Polanders and the Teutonic Knights .... ibid. 
1444 Reign of Casimir IV 2 



RUSSIA. 

1380 Defeat of the Tartars ibid 

1477 Success of John Basilowitz I. over those barbarians . . ibid. 

War with Poland ibid. 

1533 Reign of John Basilowitz II. T . ...... f . . ibid. 

1578 Discovery of Siberia 3 

TBE SCANDINAVIAN STATES. 

1397 Union of Calmar ibid. 

Arrogance of queen Margaret ........ ibid. 

Her partiality to the Danes 4 

1436 Revolt of the Swedes under Canutson ....... ibid. 

1520 They are finally subdued by Christian II. of Denmark ... 5 

Horrid massacre of the Swedish nobles ...... ibid. 

Account of Gustavus Vasa ibid. 

1523 He recovers the independence of Sweden, and is chosen king . . 6 

Christian II. is deposed ibid. 

Frederic duke of Holstein becomes king of Denmark and Norway . ibid. 

1533 Reign of Christian III. ibid. 

Introduction of the Protestant religion into the northern realms . . 7 

1560 Death and character of Gustavus ibid. 

A 2 



- KV'r-K-^ *> 

J 



CONTENTS. 



LETTER LXVII. 



History of England, Scotland, and France, from the Peace of Chateau- Cam- 
bresis, in 1559, to the Death of Francis II., and the Return of Mary Queen 
of Scots to her native kingdom. 

A.D. PAGE 

1559 Ambitious views of the duke of Guise and his brothers ... 7 
They usurp the whole administration under Francis II. . . . 8 
They persuade their niece Mary, queen of Scotland and of France, to set 

up a claim to the crown of England ibid. 

Give orders to their sister, the regent of Scotland, to suppress the Protestant 

opinions in that kingdom ....... .9 

Measures of the Scottish reformers ibid. 

They are embroiled with the government ibid. 

They prepare for their defence 11 

Account of John Knox ......... ibid. 

He inflames the populace assembled at Perth, by a violent harangue 

against popery ibid. 

They break all the images in the churches, and destroy the monasteries 12 

The regent concludes a treaty with the reformers ibid. 

Violates the stipulations ibid. 

The Protestants aim at the redress of civil as well as of religious grievances 13 

The regent refuses to comply with their demands ..... ibid. 

They depose her from that dignity ....... ibid. 

She shuts herself up in the fortified town of Leith .... ibid. 

The Protestants, being defeated before that place, implore the assistance 

of Elizabeth 14 

1560 The queen of England resolves to support them ibid. 

Death of the regent 15 

View of the progress of the Reformation in France .... 16 

Conspiracy of Amboise ......... ibid. 

The French Protestants become formidable to the court . . . ibid. 
Francis and Mary, by the advice of the duke of Guise, conclude with 

Elizabeth a treaty favourable to the Protestants of Scotland . . 17 
The latter proceed rapidly in the work of reformation .... ibid. 
The Presbyterian worship is established in that kingdom ... 18 
Francis and Mary refuse to ratify the proceedings of the Scottish parlia- 
ment ibid. 

The Protestants, however, put the statutes in execution . . . ibid. 

Death of Francis 19 

Catharine of Medicis is appointed guardian to her son Charles IX. . ibid. 

1561 Decline of the power of the duke of Guise, and joy of the Scottish Pro- 

testants ibid. 

Mary is solicited to return to Scotland 20 

Her spirited reply to Throgmorton, the English ambassador . . ibid. 

Affecting circumstances that accompanied her voyage to North Britain 21 



LETTER LXVIII. 



History of France, England, and Scotland, from the Return of Mary Stuart 
to her Native Kingdom, in 1561, till her Imprisonment and the Elevation 
of her Son to the Tftrone ; with a retrospective View of the Affairs of 
Spain. 

1561 Mary is received by her Scottish subjects with the loudest acclamations 

of joy 22 

She bestows her confidence on the Protestant leaders . . ibid. 



CONTENTS. v 

A. D. PAGE 

She with difficulty obtains liberty to celebrate mass in her own chapel . 23 

Her enemy, John Knox, acquires great influence both in church and state ibid. 

She courts the friendship of Elizabeth ibid. 

Jealous prudence of the English queen ibid. 

Cruel bigotry of Philip II 24 

Insidious policy of Catharine of Medicis ...... 25 

1562 Massacre of the French Protestants at Vassy 26 

Deplorable state of France 27 

The Huguenots and Catholics rage against each other .... ibid. 

Philip sends succours to the Romanists ibid. 

The queen of England supports the Huguenots 28 

Battle of Dreux ibid. 

1563 Assassination of the duke of Guise 29 

An accommodation between the Protestants and Catholics . . . ibid. 

Elizabeth is dissatisfied with the conditions ibid. 

1564 But makes peace with the French court 30 

She is apparently on good terms with Mary ...... ibid. 

1565 Marriage of the latter to lord Darnley ibid. 

She suppresses a rebellion excited by Elizabeth 32 

Ungenerous conduct of Elizabeth to the Scottish exiles . . . ibid. 

Conspiracy of Bayonne for the extinction of the reformed religion . 33 

1566 The queen of Scots accedes to that confederacy ibid. 

Account of David Rizzio ibid. 

Darnley becomes jealous of his intimacy with Mary .... 35 

Murder of Rizzio .......... ibid. 

Implacable resentment of Mary against her husband . . . .36 

She is delivered of a son ibid. 

Behaviour of Elizabeth on that intelligence 37 

Her parliamentary subjects press her to marry, or settle the succession to 

the crown ........... ibid. 

Account of James earl of Bothwell . . . . . . .38 

He insinuates himself into the affections of the queen of Scots . . ibid. 

1567 Murder of Darnley ibid. 

The earl of Bothwell is suspected to be the author of it . . . ibid. 
Mary, instead of bringing him to justice, honours him with her confidence, 

and marries him .......... 39 

Bothwell attempts to get the young prince into his power ... 40 
The Scottish nobles associate for the protection of the prince's person, 

and the punishment of the king's murderers ..... ibid. 

The queen is deserted by her troops at Carberry-hill .... ibid. 
Bothwell makes his escape, and dies in a foreign prison . . .41 

Mary is confined * ibid. 

Her disconsolate situation 42 

She is constrained to sign a resignation of the crown .... ibid. 
The earl of Murray is appointed regent, under the infant king, who is 

proclaimed by the name of James VI ibid. 



LETTER LXIX. 



History of Great Britain, from the Flight of the Queen of Scots into England, 
with an Account of the Civil Wars on tlie Continent, till the Death of Charles 
IX. of France, in 1574. 

1567 The Scottish parliament declares the queen's resignation valid, and her 

imprisonment lawful ......... ibid. 

1568 A body of the nobles concert measures for supporting her cause . . 43 
She escapes from confinement, and joins them ..... ibid. 

They are totally defeated in the battle of Langside .... ibid. 

Mary seeks refuge in England ........ 44 

Insidious policy of Elizabeth ibid. 



vi CONTENTS. 

A.D. PAGE 

1568 She considers herself as umpire between the queen of Scots and her sub- 

jects, and proposes to appoint commissioners to hear the pleadings on 

both sides 45 

Magnanimous reply of Mary ........ ibid. 

She is induced to consent to the proposed trial 46 

She is accused by the regent of having consented to the murder of her 

husband ibid. 

He produces proofs in support of his charge 47 

Mary's deputies break off the conferences ibid. 

She refuses either to resign her crown or to associate her son in the 

government with her ......... 48 

Elizabeth resolves to detain her a prisoner in England . . . ibid. 

A marriage projected between the queen of Scots and the duke of Norfolk 49 

1569 The scheme is discovered and defeated ...... ibid. 

An unsuccessful attempt is made, by the earls of Northumberland and 

Westmoreland, to procure liberty for Mary, by force of arms . . 50 

1570 Violent death of the regent Murray 51 

Excommunication of Elizabeth by the Pope ..... 52 

Retrospective view of the religious wars in France .... ibid. 

The battle of St. Denis [1567J ibid. 

The battle of Jarnac [1569] 53 

Death of the prince of CondS ibid. 

Coligny, the Huguenot leader, invests Poictiers ibid. 

The young duke of Guise obliges him to raise the siege . . . ibid. 

Coligny is defeated in the battle of Moncontour 54 

He again appears formidable ........ ibid. 

The Huguenots, by a new treaty, obtain liberty of conscience, and 

several places of refuge ibid. 

Sanguinary despotism of Philip II. in the Low Countries ... 55 

Insolence and cruelty of the duke of Alva ...... 56 

1571 Conspiracy for the relief of the queen of Scots 57 

1572 It is discovered, and the duke of Norfolk is put to death for his share in it ibid. 

Violent proceedings in Scotland 58 

The French king insidiously caresses the Huguenots .... 59 

Massacre of Paris [Aug. 24] ibid. 

Cautious conduct of Elizabeth 61 

The Huguenots are roused by the cruelty of the court to more vigorous 

efforts . ibid. 

1573 They obtain advantageous terms of peace 62 

1574 Death of Charles IX ibid. 

His atrocious character . ibid. 



LETTER LXX. 

History of Germany, from the Resignation of Charles V. in 1556, to the 
Death of Maximilian II. in 1576, with tome Account of the Affairs of 
Spain, Italy, and Turkey, during that Period. 

1557 Ferdinand convokes a diet at Ratisbon, which confirms the Peace of 

Religion 63 

1560 The pope issues a bull for the re-assembling of the Council of Trent . ibid. 

1562 The Protestant princes persist in denying the authority of that council . ibid. 

1563 It is finally dissolved 64 

1564 Death of Ferdinand j ibid. 

1565 His son and successor, Maximilian II., is unavoidably engaged in a war 

with the Turks ibid. 

Solyman II. sends a fleet and army to reduce the island of Malta '. '. 65 
But his general, Mustapha, is obliged to relinquish the enterprise . ibid. 

1566 Solyman enters Hungary at the head of a poweiful army, and invests 

Sigeth ibid . 



CONTENTS. vii 

A.D. PAGE 

1566 Gallant defence and death of Zerini, the governor .... 65 

The place is taken .......... ibid. 

Death of Solyman ibid. 

Selim II. concludes a truce with Maximilian ibid. 

1570 He turns his arms against the island of Cyprus 66 

Obstinate defence of Famagosta ........ ibid. 

1571 The whole island submits to the Turks ibid. 

Great naval armament fitted out by the Christian powers under Don 

John of Austria .......... 66 

Battle of Lepanto [Oct. 7] 67 

Signal defeat of the Turks ibid. 

The Christians derive little advantage from their victory . . . ibid. 

1573 The Venetians conclude a peace with Selim 68 

Don John makes himself master of Tunis ...... ibid. 

1574 It is re-taken, and the garrison put to the sword ibid. 

Germany enjoys profound peace under the mild sway of Maximilian . ibid. 

1576 His death . 69 



LETTER LXXI. 



A general View of the Transactions of Europe, from the Death of Charles IX. 
in 1574, to the Accession of Henry IV., the first King of France of the 
Branch of Bourbon, in 1589 ; including the Rise of the Republic of Hol- 
land, the Catastrophe of Sebastian King of Portugal, the Execution of Mary 
Queen of Scots, and the Defeat of the Spanish Armada. 

1574 Accession of Henry III. of France ibid. 

He attempts to restore the royal authority by acting as umpire between 

the Protestants and Catholics 70 

1575 The king of Navarre places himself at the head of the Protestants . ibid. 

1576 They obtain advantageous conditions ibid. 

1577 Are threatened by the famous Catholic League, which is headed by the 

duke of Guise ........... ibid. 

Philip of Spain declares himself protector of that league ... 71 

His motives for this conduct ibid. 

Retrospective view of the civil wars in the Low Countries ... 72 
The provinces of Holland and Zealand throw off the Spanish yoke ; and 

William prince of Orange lays the foundation of the republic of the 

United Provinces ibid. 

The duke of Alva, repulsed before Alcmaer, petitions to be recalled 

[A.D. 1573] 73 

He is succeeded by Requesens in the government of the Low Countries ibid. 

Middleburgh is taken by the Zealanders [A.D. 1574] .... ibid. 
The siege of Leyden ; which the Spaniards are compelled to raise, after 

the. most vigorous exertions ..... ... ibid. 

The conferences at Breda [A.D. 15?5] 74 

The revolted provinces, reduced to great distress, offer their sovereignty 

to queen Elizabeth ibid. 

She rejects it for political reasons ibid. 

The Spanish troops in the Netherlands mutiny on the death of Requesens 

[A.D. 1576] 75 

The pacification of Ghent ibid. 

Don John of Austria, the new governor of the Low Countries, agrees to 

confirm it ........... ibid. 

He violates his engagements ibid. 

1578 Queen Elizabeth engages to support the revolted provinces . . . ibid. 
Don John is deposed by a decree of the States ..... 76 

They are distracted by jealousies and dissensions ibid. 

Death of Don John ibid. 

He is succeeded in the command of the Spanish army in the Netherlands 

by the famous Alexander Farnese, prince of Parma .... ibid. 



viii CONTENTS. 

A.D. PAOE 

1579 The UN ION of the Seven Provinces signed at Utrecht ... 77 
The nature of that Union ibid. 

1580 The United Provinces finally withdraw their allegiance from Philip II. . ibid. 
The expedition of Don Sebastian, king of Portugal, to the coast of Africa 78 
His death ibid. 

1581 Philip makes himself master of the kingdom of Portugal . . . ibid. 

1582 Attempt against the life of the prince of Orange 79 

He is opposed to the prince of Parma ibid. 

Distracted state of affairs in Scotland ibid. 

James, the young king, is made prisoner at Ruthven .... 80 

The Spaniards invade Ireland [A.D. 1580] ibid. 

Account of the voyage of sir Francis Drake . . . . .81 

Discontents of the Catholics in England ibid. 

1584 Plot against the life of Elizabeth 82 

Assassination of the prince of Orange ibid. 

His son Maurice is elected stadtholder ...... ibid. 

Siege of Antwerp 83 

1585 The citizens agree to acknowledge the authority of Philip . . . ibid. 

Rapid decay of that city ibid. 

The United Provinces offer their sovereignty to Henry III. of France . ibid. 

He rejects it on account of the distracted state of his kingdom . . 84 
Queen Elizabeth sends an army under the earl of Leicester to assist the 

new republic ........... 85 

And despatches sir Francis Drake with a fleet to distress the Spaniards 

in the West Indies ibid. 

1586 Success of Drake ibid. 

Misconduct of Leicester ibid. 

He is recalled ibid. 

Babington's conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth .... ibid. 

Trial of Mary queen of Scots 86 

Her spirited defence .......... ibid. 

She is condemned to death 87 

Examination of the evidence against her ibid. 

1587 Affecting circumstances attending her execution ibid. 

Her character 88 

Hypocrisy of Elizabeth 89 

The king of Scotland seems determined to revenge the death of his mother ibid. 

He is induced to live on good terms with the court of England . . ibid. 

Naval exploits of Drake and Cavendish 90 

1588 Philip II. makes extraordinary preparations for invading England . ibid. 

Naval and military force of Elizabeth 91 

Undaunted courage of the queen ibid. 

The Spanish armada sails .....*... 92 
It is defeated by the English fleet, under the earl of Effingham and sir 

Francis Drake 93 

Wrecked on the Western Isles of Scotland and on the coast of Ireland . ibid. 
The French Protestants are reduced to great distress by the power of the 

Catholic League ibid. 

Ambition of the duke of Guise ........ ibid. 

His violent death ' . . .94 

1589 The duke of Mayenne superintends the League 95 

Henry enters into a confederacy with the Huguenots .... ibid. 

He is assassinated by James Clement, a Dominican friar . . . ibid. 

Reflections on such fanatical acts of violence ibid. 



LETTER LXXII. 

The general View of Europe, continued from the Accession of Henry IV. to 
the Peace of Vermns, in 1598. 

1 589 Henry I V. the new king of France, is obliged to abandon the siege of Paris 96 
He applies to the queen of England for aid 97 



CONTENTS. ix 

A.D. PAGE 

She sends him a supply of men and money 97 

1590 He gains the battle of Ivri ibid. 

Invests Paris ibid. 

That city is relieved by the duke of Parma ..... 98 

The king is surrounded with enemies ....... ibid. 

1591 Queen Elizabeth sends him fresh succours 99 

He forms the siege of Rouen ........ ibid. 

The duke of Parma compels him to raise the siege .... ibid. 

1592 Rupture among the Catholics ibid. 

Death of the duke of Parma 100 

1593 Intrigues of the Spanish faction in France ...... ibid. 

Henry, to please the majority of his subjects, embraces the Catholic religion 101 

1594 Paris and other places submit to the royal authority .... 102 
Progress of prince Maurice and sir Francis Vere in the Low Countries . 103 

1595 Henry obliges the duke of Mayenne to sue for an accommodation . . 104 

1596 The Spaniards take Calais and Amiens ibid. 

1597 Henry retakes Amiens ......... 105 

1598 He passes the edict of Nantes in favour of the Huguenots . . . 106 

Cadiz is reduced by an English armament ibid. 

Great loss is sustained by the Spaniards . . . . . . ibid. 

Peace is concluded between Henry IV. and Philip II. at Vervins . . 107 



LETTER LXXIII. 



History of Spain and the Low Countries, from the Peace of Vervins to the 
Truce in 1609, when the Freedom of the United Provinces wat acknow- 
ledged. 

1598 Treaty between England and Holland ibid. 

Death and character of Philip II. 108 

His concern in the murder of his son Carlos ...... ibid. 

Decline of the Spanish monarchy .... ... 109 

Transfer of the sovereignty of the Low Countries to the Infanta Isabella, 

married to Albert, archduke of Austria ...... ibid. 

The States refuse to acknowledge the authority of the new sovereigns . 110 

1599 The United Provinces are precluded from all intercourse with Spain and 

Portugal, or the Spanish Netherlands ibid. 

The Dutch turn their views towards the East Indies ; ibid. 

War is carried on with vigour in the Low Countries .... ibid. 

1600 The Spaniards are defeated in the battle of Nieuport . . . -Ill 
Bravery of the English troops under sir Francis Vere . . . ibid. 

1601 Siege of Ostend ibid. 

1602 It is changed into a blockade 112 

1604 Resumed, and the place taken by the famous Spinola . . . ibid. 
Progress of prince Maurice ibid. 

1605 He is opposed by a great army under Spinola . . . . .113 
Rapid success of that commander ibid. 

1606 His troops mutiny for want of pay ibid. 

1607 A suspension of arms 114 

1609 A truce is concluded for twelve years between Philip III. and the United 

Provinces ibid. 

Expulsion of the Morescoes ibid. 

Impolicy of that measure ." ibid. 



CONTENTS. 



LETTER LXXIV. 



The domestic History of England, from the Defeat of the Spanish drmada, 
in 1588, to the Death of Elizabeth, with some Particulars of Scotland and 
Ireland. 

A.D. PAGE 

1588 Economy and vigour the leading characteristics of Elizabeth's adminis- 
tration 115 

1593 Her bold speech to the parliament ibid. 

She supports the decrees of the star chamber and court of high commission 110 

Grievous monopolies under her reign ibid. 

Her jealousy of her prerogative ibid. 

She obstinately refuses to name a successor . . . . . .117 

Is supposed to have encouraged Gowrie's conspiracy .... ibid. 

Distracted and barbarous state of Ireland ibid. 

Elizabeth endeavours to civilize it 118 

Account of Hugh O'Neale, earl of Tyrone ibid. 

1594 He rises in open rebellion, and gains several advantages over the Eng- 

lish commanders .......... ibid. 

1599 The earl of Essex is sent against him 119 

Essex fails in his enterprise, and returns, contrary to the queen's orders ibid. 

1600 He is divested of his employments, and sentenced to remain a prisoner 

during her majesty's pleasure ....... ibid. 

He cabals against her authority 120 

1601 On finding that his intrigues are discovered, he attempts, but in vain, 

to raise the city .......... 121 

Surrenders at discretion, and is convicted of high treason . . . ibid. 

Agitation of Elizabeth on signing the warrant for his execution . . ibid. 

He is privately beheaded in the Tower ibid. 

His character and conduct considered ...... 122 

The king of Scotland sends two ambassadors to congratulate the queen 

on her escape from the late conspiracy ibid. 

They find the people of England favourable to the succession of their 

master ............ ibid. 

Lord Mountjoy subdues the Irish rebels 123 

1603 Elizabeth sinks into deep melancholy ibid. 

Its causes ............ ibid. 

Death of the queen [March 24] 125 

Her character 126 



LETTER LXXV. 

Sketch of the French History, from the Peace of Vervins, in 1598, to the 
Death of Henry lV. r in 1610, with some Account of the Affairs of Ger- 
many under Rodolph II. 

1598 Wretched state of France at the peace of Vervins .... ibid. 

Popular character and liberal policy of Henry IV ibid. 

Character of the duke de Sully, his prime minister . . . . J27 

Sally's attention to the finances ........ ibid. 

He augments the revenue, yet diminishes the taxes .... ibid. 

His maxims of policy too rigid for a great kingdom .... 128 

The king's ideas more just and extensive ...... ibid. 

1602 He introduces the culture of silk ibid. 

1607 Establishes manufactures, and promotes commerce .... ibid. 
His licentious amours ....... , 129 

1608 Intrigues of the court of Spain 130 



CONTENTS. xi 

A.D. PAGE 

Disputed succession to the duchies of Cleves and Juliers . . . 130 

Mild and pacific character of the emperor Rodolph II. . . . ibid. 

Ambition of his brother Matthias ibid. 

1609 Evangelical Union and Catholic League in Germany .... 131 
Competitors for the duchies of Cleves and Juliers .... ibid. 

The emperor sequestrates the disputed fiefs ibid. 

The Protestant claimants apply to the king of France for aid . . ibid. 
Henry's Grand Scheme of humbling the house of Austria, and of erecting 

a balance of power in Europe ....... 132 

He agrees to assist the Protestant body in Germany .... ibid. 

His negotiations and military preparations ..... ibid. 

1610 He assists at the coronation of his queen, Mary of Medicis . . . 133 
Is assassinated by Ravaillac, a blood-thirsty bigot .... ibid. 
Character of Henry, and of his reign ibid. 



LETTER LXXVI. 



A general View of the Continent of Europe, from the Assassination of Henry 
iy. to the Treaty of Prague, in 1635. 



Introductory reflections ......... 134 

1610 The dispute concerning the succession of Cleves and Juliers continues . ibid. 
1612 Death of Ilodolph II 135 

He is succeeded by Matthias, who concludes an advantageous peace with 

the Turks ibid. 

1617 Matthias alarms the Evangelical Union by an ambitious family compact ibid. 

1618 FurioUs civil war in Bohemia 136 

1619 Death of the emperor Matthias ibid. 

His cousin Ferdinand succeeds him ....... ibid. 

1620 Frederic V., Elector Palatine, who had accepted the Bohemian crown 

from the insurgents, is defeated near Prague . . . . .137 

1621 He is degraded from his electoral dignity ...... ibid. 

Conspiracies for rendering the Spanish branch of the house of Austria 

absolute in Italy ibid. 

Accession of Philip IV 138 

Ambitious projects of his minister, Olivarez ..... ibid. 

Retrospective view of the affairs of Holland ibid. 

Account of the dispute between Gomer and Arminius . . . ibid. 

Execution of the pensionary Barneveldt [A.D. 1619] . . . .139 
Prince Maurice becomes unpopular by attempting to usurp the sove- 
reignty of the United Provinces ....... ibid. 

1622 He obliges Spinola to relinquish the siege of Bergen-op-Zoom . . 140 

Distracted state of France ibid. 

The regent Mary is wholly governed by her Italian favourites, Concini 

and his wife Galligai ......... ibid. 

By them a marriage is negotiated between Louis XIII. and the Infanta, 

Anne of Austria [A.D. 1612] ibid. 

Rise of Luines, the king's favourite ....... ibid. 

Concini is shot [A.D. 1617], and Galligai executed . . . .141 

Avarice and ambition of Luines ibid. 

Rise of cardinal Richelieu [A.D. 1619] ibid. 

The French Protestants take arms [A.D. 1620] 142 

The king is obliged to raise the siege of Montauban [A.D. 1621] . ibid. 

Death of Luines ibid. 

Peace concluded with the Huguenots ....... ibid. 

1624 Richelieu negotiates a marriage between Charles, prince of Wales, and 

Henrietta ot France . .143 

Hostilities in the Low Countries ibid. 

Difficult situation of cardinal Richelieu, as prime minister of France . ibid. 
lf>26 The Huguenots show a disposition to render themselves independent . 144 



xii CONTENTS. 

A.D. PAGE 

Buckingham, the English minister, persuades Charles I. to undertake 

their defence 1 45 

His motives for this step ibid. 

1627 He fails in an attempt to succour Rochelle, and to reduce the Isle of Rhe ibid. 
Louis and Richelieu, in person, invest Rochelle 146 

1628 The citizens make a gallant defence, but are at last obliged to surrender ibid. 

1629 The duke of Rohan, after a vigorous struggle in Languedoc, obtains 

favourable conditions for the Protestants ibid. 

But they are deprived of their cautionary towns ibid. 

The aggrandizement of the French monarchy may be dated from this era ibid. 
Richelieu resolves to humble the house of Austria by supporting the Pro- 

testants in Germany 147 

Great power of the emperor Ferdinand II. ...... ibid. 

He attempts to revive the Imperial jurisdiction in Italy . . . ibid. 
He issues an edict, ordering the German Protestants to restore the church 

lands 148 

1630 Richelieu compels the emperor to grant the investiture of Mantua and 

Montferrat to the duke of Nevers ibid. 

The Protestant princes remonstrate against the edict of restitution . ibid. 

They form an alliance with Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden . . 149 

A retrospective view of the affairs of Poland ibid. 

A retrospective view of Sweden ........ 150 

A retrospective view of Russia ........ ibid. 

A retrospective view of Denmark 152 

Early exploits and wise administration of the king of Sweden . . 153 

His motives for engaging in a war with the emperor .... ibid. 

Charles I. of England furnishes him with six thousand men . . . 154 

1631 Cardinal Richelieu engages to pay him an annual subsidy . . . ibid. 
The treaty between them a masterpiece in politics .... ibid. 
Gustavus defeats count Tilly, near Leipsic [Sept 7] 155 
Is joined by the members of the Evangelical Union, and reduces the 

whole country from the Elbe to the Rhine ibid. 

1632 Death of Tilly [April 15] ibid. 

The king of Sweden is repulsed in attempting to force entrenchments 

near Nuremberg . . . . . . . . . .156 

His retreat is ably conducted by a Scottish officer .... ibid. 

He gives battle to Wallenstein in the plain of Lutzen, and is killed in the 

heat of the action [November 16] 157 

Circumstances preceding and attending the battle of Lutzen . . 158 

The Swedes are ultimately victorious 160 

Character and anecdotes of Gustavus Adolphus ..... 161 

His infant daughter Christina succeeds him ...... 163 

The Protestant confederacy and the alliance with France are preserved 

entire, by the great abilities of the Swedish minister, Oxenstiern . ibid. 

1634 Assassination of Wallenstein ibid. 

The king of Hungary succeeds him in the command of the imperial forces ibid. 
The Swedes and their allies are totally routed in the battle of Nordlingen 

[Sept 6] 164 

1635 The members of the Evangelical Union listen to proposals of peace . ibid. 

Substance of the treaty of Prague ibid. 

The weight of the war devolves upon the Swedes and their French allies 165 



LETTER LXXVII. 

A general View of the European Continent, from the Treaty of Prague, in 
1635, to the Peace of Westphalia, in 1648. 

1635 Vigorous but despotic administration of cardinal Richelieu . . .ibid. 
He concludes a new treaty with Oxenstiern ...... 166 

Five French armies are sent into the field ibid. 

Keysers-Lauter is taken by the Imperialists under Galas . . . 167 



CONTENTS. xiu 

A.D. PAGE 

The French and their allies are unfortunate in Italy and the Low Countries 167 

The Spaniards enter France on the side of Picardy .... 168 

1636 The confederates begin the next campaign with vigour . . .169 
The Imperialists are defeated at Wislock ibid. 

1637 Death of the emperor Ferdinand II. . . . . . . ibid. 

Ferdinand III. pursues the same line of policy ..... ibid. 

1638 The duke of Saxe-Weimar gains a victory over the Imperialists near 

Rhinfield 170 

He reduces Brisac, after an obstinate siege ..... ibid. 

Louis XIII. forms a scheme of annexing Brisac to the crown of France ibid. 

The duke's gallant reply on being requested to give up his conquest . 171 

Progress of the Swedes, under Banier, in Pomerania .... ibid. 

1639 In Saxony and Bohemia ibid. 

Death of the duke of Saxe-Weimar 1?2 

Disputes in regard to his army . 173 

1640 A treaty is concluded between France and the Weimarian officers . ibid. 
Jealousies and dissensions among the generals of the confederates . 174 
They are repulsed in an attempt to force Piccolomini's camp at Saltzburg ibid. 
He compels them to quit the Imperial dominions .... 175 

Revolt of the Catalans ibid. 

The Portuguese throw off the Spanish yoke, and place on the throne the 

duke of Braganza, under the name of John IV ibid. 

Particulars of that revolution ibid. 

1641 Ferdinand is in danger of being made prisoner by the French and Swedes 176 
They insult Ratisbon, while he is holding a diet in that city . . 177 

Congress for a geni-ral peace proposed ibid. 

The emperor resolves to continue the war ibid. 

Glorious retreat of Banier ......... 178 

His death and character ibid. 

Guebriant defeats the Imperialists near Wolfenbuttel .... 179 

1642 And afterwards in the neighbourhood of Ordingen .... ibid. 
General Torstenson repels his adversaries near Schwentz . . . 180 
He passes the Elbe, and defeats them in the plain of Breitenfield . ibid. 

Consternation of the Imperial court 181 

Torstenson reduces Leipsic ........ ibid. 

Progress of the war on the frontiers of Spain ..... 182 

Conspiracy of Cinq Mars against Richelieu ibid. 

Death of the cardinal 183 

1643 Death of Louis XIII ibid. 

Cardinal Mazarine succeeds Richelieu in the administration, and pursues 

the same line of policy ibid. 

Spanish infantry cut to pieces in the battle of Rocroi .... ibid. 

Negotiations at Munster and Osnaburg ...... 184 

Torstenson carries war into the duchy of Holstein .... ibid. 

He invades Jutland with success ibid. 

1644 Peace between Denmark and Sweden 185 

Success of the French arms in Germany ...... ibid. 

Ragotski, vaivode of Transylvania, rushes into Hungary . . . 186 

The Austrian army in that kingdom ruined at the siege of Cassova . ibid. 

The Imperial forces in Lower Saxony experience a similar fate . . 187 

1645 Masterly movements of Torstenson ....... ibid. 

He routs the Imperialists near Thabor ...... ibid. 

H is rapid progress .......... 188 

The emperor, struck with terror, abandons his capital .... ibid. 

General Merci attacks Turenne in the plain of Mariendahl, and gains a 

bloody victory .......... 189 

Obstinate battle between the French and Bavarians, in which the great 

military talents of Conde and Turenne are fully displayed . . 190 

Turenne re-establishes the elector of Treves in his dominions . . 191 

The emperor makes peace with Ragotski ibid. 

1646 Torstenson proposes to lay siege to Prague . .... 192 
Finding the attempt impracticable, he resigns in chagrin . . . ibid. 
The elector of Bavaria and other princes agree to a peace with France . ibid. 
The French are unfortunate on the frontiers of Spain .... ibid. 



xiv CONTENTS. 

A.D. PAGE 

1646 Admirable conduct of the governor of Lerida 192 

1647 The elector of Bavaria renounces his new alliance with France . . 193 

1648 The Swedish and French forces defeat the Austrians and Bavarians . 194 
Charles Gustavus undertakes the siege of Old Prague .... ibid. 
The emperor becomes sensible of the necessity of peace . . . ibid. 
Retrospective view of the negotiations at Munster and Osnaburg . ibid. 
The United Provinces had concluded, in 1647, a treaty with Spain, in 

which their independence was acknowledged 195 

The general peace of Westphalia signed at Munster [Oct. 24] . . ibid. 

Civil stipulations in that treaty ibid. 

Stipulations relative to religion 196 

War is continued between France and Spain ibid. 



CONTENTS. 



PART II. 

FROM THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA IN 1648, TO THE PEACE OF 
PARIS IN 1763. 



LETTER I. 

History of England and Ireland, from the Accession of James I. to the Murder of Sir 
Thomas Overbury, and the Fall of the Earl of Somerset, in 1615. 

A.I). PAGE 

1603 Introductory reflections 197 

Genealogy of James I. ... ....... ibid. 

His arrival in England 198 

He leaves the great offices of state chiefly in the hands of Elizabeth's 

ministers . . . . . ..... . . .199 

His negotiations with foreign princes and states ..... ibid. 

Conspiracy against his government defeated 200 

1604 Theological conference at Hampton Court 201 

Character of the Puritans ibid. 

James strongly prejudiced against them ..... . 202 

They are ordered to conform to the ceremonies of the church . . 203 

The king's speech to his first parliament ibid. 

He proposes an union between England and Scotland .... 204 
The commons assert their right of judging finally in regard to their own 

elections and returns 205 

They attempt the abolition of wardship and purveyance . . . ibid. 

Peace with Spain ....... .... 206 

1605 Object and discovery of the gunpowder plot ibid. 

Account of Guy Fawkes 207 

He and other conspirators are seized and executed .... 208 

James enjoys a temporary popularity ....... 209 

His laudable policy in regard to Ireland ibid. 

Account of the old customs of the Irish 210 

English laws are substituted in their stead, and regular administration, 

both civil and military, established ...... ibid. 

Beneficial effects of those regulations 211 

Character of Henry, prince of Wales ibid. 

1612 His death [Nov. 6] ibid. 

The king renders himself contemptible by an infatuated attachment to 

worthless favourites 212 

Account of the rise of Robert Carr, earl of Somerset .... ibid. 

His amour with the countess of Essex 213 

1613 She is divorced, and he marries her ....... ibid. 

His friend, sir Thomas Overbury, is secretly taken off by poison . . 214 

1615 The murder is discovered ibid. 

Somerset and his countess are found guilty, but James pardons them . 215 



LETTER II. 

Of the Affairs of Scotland, from the Rise of the Duke of Buckingham to the 
Death of James I., in 1625. 

Account of the rapid rise of George Villiers, created duke of Buckingham ibid. 



xvi CONTENTS. 

A.D. PAGE 

His insolence and profusion 215 

1616 Sale of the cautionary towns 216 

1617 The king's journey to Scotland ibid. 

Civil and religious state of that kingdom 217 

The king attempts to introduce episcopacy into Scotland . . . 219 

1618 The Scots are greatly disgusted at the obtrusion of certain ceremonies 

upon them ........... 221 

Account of sir Walter Raleigh 222 

He pretends to have discovered a very rich gold mine in Guiana . ibid. 
He is invested with authority to engage adventurers, and go in search of 

that mine 223 

Plunders a Spanish town, and returns without making any discovery . 224 

He is beheaded on a former sentence 225 

High dissatisfaction occasioned by that measure ..... ibid. 

Projected marriage between Charles prince of Wales and the infanta Maria 226 

1620 Affairs of the elector palatine, the king of England's son-in-law . . ibid. 
Zeal of the people of England for a war with both branches of the house 

of Austria ........... ibid. 

1621 The commons frame a remonstrance to that purport, and against the 

Spanish match 227 

James orders the Speaker to admonish the members not to presume to 

meddle with any thing that regards his government . . . 228 
They assert their ancient and undoubted right to interpose with their 

counsel in all matters of government ibid. 

The king's prompt reply ......... ibid. 

The memorable protest of the commons, vindicating their right to a full 

freedom of debate ibid. 

The grand dispute concerning privilege and prerogative examined . 229 
The commons form an essential branch of the English constitution, and 

the privileges now claimed by them are just .... 230 

1622 The Spanish match is seemingly in great forwardness . . . ibid. 

1623 The duke of Buckingham persuades the prince of Wales to go to Spain ibid. 

Charles is treated with great respect by Philip IV 231 

The Spanish courtiers are disgusted at the levity and licentiousness of 

Buckingham 232 

He quarrels with Olivarez, the prime minister, and prevails upon Charles 

to break off the marriage treaty ....... ibid. 

He thus ingratiates himself with the popular party .... ibid. 

Generous behaviour of the king of Spain to the earl of Bristol, the English 

ambassador 234 

1624 The earl is committed to the Tower on his return to England . . ibid. 
The prince of Wales is contracted to Henrietta of France . . . ibid.. 

1625 Death and character of James 1 235 

His reign favourable to commerce and industry ibid. 



LETTER III. 

Continuation of the History of England, from the Accession of Charles I. to 
the Assassination of the Duke of Buckingham, in 1628. 

Excessive parsimony of the commons 236 

The causes of that parsimony ........ 237 

The popular leaders determine to retrench the royal prerogative . ibid. 

Charles dissolves the parliament in disgust 239 

Failure of an expedition against Cadiz ...... ibid. 

1626 The king's necessities oblige him to convoke a new parliament . . ibid. 

The commons vote a scanty supply, and proceed to the subject of grievances ibid. 

They impeach the duke of Buckingham 240 

They in vain desire his removal from his majesty's person and councils 241 

Merits of the dispute between the king and parliament discussed . . ibid. 

The parliament is dissolved ......... 242 

Charles raises money by unconstitutional means 243 



CONTENTS. xvii 

A.D. PAGE 

Many persons are thrown into prison for refusing to pay their assessments 243 

1627 The judges refuse to admit the prisoners to bail . . '.- : . . 244 
Other grievances and oppressions ....... ibid. 

The king engages in a war with France '. > . . . . . ibid. 

His motives for it . . ., .'-'./'... . . .- . . 245 

He treats with the Huguenots ........ ibid. 

Misconduct of the duke ibid. 

1628 New parliament . . . . . ^ . . .... 246 

The commons inquire into the national grievances .... ibid. 

Speech of sir Francis Seymour ibid. 

Speech of sir Robert Philips . . . . . . .. .247 

Speech of sir Thomas Wentworth ... . . . . . . 248 

The PETITION of RIGHT . . . . ibid. 

Charles reluctantly gives his assent to it 249 

Dispute with the commons concerning tonnage and poundage . . ibid. 
The king hopes to conciliate the affections of his subjects, by succouring 

the distressed Protestants of France 250 

Buckingham is assassinated by Felton, while preparing to embark for 

the relief of Rochelle ibid. 

Surrender of that town 252 



LETTER IV. 

History of England and Scotland, from the Assassination of the Duke of 
Buckingham, to the Execution of the Earl of Straford in 1641. 

629 The disputes between the king and parliament are renewed . . 252 

The enraged king dissolves the parliament 254 

The commons vote a bold remonstrance ibid. 

The most active leaders of opposition are taken into custody . . 255 

1630 Peace with France and Spain ibid 

The causes and consequences of the jealousy between the king and par- 
liament traced . ....... ibid. 

Charles imprudently indulges the Catholics . . . . . 256 

Bigotry and superstition of archbishop Laud 257 

A specimen of his ceremonies ....... . ibid. 

He and his followers endeavour to exalt the authority of the crown . 259 
Charles draws off some of the leaders of opposition, by giving them a share 

in the administration ......... ibid. 

The indignation of the people at that manoeuvre .... 260 

A series of arbitrary impositions upon the subject .... ibid. 

Rigorous sentences of the courts of star-chamber and high commission . 261 

637 John Hampden refuses to pay the revived tax of ship-money . . ibid. 

The cause is brought before the twelve judges ibid. 

Substance of the pleadings ........ ibid. 

Sentence is pronounced in favour of the crown ..... 262 

Discontents both in England and Scotland . . . . . . ibid. 

Innovations in the religion of the northern kingdom .... ibid. 

A popular tumult at Edinburgh . 265 

People of all ranks join in petitions against the liturgy . . . ibid. 

1638 Their request being refused, they enter into a SOLEMN COVENANT . 266 

The nature of that convention ibid. 

The king makes various concessions, but refuses to abolish episcopacy . 267 
The Scots persist in maintaining the covenant ..... ibid. 

1639 Episcopacy is abolished by an act of the general assembly . . . ibid. 
The Scottish mal-contents resolve to maintain their religious opinions 

by arms ibid. 

The king prepares to enforce their obedience 268 

They prudently crave leave to negotiate 269 

Charles concludes a conditional pacification with them . . . ibid. 

The covenanters again take the field 270 

1640 The king re-assembles the English parliament ibid. 

VOL. ii. a 



xviii CONTENTS. 

A.D. PAGE 

The commons refuse to vote supplies unless grievances be redressed . 270 

Charles dissolves the parliament 271 

His forces are routed by the covenanters at Newburn upon Tyne . ibid. 

The Scots take possession of Newcastle ibid. 

The king again negotiates with them 272 

Meeting of the Long Parliament [Nov. 3] ibid. 

Impeachment of the earl of Strafford 273 

The commons pass many extraordinary votes ..... 274 

They make furious attacks upon the established religion . . . 275 

Bring in a bill prohibiting clergymen from the exercise of all civil offices 276 

It is rejected by the peers 277 

1641 Enactment of a law for preventing the discontinuance of parliaments 

beyond three years ibid. 

Trial of Strafford 2?8 

His able and eloquent defence ibid. 

Intimidated by the threats of the populace, the peers pass a bill of at- 
tainder against him 281 

The king, after a violent mental struggle, assents to it . . . . 282 

Execution of the earl ibid. 

His character 283 

Abolition of the courts of high commission and star-chamber . . ibid. 

Charles repairs to Scotland, to settle the government of that kingdom . 284 



LETTER V. 

History of Great Britain and Ireland, from the Execution of the Earl of 
Strafford to the Beginning of the Great Rebellion, in 1642. 

Encroachments of the Scottish parliament on the royal prerogative . 285 

Settlement of Scotland ibid. 

Retrospective view of the affairs of Ireland ibid. 

Rise of the rebellion in that kingdom 286 

Cruel massacre of the Protestants 288 

The remains of the Protestants take refuge in Dublin .... ibid. 

The English Catholics join the Irish 289 

The king imprudently commits to the English parliament the suppres- 
sion of the Irish rebellion 290 

The commons, under pretence of so doing, provide themselves with arms 

to be employed against their sovereign ibid. 

They frame an acrimonious remonstrance ibid. 

The king publishes an answer to it . . . . . . . ibid. 

The commons manifest, by new usurpations, their purpose of subverting 

both the church and monarchy ....... 292 

Form a party among the lords ibid. 

Rise of the party names of ROUNDHEADS and CAVALIERS, with the cha- 
racter of the parties they were designed to mark .... 293 

Twelve bishops are confined ........ 294 

1642 The king orders his attorney-general to enter an accusation of higli 

treason against lord Kimbolton and five commoners . . . 295 

Imprudence of that measure ........ ibid. 

He sends a serjeant at arms to the house of commons to demand the five 

accused members .......... ibid. 

He goes to the house of commons in hopes of surprising them ; but they 

had withdrawn 296 

They take refuge in the city ibid. 

Affected fears of the commons and citizens ibid. 

Charles seeks to appease the commons by the most humble submissions 297 

The popular members inflame the public discontents .... 298 

Petitions for redress of grievances are presented to the parliament by 

all orders of men in the state ....... ibid. 

The leaders of opposition acquire a majority in both houses . . . 299 



CONTENTS. xix 

A.D. PAOE 

They aim at the command of the militia 300 

The king evades their demand ........ ibid. 

His firm reply to their farther importunities 301 

He removes with his two sons to York 302 

The commons frame an ordinance, usurping the command of the whole 

military force .......... ibid. 

A variety of memorials, declarations, and remonstrances, are published 

by both parties 303 

The parliamentarians openly enlist troops, and confer the chief command 

on the earl of Essex <*.;;:: ' ibid. 

Charles rouses his adherents to arms ....... 304 

The commons propose conditions of peace ...... ibid. 

Their demands amount to an abolition of royal authority . . . ibid. 

The king's animated speech on rejecting such terms .... 305 

He erects the royal standard at Nottingham ibid. 

State of parties at the beginning of the Great Rebellion . . . ibid. 



LETTER VI. 

Account of the Progress of tlie War between the Royalists and the Parlia- 
mentarians, to the Battle of Ncueby, in 1645. 

Advantages on the side of the parliament 306 

The foundation of the king's hopes of success ibid. 

His declaration to his army . . . . . . . . 308 

Battle of Edgehill [Oct. 23] ibid. 

Victory left doubtful, after various turns of fortune .... 309 
Essex retreats to London, and the king advances to Brentford . . 310 
Ineffectual negotiations during the winter . . . . - ' . . ibid. 

1643 Various events of the war ibid. 

Skirmish on Chalgrave-field, where the famous Hampden is mortally 

wounded . . . . .311 

Defeat of the earl of Stamford, by the Cornish royalists, near Stratton . ibid. 

Bloody but indecisive battle of Lansdown-hill 312 

The parliamentary forces, under Waller, are totally routed on Round- 
way-down ........... ibid. 

Prince Rupert undertakes the siege of Bristol 313 

He makes himself master of that city . . i . . . . ibid. 

The royalists form the siege of Gloucester 314 

The king publishes a manifesto, expressive of his earnest desire of peace ibid. 
Plan for the same purpose, privately concerted by Waller, Tomkins, and 

Chaloner . . . . . ibid. 

It is discovered . . . . . . .'.. . . 315 

Measures taken for the relief of Gloucester ...... ibid. 

Gallant defence of Massey, the governor . ''' . . ibid. 

Essex obliges the king to raise the siege 316 

Battle of Newbury [Sept. 20] ibid. 

Death and character of lord Falkland ibid. 

Operations in the northern counties 317 

SOLEMN LEAGUE and COVENANT between the English and Scottish par- 
liaments 318 

The Scots enter England with a great army 319 

Retrospective view of the affairs of Ireland ...... ibid. 

The king gives orders for concluding a truce with the Catholics, and 

transporting to England part of the Protestant army . . . 320 
1644 Defeat of that army at Nantwich ........ ibid. 

Progress of the Scots in the North of England 321 

Battle of Marston-moor [July 2] ibid. 

The royalists are routed ... ibid. 

York surrenders to the army of the parliament, and Newcastle is taken 

by the Scots 322 

The king gains an advantage at Cropedy- bridge .... 323 

He meets with success in Cornwall ibid. 

a2 



XX 



CONTENTS. 



A.D. PAGE 

Second battle of Newbury 323 

Disputes between the Presbyterians and Independents . . . 324 

The distinction between these sects traced . ... ibid. 



The heads of the two parties .... 
The Independents aim at the command of the sword 
Hypocritical artifices are employed for that purpose 
The Self-denying Ordinance .... 

Characters of sir Thomas Fairfax and Oliver Cromwell 

formation of the army 

1645 Trial and execution of Archbishop Laud 
Negotiations at Uxbridge 



fho change the 



325 
326 

ibid. 
327 

328 
ibid. 

329 
ibid. 



Account of the marquis of Montrose 

His success against the covenanters in Scotland . 

Decline of the king's affairs in England, and its causes . . . ibid. 

The king relieves Chester, and takes Leicester ..... 331 

Battle of Naseby [June 14] . ' . . ; . .... .332 

Gallant behaviour of the king ibid. 

He is totally defeated 333 



LETTER VII. 

Of the Affairs of England, from the Battle of Nasely to the Execution of 
Charles I., and the Subversion of the Monarchy, in 1649. 

The parliamentary generals reduce almost every place of importance in 

England . ibid. 

Montrose is routed at Philiphaugh 334 

Rigour of the covenanters ...."..... 335 

Deplorable situation of the king during the winter .... ibid. 

1646 Defeat of Astley, and ruin of the royal cause ibid. 

The king seeks refuge in the Scottish camp at Newark . . . 336 

1647 The Scots deliver him up to the English parliament .... 337 
Quarrel between the army and the parliament ..... ibid. 
That quarrel is inflamed by Cromwell, Ireton, and Fleetwood . . 338 
The king is seized by Joyce, and conducted to the rendezvous of the army ibid. 

Cromwell, the author of that bold measure 339 

The parliament becomes obnoxious to the body of the people . . ibid. 

It is obliged to submit to the demands of the army .... 340 

Proposals are sent to the king by the council of officers . . . ibid. 

Complete triumph of the military over the civil power . . . 342 

The king derives a temporary advantage from this revolution . . ibid. 

Cromwell artfully alarms him for his personal safety .... 343 

He privately retires to the Isle of Wight ibid. 

He find himself there a prisoner 344 

Cromwell proceeds to remedy the disorders of the army . . . ibid. 
He effectually accomplishes his purpose, and resolves on the destruction 

of the king, as necessary to the security of his usurped power . . 345 

He secretly convokes a council of officers ...... ibid. 

In that council is started the project of bringing Charles to the block for 

his pretended tyranny ......... 346 

Measures are concerted for making the parliament adopt that scheme . ibid. 

1648 It is voted that no more addresses be made to the king . . . 347 

The Scots enter into engagements with Charles ibid. 

Distracted state of the nation ibid. 

The Scots, invading England, are routed by Cromwell, and all the English 

insurgents subdued 343 

The Presbyterians in parliament attempt to conclude a treaty with the king ibid. 
They are excluded from that assembly by a party of soldiers under colonel 

Pride [Dec. 6] ibid. 

The commons appoint a committee to bring in a charge of high treason 

against the king ibid. 



CONTENTS. xxi 

A.D. PAGE 

The vote to this purport is rejected by the lords 349 

1649 The trial is nevertheless ordered [Jan. 4] ibid. 

Cromwell's speech on the occasion ibid. 

Colonel Harrison brings the king to London ibid. 

The form of his trial , " ibid. 

His magnanimous behaviour, and masterly defence .... 350 

He is sentenced to be decapitated . . . . , . 351 

His unhappy fate ibid. 

Grief and astonishment of the nation 353 

Character of Charles 354 

Exchange of the monarchy for a republic . . . . . . 355 



LETTER VIII. 



A general View of the European Continent, from tjie Peace of Westphalia in 
1648, to the Pyrenean Treaty in 1659, and the' Peace of Oliva in 1660. 

1648 The civil dissensions in France are fomented by cardinal de Retz . 356 

He draws the parliament of Paris into his views ibid. 

Anne of Austria, the queen regent, is governed by cardinal Mazarine . 357 

1649 Distress of the royal family ibid. 

Mazarine is declared by the parliament an enemy to the kingdom . ibid. 

Absurd levity of the French nation 358 

1650 Conde and other princes of the blood are arrested .... ibid. 

1651 The duke of Bouillon, and his brother Turenne, are detached from the 

malcontent party 359 

1652 Battle of St. Antoine . . . ". ". .. .,:.' . . . ibid. 

1653 A popular tumult 360 

Louis XIV. dismisses Mazarine ibid. 

1655 The cardinal is reinstated in the administration ibid. 

Progress of the Spanish arms during the civil wars in France . . ibid. 

1656 Turenne forces the Spanish lines at Arras . . . . . . 361 

The French are routed before Valenciennes . . . . . ibid. 

Masterly retreat of Turenne . . . . . . . ibid. 

Character of that accomplished general 362 

1658 The Spaniards are defeated by the English and French near Dunkirk . ibid. 
Dunkirk surrenders, and is assigned to England ibid. 

1659 Peace of the Pyrenees . . .363 

1661 Death and character of cardinal Mazarine ....... ibid. 

Affairs of Germany, Poland, and the northern kingdoms ... . 364 

Tranquillity of the empire ......... ibid. 

Death of Ferdinand III. and accession of his son Leopold [A.D. 1657] ibid. 

Sweden under the government of Christina, daughter of Gustavus Adolphus ibid. 

Her passion for literature hurtful to her administration . . . ibid. 

1654 She resigns the crown . . . .'/."". .... .365 

Accession of her cousin, Charles X 366 

1656 After residing some time in Italy, she visits France .... ibid. 

1657 She orders Monaldeschi, her favourite, to be assassinated . . . 367 
Returns to Rome, and there passes the remainder of her life . . ibid. 

Retrospective view of the affairs of Poland ibid. 

Of Russia 368 

Success of Charles X. in Poland [A.D. 1655] ibid. 

Combination against that ambitiou (monarch 369 

1658 Treaty of Roschild . ibid. 

Renewal of hostilities . . ..... ibid. 

1668 Death of Charles . . . . . >- . . . ibid. 
Treaty of Oliva . . ibid. 



xxii CONTENTS. 



LETTER IX. 

History of the Commonwealth of England to the Death of Oliver Cromwell; 
with an Account of the A/airs of Scotland, Ireland, and Holland. 

A.D. PARE 

1649 Progress of Cromwell's ambition ... . . . . . 370 

State of England ibid. 

Commonwealth parliament ibid. 

Council of state ibid. 

The prince of Wales assumes the title of Charles II 371 

The covenanters declare him king of Scotland ibid. 

Retrospective view of the affairs of Ireland ibid. 

The marquess of Ormond concludes a treaty with the council of Kil- 
kenny [A.D. ]646] 372 

Delivers up Dublin, and other fortified towns, to colonel Jones, who takes 

possession of them in the name of the English parliament [A.D. 1647] ibid. 

A combination is formed for the support of the royal authority in Ireland 

[A.D. 1648] 373 

Ormond again takes possession of the government .... ibid. 

Cromwell is named lord-lieutenant of Ireland by the English parliament 374 

The royalists are routed in attempting to form the siege of Dublin . ibid. 

Cromwell takes Drogheda by storm, and puts the garrison to the sword . ibid. 

The whole island submits to him * v - 3?5 

1660 Charles II. agrees to the rigorous terms of the Scottish covenanters . 376 

New enterprise of the marquess of Montrose ..... ibid. 

He is defeated and made prisoner 377 

His magnanimous speech to the Scottish parliament .... ibid. 

He is condemned to be hanged at the cross of Edinburgh . . . 378 

His death and character . ibid. 

Arrival of Charles in Scotland . ... . . .379 

His submission to various indignities ibid. 

His English enemies make vigorous preparations for the invasion of 

Scotland 380 

Cromwell is appointed commander-in-chief 381 

He triumphs over the Scots at Dunbar 382 

He makes himself master of Leith and Edinburgh .... ibid. 

1651 Charles is crowned at Scone 383 

He boldly marches into England with a Scottish army .... 384 

Battle of Worcester ibid. 

The royalists are routed, and the king is obliged to attempt his escape 

in disguise ibid. 

He conceals himself in the character of a peasant .... 385 

For greater security ascends a spreading oak ibid. 

Entrusts himself to colonel Wyndham of Dorsetshire .... ibid. 

Loyalty and generosity of that gentleman and his family . . . ibid. 

Charles embarks in a small vessel at Shoreham, and arrives safely in 

Normandy 386 

Every place in the dominions of Great Britain and Ireland submits to 

the Commonwealth of England ibid. 

Retrospective view of the affairs of Holland ibid. 

The Dutch abolish the dignity of stadtholder 387 

St John, the English envoy, fails in an attempt to form a coalition be- 
tween the two republics ibid. 

The ACT <TF NAVIGATION ibid. 

Its purport and political operation ibid. 

Naval war between England and Holland 388 

1652 Blake, the English admiral, is defeated by the Dutch fleet, under 

Van Tromp and De Ruyter ibid. 

But he obtains a signal victory over them off Portland . . . 389 

1653 The English parliament is dissolved by Cromwell .... ibid. 
His behaviour on that occasion ........ ibid. 



CONTENTS. xxiii 

A.D. PAGE 

He remains possessed of the whole civil and military power of England, 

Scotland, and Ireland 390 

Account of the early part of Cromwell's life 391 

State of sects and parties in England, when he assumed the reins of 

government 392 

His attention to the Millennarians ~. ... . . . ibid. 

He summons a parliament of enthusiasts ...... 393 

Dissolves it } 394 

Instrument of government ......... ibid. 

Oliver Cromwell is declared protector . 4 . . . . ibid. 

Defeat of the Dutch by Monk and Dean 395 

Renewed success of Monk . . . . ... . . 396 

Death of Van Tromp ibid. 

1654 The Dutch purchase peace by concessions ...... ibid. 

Cromwell summons a free parliament ibid. 

1655 He dissolves it 397 

Conspiracy against his authority crushed . t . ' . . . ibid. 

His arbitrary but vigorous government . . . - ; . " . . ibid. 

War with Spain " ! , . .398 

Conquest of Jamaica 399 

165? Destruction of the Spanish fleet in the bay of Santa Cruz . . . 400 

New parliament [1656] . ibid. 

A bill is voted for investing the protector with the dignity of king . ibid. 

He finds himself under the necessity of rejecting that dignity . . ibid. 

Humble petition and advice 401 

1658 Cromwell attempts to constitute a house of peers .... ibid. 

The commons refuse to acknowledge the authority of that house . . ibid. 

The protector dissolves the parliament 402 

Several conspiracies are formed against him ibid. 

His dread of assassination . . . . , . . . . ibid. 

His death and character ......... 403 



LETTER X. 

Continuation of the History of the Commonwealth of England, from the Death 
of Cromwell to the Restoration of the Monarchy. 

Richard Cromwell, the new protector, finds himself involved in difficulties 405 

I Cabal of Wallingford-House . .406 

Richard resigns the protectorship ibid. 

His feeble but amiable character ibid. 

Council of officers 407 

They revive the Rump, or remnant of the Long Parliament . . ibid. 

Secret confederacy for the restoration of the royal family . . . 408 
It is discovered, and an insurrection suppressed . . * . ibid. 

Expulsion of the parliament . 409 

Committee of safety . . . * * * . * . ibid. 
Melancholy state of England . . -*- ... ibid. 

Retrospective view of the affairs of Charles i..j .'.-* . ibid. 
Account of general Monk ......... 410 

He collects his forces in Scotland, and declares his intention of marching 

into England . . 411 

Amuses the committee of safety with a show of negotiation . . . ibid. 
Restoration of the parliament . . * <-> ** * ibid. 

General Lambert is sent to the Tower ibid. 

Monk arrives at Westminster, and declares for a free parliament . . ibid. 
The secluded members are restored . . . . \ - 412 

Dissolution of the parliament . *., - ' ibid. 

Secrecy of Monk ibid. 

He reveals his intentions in favour of the king to sir John Granville, 

who had a commission from Charles ibid. 

Escape of Lambert from the Tower * .413 



xxiv CONTENTS. 

A.D. PAGE 

He is taken before he becomes formidable 413 

Sir John Granville presents to the new parliament the king's declara- 
tion from Breda ibid. 

Restoration of Charles II. . 414 



LETTER XI. 

Of the Progress of Navigation, Commerce, and Colonization, from the Begin- 
ning of the Sixteenth to the Middle of the Seventeenth Century. 

Introductory reflections 415 

1519 Voyage of Ferdinand Magellan ibid. 

1520 He passes through the strait called by his name 416 

1521 Discovers the Manillas 417 

Is slain by the natives in the island of Zebu ibid. 

The ships of his squadron touch at the Moluccas ..... ibid. 

1522 The Spanish merchants eagerly engage in a trade with those islands . ibid. 
Jealousy of the Portuguese 418 

1529 Charles V. makes over to the crown of Portugal his claim to the Moluccas ibid. 

1555 Philip II. plants a colony in the Manillas ibid. 

Trade between those islands and the Spanish settlements in America . ibid. 

Extent of the Portuguese dominions in Asia, Africa, and America . 419 

Corruption of their Oriental government ibid. 

1572 The Indian princes confederate against them ..... ibid. 

1594 Philip prohibits all intercourse between Portugal and the United Provinces 420 

Consequences of that prohibition ibid. 

The Dutch turn their eyes towards the East Indies .... ibid. 

1595 Voyage of Cornelius Houtman thither ibid. 

1597 Of Van Neck, who establishes factories in several of the Molucca islands ibid. 

1602 Incorporation of the Dutch East India Company 421 

Admiral Warwick sails to the East with a fleet belonging to that com- 
pany, and founds the city of Batavia ibid. 

War between the Portuguese and Dutch 422 

The Dutch gradually strip the Portuguese of all their settlements in the 

East, except Goa ibid. 

They also possess for a time the Portuguese settlements in Brasil . ibid. 

Rise of the English East India Company [A.D. 1600] .... ibid. 

Successful voyage of captain James Lancaster ..... ibid. 

Disadvantages of the English in India 423 

1616 They send thither ships of force ibid. 

Erect forts, and establish factories, in Amboyna, Banda, and other islands ibid. 

The Dutch endeavour to dispossess them ibid. 

Engagements in the Indian Ocean between the ships of the two nations 424 

1619 Peace between the two companies ibid. 

1623 Cruelty of the Dutch at Amboyna ibid. 

The English are obliged to abandon the trade of the Spice Islands to 

their perfidious and inhuman rivals ibid. 

Low state of the trade of the company during the reign of Charles I. . ibid. 

It revives under the Commonwealth, but decays under Charles II. . 425 

Early discoveries of the English in North America .... ibid. 

Voyage of sir Francis Drake round the world [A. D. 1577] . . ibid. 

Sir Walter Raleigh projects the settlement of Virginia [A.D. 1584] . ibid. 

London and Plymouth companies [A.D. 1606] 426 

Erection of James- Town in Virginia ....... ibid. 

Rapid progress of that colony ibid. 

1632 Settlement of Maryland ibid. 

of New England [A.D. 1620] 427 

View of the English settlements in the West Indies .... 428 

1651 Navigation Act ibid. 

Its beneficial consequences . . ..... ibid. 

Great increase of the English colonial trade ..... 429 

State of the French colonies, and also of those of Spain . . . ibid. 



CONTENTS. 



LETTER XII. 



A general View of the Affairs of Europe, with a particular Account of those of 
England, from the Restoration of Charles //., in 1660, to the Triple 
Alliance, in 1668. 



A.D. PAGE 

16CO Introductory reflections 430 

Great popularity of Charles II. of England at his restoration, and his 

eminent political situation among the powers of Europe . . . ibid. 

His prudent choice of his principal servants 431 

General act of indemnity 432 

Trial and execution of some of the regicides ...... ibid. 

State of the church ...... ." . -,;. ;-.-.'! . . 433 

Dissolution of the Convention parliament ibid. 

1661 New parliament favourable to episcopacy and monarchical power . . ibid. 

1662 Act of Uniformity 434 

Rigour of the high-church party . . . . .. *.". . ibid. 

Ejection of the Presbyterian clergy ....... ibid. 

The king and his brother, from a desire of favouring the Catholics, form 

a plan of a general toleration .....'.. 435 

Declaration to that purpose ibid. 

The scheme is opposed by the parliament, and laid aside . . . ibid. 

The Presbyterians are persecuted in Scotland 43t 

The king's marriage ibid. 

Sale of Dunkirk . . . ibid. 

1664 War with the United Provinces ... . ibid. 

State of the affairs of that republic 437 

Character of the pensionary De Wit ibid. 

Great naval preparations of England and Holland .... 438 

1665 The Dutch are defeated by the English fleet under the duke of York . 439 
The plague rages in London ........ ibid. 

France and Denmark league with the United Provinces against England . ibid. 

1666 Memorable sea-fight 440 

Another naval engagement, in which Rupert and Albemar le are victorious 441 

Fire of London 443 

State of religion in Scotland . . . ... . . . . 444 

Insurrection of the Presbyterians ........ ibid. 

Victory over them ibid. 

State of Ireland 445 

1667 Act of the English parliament, prohibiting the importation of Irish cattle 446 

That law ultimately beneficial to Ireland 447 

Negotiations at Breda ibid. 

The Dutch burn some English ships in the Medway * ibid. 

Consternation of the city of London ....... 448 

Peace of Breda ibid. 

Impeachment and banishment of the minister Clarendon . . . 449 

His character ibid. 

Retrospective view of the state of France and Spain .... ibid. 

Character of Louis XIV ibid. 

Dangerous greatness of the French monarchy ..... 450 

Examples of the arrogance of Louis ....... ibid. 

His claims upon the Spanish monarchy . . ... . 451 

Feeble administration of the regent of Spain ...... ibid. 

The king of France invades the Spanish Netherlands .... ibid. 

His rapid progress excites general terror 452 

1668 Triple alliance the consequence of that terror [Jan.] .... ibid. 
France and Spain are equally displeased at the terms of this league . 453 

Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle [May] ibid. 

Independence of Portugal acknowledged 454 



xx vi CONTENTS, 



LETTER XIII. 



The general View of tlie Affairs of Europe continued, from the Treaty of 
Aix-la-Chapelle in 1668, to the Peace of Nimeguen in 1678. 

A.D. PAGE 

Preliminary remarks .......... 455 

Retrospective view of the affairs of Hungary 456 

The Hungarian nobles revolt, and crave assistance of the Turks . . ibid. 

1669 The Turks reduce the island of Candia ...... ibid. 

Louis XIV. meditates the conquest of the United Provinces . . . 457 
Charles II. gives up his mind to arbitrary counsels ibid. 

Concludes a secret treaty with France ....... 458 

1670 Mock treaty intended to conceal the real one . * . . ibid. 
Death of the duchess of Orleans . . . . . . . .459 

Rise of the duchess of Portsmouth ibid. 

The French monarch subdues Lorrain ...... ibid. 

The king of England obtains a very large supply from his parliament . 460 

1671 He shuts the exchequer ibid. 

16?2 Exercises several acts of arbitrary power . . . 461 

Attempt upon the Dutch Smyrna fleet ibid. 

France and England declare war against Holland . ; . ibid. 

Defenceless state of the United Provinces i ' . . . . . 462 

Account of William III. prince of Orange 463 

De Wit and De Ruyter engage the combined fleets of France and England 

near Southwold bay [May 28] 464 

Desperate valour of the earl of Sandwich ibid. 

Furious combat between De Ruyter and the duke of York . . . 465 
Louis enters the United Provinces at the head of a great army . . ibid. 
Famous passage of the Rhine ........ ibid. 

Progress of the French arms . . . . ; . . . 466 

Distracted state of the United Provinces ibid. 

The sluices are opened, and the country inundated .... 467 
The prince of Orange is declared stadtholder [July 5] . . . .468 

Massacre of the De Wits ibid. 

Magnanimous behaviour of the prince of Orange ibid. 

Heroic resolution of the Dutch 469 

The kings of France and England endeavour to corrupt the young 

stadtholder ibid. 

He rejects their tempting offers 470 

Circumstances that contributed to save the republic of Holland . . ibid. 

1673 Meeting of the English parliament ibid. 

The king's declaration of liberty of conscience ..... ibid. 
He finds himself under the necessity of recalling it .... 471 

The Test Act ibid. 

Three indecisive engagements between the Dutch fleet and those of 

France and England ibid. 

Death of Spragge, one of the English commanders .... 472 
Louis is obliged to abandon his conquests in the United Provinces . ibid. 
The emperor and the king of Spain sign an alliance with the states-general 473 

1674 Peace between England and Holland ibid. 

Charles offers his mediation to the contending powers .... 474 
Sir William Temple is appointed ambassador to the states . . . ibid. 
His conference with the king before his departure .... ibid. 
He combats the arbitrary principles of Charles ..... ibid. 
He finds the states and their allies eager for the prosecution of the war 475 

Vigorous exertions of Louis . . 476 

He subdues the province of Franche Comptd ibid. 

Bloody but indecisive battle of Seneffe ibid. 

Rapid progress of Turenne 477 

His cruelties in the Palatinate ibid. 

1675 Masterly movements of Montecuculi and Turenne on the side of Germany 478 



CONTENTS. xxvii 

A.D. PAGE 

Death of Turenne . . . . .- c . ..... . 479 

Treves is taken by the confederates ibid. 

] 676 The king of England concludes a new secret treaty with Louis . . ibid. 

He becomes a pensioner of France ....... ibid. 

The prince of Orange is obliged to raise the siege of Maestricht . . ibid. 

The imperialists take Philipsburg . . . ' . . . . ibid. 

Louis grows formidable by sea ........ ibid. 

The French defeat the Spaniards and Dutch off Palermo . . . 481 

Fall of De Ruyter . . . ' . , . . . ibid. 

Congress of Nimeguen . . . * , . . . . ibid. 

1677 Great success of the French arms .'.','.. . . . 482 

Surprisal of Valenciennes ......... ibid. 

The prince of Orange is defeated at Mount-Cassel, and Cambray and St. 

Omers are reduced ibid. 

The commons solicit the king to enter into a league, offensive and defen- 
sive, with the states-general ........ 483 

Charles evades their request . . '.'" . ibid. 

His prodigality and disingenuousness . . . ... . 484 

Distracted and declining state of Spain ...... ibid. 

Her misfortunes increase on every side ...... ibid. 

The duke of Luxemburg baffles the schemes of the prince of Orange . ibid. 

Crequi defeats the views of the duke of Lorrain ibid. 

Distressed condition of France, in consequence of her great naval and 

military efforts 485 

The prince of Orange comes over to England, and marries the king's niece ibid. 

Scheme of a general pacification 486 

1678 Progress of the French arms 48? 

Intrigues of Louis in England and in Holland ibid. 

Venality of Charles and of his parliament ibid. 

The Dutch conclude at Nimeguen a separate treaty with France . . 488 

The other powers are obliged to accept the conditions dictated by Louis ibid. 

Stipulations in the treaty of Nimeguen \ ibid. 

Ineffectual attempts to render it void . . . . . . . 489 

Vast power of the French monarch . . '. . . . . ibid. 



LETTER XIV. 



History of England,from the Popish Plot in 1678, to the Death of Charles II., 
with a retrospective View of the Affairs of Scotland. 

Great dread of popery and arbitrary power in England . . . ibid. 

Retrospective view of the affairs of Scotland 490 

1668 Various measures are tried, in order to bring the people over to episcopacy ibid. 
Their horror against that mode of worship remains .... ibid. 
Wild enthusiasm of the Presbyterian teachers ..... ibid. 

1669 Despotic administration of the earl of Lauderdale . 491 
He renders the king's authority absolute in Scotland .... ibid. 

1670 Severe law against conventicles * * ; % . ., . . ibid. 
They continue to be frequented ........ ibid. 

Landlords are required to engage for the conformity of their tenants . ibid. 

1678 Troops are quartered on the gentlemen of the western counties, for re- 
fusing to sign bonds to that purport *- . . . . 492 
Their barbarous rapacity and unfeeling violence ..... ibid. 
England is thrown into consternation by the rumour of a Popish Plot . 493 
Account of Titus Oates, the chief actor in this horrid imposture . . ibid. 
Character of Dr. Tonge, his patron . * , .. . k^. ' - ibid. 

The king slights his pretended discoveries 494 

Tonge and Oates are examined before the privy council . . . ibid. 

Substance of Oates's evidence ........ ibid. 

Many Catholics are taken into custody 495 

Murder of sir Edmundbury Godfrey k ibid. 



CONTENTS. 



A.D. PAGE 

A general belief of the Popish plot prevails 496 

Several peers are impeached of high treason 497 

Coleman and other catholics are put to death ibid. 

New Test Act . . ... . . . . . . ibid. 

Oates is rewarded with a pension, and is considered as the saviour of the 

nation 498 

Accusation of the lord treasurer Danby ibid. 

His defence 499 

The lords vote against his commitment . . . . . . ibid. 

The commons insist on it ibid. 

1679 The king dissolves the parliament in order to save his minister . . ibid. 
He orders the duke of York to retire to the continent .... 500 
Character of James, duke of Monmouth, natural son of Charles II. . ibid. 
He is flattered by the earl of Shaftesbury with the hopes of succeeding to 

the crown ........... ibid. 

The king makes a solemn declaration of the illegitimacy of Monmouth . 501 
On the meeting of a new parliament, the commons revive their prosecution 

of Danby ibid. 

He is committed to the Tower ibid. 

Charles changes his ministers, and admits some of the popular leaders 

into the privy council ibid. 

The commons remain dissatisfied ........ 502 

They frame a bill for excluding the duke of York from the succession to 

the crown ibid. 

Dispute between the lords and commons ibid. 

The king makes it a pretext for a dissolution 503 

Character of this parliament ibid. 

Act of Habeas Corpus passed by it ibid, 

The rage against popery in England encourages the Scottish Covenanters 

in their fanaticism . ......... ibid. 

Murder of archbishop Sharpe 504 

The Covenanters are more severely persecuted ..... ibid. 

They have recourse to arms ......... ibid. 

Are routed by the duke of Monmouth at Bothwell-bridge . . . 505 

The government of Scotland is committed to the arbitrary duke of York ibid. 

Spirit of party still rages in England ....... ibid. 

Rise of the names of Whig and Tory ibid. 

1680 Violence of the new parliament ibid. 

The bill for excluding the duke of York from the throne passes the lower 

house, but is rejected by the lords 506 

The commons revive the impeachment of the Popish lords . . . ibid. 

Trial, condemnation, and execution of the viscount Stafford . . . ibid. 

Factious votes and furious resolutions of the commons .... ibid. 

1681 The king dissolves the parliament 507 

Personal character of Charles ........ ibid. 

Review of his public conduct 508 

The violence of the commons increases the number of his friends among 

the people ........... ibid. 

He summons a parliament at Oxford 509 

The elections are favourable to the Whigs ibid. 

Confidence of the popular leaders ........ ibid. 

Firmness and vigour of the king 510 

The commons, not overawed, revive the inquiry into the Popish plot, 

and the bill of exclusion ........ ibid. 

The king consents to the exclusion of the duke on certain conditions . ibid. 

The commons reject his scheme with disdain ibid. 

He dissolves the parliament ........ ibid. 

Consternation of the popular leaders ibid. 

Charles concludes a secret money-treaty with France, and publishes a 

vindication of his conduct toward the parliament . . . . 511 

Addresses full of loyalty and duty are showered upon him . . . ibid. 
He makes a tyrannical use of this revolution of the sentiments of the 

nation in his favour . . . . . . -. . . ibid. 

He persecutes the Protestant dissenters . . .,-, . ibid. 



CONTENTS. xxix 

A.D. PAGE 

1682 Writ of Quo Warranto issued against the city of London, and its charter 

declared to be forfeited . . 512 

1G83 Charter restored under certain restrictions ibid. 

Almost all the corporations in England receive new charters fabricated 

by the court . . . . . . . . . . . 513 

Account of the Rye-house plot . . . *,.. .-/ .... ibid. 

It is discovered ........... 514 

Lord Russell and Algernon Sidney suffer death for their spirited zeal in 

behalf of their country ibid. 

The doctrine of unlimited passive obedience is openly taught . . ibid. 
IG84 The perversion of justice is carried to a great excess . . . .515 

1685 The king's sudden illness and death . .... .... -. . ibid. 

Sketch of his character . . . ibid. 

Conjectures concerning his religion . . ... ;'.'. . . 516 



LETTER XV. 

A general View of the Affairs of the Continent, from the Peace of Nimeguen 
in 1678, to the League of Augsburg in 1687. 

1678 Louis XIV. supports a vast army in time of peace, and domineers over 

other powers 517 

1681 He gains possession of Strasburg ibid. 

His arrogance in regard to the Low Countries ..... 518 

1683 He blockades Luxemburg ibid. 

The Emperor Leopold is harassed by the Hungarian insurgents, and by 

the Turks ibid. 

He forms a league with John Sobieski, king of Poland . . . ibid. 

His territories are invaded by a very numerous army .... 519 

He abandons his capital ......... ibid. 

Vienna is besieged ..'.'. . . ibid. 

The king of Poland comes to his relief ibid. 

The Turks are routed, and abandon the siege with the utmost precipitation ibid. 

They are again defeated ibid. 

1684 The king of France makes himself master of Luxemburg, Courtray, and 

Dixmude 520 

He concludes an advantageous treaty with Spain and the empire . . ibid. 

Great naval power of Louis ......... ibid. 

He employs it honourably, in humbling the piratical states of Barbary . 521 
He also humbles the Genoese, for having supplied the Algerines with 

ordnance and ammunition ........ ibid. 

He sustains a great loss in the death of Colbert, his prime minister . ibid. 

View of Colbert's administration of the finances ..... ibid. 

He encouraged the industry and ingenuity of the French Protestants . 522 

They are persecuted after his death . . ... . . ibid. 

1685 Revocation of the edict of Nantes [Oct. 23] ibid. 

Multitudesof the Protestants make their escape into foreign countries, and 

carry with them their wealth, and their skill in ingenious manufactures 523 

1687 Louis quarrels with Innocent XL, and triumphs over him . . . ibid. 

He awakens the resentment of Leopold ...... 524 

A league is formed at Augsburg for restraining the ambition of the 

French monarch ibid. 



LETTER XVI. 

History of Great Britain and Ireland during the Reign of James If. 

Introductory reflections 525 

1685 James begins his reign with declaring his resolution to maintain the 

established religion and government . .... ibid. 



xxx CONTENTS. 

A.D. PAGE 

Discovers his intention of overturning both ...... 526 

His imperious speech to his first parliament ..... ibid. 

The English and Scottish parliaments are liberal and complaisant to him 527 

A conspiracy is formed against his authority ibid. 

The earl of Argyle rebels 528 

But he is deserted by his followers, made prisoner, and immediately 

executed ibid. 

The duke of Monmouth takes up arms in the West of England, and 

assumes the title of king 529 

He attacks the king's forces at Sedgemoor near Bridgewater . . ibid. 

Is defeated and beheaded 530 

Cruelty of the earl of Feversham towards the rebels .... ibid. 

And of colonel Kirk ibid. 

Atrocious inhumanity of judge Jeffreys ...... 531 

The king augments the number of regular troops, and dispenses with the 

test act, in favour of some Catholic officers ibid. 

The commons vote against the dispensing power ..... 532 

1686 James dissolves the parliament ibid. 

He supports his dispensing power by the authority of Westminster-hall 533 
He publicly countenances the Catholics, and places some of them at the 

council-board .......... ibid. 

Retrospective view of the affairs of Ireland 534 

Talbot, earl of Tyrconnel, lieutenant-general of the king's forces in that 

kingdom, endeavours to give the Catholics a superiority in the army ibid. 

He is named viceroy ibid. 

The Irish Protestants are filled with consternation .... ibid. 

1687 The king re-establishes the court of high commission, and issues a de- 

claration of general indulgence, or liberty of conscience . . . ibid. 

He despatches the earl of Castlemain to Rome, to reconcile his king- 
doms to the Holy See 535 

He attempts to introduce Catholics into the church and universities . ibid. 

Refusal of the university of Cambridge . . . ibid. 

Affair of Magdalen College, Oxford 536 

It occasions general discontent ibid. 

James endeavours to gain the Protestant dissenters, and to form a coali- 
tion between them and the Catholics ...... 537 

1688 He renews his declaration of indulgence, and orders it to be read in the 

pulpit by all the established clergy ...... ibid. 

Archbishop Sancroft and six other prelates petition against the reading of it ibid. 

They are committed to the Tower ibid. 

Tried and acquitted 538 

Joy of the people on that occasion ibid. 

The violence and bigotry of James continue, and alarm the whole nation 539 

Birth of a prince 540 

The reports of the king's adversaries on that subject are greedily received ibid. 
Coalition of Whigs and Tories, for restoring and securing the English 

constitution ibid. 

William prince of Orange is invited to deliver the nation from popery 

and arbitrary power ibid. 

This flattering request is favoured by the league of Augsburg . . 541 

Infatuated security of king James ....... 542 

The English fleet and army are infected with the spirit of disloyalty . ibid. 

James collects his forces 543 

He endeavours to appease the nation by various concessions . . ibid. 

Preparations of the prince of Orange ibid. 

He puts to sea with a considerable force ...... 544 

And lands in England without opposition ... . ibid. 

Dispersion of the king's fleet . . 545 

An association is formed for the support of the prince of Orange, and 

all England is soon in commotion .... . 546 

The king is deserted by the chief officers of his army . . . 547 

He sends the queen and the prince of Wales into France . . 548 

Quits his palace at midnight . ibid. 

The peers erect themselves into a supreme council . ; . ibid. 



CONTENTS. xxxi 

A.D. PAGE 

They execute several functions of royalty, and invite the prince of 

Orange to settle the affairs of the kingdom 548 

William readily accepts the offer, and advances to Windsor . . . 549 
James re-enters his capital, amidst the loudest acclamations . . ibid. 

But he is ordered by the prince of Orange to retire .... ibid. 

He passes over to France 550 

His character ........... ibid. 

William summons a convention for the settlement of the kingdom . 551 

Progress of the revolution in Scotland 552 

Proceedings of the English convention ...... ibid. 

Dispute concerning the Original Contract between the King and the People ibid. 
Both houses vote that king James had broken the contract . . . 553 
They declare the throne vacant ........ 554 

The prince and princess of Orange are declared king and queen of 

England 555 

BILL OF RIGHTS, and INSTRUMENT OF SETTLEMENT .... ibid. 
The grand struggle between Privilege and Prerogative terminated, and 

the limits of the English constitution fixed ibid. 

Sufficient provision not made against the corrupting influence of the crown 556 



LETTER XVII. 



History of Great Britain and Ireland, from the Revolution in 1688, to the 
Assassination Plot in 1696. 

New separation of parties ' ' 557 

Character of the Whigs, Tories, and Jacobites ibid. 

Act of Toleration ' ' ' .. . 558 

The Presbyterian religion is re-established in Scotland . . . ibid. 

State of Ireland ibid. 

The earl of Tyrconnel raises a great body of men .... ibid. 

The Protestants throw themselves into Londonderry, and other strong 

places ...-' t '.. '.- 559 

James lands in Ireland . . . ',. . 560 

His army is reinforced with French troops ...... ibid. 

He assembles the Irish parliament, passes an act of attainder against all 
absconding Protestants, and declares Ireland independent of the 

English crown .......... ibid. 

William gladly agrees to an act of general indemnity .... ibid. 

He declares war against France 561 

Progress of the ambition of Louis XIV. ...... ibid. 

England accedes to the League of Augsburg ibid. 

Lord Dundee collects an army of Highlanders for the support of James ibid. 

General Mackay is sent against him with regular troops . . . ibid. 

Battle of Killicranky ibid. 

Victory gained by the Highlanders ibid. 

Death arid character of lord Dundee . . . . . . 562 

His troops disperse, and all Scotland submits to the authority of William ibid. 

Siege of Londonderry by James 563 

Gallant defence of the Protestants ibid. 

The place is relieved ibid. 

William lands in Ireland ibid. 

Battle of the Boyne [July 1] 564 

James being unsuccessful hastens to France ibid. 

Ashamed of their defeat, the Catholics collect courage, and make a gal- 
lant resistance 565 

William invests Limerick, but is compelled to raise the siege . . ibid. 

The earl of Marlborough reduces Cork and Kinsale .... 566 

Siege of Athlone ibid. 

Baron Ginckel defeats the Irish army at Aghrim .... ibid. 



xxxii CONTENTS. 

A.D. PAGE 

Limerick capitulates, and Ireland renounces the authority of James . 567 

Affairs of England ibid. 

William is disgusted with the convention parliament .... 568 

He dissolves it ........... ibid. 

The Tory leaders in the new parliament gratify his wishes . . . ibid. 

The discontented Whigs enter into cabals with the Jacobites . . ibid. 

1692 Massacre of Glencoe ibid. 

It shocks all Europe 569 

An insurrection is concerted in favour of the dethroned prince . . ibid. 
Irish and French troops are collected in order to co-operate with the 

insurgents . ibid. 

Famous sea-fight off La Hogue 570 

The French fleet is defeated by admiral Russel, and the projected inva- 
sion rendered abortive ibid. 

1693 Corruption of the house of commons 571 

1694 Bill passes for triennial parliaments ....... ibid. 

Death and character of queen Mary ....... ibid. 

Conspiracies are formed against the authority and life of William . 572 
The assassination plot is discovered, and several of the conspirators are 

executed ........... 573 

A new scheme of invasion is baffled ibid. 

James resigns all hopes of recovering the crown 574 



LETTER XVIII. 



Sketch of the Military Transactions on the Continent, from the Beginning of 
the War that followed the League of Augsburg, to the Peace of Ryswick 
in 1697, and of Carlowitz in 1699. 

Character of Leopold . . . . . . . ibid. 

1689 Vigorous exertions of Louis 575 

He ravages the Palatinate with fire and sword ..... ibid. 

The French are defeated at Walcourt by the prince of Waldeck . . 576 
The Turks, the allies of France, are routed in three engagements by the 

Imperialists under the prince of Baden ...... ibid. 

1690 Progress of the marechal de Catinat in Italy ibid. 

Defeat of the Dutch, by the duke of Luxemburg, at Fleurus . . ibid. 

Death and character of the duke of Lorrain 577 

His letter to the emperor on his death-bed ibid. 

Rapid progress of the Turks in Hungary ...... 578 

Sea-fight off Beachy-head ibid. 

The French defeat the combined fleets of England and Holland . . ibid. 

1691 Inactive campaign in Flanders ........ 579 

The Turks are routed at Salankemen by the prince of Baden . . ibid. 

1692 Namur is taken in sight of the allied army under king William . . ibid. 

Battle of Steinkirk 580 

The allies are defeated by the French ibid. 

1693 Louis appears with great pomp at Flanders 581 

But suddenly returns to Versailles, sending part of his army into Germany ibid. 

Conjectures concerning the cause of so unexpected a measure . . ibid. 
The allies are attacked by the duke of Luxemburg at Neerwinden, and 

routed with great slaughter, in spite of their most vigorous efforts, 

directed by the courage and conduct of William .... 582 

Cruelty of the French in Germany ....... 583 

Military operations in Catalonia ibid. 

Battle of Marsaglia, in Piedmont 684 

Naval affairs ibid. 

Misfortune of the Smyrna fleet 585 

A dreadful famine in France .... .... ibid. 

1694 Noailles forces the passage of the river Ter, and defeats the Spaniards . ibid. 



CONTENTS. xxxiii 

A.B. PAGE 

Death of the duke of Luxemburg 586 

1695 William retakes Namur ibid. 

Progress of the Turks, under Mustapha II. . . . ->. -,,,^ **^7 

1696 Congress opened ibid. 

1697 Treaty of llyswick, between France and the allied powers 'bid. 
Battle of Zenta 588 

1699 Peace of Carlowitz, between the grand Signor and the Christian powers ibid. 



LETTER XIX. 

Of the Progress of Society in Europe, from ttie middle of the Sixteenth to 
the End of the Seventeenth Century. 

Francis I., by encouraging ladies to appear publicly at the French court, 

familiarises the intercourse of the sexes 589 

Licentiousness resulting from that familiarity 590 

Gross libertinism of the court of France during the regency of Catherine 

ofMedicis ibid. 

Elegant sensuality of the court of Henry IV ibid. 

Gallantry formed "into a system during the reign of Louis XIII. . . ibid. 

Becomes altogether romantic during the regency of Anne of Austria . ibid. 

French manners attain their highest polish during the reign of Louis XIV. 591 

Origin and consequences of duelling ....... 592 

Rapid progress of arts and literature in France ibid. 

Character of the French writers 593 

State of sculpture, painting, and music, under the sway of Louis . . 594 

The progress of taste and politeness slow in other parts of Europe . ibid. 

Influence of the Reformation in awakening a freedom of thinking . ibid. 

Rise and diffusion of the doctrine of toleration ..... 595 
A right to extirpate error by force universally admitted, even after the 

Reformation 597 

Luther, Calvin, Cranmer, Knox, were persecutors .... ibid. 
More liberal opinions were diffused in Germany and the United Pro- 
vinces after the peace of Westphalia . . . ;; ' i-^v . 598 
Copernicus had discovered, before the sera, the true system of the heavens ibid. 
Galileo confirms and extends the discoveries of Copernicus . . . ibid. 
Influence of the Reformation on government and manners . . . 599 
The people in every Protestant country acquire new privileges . . ibid. 
The popish clergy become more learned, and less exceptionable in their 

morals . . .'"' ' ' J-- ''.'[' ' .' .' . . : . . ibid. 

Institution of the order of Jesuits ' '' '' " -'v .... 600 
They acquire the chief direction of the education of youth in every 

Catholic kingdom, and become confessors to most Catholic princes . 601 
They act as missionaries, and obtain a licence to trade with the nations 

they seek to convert . . . . ''[ " . > !l .- . . ibid. 

They propagate a system of pliant morality . . . ' v {!l ** 602 
Revive those doctrines which tend to exalt ecclesiastical power on the 

civil authority ibid. 

And consider it as their peculiar function to combat the opinions of the 

Protestants ibid. 

State of mannersand literature in England during the reign of Henry VIII. 603 

And also under the government of Elizabeth ibid. 

Genius of Spenser -' ' .' '.- . ibid. 

Character ot his Fairy Queen . . . ;- ' i^ . '', : . ibid. 
Character of the writings of Shakspeare, with reflections on the Three 

Unities . - . ibid. 

Poets and prose writers during the reign of James 1 604 

Extracts from Drayton's Barons' Wars 606 

Extracts from Daniel's Civil War 606 

Progress of the polite arts in England during the earlier part of the 

reign of Charles I ibid. 

fOL. II. b 



xxxiv CONTENTS. 

A.D. PAGE 

Obstructed by the spirit of faction and fanaticism ..... 606 

Account of George Fox, founder of the sect of Quakers . . , . 607 

Extravagances of his followers ibid. 

Blasphemous enthusiasm of James Naylor ...... 608 

Peculiarities of the Quakers 609 

Their pacific character 610 

The force and compass of the English language first fully tried in the 

disputes between the king and parliament ..... ibid. 

The genius of Milton awakened by those disputes ..... ibid. 

Character of his Paradise Lost ........ ibid. 

Character of the Davideis of Cowley 611 

Extract from Cowley's Ode to Liberty ibid. 

Character of Waller ibid. 

Character of Dryden, Lee, and Otway 612 

Licentious manners of the courtiers of Charles II. .... ibid. 

The same licentiousness infests the poets and painters .... ibid. 

A better taste in literature at length prevails ..... 613 

Progress of the sciences in England during the seventeenth century . ibid. 

Character of sir Francis Bacon ibici. 

Establishment of the Royal Society 614 

Wilkins, Wallis, and Boyle make discoveries in natural philosophy . ibid. 

Shaftesbury frames a benevolent system of morals ..... ibid. 

Discoveries of Newton and Locke ....... 615 

Reflections on scepticism ......... ibid. 



LETTER XX. 



A general View of the Affairs of Europe, from the Peace of Ryswick to the 
Grand Alliance in 1701. 

The Spanish succession . . . . , Tl . . . . 616 

Competitors for it ........... ibid. 

1698 First partition-treaty 617 

1700 Second partition-treaty . 618 

Retrospective view of the affairs of the North of Europe . . .619 
Government of the czar Alexis ........ ibid. 

Death of the amiable Theodore [1682] ibid. 

Intrigues of Sophia .... ibid. 

Introduction of absolute monarchy in Denmark [1661] . . . 620 

War between the Danes and Swedes ibid. 

Death of Charles XI. of Sweden [16971 . -621 

Account of the plans and conduct of Peter I. of Russia, afterward sur- 

named the Great .......... ibid. 

He enters into an alliance with the kings of Poland and Denmark, 

against Charles XII. of Sweden 622 

The Danes invest the duchy of Holstein ...... ibid. 

Charles, assisted by a Dutch and English squadron, invades Denmark . 623 

And invests Copenhagen both by sea and land ibid. 

The king of Denmark, in order to save his capital, is obliged to sign the 

treaty of Travendahl 624 

Account of the Scottish colony at Darien ...... ibid. 

The English and Spaniards become jealous of that settlement . . ibid. 

Its utter ruin, and the rage of the Scots 625 

The people of England dissatisfied with the second partition-treaty . ibid. 

The emperor refuses to accede to it . . . . . . . 626 

Charles II. of Spain makes a will in favour of the duke of Anjou, grand- 
son of Louis XIV ibid. 

1701 The succession of the crown of England is settled on the princess Sophia 

of Hanover, and her Protestant heirs ...... 627 

This settlement of the crown is accompanied with certain limitations . ibid. 
Death of the king of Spain . . . .'."". . * . . 628 



CONTENTS. 



XXXV 



PAGE 

The duke of Anjou is crowned at Madrid, under the name of Philip V. 628 

Apology of Louis, for allowing his grandson to accept the Spanish succes- 
sion in violation of the partition-treaty ibid. 

The Spaniards resign themselves entirely to the guardianship of the 

French monarch .......... 629 

The king of England and the Dutch find it necessary to acknowledge 

Philip as sovereign of Spain ibid. 

Leopold alone disputes the title of that prince ..... 630 

He sends an army into Italy to support his claim to the duchy of Milan ibid. 

The French are repulsed at Chiari ** . *< ibid. 

Fruitless negotiations of England and Holland with France . . ibid. 

GRAND ALLIANCE signed by the plenipotentiaries of the emperor, king 

William, and the states-general 631 

The avowed objects of that alliance ibid. 

View of the affairs of the North . I ] t ( 1 ibid - 

Battle of Narva 632 

Charles XII. defeats the Russians with great slaughter . . . ibid. 

The czar Peter not discouraged by this disaster ibid. 

Rapid progress of the king of Sweden ibid. 

He defeats the Poles and Saxons near Riga ...... ibid. 

Forms the project of dethroning the king of Poland .... 633 



THE 

HISTORY 

OF 

MODERN EUROPE. 

PART I. 

FROM THE RISE OF THE MODERN KINGDOMS, TO THE PEACE 

OF WESTPHALIA IN 1648. (Continued.) 



LETTER LXVI. 

Of the Affairs of Poland) Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, 
from the Latter Part of the fourteenth to the Middle of the six- 
teenth Century. 

[THE union of neighbouring states, and the association of com- 
munities of similar origin and manners, have almost uniformly 
been productive of mutual benefit. This was the case with 
Poland and Lithuania, which were united in 1386 by the mar- 
riage of Hedwiga and the grand duke Jagellon. This prince, 
who assumed the name of Ladislaus, endeavoured to render the 
union of the states as advantageous to both as circumstances 
would allow ; but he was unable to effect a complete incorpora- 
tion. The Teutonic knights, who were masters of Prussia, ob- 
structed his views both in politics and religion. They laboured 
to separate the duchy from all connexion with Poland ; and, 
though their order had been instituted for the propagation of 
Christianity, they did not scruple to counteract the efforts of 
the new king for enlightening with that faith the minds of the 
Lithuanians. They were defeated by the Polanders in several 
engagements ; but Ladislaus, having lost a great part of his army 

VOL. II. B 



2 THE HISTORY OF PART r. 

at the siege of Marienburg, gratified them with favourable terms 
of peace. 

His son was that enterprising youth of whose fall in the battle 
of Varna you have already been informed 1 . Casimir IV. was 
then presented with the crown, which he enjoyed for forty-eight 
years. He was successful in a war with the Teutonic knights* 
whom he compelled to cede Pomerania and other territories. 
In his reign the provincial deputies acquired a much greater 
share in legislative acts than the king and the senate had before 
allowed them*. 

In the mean time, the Russians were strenuously endeavour- 
ing to shake off the Tartarian yoke. Their grand duke Deme- 
trius had defeated the barbarians in 1380 ; but he could not 
prevent them from reducing and burning Moscow, the new 
A. D. capital of the state. Timour afterward made his appear- 
1395. a nce in this part of Russia, and threatened the people 
with subjugation ; but he suddenly desisted from his ravages 
and returned into Asia. Under the government of John (or 
Ivan Basilowitz), the Tartars received some rude shocks from 
the vigour of the Russians, whose operations in the field were 
rendered more efficacious by the use of fire-arms and cannon, to 
which their adversaries were unaccustomed. Having subdued 
A. D. several tribes, John attacked the khan of the golden or 
14 77- superior horde, to whom so many of his predecessors had 
been tributary, and freed himself from all subjection to that 
prince. He met with success in another object the reduction 
of Novogorod and other principalities to a state of complete obe- 
dience. Though he had given his daughter in marriage to Alex- 
ander king of Poland, he invaded Lithuania, but was constrained 
by the arms of his son-in-law to retire with disgrace. He was 
A. D. succeeded by his son Basil, who was unfortunate in a war 
1505. w ith Sigismund I. king of Poland. The latter prince, 
who was brave and politic, also baffled the attempts of the Rus- 
sians, in the minority of Basil's son, John the Terrible, though 
they were reinforced by the Moldavians and Wallachians. 

The war between the Russians and Polanders being renewed 
in the reign of Sigismund II., John rushed into Lithuania, and 
marked his course with wanton inhumanity. His troops were 
frequently defeated ; but his army being uncommonly numerous, 
he persisted in hostilities, till the attacks of famine induced him 
to agree to a truce. The same prince not only reclaimed the 

1 See Letter LII. * Matth. Michov. lib. iv. 



LETT. LXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 3 

Tartars of Casan, but subdued those of Astracan ; and, A.D. 
Siberia being accidentally discovered in his time, he added 1*78. 
that extensive territory to his dominions. He established the 
Strelitzes, a military body resembling the Janisaries of Turkey. 
He published a new code of laws, and endeavoured to accelerate 
the progress of his people in arts and civilization ; but, like an 
inconsiderate barbarian, he was too violent in the execution of 
his schemes of reform, and even exercised the most atrocious 
cruelties upon the opposers of his views 1 . 

This potentate was an admirer of our queen Elizabeth, and a 
great encourager of the commerce which had been opened be- 
tween the English and his subjects, in consequence of the 
adventurous voyage of Richard Chancellor into the White Sea, 
where, at the mouth of the Dwina, he discovered the port of 
Archangel. 

Passing from Russia to the Scandinavian territories, I must 
revert to the reign of Margaret, styled the Semiramis of the 
North.] This ambitious princess, not satisfied with the temporary 
possession of the three northern crowns, laboured to render their 
union perpetual. For this purpose, after taking pre- A. D. 
paratory measures, she convoked the states of the three 13 97- 
realms at Calmar; where it was established as a fundamental 
law of the whole, that Sweden, Denmark, and Norway should 
thenceforth have but one and the same sovereign, who should 
be chosen successively by each of these kingdoms, and then 
approved by the other two : that each nation should retain its 
own laws, customs, privileges, and dignities ; and that the natives 
of one kingdom should not be raised to posts of honour or profit 
in another, but should be reputed foreigners, except in their 
own country 2 . 

Margaret survived this union about fifteen years, during which 
she governed with ability and spirit, but treated the Swedes with 
particular rigour. When they complained of her violation of 
their privileges, she insultingly answered, that they might guard 
their supposed rights with the same zeal with which she would 
maintain the fortresses of the realm. 

Though the union of Calmar was apparently well calculated 
for the tranquillity as well as security of the North, it proved 
the source of much discontent, and many barbarous wars. 
The national antipathy between the Swedes and Danes, now 
heightened by national jealousy, was with difficulty restrained 

1 Tooke's Hist, of Russia, vol. i. 2 Meurs. lib. v. 



4 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

by the vigorous administration of the queen, whose partiality to 
the natives of Denmark is said to have been too evident : and 
under her successor Eric, still more unjustly partial to the Danes, 
the Swedes openly revolted, choosing their grand-marshal Charles 
Canutson, descended from the illustrious family of Bonde, which 
had formerly given kings to Sweden, first regent, and afterwards 
king. They returned, however, to their allegiance under 
Christian I. of Denmark. But they soon revolted from this 
prince ; renewed the union of Calmar, under John his successor ; 
revolted a third time ; and were finally subdued by the arms of 
Christian II., who reduced them to the condition of a conquered 
people l . 

The circumstances of the last revolution are sufficiently re- 
markable to merit our attention ; and the consequences by which 
it was followed require a statement of some particulars. 

The Swedes, on revolting from Christian I. had conferred 
the administration of the kingdom on Steen Sture, whose son, of 
the same name, was regent in the sequel. The authority of 
young Sture was acknowledged by the body of the nation, but 
disputed by Gustavus Trolle archbishop of Upsal, and primate 
of Sweden, whose father had been a competitor for the adminis- 
tration, and whom Christian II. had brought over to his interest. 
Besieged in his castle of Stecka, and obliged to surrender, not- 
withstanding the interposition of the Danish monarch, the arch- 
bishop was degraded by the diet, and deprived of all his benefices. 
In his distress he applied to Leo X., who excommunicated the 
regent and his adherents, committing the execution of the bull 
to the king of Denmark. In pursuance of this decree, the Nero 
of the North (as Christian II. is deservedly called) invaded 
Sweden in 1518 with a powerful army ; but, being defeated in a 
great battle, he pretended to treat, and offered to repair to 
Stockholm, in order to confer with the regent, provided six 
hostages were sent. The proposal was accepted, and six of the 
first nobility (among whom was Gustavus Vasa, grand-nephew 
to king Canutson) were put on board of the Danish fleet. These 
hostages Christian carried prisoners to Denmark. In the fol- 
lowing year, a more formidable armament invaded West Goth- 
land ; where Sture, advancing to give battle, fell into an ambus- 
cade, and received a mortal wound. The Swedish army, left 
without a head, first retreated, and afterwards dispersed. The 
senators had not chosen a new regent, when Christian re- 

1 Vcrtot, Rtvolut. de Suede. 



LETT. LXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 5 

appeared in Sweden, and marched towards the capital, wasting 
every thing before him with fire and sword. Stockholm surren- 
dered ; and Gustavus Trolle, resuming his archiepiscopal function, 
crowned the invader king of Sweden 1 . 

This coronation was followed by one of the most tragical 
scenes in the history of the human race. Christian, affecting 
clemency, went to the cathedral, and swore that he would govern 
Sweden, not with the severe hand of a conqueror, but with the 
mild and beneficent disposition of a prince raised to the throne 
by the universal voice of the people ; after which he invited the 
senators and grandees to a sumptuous entertainment, that lasted 
for three days. Meanwhile a plot was formed for extirpating 
the Swedish nobility. On the last day of the feast, to afford some 
pretext for the intended massacre, archbishop Trolle reminded 
the king, that, though his majesty, by a general amnesty, had 
pardoned all past offences, no satisfaction had yet been given 
to the pope ; and he demanded justice in the name of his holi- 
ness. The hall was immediately filled with armed men, who 
secured the guests : the primate proceeded against them as 
heretics ; a scaffold was erected before the gate of the palace ; 
and ninety-four persons of distinction, among whom was Eric 
Vasa, father of the celebrated Gustavus, were publicly put to 
death for defending the liberties of their country. Other bar- 
barities succeeded to these : the rage of the soldiery was let loose 
against the citizens ; and the most atrocious acts of murder were 
committed by order of the inhuman tyrant 2 . 

But Sweden soon found a deliverer and an avenger. Gustavus 
Vasa had escaped from his confinement, and concealed himself, 
in the habit of a peasant, among the mountains of Dalecarlia. 
There, deserted by his sole companion and guide, who carried oft 
his little treasure, bewildered, destitute of every necessary, and 
ready to perish of hunger, he entered himself among the miners, 
and worked under ground for bread, without relinquishing the 
hope of one day ascending the throne of Sweden. Again emerg- 
ing to light, and distinguished among the Dalecarlians by his 
lofty mien, and by the strength and agility of his body, he had 
acquired a considerable degree of ascendancy over them, before 
they were acquainted with his rank. He made himself known 
to them at an annual feast, and exhorted them to assist him in 
recovering the liberties of their country. They listened to him 
with admiration ; they were inflamed with rage against their 

1 Meurs. Loccen. Putfcndorf. * Vertot, Revolut. de Sutde. 



6 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

oppressors ; but they did not resolve to join him, till some of 
the old men among them observed (so inconsiderable often are 
the causes of the greatest events !) that the wind had blown 
directly from the north, from the moment that Gustavus began 
to speak. This they considered as an infallible sign of the ap- 
probation of Heaven, and an order to take up arms under the 
banners of the hero : they already saw the wreath of victory on 
his brow, and begged to be led against the enemy. Gustavus 
did not suffer their ardour to cool. He immediately attacked 
the governor of the province in his castle, took it by assault, and 
sacrificed the Danish garrison to the just vengeance of the Dale- 
carlians. Like animals that have tasted the blood of their prey, 
they were now furious, and fit for any desperate enterprise. 
Gustavus every where saw himself victorious, and gained parti- 
sans in all corners of the kingdom. Every thing yielded to his 
valour and good fortune. His popularity daily increased ; and, 
in 1523, he was elected king of Sweden \ 

The infamous Christian, having rendered himself obnoxious 
by his tyranny even to his Danish subjects, was degraded from 
their throne. The inhabitants of Jutland first renounced his 
authority. They deputed Munce, their chief justice, to signify 
to the tyrant the sentence of deposition. " My name," said 
Munce, glorying in the dangerous commission, " ought to be 
written over the gates of all wicked princes !" and it ought cer- 
tainly to be transmitted to posterity, as a warning both to kings 
and inferior magistrates, of the danger of abusing power. The 
whole kingdom of Denmark acquiesced in the decree ; and 
Christian, hated even by his own officers, and not daring to trust 
any one, retired into the Low Countries, the hereditary domi- 
nions of his brother-in-law, Charles V., whose assistance he had 
long implored in vain J . 

Frederic, duke of Holstein, Christian's uncle, was elected king 
of Denmark and Norway. He aspired also to the sovereignty of 
Sweden ; but, finding Gustavus firmly seated on the throne of 
that kingdom, he did not enforce his claim. He entered into 
an alliance with Gustavus and the Hanse-towns, against the 
deposed king, who, after several unsuccessful attempts to recover 
his crown, died in prison ; a fate too gentle for so barbarous a 
tyrant. 

Frederic was succeeded, in 1533, by his son Christian III., 
one of the most prudent and prosperous princes of his age. He 

1 Loccen. Vertot 2 Vertot 



LETT. LXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 7 

established the Protestant religion at the same time in Denmark 
and Norway, in imitation of the example of Gustavus, who had 
introduced it into Sweden. The doctrines of Luther had spread 
themselves over both kingdoms, and both princes saw the advan- 
tage of retrenching the exorbitant power of the clergy. Christian 
died in 1 559, and Gustavus in 1 560, leaving behind him the glo- 
rious character of a patriot king. He rescued Sweden from the 
Danish yoke by his valour ; he made commerce and arts flourish 
by his wise policy ; and the liberality of his bold and independent 
spirit, by elevating him above vulgar prejudices, enabled him to 
break the fetters of priestly tyranny, and enfranchise the minds 
as well as the bodies of his countrymen. 



LETTER LXVII. 

History of England, Scotland, and France, from the Peace of 
Chateau Cambresis, in 1559, to the Death of Francis II., and 
Return of Mary Queen of Scots to her native Kingdom. 

THE treaty of Chateau Cambresis, my dear Philip, though it 
settled the claims of the contending powers, did not A. D. 
secure permanent tranquillity to Europe. The Protestant 1559. 
opinions had already made considerable progress, both in France 
and the Low Countries ; and Philip and Henry were equally de- 
termined on the extirpation of heresy throughout their dominions. 
The horrors of the inquisition, long familiar to Spain, were not 
only increased in that kingdom, but extended to Italy and the 
Netherlands ; and although the premature death of Henry sus- 
pended for a while the rage of persecution in France, other causes 
of discontent occurred in that kingdom, and each party made use 
of religion to light the flames of civil war l . 

A new source of discord also arose between France and Eng- 
land. The princes of Lorrain, the intriguing family of Guise, 
whose credit had long been great at the French court, and who 
negotiated the marriage between the dauphin, now Francis II., 
and their niece the queen of Scots, extended still farther their 
ambitious views. No less able than aspiring, they had governed 

1 Tlman. Cabrera. Davila. 



8 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

both the king and kingdom, since the accession of the young and 
feeble Francis. But they had many enemies. Catharine of Me- 
dicis, the queen-mother, a woman who scrupled at no violence or 
perfidy to accomplish her ends; the two princes of the blood, 
Anthony de Bourbon, king of Navarre, and his brother Louis, 
prince of Conde, beside the constable Montmorency and his pow- 
erful family, were alike desirous of the administration, and envious 
of the power of the Guises l . 

In order to acquire this power, the duke of Guise and his five 
brothers (the cardinal of Lorrain, the duke of Aumale, the car- 
dinal of Guise, the marquis of Elbceuf, and the grand Prior,) 
had not only employed great military and political talents, but 
to all the arts of insinuation and address had added those of 
intrigue and dissimulation. In negotiating the marriage between 
their niece and the dauphin, these artful princes, while they pre- 
vailed on the French court to grant to the Scottish nation every 
security for the independence of that crown, engaged the young 
queen to subscribe privately three deeds, by which, in failure of 
the heirs of her own body, she conferred the kingdom of Scot- 
land, with whatever inheritance or succession might accrue to it, 
in free gift upon the throne of France ; declaring any deed which 
her subjects had, or might extort from her to the contrary, to be 
void, and of no obligation 2 . 

By the succession mentioned in these deeds, the crown of 
England seems to have been meant ; for no sooner were the 
Guises informed of the death of queen Mary, and the accession 
of Elizabeth (whose birth, in the opinion of every good Catholic, 
excluded her from any legal right to the throne), than they 
formed a project worthy of their ambition. In order to exalt 
their credit, and secure their power, they attempted to acquire 
also for France the southern British kingdom. For this purpose 
they solicited at Rome, and obtained a bull, declaring Elizabeth's 
birth illegitimate ; and, as the Scottish queen was the next heir 
by blood, they had persuaded Henry II. to permit his son and 
daughter-in-law to assume the title and arms of England 3 . 

Elizabeth complained of this insult, but could obtain only an 
evasive answer. No obvious measure, however, was taken, 
during the reign of Henry, in support of the claim of the queen 
of Scots ; but no sooner were the princes of Lorrain in full pos- 
session of the administration under his son Francis, than more 

1 Davila, lib. i. Mezeray, tome v. 

* Du Mont, Corps Diplomat, tome v. Robertson's Hut. Scot, book ii. 

3 Robertson's Hist. Scot. Anderson's Diplom. Scot. No. 68, and 1G4. 



LETT. LXVII. . MODERN EUROPE. 9 

vigorous and less guarded counsels were adopted. Sensible that 
Scotland was the quarter whence they could attack England to 
most advantage, they gave, as a preparatory step, orders to their 
sister the regent, and encouraged her by promises of men and 
money, to take effectual measures for humbling the malcontents, 
and suppressing the Protestant opinions in that kingdom : hoping 
that the English Catholics, formidable at that time by their zeal 
and numbers, and exasperated against Elizabeth, on account of the 
change which she had made in the national religion, would rise 
in support of the succession of the queen of Scots, when animated 
by the prospect of protection, and throw themselves into the arms 
of France, as the only power that could secure to them their 
ancient worship, and the privileges of the Romish church '. 

Elizabeth, aware of her danger, resolved to provide against it ; 
and the situation of affairs in Scotland afforded her an oppor- 
tunity, both of revenging the insult offered to her crown, and of 
defeating the ambitious views of France. 

The Reformation was advancing with quick steps in Scotland. 
All the low country was deeply tinctured with the Protestant 
opinions ; and as the converts to the new religion had been guilty 
of no violation of public peace since the murder of cardinal 
Beatoun, whose death was partly occasioned by private revenge, 
the regent, willing to secure their favour, that she might be 
enabled to maintain that authority which she had found such 
difficulty in acquiring, connived at the progress of doctrines 
which she had not power to suppress. Too cautious, however, 
to trust to this precarious indulgence for the safety of their re- 
ligious principles, the heads of the Protestant party in Scotland 
entered privately into a bond of association for their mutual pro- 
tection and the propagation of their tenets, styling themselves 
the Congregation of the Lord, in contradistinction to the estab- 
lished church, which they denominated the Congregation of 
Satan 3 . 

Such associations are generally the forerunners of rebellion ; 
and it appears that the heads of the Congregation in Scotland 
carried their views farther than a mere toleration of the new 
doctrines. So far they were to blame, as enemies to civil 
authority; but the violent measures pursued against their sect, 
before this league was known or avowed, sufficiently justified the 
association itself, as the result of a prudent foresight, and a 
necessary step to secure the free exercise of their religion. 

1 Forbes, vol. i. Thuan. lib. xxiv. 2 Keith. Knox. 



10 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

Alarmed at the progress of the Reformation, the popish clergy 
had attempted to recover their sinking authority by enforcing 
the tyrannical laws against heresy ; and Hamilton the primate, 
formerly distinguished by his moderation, had sentenced to the 
flames an aged priest convicted of embracing the Protestant 
opinions 1 . 

This was the last barbarity of the kind that the Catholics 
had the power to exercise in Scotland. The severity of the 
archbishop rather roused than intimidated the reformers. 
The Congregation now openly solicited subscriptions to the 
league ; and not satisfied with new and more solemn pro- 
mises of the regent's protection, they presented a petition to 
her, craving a reformation of the church, and of the wicked, 
scandalous, and detestable lives of the clergy. They also framed 
a petition, which they intended to present to parliament, solicit- 
ing some legal protection against the exorbitant and oppressive 
jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts. They likewise petitioned 
the convocation ; and insisted that prayers should be said in the 
vulgar tongue, that bishops should be chosen by the gentry of 
the diocese, and priests with the consent of the parishioners. 

Instead of soothing the Protestants by any prudent conces- 
sions, the convocation rejected their demands with disdain ; and 
the regent, who had hitherto wisely temporised between the 
parties, and whose humanity and sagacity taught her moderation, 
having received during the sitting of the assembly the violent 
commands of her brothers, prepared to carry their despotic 
plan into execution, contrary to her own judgment and ex- 
perience. She publicly expressed her approbation of the de- 
crees, by which the principles of the reformers were condemned 
in the convocation, and cited the most eminent Protestant 
teachers to appear before the council at Stirling 2 . 

The members of the Congregation, alarmed but not overawed 
by this danger, assembled in great numbers, according to the 
custom of Scotland at that time, to attend their pastors to the 
place of trial*, to protect and countenance them : and the regent, 
dreading the approach of so formidable a party, empowered 
Erskine of Dun, a person of high authority with the reformers, 
to assure them that she would put a stop to the intended pro- 

1 Keith. Knox. 

Melvil. Jebb. Castelnau. 

1 In consequence of this custom, originally introduced by vassalage and clanship, 
and afterwards tolerated through the feebleness of government, any person of emi- 
nence accused of a crime was accompanied to the place of trial by a body of his 
friends and adherents. Robertson, book ii. 



LETT. LXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 1 1 

ceedings, if they would advance no farther. They listened with 
pleasure, and perhaps with too great credulity, to so pacific a 
proposition ; for men whose grievances obliged them to fly in 
the face of the civil power, under whatever plausible pretext 
their purpose may be concealed, should trust to nothing less 
than the solemnity of a contract. The regent broke her promise, 
conformably to her maxim, that " the promises of princes ought 
not to be too carefully remembered, nor the performance of them 
exacted, unless it suits their own conveniency." She proceeded 
to call to trial the persons formerly summoned ; and on their not 
appearing, though purposely prevented, they were pronounced 
outlaws 1 . 

By this ignoble artifice, she forfeited the esteem and confi- 
dence of the whole nation. The Protestants boldly prepared for 
their own defence ; and Erskine, enraged at being made the in- 
strument of deceiving his party, instantly repaired to Perth, 
whither the leaders of the Congregation had retired, and in- 
flamed the zeal of his associates by his representations of the 
regent's inflexible resolution to suppress their religion. His 
ardour was powerfully seconded by the rhetoric of John Knox, 
a preacher who possessed a bold and popular eloquence. Having 
been carried prisoner into France, together with other persons 
taken in the castle of St. Andrew's, soon after the murder of 
Beatoun, Knox made his escape out of that kingdom ; and after 
residing sometimes in England, sometimes in Scotland, had found 
it necessary, in order to avoid the vengeance of the popish clergy, 
to retire to Geneva. There he imbibed all the enthusiasm, and 
heightened the natural ferocity of his own character by the 
severe doctrines of Calvin, the apostle of that republic. 

Invited home by the heads of the Protestant party in Scot- 
land, Knox had arrived in his native country a few days before 
the trial appointed at Stirling, and immediately joined his 
brethren, that he might share with them in the common danger, 
as well as in the glory of promoting the common cause. In the 
present ferment of men's minds, occasioned by the regent's de- 
ceitful conduct, and the sense of their own danger, he mounted 
the pulpit, and declaimed with such vehemence against the 
idolatry and other abuses of the church of Rome, that his audi- 
tors were strongly incited to attempt its utter subversion. 
During those movements of holy indignation, the indiscreet 
bigotry of a priest, who immediately after that violent invective 

1 Knox, p. 127. Robertson, book ii. 



12 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

was preparing to celebrate mass, and had opened his repository 
of images and reliques, hurried the enthusiastic populace into 
immediate action. They fell with fury upon the devout Catholic, 
broke the images, tore the pictures, overthrew the altars, and 
scattered about the sacred vases. They then proceeded to the 
monasteries, against which their zeal more particularly pointed 
its thunder. Not content with expelling the monks, and de- 
facing every instrument of idolatrous worship, as they termed it, 
they vented their rage upon the buildings which had been the 
receptacles of such abomination ; and, in a few hours, those 
superb edifices were level with the ground 1 . 

Provoked at those violences, and others of a like kind, the 
regent assembled an army, composed chiefly of French troops ; 
and being assisted by such of the nobility as still adhered to her 
cause, she resolved to inflict the severest vengeance on the whole 
Protestant party. Intelligence of her preparations, as well as 
of the spirit by which she was actuated, soon reached Perth ; 
and the heads of the Congregation, who had given no countenance 
to the late insurrection in that city, would gladly have soothed 
her by the most dutiful and submissive addresses ; but finding 
her inexorable, they prepared for resistance, and their adherents 
flocked to them in such numbers, that within a few days they 
were in a condition not only to defend the town, but to take 
the field with superior forces. Neither party, however, dis- 
covered much inclination to hazard a battle; and, through the 
mediation of the earl of Argyle, and of James Stuart prior of 
St. Andrews, the young queen's natural brother, who, although 
closely connected with the reformers, had not yet openly deserted 
the regent, a treaty was concluded with the Congregation. 

In this treaty it was stipulated, among other provisions, that 
indemnity should be granted to all persons concerned in the late 
insurrection, and that the parliament should immediately be con- 
voked, in order to compose religious differences. Both these 
stipulations the regent violated by neglecting to call the par- 
liament, by fining some of the inhabitants of Perth, banishing 
others, removing the magistrates from office, and leaving a gar- 
rison in the town, with orders to allow the exercise of no other 
religion than the Roman Catholic 2 . The Protestants renewed 
the league, and again had recourse to arms ; despoiling the 
churches of their sacred furniture, and laying the monasteries in 



1 Spotswood, p. 121. Knox, p. 127, 1 28. 

2 Buchanan, lib. xvi. Robertson, book ii. 



, 1 28. Robertson, book ii. 



LETT. LXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 13 

ruins. New conventions were framed, but were soon infringed ; 
and new ravages were committed on the monuments of eccle- 
siastical pride and luxury. 

The Congregation had been joined not only by the earl of 
Argyle and the prior of St. Andrews, but also by the duke of 
Chatelherault (earl of Arran), the presumptive heir of the crown, 
and had taken possession of the capital. They now aimed at 
the redress of civil as well as religious grievances ; requiring, as 
a preliminary toward settling the kingdom, and securing its 
liberties, the immediate expulsion of the French forces from 
Scotland. The regent, sensible of the necessity of giving way 
to a torrent which she could not resist, amused them for a time 
with fair promises and pretended negotiations ; but being rein- 
forced with a thousand foreign soldiers, and encouraged by the 
court of France to expect soon the arrival of an army so power- 
ful, that the zeal of her adversaries, however desperate, would 
not dare to encounter it, she listened to the rash counsels 
of her brothers, and at last gave the Congregation a positive 
denial. She was not answerable to the confederate lords, she 
said, for any part of her conduct ; nor should she, upon any 
representation from them, abandon measures which she deemed 
necessary, or dismiss forces that she found useful ; ordering 
them at the same time, on pain of her displeasure, and as they 
valued their allegiance, to disband the troops which they had 
assembled. 

This haughty reply to their earnest and continued solicitations 
determined the leaders of the Congregation to take a step wor- 
thy of a brave and free people. They assembled the Oc t21 
whole body of peers, barons, and representatives of bo- 
roughs that adhered to their party ; and the members of this 
bold convention (which equalled in number, and exceeded in 
dignity, the usual meetings of parliament), after examining the 
most delicate and important question that can fall under the 
consideration of subjects " the obedience due to an unjust and 
oppressive administration," gave their suffrages, without one 
dissenting voice, for depriving Mary of Guise of the office of 
regent, which she had exercised so much to the detriment of the 
kingdom 1 . 

The queen-dowager had already retired into Leith, the port 
of Edinburgh, which she had fortified and garrisoned with French 
troops. The town was immediately invested by the forces of 

1 Buchanan, lib. xvi. Robertson, book ii. Knox, p. 184. 



14 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

the Congregation ; but the confederate lords soon found that 
their zeal had engaged them in an undertaking which exceeded 
their ability to accomplish. The French garrison, despising the 
tumultuary efforts of raw and undisciplined troops, refused to 
surrender the place : and the Protestant leaders were neither 
sufficiently skilful in the art of war, nor possessed of the artillery 
or magazines necessary for the purpose of a siege. Nor was 
this their only misfortune : their followers, accustomed to decide 
every quarrel by immediate action, were strangers to the fatigues 
of a long campaign, and soon became impatient of the severe 
and constant duty which a siege requires. They first murmured, 
then mutinied ; the garrison took advantage of their discontent ; 
and, making a bold sally, cut many of them in pieces, and 
obliged the rest to abandon the enterprise. 

Soon after this victory the queen-dowager received from 
France a reinforcement of a thousand veteran foot, and some 
troops of horse. These, with a detachment from the garrison of 
Leith, were sent out to scour the country, and to pillage and lay 
waste the houses and lands of the Protestants. Already broken 
and dispirited, and hearing that the marquis of Elboauf was 
daily expected with a great army, the leaders of the Congrega- 
tion began to consider their cause as desperate, unless the Lord, 
whose holy name they had assumed, should miraculously inter- 
pose in their behalf. But whatever confidence they might place 
in Divine aid, they did not neglect human means. 

The Scottish Protestants, in this pressing extremity, thought 
themselves excusable in requesting foreign aid. They turned 
their eyes toward England, which had already supplied them 
with money, and resolved to implore the assistance of Elizabeth 
to enable them to finish an undertaking in which they had so 
unfortunately experienced their own weakness ; and as the sym- 
pathy of religion, as well as regard to civil liberty, had now 
counterbalanced the ancient animosity against that sister king- 
dom, this measure was the result of inclination no less than of 
interest or necessity. Maitland of Lethington, formerly the 
regent's principal secretary, and Robert Melvil, already ac- 
quainted with the intrigues of courts, were therefore secretly 
dispatched, as the most able negotiators of the party, to solicit 
succours from the queen of England. 

The wise counsellors of Elizabeth did not long hesitate in 
agreeing to a request which corresponded so perfectly with the 
views and interests of their mistress. Secretary Cecil, in par- 
ticular, represented to the English queen the necessity, as well 



LETT. LXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 15 

as equity, of interposing in the affairs of Scotland, and of pre- 
venting the conquest of that kingdom, at which France openly 
aimed. Every society, he observed, had a right to defend itself, 
not only from present dangers, but from such as might probably 
occur; and, as the invasion of England would immediately 
follow the reduction of the Scottish malcontents, Elizabeth, by 
abandoning them to the mercy of France, would open a way 
for her enemies into the heart of her own kingdom, and expose 
it to all the calamities of war, and the risk of conquest. 
Nothing therefore remained, he added, but to meet the enemy 
while yet at a distance, and by supporting the leaders of the 
Congregation with an English army, to render Scotland the 
scene of hostilities ; to crush the designs of the princes of Lorrain 
in their infancy ; and, by such an early and unexpected effort, 
finally to expel the French from Britain before their power had 
time to rise to a formidable height '. 

Elizabeth, throughout her reign, was cautious but decisive ; 
and by her promptitude in executing her resolutions, joined to 
the deliberation with which she formed them, her administra- 
tion became as remarkable for its vigour as for its wisdom. No 
sooner did she determine to afford assistance to the leaders of 
the Congregation, a measure to which the reasoning of Cecil 
effectually swayed her, than they experienced the activity as 
well as extent of her power. The season of the year would 
not permit her troops to take the field ; but, lest the French 
army should, in the mean time, receive an accession of strength, 
she instantly ordered a squadron to cruise in the Frith of A. D. 
Forth : and early in the spring she sent six thousand 156 - 
foot and two thousand horse into Scotland, under the command 
of lord Grey of Wilton. 

The leaders of the Congregation assembled from all parts of 
the kingdom to meet their new allies ; and having joined them 
with vast numbers of their followers, the combined army ad- 
vanced towards Leith. The place was immediately invested ; 
and although the fleet that carried the reinforcement under the 
marquis of Elboeuf had been scattered by a violent storm, and 
was either wrecked on the coast of France, or with difficulty 
recovered the ports of that kingdom, the garrison, by an obsti- 
nate defence, protracted the siege to a great length 2 . 

Amidst these commotions, the queen-dowager died ; and many 

1 Keith, Appen. No. xvii. Forbes, vol. i. Jebb's Collections relative to Mary, 
Queen of Scotland, vol. i. 
s Mem. de Castelnau. 



16 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

of the Catholic nobles, jealous of the French power, and more 
zealous for the liberty and independence of their country than 
for their religion, subscribed the alliance with England. Nothing, 
therefore, could now save the garrison of Leith, but the imme- 
diate conclusion of a treaty, or the arrival of a powerful army 
from France ; and the situation of that kingdom constrained the 
princes of Lorrain to turn their thoughts, though with reluctance, 
towards pacific measures. 

The Protestants in France had become formidable by their 
numbers, and still more by the valour and enterprising genius 
of their leaders. Among these, the most eminent were the 
prince of Conde, the king of Navarre, (no less distinguished by 
his abilities than his rank,) the admiral de Coligny, and his 
brother Andelot, who no longer scrupled to make open profession 
of the reformed opinions, and whose high reputation both for 
valour and conduct gave great credit to the cause. Animated 
with zeal, and inflamed with resentment against the Guises, who 
had persuaded Francis II. to imitate the rigour of his father, 
by reviving the penal statutes against heresy, the Protestants 
(or Huguenots, as they were styled by way of reproach) not 
only prepared for their own defence, but resolved, by some bold 
action, to anticipate the execution of those schemes which 
threatened the extirpation of their religion, and the ruin of 
those who professed it. Hence arose the conspiracy of Amboise, 
for seizing the person of the king, and wresting the government 
out of the hands of the Guises ; and although the vigilance and 
Mar 15 8^ fortune of the princes of Lorrain discovered and 
disappointed that design, the spirit of the Protestant 
party was rather roused than broken by the tortures inflicted on 
the conspirators *. The admiral de Coligny had even the bold- 
ness to present to the king, in a grand council at Fontainebleau, 
a petition from the Huguenots, demanding the public exercise 
of their religion, unless they were allowed to assemble privately 
with impunity. He was treated as an incendiary by the 
cardinal of Lorrain ; but his request was warmly recommended 
by Monluc bishop of Valence, and by Marillac archbishop of 
Vienne, who spoke forcibly against the abuses which had occa- 
sioned so many troubles and disorders, as well as against the 
ignorance and vices of the French clergy. An assembly of the 
states was convoked, in order to appease the public discontents ; 
the edicts against heretics were, in the mean time, suspended ; 

1 Davila, lib. i. ii. Mezeray, tome v. 



LETT. LXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 17 

and an appearance of toleration succeeded to the rage of perse- 
cution ; but, as the sentiments of the court were well known, it 
was easy to observe new storms gathering in every province of 
the kingdom, and ready to break forth with all the violence of 
civil war l . 

This distracted state of affairs called off the ambition of the 
princes of Lorrain from the view of foreign conquests, in order 
to defend the honour and dignity of the French crown ; and 
rendered it necessary to withdraw the few veteran troops already 
employed in Scotland, instead of sending new reinforcements 
into that kingdom. Plenipotentiaries were therefore sent to 
Edinburgh, where a treaty was signed with the ambassa- July 
dors of Elizabeth. In this treaty it was stipulated that 6 - 
the French forces should instantly evacuate Scotland, and that 
Francis and Mary should thenceforth abstain from assuming the 
title of king and queen of England, or bearing the arms of that 
kingdom. Nor were the concessions granted to the Congrega- 
tion less important ; namely, that an amnesty should be pub- 
lished for all past offences ; that none but natives should be put 
into any office in Scotland ; that no foreign troops should here- 
after be introduced into the kingdom without the consent of 
parliament ; that the parliament should name twenty-four per- 
sons, of whom the queen should choose seven, and the parlia- 
ment five ; and to these twelve, so elected, the whole adminis- 
tration should be committed during Mary's absence ; that she 
should neither make peace nor war without the consent of the 
national council ; and that this body, at its first meeting, should 
take into consideration the religious differences, and represent its 
sense of them to the king and queen *. 

A few days after the conclusion of this treaty, both the 
French and English armies quitted Scotland; and the leaders 
of the Congregation, being now absolute masters of the kingdom, 
made no farther scruple or ceremony in completing the work of 
reformation. The parliament, which was usually an assembly 
of the nobles, or great barons, and dignified clergy, met on the 
day named; and on this occasion the burgesses and inferior 
barons, who had also a right to be present in that assembly, but 
who seldom exercised it, stood forth to vindicate their civil and 
religious liberties, eager to aid with their voice in the senate 
that cause which they had defended with their sword in the 
field. The protestant members, who greatly out-numbered their 

1 Duvila, lib. ii. Mczcrav, tome v. * Keith. S pots wood. Knox. 

VOL. II. C 



18 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

adversaries, after ratifying the principal articles of the late 
treaty, and giving their sanction to a confession of faith pre- 
sented to them by their teachers, prohibited the exercise of 
religious worship according to the rites of the Romish church, 
under the penalty of forfeiture of goods, as the punishment of 
the first act of disobedience ; banishment, as the punishment of 
the second ; and death, as the reward of the third l . With such 
indecent haste did the very persons who had just escaped the 
rigour of ecclesiastical tyranny proceed to imitate those examples 
of severity of which they had so justly complained ! A law was 
also enacted for abolishing the papal jurisdiction in Scotland; 
and the Presbyterian form of worship was established, nearly as 
now constituted in that kingdom. 

Francis and Mary refused to ratify these proceedings; which, 
by the treaty of Edinburgh, ought to have been presented for 
approbation, in the form of deliberations, not of acts. But the 
Scottish Protestants gave themselves little trouble about their 
sovereigns' refusal. They immediately put the statutes in exe- 
cution : they abolished the mass ; they settled their ministers 5 
and they committed furious devastations on the sacred buildings, 
which they considered as dangerous reliques of idolatry, laying 
waste every thing venerable and magnificent that had escaped 
the storm of popular insurrection. Abbeys, cathedrals, churches, 
libraries, records, and even the sepulchres of the dead, perished 
in one common ruin 2 . 

United by the consciousness of such unpardonable stretches 
of authority, and well acquainted with the imperious character 
of the princes of Lorrain, the Protestant members of the Scottish 
parliament, seeing no safety for themselves but in the protection 
of England, dispatched ambassadors to Elizabeth, to express 
their sincere gratitude for her past favours, and represent to her 
the necessity of continuing them. That princess had equal reason 
to desire an union with these northern reformers. Though the 
disorders in France had obliged the princes of Lorrain to remit 
their efforts in Scotland, and had been one chief cause of the 
success of the English arms, they were determined not to re- 
linquish their authority, or yield to the violence of their enemies. 
Nor had they yet renounced their design of subverting Eliza- 
beth's throne. Francis and Mary, whose councils were still 
wholly directed by them, obstinately refused to ratify the treaty 
of Edinburgh, and persisted in assuming the title and arms of 

1 Keitb. Knox. 2 Robertson, book iii. Hume, cliap. xxxviii. 



LETT. LXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 19 

England. Thus endangered, Elizabeth not only promised sup- 
port to the Protestant party in Scotland, but secretly encouraged 
the French malcontents l ; and it was with pleasure that she 
heard of the violent factions which prevailed in the court of 
France, and of the formidable opposition to the measures of the 
duke of Guise. 

But that opposition must soon have been crushed by the 
vigorous and decisive administration of the princes of Lorrain, 
if an unexpected event had not set bounds to their power. 
They had already found an opportunity of seizing the king of 
Navarre and the prince of Conde ; they had thrown the former 
into prison ; they had obtained a sentence of death against the 
latter ; and they were proceeding to put it into execution, when 
the sudden death of Francis arrested the impending blow, and 
brought down the duke of Guise to the level of a subject. Dec. 
Catharine of Medicis, the queen-mother, was appointed 5 - 
guardian to Charles IX. (who was only in his eleventh year at 
his accession), and invested with the administration of the realm, 
though not with the title of regent. In consequence of A. D. 
her maxim, "Divide and govern!" the king of Navarre 1561 
was named lieutenant-general of the kingdom ; the sentence 
against Conde was annulled ; Montmorency was recalled to 
court ; and the princes of Lorrain, though they still enjoyed 
high offices and great power, found a counterpoise to the weight 
of their influence 2 . 

The death of Francis, without issue by the queen of Scots, 
and the change which it produced in the French councils, at 
once freed the queen of England from the perils attending an 
union of Scotland with France, and the Scottish Protestants 
from the terror of the French power. The joy of the Congre- 
gation was extreme. They ascribed those events to the im- 
mediate interposition of Providence in favour of his chosen 
people ; and Elizabeth, without looking so high for their causes, 
determined to take advantage of their effects, in order more 
firmly to establish her throne. She still regarded the queen of 
Scots as a dangerous rival, on account of the number of English 
Catholics, who were generally prejudiced in favour of Mary's 
title, and would now adhere to her with more zealous attach- 
ment, when they saw that her succession no longer endangered 
the liberties of the kingdom. She therefore gave orders to her 



1 Robertson, book iii. Hume, chap, xxxviii. 

2 Mem. de Castelnau. Davila, lib. ii. 



20 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

ambassador at the court of France to renew his application to 
the queen of Scots, and to require her immediate ratification of 
the treaty of Edinburgh *. 

Mary, slighted by the queen-mother, who imputed to that 
princess all the mortifications which she had received during the 
life of Francis ; forsaken by the swarm of courtiers, who appear 
only in the sunshine of prosperity; and overwhelmed with all 
the sorrow which so sad a reverse of fortune could occasion, 
had retired to Rheims ; and there in solitude had indulged her 
grief, or concealed her indignation. But notwithstanding her 
disconsolate condition, and though she had desisted after her 
husband's death from bearing the arms or assuming the title of 
England, she still eluded the ratification of the treaty of Edin- 
burgh, and refused to make a solemn renunciation of her pre- 
tensions to the English crown 2 . 

The states of Scotland now sent a deputation, inviting her to 
return into her native kingdom, and assume the reins of govern- 
ment. But, though very sensible that she was no longer queen 
of France, she was in no haste to leave a country where she had 
been educated from her infancy, and where so many attentions 
had been paid to her person as well as to her rank. Accustomed 
to the elegance, gallantry, and gaiety of a splendid court, and 
to the conversation of a polished people, by whom she had been 
loved and admired, she still fondly lingered in the scene of all 
these enjoyments, and contemplated with horror the barbarism of 
her own country, and the turbulence of her native subjects, who 
had so violently spurned all civil and religious authority. By 
the advice of her uncles, however, she determined at last to set 
out for Scotland ; and as the course, in sailing from France to 
that kingdom, lies along the English coast, she demanded of 
Elizabeth, by the French ambassador D'Oisel, a safe-conduct 
during her voyage. That request, which decency alone might 
have obliged one sovereign to grant to another, Elizabeth 
rejected in such a manner as gave rise to no slight suspicion of a 
wish to obstruct the passage or intercept the person of the queen 
of Scots 3 . 

This ungenerous behaviour of Elizabeth filled Mary with in- 
dignation, but did not retard her departure from France. Having 
cleared the room of her attendants, she said to Throgmorton, 
the English ambassador, " How weak I may prove, or how far 



1 Keith. Castelnau. * Camdeni Annales Rerum Anglic. 

3 Keith. Camden. Robertson, Append. No. VI. 



LETT. LXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 21 

a woman's frailty may transport me, I cannot tell ; however, I 
am resolved not to have so many witnesses of my infirmity as 
your mistress had at her audience of my ambassador D'Oisel. 
Nothing disturbs me so much, as having asked with so much 
importunity a favour which it was of no consequence for me to 
obtain. I can, with God's leave, return to my own country, 
without her leave, as I came to France in spite of all the oppo- 
sition of her brother, king Edward : neither do I want friends, 
both able and willing, to conduct me home, as they have brought 
me hither ; though I was desirous rather to make an experiment 
of your mistress's friendship, than of the assistance of any other 
person V She embarked at Calais, and passing the English fleet 
under cover of a thick fog, arrived safely at Leith, attended Aug. 
by three of her uncles of the house of Lorrain, the mar- 19 - 
quis of Damville, and other French courtiers 2 . 

The circumstances of Mary's departure from France are truly 
affecting. The excess of her grief seems to have proceeded from 
a fatal presage of that scene of misfortune on which she was about 
to enter. Not satisfied with mingling tears with her mournful 
attendants, and bidding them adieu with a sorrowful heart, she 
kept her eyes fixed upon the French coast, after she was at sea, 
and did not turn them from that favourite object till darkness 
fell and intercepted it from her view. Even then she would 
neither retire to the cabin, nor take food ; but commanding a 
couch to be placed on the deck, she there waited with fond im- 
patience the return of day. Fortune soothed her on this occa- 
sion. The weather proving calm, the vessel made little progress 
during the night, so that Mary, in the morning, had once more 
an opportunity of seeing the French coast. She sat up on her 
couch, and still anxiously looking toward the land, often re- 
peated with a sigh, " Farewell, France ! farewell, beloved country, 
which I shall never more behold 3 ." 

The reception of Mary in her native realm, the civil wars of 
France, and the share which Elizabeth took in the affairs ot 
both kingdoms, must furnish the subject of another letter. 

1 Cabala, p. 374. Spotswood, p. 177. 2 Robertson, book iii. 

* Brantome. He was in the same galley with the queen. 



22 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 



LETTER LXVIII. 

History of France, England, and Scotland, from the Return of 
Mary Stuart to her native Kingdom, in 1561, till her Imprison- 
ment, and the Elevation of her Son to the Throne ; with a 
retrospective View of the Affairs of Spain. 

THE first appearance of affairs in Scotland was more favour- 
able than Mary had reason to expect. She was received by her 
subjects with the loudest acclamations of joy, and with every 
demonstration of regard. Being now in her nineteenth year, the 
bloom of youth, and the beauty and gracefulness of her person, 
drew universal admiration, while her elegant manners and en- 
lightened understanding commanded general respect. To the 
accomplishments of her own sex, she added many of the acqui- 
sitions of ours. She was skilled in various languages, ancient as 
well as modern. The progress she had made in poetry, music, 
rhetoric, and all the arts and sciences then esteemed useful or 
ornamental, was far beyond what is commonly attained by the 
sons and daughters of royalty, who are born and educated as the 
immediate heirs of a crown ; and a courteous affability, which, 
without lessening the dignity of a sovereign, steals on the hearts 
of subjects with a bewitching insinuation, rendered her other 
qualities more engaging . 

The first measures of Mary's administration confirmed the 
prepossessions entertained in her favour. According to the 
advice of D'Oisel and her uncles, she bestowed her confidence 
entirely on the leaders of the Protestant party 2 , who were alone 
able, she found, to support her government. The prior of St. 
Andrews, whom she soon after created earl of Murray, obtained 
the chief authority ; and, under him, Maitland of Lethington, a 
man of great sagacity, had a principal share of her confidence. 
Her choice could not have fallen upon persons more agreeable 
to her people. 

But there was one circumstance which blasted all these pro- 
mising appearances, and deprived Mary of that general favour 
which her amiable manners and prudent measures gave her just 
reason to expect. She was still a papist ; and although she pub- 
lished, soon after her arrival, a proclamation, commanding every 

1 Robertson, book iii. from Brantome. 2 Id. Ibid. 



LETT. LXVIII. MODERN EUROPE. 23 

one to submit to the reformed religion, as established by parlia- 
ment 1 , the more zealous Protestants could neither be reconciled 
to a person polluted by such an abomination, nor relinquish their 
jealousy of her future conduct. It was with great difficulty that 
she obtained permission to celebrate mass in her own chapel. 
" Shall that idol again be suffered to be erected within the 
realm ?" was the common cry ; and the usual prayers in the 
churches were, that God would turn the queen's heart, which 
was obstinate against his truth ; or, if his holy will were other- 
wise, that he would strengthen the hearts and hands of the elect 
stoutly to oppose the rage of all tyrants. And lord Lindsay and 
the gentlemen of Fife even exclaimed, " The Idolater shall die 
the death !" 

The ringleader in all these insults on majesty was John Knox, 
who possessed an uncontrolled authority in the church, and even 
in the civil affairs of the nation, and who triumphed in the con- 
tumelious usage of his sovereign. His usual appellation for the 
queen was JEZEBEL ; and though she endeavoured by the most 
gracious condescension to win his favour, her kind advances could 
not soften his obdurate heart. The pulpits became mere stages 
for railing against the vices of the court ; among which were 
always noted, as the principal, feasting, finery, balls, and whore- 
dom, their necessary attendant*. 

Curbed in all amusements by the absurd severity of these 
reformers, Maiy, whose age, rank, and education, invited her to 
liberty and cheerfulness, found reason every moment to look 
back with a sigh to that country which she had left. After the 
departure of the French courtiers, her life was one scene of bit- 
terness and sorrow. And she perceived that her only expedient 
for maintaining tranquillity, while surrounded by a turbulent 
nobility, a bigoted people, and insolent ecclesiastics, was to pre- 
serve a friendly correspondence with Elizabeth, who, by former 
connexions and services, had acquired great authority over all 
ranks of men in Scotland. She therefore sent Maitland of 
Lethington to London, in order to pay her compliments to the 
English queen, and express a desire of future good understand- 
ing between them. Maitland was also instructed to signify her 
willingness to renounce all present right to the crown of England, 
provided that she should be declared, by act of parliament, next 
heir to the succession, in case of the queen's decease without 
offspring. But so great was the jealous prudence of Elizabeth, 

1 Knox. Spotswood. Keith. 2 Knox, p. 332, 333. 



24 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

that she never would hazard the weakening of her authority by 
naming a successor, or allow the parliament to interpose in that 
matter ; much less would she make, or permit such a nomination 
to be made in favour of a rival queen, who possessed pretensions 
so plausible to supplant her, and who, though she might verbally 
renounce them, could easily resume her claim on the first oppor- 
tunity. Sensible, however, that reason would be thought to lie 
wholly on Mary's side, as she herself had frequently declared 
her resolution to live and die a virgin-queen, she thenceforth 
ceased to demand the ratification of the treaty of Edinburgh ; 
and though farther concessions were never made by either 
princess, they put on the appearance of a cordial reconciliation 
and friendship 1 . 

Elizabeth saw that, without her interposition, Mary was 
sufficiently depressed by the mutinous spirit of her own subjects. 
Having therefore no apprehensions from Scotland, nor any desire 
to take part at present in its affairs, she directed her attention 
to other objects. After concerting the necessary measures for 
the security of her kingdom and the happiness of her people, 
she turned an eye of observation toward the great powers of the 
continent. France, being still agitated by religious factions, big 
with all the horrors of civil war, excited less the jealousy than 
the compassion of its neighbours ; so that Spain, of all the 
European kingdoms, could alone be considered as the formida- 
ble rival of England. Accordingly, an animosity, first political, 
then personal, soon appeared between the sovereigns of the two 
realms. 

Philip II., immediately after he had concluded the peace of 
Chateau Cambresis, commenced a furious persecution against 
the protestants in Spain, Italy, and the Low Countries. That 
violent spirit of bigotry and tyranny by which he was actuated 
gave new edge even to the usual cruelty of priests and inquisitors. 
He threw into prison Constantine Ponce, who had been con- 
fessor to Charles V., and in whose arms that great prince had 
breathed his last. This venerable ecclesiastic died in confine- 
ment ; but Philip ordered, nevertheless, the sentence of heresy 
to be pronounced against his memory. He even deliberated 
whether he should not exercise the like severity against the 
memory of his father, who was suspected, during his latter years, 
of indulging a propensity towards Lutheranism. In his un- 
relenting zeal for orthodoxy, he spared neither age, sex, nor 

1 Keith. Camden. Haynes. 



LETT. LXVIII. MODERN EUROPE. 25 

condition. He appeared with an inflexible countenance at the 
most barbarous executions ; and he issued rigorous orders for 
the prosecution of heretics, even in his American dominions ' . 
The limits of the globe seemed only enlarged to extend human 
misery. 

Having founded his deliberate tyranny on maxims of civil 
policy, as well as on principles of religion, Philip made it evident 
to all his subjects, that there were no means of escaping the 
severity of his vengeance, except abject compliance or obstinate 
resistance. And by thus placing himself at the head of the 
Catholic party, as the determined champion of the Romish 
church, he every where converted the zealots of the ancient faith 
into the partisans of Spanish greatness. 

Happily, the adherents of the new doctrines were not without 
a supporter, nor the Spanish greatness without a counterpoise. 
The course of events had placed Elizabeth in a situation diame- 
trically opposite to that of Philip. Fortune, guiding choice, and 
concurring with policy and inclination, had raised her to be the 
glory and the bulwark of the numerous but generally-persecuted 
Protestants throughout Europe. And she united her interests, 
in all foreign negotiations, with those who were struggling for 
their civil and religious liberties, or guarding themselves against 
ruin and extermination. Hence originated the animosity be- 
tween her and Philip. 

"While the queen of Scots continued in France, and asserted 
her claim to the southern British kingdom, the dread of uniting 
England to the French monarchy engaged the king of Spain to 
maintain a good correspondence with Elizabeth. But no sooner 
did the death of young Francis put an end to Philip's apprehen- 
sions with regard to Mary's succession, than his rancour began 
openly to appear, and the interests of Spain and England were 
found opposite in every negotiation and public transaction. 
Philip, contrary to the received maxims of policy in that age, 
saw an advantage in supporting the power of the French monarch ; 
and Elizabeth, on the other hand, was induced by views of policy 
to protect a faction ready to subvert it. 

Catharine of Medicis, by her maxim of dividing in order to 
govern, only increased the troubles of the state. By balancing 
the Catholics against the Protestants, the duke of Guise against 
the prince of Conde, she endeavoured to render herself necessary 
to both, and to establish her own dominion on their constrained 

1 Thuan. lib. xxiii. Grotii Annul, lib. ii. 



26 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

A. D. obedience. But an equal counterpoise of power, which 

1562. among foreign nations is the source of tranquillity, proves 
always the cause of quarrel among domestic factions ; and if the 
animosities of religion concur with the frequent occasions of 
mutual injury, it is impossible long to preserve concord in such 
a situation. Moved by zeal for the ancient faith, Montmorency 
joined himself to the duke of Guise ; the king of Navarre, from 
an inconstant temper, and his jealousy of the superior genius of 
his brother, embraced the same party : and the queen mother, 
finding herself depressed by this combination, had recourse to 
Conde and the Huguenots, who gladly embraced the opportunity 
of fortifying themselves by her countenance and protection 1 . 

An edict had been published in the beginning of the year, 
granting to the Protestants the free exercise of their religion 
without the walls of towns ; provided they should teach nothing 
contrary to the canons of the council of Nice, to the Apostles' 
Creed, or the books of the Old and New Testament. This edict 
had been preceded by a conference at Poissy between the divines 
of the two religions ; in which the cardinal of Lorrain, on the 
part of the Catholics, and the learned Theodore Beza, on that of 
the Protestants, displayed, beyond others, their eloquence and 
powers of argument. The Protestant divines boasted of having 
greatly the advantage in the dispute, and the concessions of liberty 
of conscience made their followers happy in that opinion. But 
the interested violence of the duke of Guise, or the intemperate 
zeal of his attendants, broke once more the tranquillity of reli- 
gion, and gave a beginning to a frightful civil war. Passing by 
the little town of Vassy, on the frontiers of Champagne, where 
some Protestants having assembled in a barn, under the sanction 
of the edict, were peaceably worshipping God in their own way, 
his retinue 'wantonly insulted them. A tumult ensued: the 
duke himself was struck, it is said, with a stone : and sixty of 
the unarmed multitude were sacrificed in revenge of that pre- 
tended or provoked injurv, and in open violation of the public 
faith 2 . 

The Protestants, over all the kingdom, were alarmed at this 
massacre, and assembled in arms under Conde, Coligny, and 
Andelot, their most distinguished leaders ; while the duke of 
Guise and Montmorency, having gained possession of the king's 
person, obliged the queen-mother to join the Catholic party. 
Fourteen armies were levied and put in motion in different parts 

1 Davila, lib. il * Renault. Mezeray. Dupleix. 



LETT. LXVIII. MODERN EUROPE. 27 

of France. All the provinces of the realm, each city, each family, 
were distracted with intestine rage and animosity. The father 
was divided against the son, brother against brother; and women 
themselves, sacrificing their humanity, as well as their timidity, 
to the religious furor, distinguished themselves by acts of valour 
and cruelty '. Wherever the Protestants prevailed the images 
were broken, the altars pillaged, the churches demolished, the 
monasteries consumed with fire ; and where success attended the 
Catholics, they burned the Bibles, rebaptized the infants, and 
forced married persons to pass anew through the ceremony 2 . 
Plunder, desolation, and bloodshed, attended equally the triumph 
of both parties ; and, to use the words of a celebrated historian, 
it was during that period, when men began to be somewhat 
enlightened, and in this nation renowned for polished manners, 
that the theological rage, which had long been boiling in men's 
veins, seems to have attained its last stage of virulence and 
acrimony 3 . 

Philip, jealous of the progress of the Huguenots (who had 
made themselves masters of Orleans, Bourges, Lyons, Poictiers, 
Tours, Angers, Angouleme, Rouen, Dieppe, Havre de Grace, 
and many places of less note), and afraid that the contagion 
might spread into the Low Countries, had formed a secret 
alliance with the princes of Lorrain, for the protection of the 
ancient faith, and the suppression of heresy. In consequence of 
that alliance, he now sent six thousand men to reinforce the 
Catholic party ; and the prince of Conde, finding himself unable 
to oppose so strong a confederacy, countenanced by royal autho- 
rity, was obliged to crave the assistance of the queen of England. 
As an inducement, he offered to put her in possession of Havre 
de Grace, on condition that, together with three thousand men 
for the garrison of the place, she should send over an equal num- 
ber to defend Dieppe and Rouen, and furnish him with a supply 
of one hundred thousand crowns *. 

Elizabeth, besides the general and essential interest of sup- 
porting the Protestants, and opposing the rapid progress of her 
enemy the duke of Guise, had other motives to induce her to 
accept this proposal. She was now sensible, that France never 
would voluntarily fulfil the article in the treaty of Chateau 
Cambresis, which regarded the restitution of Calais ; and wisely 
concluded that, could she get possession of Havre de Grace, 



1 Davila, lib. iii. Haynes, p. 391. 3 Davila. 

3 Hume, chap, xxxix. * Forbes, vol. ii. 



28 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

which commands the mouth of the Seine, she might easily con- 
strain the French to execute their engagements, and have the 
honour of restoring Calais to England. She therefore sent over 
immediately three thousand men, under the command of sir 
Edward Poynings, and three thousand more soon after under the 
earl of Warwick, who took possession of Havre. But Rouen 
having been invested by the Catholics, under the command of 
the king of Navarre and Montmorency, before the arrival of the 
English, it was with difficulty that Poynings could throw a small 
reinforcement into the place ; and though the king of Navarre 
was mortally wounded during the siege, the Catholics still con- 
tinued the attack with vigour. The town was at last carried by 
assault, and the garrison put to the sword 1 . 

It was expected that the Catholics, flushed with success, would 
immediately form the siege of Havre, which was not yet in a 
firm state of defence ; but the intestine disorders of the kingdom 
diverted their attention to another enterprise. Andelot, seconded 
^by the negotiations of Elizabeth, had levied a considerable army 
in Germany ; and arriving at Orleans, the seat of the Protestant 
power in France, he enabled the prince of Conde and Coligny to 
take the field, and oppose the progress of their enemies. After 
threatening Paris for some time, they took their inarch toward 
Normandy, with a view of engaging the English to join them. 
The Catholics hung on their rear, and, overtaking them near 
Dreux, obliged them to give battle. The victory was disputed 
with great obstinacy, and the action was distinguished by a very 
unusual event. Conde and Montmorency, the commanders of the 
opposite armies, both remained prisoners in the hands of their 
enemies : and, what was yet more remarkable, the prince not only 
supped at the same table, but lay all night in the same bed, with 
his hostile rival the duke of Guise 1 ! So unaccountable were 
the manners of that age, which could blend the most rancorous 
animosity with a familiar hospitality that appears altogether dis- 
gusting in these days of superior refinement. 

The semblance of victory remained with the Catholics. But 
Coligny, whose lot it was ever to be defeated, and ever to rise 
more terrible after his misfortunes, collected the remains of the 
Protestant army, and inspiring his own unconquerable courage 
into every breast, not only kept them in a body, but took some 
considerable places in Normandy; and Elizabeth, in order to 
enable him to support the cause of his party, sent over a new 

1 Davila, lib. iii. 3 Ibid. 



LETT. LXVIII. MODERN EUROPE. 29 

supply of a hundred thousand crowns. Meanwhile the duke 
of Guise, aiming a mortal blow at the power of the A. D. 
Huguenots, had commenced the siege of Orleans, of I 563 - 
which Andelot was governor, and where Montmorency was 
detained prisoner ; and he had the prospect of speedy success 
in his undertaking, when he was assassinated by a young gen- 
tleman named Poltrot, whose fanatical zeal for the interests 
of the Protestant religion instigated him to that atrocious vio- 
lence '. 

The death of this great man was an irreparable loss to the 
Catholic party. The cardinal of Lorrain, though eloquent, 
subtle, and intriguing, did not possess that enterprising and un- 
daunted spirit which had rendered the ambition of the duke so 
formidable ; and therefore, though he still pursued the bold 
schemes of his family, the danger of their progress appeared not 
now so alarming either to Elizabeth or the French Protestants. 
Of course, the union between these allies, which had been 
cemented by their common fears, was in some measure loosened : 
and the leaders of the Huguenots were persuaded to listen to 
terms of a separate accommodation. Conde and Montmorency, 
equally tired of captivity, held conferences for that purpose, and 
soon came to an agreement with respect to the conditions. A 
toleration of their religion, under certain restrictions, was again 
granted to the Protestants ; a general amnesty was published, 
and every one was reinstated in his offices, dignities, and all civil 
rights and privileges 2 . 

The leaders of the Protestants only comprehended Elizabeth 
so far in this treaty, as to obtain a promise, that on her relin- 
quishing Havre de Grace, her charges and the money which she 
had advanced should be repaid by the king of France ; and that 
Calais, on the expiration of the stipulated term, should be re- 
stored to her. Disdaining to accept these conditions, she ordered 
the earl of Warwick to prepare himself against an attack from 
the now united power of the French monarchy. The garrison 
of Havre consisted of six thousand men, beside seven hundred 
pioneers ; and a resolute defence was expected. But a con- 
tagious distemper began to harass the English troops, and being 
increased by their fatigue and bad diet, it quickly made such 
ravages, that there did not remain fifteen hundred men in a 
condition to do duty. The earl, who had frequently warned the 
English ministry of his danger, and loudly demanded a supply of 

1 Me/eray, tome v. a Davila, lib. Hi. 



30 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

men and provisions, was therefore obliged to capitulate, and con- 
tent himself with the liberty of withdrawing his garrison J . 

Elizabeth, whose usual vigour and foresight had failed her 

A.D. in this transaction, now found it necessary to accede to 

1564. a compromise ; and, as Catharine wished for leisure, that 

she might concert measures for the extirpation of the Huguenots, 

she readily hearkened to any reasonable terms of accommodation 

with England. It was accordingly agreed, that the hostages 

which the French had given for the restitution of Calais should 

be delivered up for two hundred and twenty thousand crowns ; 

and that both parties should retain all their pretensions 2 . 

Peace still subsisted between England and Scotland ; and 
even a cordial friendship seemed to have taken place between 
Elizabeth and Mary. They made professions of the most sincere 
affection : they wrote complimentary letters every week to each 
other, and had adopted, in all appearance, the sentiments as well 
as the style of sisters. But the negotiation for the marriage of 
the queen of Scots awakened anew the jealousy of Elizabeth, and 
roused the zeal of the Scottish reformers. Mary's hand was 
solicited by the archduke Charles, the emperor's third son ; by 
Don Carlos, heir apparent to the Spanish monarchy ; and by the 
duke of Anjou, her former husband's brother, who afterward 
acquired the crown of France. Either of those foreign alliances 
would have been alarming to Elizabeth, and to Mary's Protest- 
ant subjects. She therefore resolved, notwithstanding the 
arguments of the cardinal of Lorrain, to sacrifice her ambition to 
domestic peace ; and as Henry Stuart, lord Darnley, eldest son 
of the earl of Lennox, was the first British subject whom sound 
policy seemed to point out to her choice, she determined to make 
him the partner of her sway 3 . 

Darnley was Mary's cousin-german by lady Margaret Douglas, 
niece to Henry VIII. and daughter of the earl of Angus, by 
Margaret, queen of Scotland. He was, after herself, next heir 
to the English crown. He was also, by his father, a branch of 
her own family ; and would, in espousing her, preserve the royal 
dignity in the house of Stuart. He had been born and educated 
in England ; and as Elizabeth had often intimated to the queen 
of Scots, that nothing would so completely allay all jealousy 
between them as Mary's espousing an English nobleman*, the 
prospect of the ready approbation of that rival queen was an 
additional motive for the proposed marriage. 

1 Forbes, vol. ii. Davila, lib. iii. Forbes, vol. ii. * Keith. 



LETT. Lxvfn. MODERN EUROPE. 31 

But although Mary, as a queen, seemed to be solely influenced 
by political considerations in the choice of a royal consort, she 
had some motives, as a woman, for singling out Darnley as a 
husband. He was in the full bloom and vigour of youth, tall 
and well-proportioned, and surpassed all the men of his time in 
every exterior grace. He eminently excelled in all the arts 
which display a handsome person to advantage, and which, by 
polished nations, are dignified with the name of elegant accom- 
plishments. Mary was at an age, and of a complexion, to feel the 
force of such attractions. Lord Darnley accordingly made a 
conquest of her heart at their first interview : and it cannot be 
doubted that she made a deep impression upon him. Thus 
inclination conspired with policy to promote their union ; nor 
was it suspected that any opposition would be made by the 
English queen. . 

Secretly, Elizabeth was not displeased with Mary's choice, as 
it freed her at once from the dread of a foreign alliance, and 
from the necessity of parting with the earl of Leicester, her own 
handsome favourite, whom she had proposed as a husband to the 
queen of Scots. But beside a womanish jealousy and envy, 
proceeding from a consciousness of Mary's superior charms, 
which led her on all occasions to thwart the matrimonial views of 
that princess, certain ungenerous political motives induced her 
to show a disapprobation of the projected marriage with Darnley, 
though she either did not wish, or was sensible that she could not 
obstruct it. By declaring her dissatisfaction with Mary's con- 
duct, she hoped to alarm those Scots who were attached to the 
English interest, and to raise by their means intestine commo- 
tions, which would not only secure her own kingdom from 
all disturbance on that side, but would enable her to become 
the umpire between the Scottish queen and her contending 
subjects 1 . 

The scheme immediately succeeded in part, and afterward had 
its full effect. The earl of Murray, and other Protest- A.D. 
ant noblemen, were the dupes of Elizabeth's intrigues. 1365 - 
Under pretence of zeal for the reformed religion, because the 
earl of Lenox and his family were supposed to be Catholics, but 
in reality to support their own sinking authority, they formed 
among themselves bonds of confederacy and mutual defence. 
They entered into a secret correspondence with the English 
resident, to secure Elizabeth's assistance, when it should become 

1 Keith. 



32 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

necessary ; and, despairing of being able to prevent the marriage 
of the queen of Scots by any other means, they concerted mea- 
sures for seizing Darnley, and carrying him prisoner into Eng- 
land 1 . They failed, however, in the attempt; and Mary, with 
the general consent of the Scottish nation, celebrated her mar- 
riage with Darnley. 

Conscious that all hopes of reconciliation were now at an end, 
the associated lords assembled their followers and flew to arms ; 
but by the vigour and activity of Mary, who appeared herself at 
the head of her troops, rode with loaded pistols, and endured with 
admirable fortitude all the fatigues of war, the rebels were 
obliged to fly into England 2 . There they met with a reception 
very different from what they expected, and which strongly 
marks the character of Elizabeth. That politic princess had 
already effectually served her purpose, by exciting in Scotland, 
through their means, such discord and jealousies as would in all 
probability long distract and weaken Mary's government. It 
was now her business to save appearances ; and as the malcon- 
tents had failed of success, she thought proper to disavow all 
connexions with them. She would not even grant an audience 
to the earl of Murray and the abbot of Kilwinning, appointed 
by the other fugitives to wait on her, before they had meanly 
consented to acknowledge, in the presence of the French and 
Spanish ambassadors, who accused her of fomenting the troubles 
in Scotland by her intrigues, that she had given them no encou- 
ragement to take up arms. " You have spoken the truth !" 
replied she, as soon as they had made this declaration : " I am 
far from setting an example of rebellion to my own subjects, by 
countenancing those who rebel against their lawful sovereign. 
The treason of which you have been guilty is detestable ; and, 
as traitors, I banish you from my presence*." So little feeling 
had she for men who, out of confidence in her promises, had 
hazarded their lives and fortunes to serve her ! 

The Scottish exiles, finding themselves so harshly treated by 
Elizabeth, had recourse to the clemency of their own sovereign ; 
and Mary, whose temper naturally inclined her to lenity, seemed 
determined to restore them to favour, when the arrival of an 
ambassador from France altered her resolution. The peace 
granted to the reformers in that kingdom was intended only to 
lull them to sleep, and prepare the way for their final and abso- 
lute destruction. For this purpose an interview had been ap- 

Melvil. - Keith, Append. - Melvil. 



LETT. LXVIII. MODERN EUROPE. 33 

pointed at Bayonne, between Charles IX. now in his sixteenth 
year, and his sister the queen of Spain. Catharine of Medicis 
accompanied her son : the duke of Alva attended his mistress. 
Gaiety, festivity, love, and joy, seemed to be the sole occupation 
of both courts; but, under these smiling appearances, was 
devised a scheme the most bloody and the most destructive to 
the repose of mankind that had ever been suggested by super- 
stition to the human heart. Nothing less was concerted than 
the extermination of the Protestants in France and the Low 
Countries, and the extinction of the reformed opinions through- 
out Europe '. 

Of this Catholic or Holy League (for so that detestable A.D. 
conspiracy was called) an account was brought, by the 1566 - 
French ambassador, to the queen of Scots ; and she was in- 
treated, in the name of the king of France, not to restore the 
leaders of the Protestants in her kingdom to power and favour, 
at a time when the Popish princes of the continent were com- 
bined for the total extirpation of that sect 2 . Deeply tinctured 
with all the prejudices of popery, and devoted with the most 
humble submission to her uncles the princes of Lorrain, whose 
counsels from her infancy she had been accustomed to receive 
with 'filial respect, Mary instantly joined the confederacy: 
hence she was induced to change her resolution with regard to 
the banished lords 3 . 

The effects of this new system were soon visible in her con- 
duct. The parliament was summoned for the attainder of the 
rebels, whose guilt was palpable, and some measures were con- 
certed for re-establishing the Romish religion in Scotland 4 ; so 
that the ruin of Murray and his party seemed now inevitable, 
and the destruction of the reformed church no distant event, 
when an unexpected incident saved both, and brought on, in 
the sequel, the ruin of Mary herself. 

The incident to which I allude is the murder of David Rizzio, 
a man whose birth and education afforded little reason to sup- 
pose that he would ever attract the historian's notice, but whose 
death, and its consequences, render it necessary to record his 
adventures. The son of a teacher of music at Turin, and him- 
self a musician, Rizzio had accompanied the Piedmontese ambas- 
sador into Scotland, where he gained admittance into the queen's 
family by his skill in his profession ; and as Mary found him 



1 Thuan. lib. xxxvii Davila, lib. iii. Mi-lvil. 

3 Robertson's Hist. Scot. Append. No. XIII. 4 Keith, p. 316. 

VOL. II. D 



34 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

necessary to complete her musical band, she retained him in her 
service, by permission, after the departure of his master. Shrewd, 
supple, and aspiring, he quickly crept into the queen's favour ; 
and her French secretary happening to retire into his own 
country, she promoted Rizzio to that office. He now began to 
make a figure at court, and to appear as a man of weight and 
consequence ; and he was soon regarded as the queen's con- 
fidential adviser, even in politics. To him the whole train of 
suitors and expectants applied; and among the rest Darnley, 
whose marriage Rizzio promoted, in hopes of acquiring a new 
patron, while he co-operated with the wishes of his mistress. 

But this marriage, so natural and so inviting in all its cir- 
cumstances, disappointed the expectations both of the queen 
and her favourite, and terminated in events the most shocking 
to humanity. Allured by the stature, symmetry, and exterior 
accomplishments of Darnley, Mary, in her choice, had over- 
looked the qualities of his mind, which corresponded ill with 
those of his person. As his temper was violent yet variable, she 
could neither by her gentleness bridle his insolent and imperious 
spirit, nor preserve him by her vigilance from rash and imprudent 
actions. Of mean understanding, but, like most fools, conceited 
of his own abilities, he was devoid of all gratitude, because he 
thought no favours equal to his merit ; and being addicted to 
low pleasures, to drunkenness and debauchery, he was incapable 
of any true sentiments of love or tenderness l . All Mary's fond- 
ness and generosity made no lasting impression on such a heart. 
He became, by degrees, careless of her person, and a stranger 
to her company. To a woman and a queen such behaviour was 
intolerable, particularly to one who possessed great sensibility, 
and who, in the first effusions of her love, had taken a pride in 
exalting her husband beyond measure. She had granted him 
the title of King, and had joined his name with her own in all 
public acts. Her disappointed passion was therefore as violent, 
when roused into resentment, as her first affection had been 
strong; and his behaviour appeared ungenerous and criminal, in 
proportion to the original superiority of her rank, and the 
honour and consequence to which she had raised him. 

The heart sore from the wounds and the agitations of unre- 
quited love, naturally seeks the repose, the consolation, and 
the lenient assuasives of friendship. Rizzio still possessed the 
confidence of Mary; and as the brutal behaviour of her husband 

1 Goodall, vol. i. Robertson, book iv. 



LETT. LXVIII. MODERN EUROPE. 35 

rendered a confidant now more necessary, she seems not only to 
have made use of her secretary's company and his musical talents 
to soothe her disquieted bosom, but to have imprudently shared 
with him her domestic griefs. To suppose that he also shared 
her embraces, is to offer an injury to her character for which 
history affords no proper foundation '. But the assuming vanity 
of the upstart, who affected to talk often and familiarly with the 
queen in public, and who boasted of his intimacy in private ; the 
dark and suspicious mind of Darnley, who, instead of imputing 
Mary's coldness to his own misconduct, which had so justly 
deserved it, ascribed the change in her behaviour to the influence 
of a new passion ; together with the rigid austerity of the 
Scottish clergy, who would allow no freedoms, contributed to 
spread this opinion among the people, ever ready to listen to any 
slander on the court ; and the enemies of the favourite, no less 
ready to take advantage of any popular clamour, made it a pre- 
tence for their unjust and inhuman vengeance. 

Rizzio, who had connected his interests with the Catholics, 
was the declared enemy of the banished lords ; and by pro- 
moting the violent prosecution against them, he had exposed 
himself to the animosity of their numerous friends and adherents. 
Among these were the lords Ruthven and Lindsay, the earl of 
Morton, and Maitland of Lethington. While they were rumi- 
nating upon their grievances, and the means of redress, the king 
communicated his resolution to be revenged on Rizzio to lord 
Ruthven, and implored his assistance and that of his friends 
towards the execution of his design. Nothing could be more 
acceptable to the whole party than such an overture. The 
murder of the favourite was instantly agreed upon, and as 
quickly carried into execution. Morton having secured the 
gates of the palace with a hundred and sixty armed men, the 
king, accompanied by the other conspirators, entered the queen's 
apartment, by a private passage, while she was at supper with 
Rizzio and other courtiers. Alarmed at such an unusual visit, 
she demanded the reason of this rude intrusion. The malcon- 
tents answered her by pointing to Rizzio, who immediately 
retired behind the queen's chair, and seized her by the waist, 



1 Buchanan, whose prejudices are well known, is the only Scottish historian who 
directly accuses Mary of a criminal love for Kizzio. Knox, notwithstanding his 
violence and inveteracy, only slightly insinuates that such a suspicion was enter- 
tained. But the silence of Randolph, the English resident, a man abundantly 
ready to mention, and to aggravate Mary's faults, and who does not once inti- 
mate that her confidence in Rizzio contained any thing criminal, is a sufficient 
vindication of her innocence in this respect. 

D 2 



36 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

hoping that the respect due to her royal person would prove 
some protection to him. But the conspirators had gone too far 
to be restrained by punctilios. George Douglas eagerly took 
the king's dagger, and stuck it into the body of Rizzio, who, 
screaming with fear and agony, was torn from Mary, and pushed 
into an adjoining room, where he was dispatched with many 
wounds 1 . 

" I will weep no more," said the queen, drying her tears, when 
informed of her favourite's fate ; " I shall now think of revenge." 
The insult on her person, the stain attempted to be fixed on her 
honour, and the danger to which her life was exposed on account 
of the advanced state of her pregnancy, were injuries so atrocious 
and complicated, as scarcely indeed to admit of pardon, even 
from the greatest lenity. Mary's resentment, however, was im- 
placable against her husband alone. She artfully engaged him, 
by her persuasions and caresses, to disown all connexion with the 
conspirators, whom he had promised to protect ; to deny any con- 
currence in their crime ; and even to publish a proclamation con- 
taining so notorious a falsehood*. And having thus made him 
expose himself to universal contempt, and rendered it impracti- 
cable for him to acquire the confidence of any party, she threw 
him off with disdain and indignation. 

As her anger, absorbed by injuries more recent and violent, 
had subsided from former offenders, she had been reconciled to 
the banished lords. They were reinstated in their honours and 
fortunes. The accomplices in Rizzio's murder, who had fled 
into England on being deserted by Darnley, also applied to her 
for pardon: and although she at first refused compliance, she 
afterward, through the intercession of Bothwell, a new favourite, 
who was desirous of strengthening his party by the accession of 
their interest, permitted them to return into their own country*. 

The hour of Mary's labour now approached ; and as it seemed 
imprudent to expose her person, unprotected, to the insults 
which she might suffer in a kingdom torn by faction, she left 
the palace, and made the castle of Edinburgh the place of her 

June residence. There she was safely delivered of a son ; and 

!9- this being a very important event to England as well as 
to Scotland, she instantly dispatched sir James Melvil to Lon- 
don with the interesting intelligence. It struck Elizabeth for- 
cibly and by surprise. She had given a ball to her court at 



Melvil. Keith. Crawford. * Keith, Append. Goodall. 

8 Melvil. Keith. Knox. 



LETT. LXVIII. MODERN EUROPE. 37 

Greenwich on the evening of Melvil's arrival, and was displaying 
all that spirit and gaiety which usually attended her on such 
occasions ; but no sooner was she informed of the birth of the 
prince, than all her vivacity left her. Sensible of the supe- 
riority her rival had now acquired, she sunk into deep melan- 
choly : she reclined her head upon her hand, the tears flowing 
down her cheek, and complained to some of her attendants, that 
the queen of Scots was mother of a fair son, while she herself 
was but a barren stock 1 . The next morning, however, at the 
audience of the ambassador, she resumed her wonted cheerful- 
ness and dissimulation ; thanked Melvil for his haste in bringing 
her such agreeable news, and expressed the most cordial friend- 
ship for " her sister Mary." 

The birth of a son, as Elizabeth foresaw, gave additional zeal 
as well as weight to the partisans of the queen of Scots in Eng- 
land ; and even men of the most opposite parties began to call 
aloud for some settlement of the crown. The English queen 
had now reigned almost eight years, without discovering the 
least intention to marry. A violent illness, with which she was 
seized, had lately endangered her life, and alarmed the nation 
with a prospect of all the calamities that are occasioned by a 
disputed and dubious succession. A motion was therefore made, 
and eagerly listened to in both houses of parliament, for address- 
ing the queen on the subject. It was urged, that her love for 
her people, her duty to the public, her concern for posterity, 
equally called upon her, either to declare her own resolution to 
marry, or consent to an act establishing the order of succession 
to the crown 2 . 

Elizabeth's ambitious and masculine character, and her re- 
peated declarations, that she meant to live and die a VIRGIN- 
QUEEN, rendered it improbable that she would take the first of 
these steps ; and as no title to the crown could, with any colour 
of justice, be set in opposition to that of the queen of Scots, 
most of the English nobility seemed convinced of the necessity 
of declaring her the presumptive successor. The union of the 
two kingdoms was a desirable object to all discerning men ; and 
the birth of the prince of Scotland gave hopes of its perpetuity. 
Even the more moderate Protestants, soothed by Mary's lenity 
to her own subjects, concurred with the Catholics in supporting 
her claim 8 . Nor would all the policy and address of Elizabeth 

1 Melvil. 2 D' Ewes' Journ. of Parliament. * Melvil. 



38 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

have been able to prevent the settlement of the crown on her 
rival, had not Mary's indiscretions, if not her crimes, thrown her 
from the summit of prosperity, and plunged her into infamy and 
ruin. 

James earl of Bothwell, a man of profligate manners, and by 
no means eminent for talents either civil or military, had distin- 
guished himself by his attachment to the queen ; and, since the 
death of Rizzio, from the custody of whose murderers he had 
been the chief instrument of releasing her, Mary's gratitude, 
and perhaps a warmer sentiment, had gratified him with parti- 
cular marks of her favour and confidence. She had raised him 
to offices of power and of trust, and transacted no matter of 
importance without his advice. Bothwell gained on her affection 
(for such it certainly soon became) in proportion as her regard 
for her husband declined ; and her contempt for the latter 
appears to have been completed, though not occasioned, by her 
love for the former. She was not only suspected of a criminal 
commerce with the earl ; but so indiscreet was her familiarity, 
and so strongly marked was her hatred against her husband, 
that when Henry, unable to bear that insignificance into which 

A.D. he had fallen, left the court, and retired to Glasgow, a 

1567. disorder, which seized him soon after his arrival, was 
ascribed to a dose of poison, which, it was said, she had procured 
to be administered to him. The king himself, however, seems to 
have had no such suspicions ; for the queen having paid him a 
visit, during his sickness, and discovered great anxiety for his 
recovery, he accompanied her to Edinburgh, as soon as he could 
be moved, in order that she herself might be able to attend him 
without being absent from her son 1 . He was lodged, for the 
benefit of retirement and air, as was pretended, in a solitary 
house called the Kirk of Field, situated on a rising ground at 
some distance from Holyrood-house. There he was assiduously 
attended by Mary, who slept several nights in the chamber under 
his apartment. But she suddenly, one night, left the Kirk of 
Field, in order to be present at a masque in the palace ; and, 

Feb. about three hours afterward, the house in which the 
10 - king lay was blown up with gunpowder, and his dead 
body was found in a neighbouring inclosure*. 

The earl of Bothwell was generally considered as the author 

1 Goodall, vol. ii. Dr. Robertson supposes this confidence to have been inspired 
by the insidious blandishments of Mary. 
* Crawford. Spotswood. Keith. 



LETT. LXVIII. MODERN EUROPE. 39 

of this horrid murder l . Some suspicions were entertained that 
the queen herself was no stranger to the crime ; and the subse- 
quent conduct of both, independent of every other circumstance, 
affords some presumption of their mutual guilt. But the evi- 
dence on the other hand, that would go far to implicate the lords 
of the Congregation, is sufficiently strong to counterbalance the 
presumption. The queen certainly behaved imprudently both 
before and after the murder of her husband ; whether she was 
not worse than imprudent, still remains a matter of controversy. 
It is certain that Mary not only studiously avoided bringing 
Bothwell to a fair and legal trial 2 , notwithstanding the earnest 
entreaties of the earl of Lenox and the general voice of the 
nation, but allowed the man who was publicly accused of the 
murder of her husband, to enjoy all the dignity and power, as 
well as all the confidence and familiarity of a favourite 3 ! She 
committed to him the government of the castle of Edinburgh 4 ; 
which with the offices he already possessed, gave him the entire 
command of the south of Scotland. She was carried off Ma lg 
by him, in returning from a visit to her son, and seem- 
ingly with her own consent 5 : she lived with him for some time 
in a state of supposed violation ; and as soon as he could procure 
a sentence, divorcing him from a young lady of virtue and merit, 
to whom he was lawfully married, she shamefully gave her hand 
to this reputed ravisher and regicide ! 

The particular steps by which these events were brought about 
are of little moment : it is more important to mark their conse- 
quences. Such a quick succession of incidents, so singular and 
so detestable, filled Europe with amazement, and threw infamy 
not only on the principal actors in the guilty scene, but also on 
the whole nation. The Scots were universally reproached as men 



1 Melvil's Mem. p. 155. Anderson, vol. i. 

2 A kind of mock trial was hurried on with indecent precipitancy, and preceded 
by so many indications of violence, that Lenox was afraid to appear in support of 
his charge. After in vain craving delay, he therefore protested against the legality 
of any sentence that might be given. As no accuser appeared, the jury acquitted 
Bothwell, but this judgment, pronounced without the examination of a single wit- 
ness, was considered an argument of his guilt rather than a proof of his innocence. 
Besides other suspicious circumstances, he was accompanied to the place of trial by 
a large body of armed men. Anderson, vol. i. Keith, p. 375, 37'- 

* Even when lying under the accusation of the king's murder, Bothwell lived for 
some time in the same house with Mary, and took his seat in the council as usual, 
instead of being confined to close prison. Anderson, vol. i. ii. 

4 Spotswood, p. 201. 

5 Melvil's Mem. p. 158. Melvil, who was himself one of Mary's attendants, tells 
us that he saw no signs of reluctance, and that he way informed the whole transaction 
was managed in concert with her. 



40 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

void of courage or of humanity; as equally regardless of the 
reputation of their queen and the honour of their country, in 
suffering such atrocious acts to pass with impunity 1 . 

These merited reproaches, and the attempts of Bothwell to 
get the young prince into his power, roused the Scottish nobles 
from their lethargy. A considerable body of them assembled at 
Stirling, and entered into an association for the defence of the 
prince's person, and for punishing the king's murderers 2 . The 
queen and Bothwell were thrown by this league into the utmost 
consternation. They knew the sentiments of the nation with 
respect to their conduct ; they foresaw the storm that was ready to 
burst on their heads ; and, to provide against it, Mary issued a 
proclamation, requiring her subjects to take arms and attend her 
husband by a day appointed. She also published a sort of mani- 
festo, in which she endeavoured to vindicate her government from 
those imputations with which it had been loaded, and employed 
the strongest terms to express her concern for the safety and 
welfare of the prince her son. But neither of these measures 
produced any considerable effect. The associated lords had as- 
sembled an army before the queen and Bothwell were in any 
condition to face them. Mary and her husband fled to Dunbar ; 
and as Bothwell had many dependents in that quarter, he col- 
lected in a short time such a force as emboldened him to leave 
the town and castle, and advance towards the confederates. 

The two armies met at Carberry-hill, near Edinburgh, and 
Mary was soon made sensible, that her own troops, nearly equal 
in number to those of the confederates, disapproved her cause, 
and were unwilling to risk their lives in her quarrel 3 . They 
discovered no inclination to fight. She endeavoured to animate 
them : she wept, she threatened, she reproached them with 
cowardice ; but all in vain. After some bravadoes from Bothwell, 
to vindicate his innocence by single combat (which, however, he 
declined when an adversary offered to enter the lists), Mary saw 
no resource but that of holding a conference with Kirkaldy of 
Grange, one of the chief confederates, and of putting herself, on 
some general promises, into their hands *. 

Bothwell, during this parley, fled unattended to Dunbar ; 
where, finding it impossible to assemble an army, he fitted out 

1 Anderson, vol. i. Melvil, p. 163. Robertson, Append. No. xx. 

1 Keith, p. 394. 

3 Spotswood, p. 20?. Keith, p. 401, 402. 

* Calderwood, vol. ii. Melvil, p. 165. 



LETT. LXVIII. MODERN EUROPE. 41 

some small vessels, set sail for the Orkneys, and there subsisted 
some time by piracy. But being pursued even to that extreme 
corner by Kirkaldy, the greater part of his little fleet was taken, 
with several of his servants, who afterwards discovered all the 
circumstances of the king's murder, and suffered for their share 
in the crime 1 . The earl himself made his escape to Norway 
with a single ship. On that coast he attempted to renew his 
piracies ; was there taken, thrown into prison, lost his senses, 
and died miserably, ten years after, in a dungeon, unpitied by 
his countrymen, and neglected by strangers *. 

The queen, now in the hands of an enraged faction, met with 
such treatment as a sovereign may naturally expect from subjects 
who have their future security to provide for, as well as their pre- 
sent animosity to gratify. She was conducted to Edinburgh amid 
the insults of the populace, who reproached her with her crimes, 
and held up before her eyes, whichever way she turned, a stan- 
dard, on which was painted the dead body of her late husband, 
with her infant son kneeling before it, and uttering these words : 
"Judge and revenge my cause, O Lord!" Mary shrunk with 
horror from such a shocking object ; but, notwithstanding all her 
arguments and entreaties, the same standard was exhibited, and 
the same insults and reproaches were repeated 3 . Under pretence 
that her behaviour was unsuitable to her condition, and fearing 
the return of Bothwell, to whom she still declared her attachment, 
the confederates now sent her to the castle of Lochleven, and 
signed a warrant to William Douglas, the proprietor of the for- 
tress, to detain her as a prisoner *. 

No sooner did the news of these events reach England, than 
Elizabeth, apparently laying aside all her jealousies and fears, 
seemed resolved to employ her authority for alleviating the cala- 
mities of her unhappy kinswoman. She instantly dispatched sir 
Nicholas Throgmorton into Scotland, with power to negotiate 
both with the queen and the confederates. In his instructions 
there appears a remarkable solicitude for Mary's liberty, and 
even for her reputation. But neither Elizabeth's interposition, 
nor Throgmorton's zeal and abilities, were of much benefit to the 
Scottish queen. The confederates apprehended that Mary, elate 
with the prospect of protection, would reject their overtures with 
disdain : they therefore peremptorily denied the ambassador access 



1 Anderson, vol. ii. Melvil, p. 163. 

s Crawford's Mem. p. 33. Keith, p. 402. Robertson, book iv. 

4 Keith, p. 403. 



42 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

to their prisoner, and either refused or eluded his proposals in 
her behalf 1 . 

The queen of Scots, in the mean time, endured all the rigour 
and horrors of a prison. No prospect of liberty appeared : none 
of her subjects had either taken arms, or even solicited her 
relief: nor was any person in whom she could confide admitted 
into her presence. She was cut off from all the world. In this 
melancholy situation, without a counsellor, without a friend, 
under the pressure of misfortune, and the apprehension of dan- 
ger, it was natural for a woman to listen to almost any overtures. 
The confederates took advantage of Mary's distress and of her 
fears. They employed lord Lindsay, the fiercest zealot of the 
party, to make her acquainted with their purpose ; and they 
threatened to prosecute her, as the principal conspirator against 
the life of her husband and the safety of her son, if she should 
refuse to comply with their demands. Alary, overpowered by 
her unhappy condition, and believing that no deed which she 

July should execute during her captivity would be valid, signed 

24 - a resignation of the crown ; in consequence of which her 
natural brother, the earl of Murray, was appointed regent under 
the young prince, who was proclaimed king by the name of 
James VI. 1 

Here, my dear Philip, I must make a pause, for the sake of 
perspicuity. The subsequent part of this interesting story, the 
continuation of the civil wars in France, and the rise of those in 
the Low Countries, will furnish materials for the next Letter. 



LETTER LXIX. 

History of Great Britain, from the Flight of the Queen of Scots 
into England, with an Account of the Civil Wars on the Con- 
tinent, till the Death of Charles IX. of France, in 1574. 

THE condescension of Mary in resigning the crown to her son, 
and the administration of affairs to her rebellious subjects, did 
not procure her enlargement. She was still confined in the 
castle of Lochleven. A parliament, summoned by the earl of 
Murray, even declared her resignation valid, and her imprison- 

1 Keith, p. 411. Anderson. Melvil. Keith. 



LETT, i.xix. MODERN EUROPE. 43 

ment lawful, while it recognised his election to the office of 
regent 1 ; and, being a man of vigour and abilities, he employed 
himself with success in reducing the kingdom to obedience. 

But although most mon seemed to acquiesce in Murray's 
authority, there still were in Scotland many secret murmurs and 
cabals. The duke of Chatelherault, who, as first prince of the 
blood, thought he had an undoubted right to the regency, bore 
no good will to the new government; and similar sentiments 
were embraced by his numerous friends and adherents. All 
who leaned to the ancient opinions in religion were inclined to 
join this party ; and the length and rigour of Mary's sufferings 
began to move many, who had formerly detested her crimes, or 
blamed her imprudence, to commiserate her present condition 2 . 
Animated by these different motives, a body of the no- A.D. 
bility met at Hamilton, and concerted measures for sup- 1568 - 
porting the cause of the queen. 

While the Scots seemed thus returning to sentiments of duty 
and loyalty to their sovereign, Mary recovered her liberty, in a 
manner no less surprising to her friends than unexpected by her 
enemies. She engaged, by her charms and caresses, George 
Douglas, her keeper's brother, to assist her in attempting her 
escape. -He conveyed her in disguise into a small boat, May 
and rowed her ashore. She hastened to Hamilton, and 2 - 
soon saw around her a body of nobles, and about six thousand 
combatants. Her resignation of the crown, which she declared 
had been extorted by fear, was pronounced illegal and void, in 
a council of the chief men of her party ; and an association was 
formed for the defence of her person and authority, and sub- 
scribed by nine earls, nine bishops, eighteen lords, and many 
gentlemen of distinction 3 . 

Elizabeth, when informed of the escape of the queen of Scots, 
affected a resolution of assisting her; and dispatched Maitland 
of Lethington into Scotland, to offer her good offices and mili- 
tary support*. But the regent was so expeditious in assembling 
forces, that the fate of Scotland was decided before any English 
succours could arrive. Confiding in the valour of his troops, 
Murray took the field with an army far inferior to that of Mary 
in number ; and a battle was fought at Langside, near Glasgow, 
which proved decisive in his favour, and was followed by the 
total dispersion of the queen's party. 

1 Anderson, vol. ii. 2 Buchan. lib. xviii. 

3 Keith, p. 475. ' Buchan. lib. xix. Keith, p. 477- 



44 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

Mary, who, within the space of thirteen days, had been a 
prisoner at the mercy of her rebellious subjects, had seen a 
powerful army under her command and a numerous train of 
nobles at her devotion, was now obliged to flee in the utmost 
danger of her life, and lurk with a few attendants in a corner of 
her kingdom. She had beheld the engagement from a neigh- 
bouring hill ; and so lively were her impressions of fear, when 
she saw that army broken on which her last hope rested, that 
she did not close her eyes before she reached the abbey of Dun- 
drenan, in Galloway, above sixty miles from the field of battle '. 
Not thinking herself safe, even in that obscure retreat, and still 
haunted by the horrors of a prison, she embraced the rash reso- 
lution of retiring into England, and of throwing herself on the 
generosity of her royal relative. 

Elizabeth was now under the necessity of adopting some 
decisive resolution with regard to her treatment of the queen of 
Scots ; and the pleasure" of mortifying, while in her power, a 
rival whose beauty and accomplishments she envied, together 
with the cautious and interested counsels of Cecil her prime 
minister, determined her to disregard all the motives of friend- 
ship and generous sympathy, and to regulate her conduct solely 
by the cruel maxims of an insidious policy. In answer, there- 
fore, to Mary's message, notifying her arrival in England, craving 
leave to visit the queen, and claiming her protection, in conse- 
quence of former promises and professions of regard, Elizabeth 
artfully replied, that while the queen of Scots lay under the 
imputation of a crime so horrid as the murder of her husband, 
she could not, without bringing a stain on her own reputation, 
admit her into her presence ; but as soon as she had cleared 
herself from that aspersion, she might depend on a reception 
suitable to her dignity, and support proportioned to her neces- 
sities 2 . 

Mary was overwhelmed with sorrow and surprise at so unex- 
pected a manner of evading her request ; nor was her bosom a 
stranger to the feelings of indignation ; but the distress of her 
condition obliged her to declare, that she was ready to justify 
herself to her sister from all imputations, and Would cheerfully 
submit her cause to the arbitration of so good a friend 3 . This 
was the very point to which Elizabeth wished to bring the 
matter, and the great object of her intrigues. She now con- 

1 Keith, p. 482. Anderson, vol. iv. 3 Id. ibid. 



LETT. LXIX. MODERN EUROPE. 45 

sidered herself as umpire between the queen of Scots and her 
subjects, and began to act in that capacity. She proposed to 
nominate commissioners to hear the pleadings on both sides, 
and desired the regent to appoint proper persons to appear be- 
fore them in his name, and to produce what he could allege in 
vindication of his proceedings against his sovereign. 

Mary, who had hitherto relied with some degree of confidence 
on Elizabeth's professions, and who, when she consented to sub- 
mit her cause to that princess, expected that the queen herself 
would receive and examine her defences, now plainly perceived 
the artifice of her rival, and the snare that had been laid for 
her *. She, therefore, retracted the offer she had made, and 
which had been perverted to a purpose contrary to her inten- 
tion : she meant to consider Elizabeth, as an equal for whose 
satisfaction she was willing to explain any part of her conduct 
that seemed liable to censure, not to acknowledge her as a supe- 
rior. But her own words will best express her sentiments on 
this subject. " In my present situation," says she in a letter to 
the English queen, " I neither will nor can reply to the accu- 
sations of my subjects. But I am ready of my own accord, and 
out of friendship to you, to satisfy your scruples, and to vindicate 
my own conduct. My subjects are not my equals ; nor will I, 
by submitting my cause to a judicial trial, acknowledge them to 
be so. I fled into your arms as into those of my nearest rela- 
tion and most perfect friend. I did you honour, as I imagined, 
in choosing you preferably to any other sovereign, to be the re- 
storer of an injured queen. Was it ever known that a prince 
was blamed for hearing in person the complaints of those who 
applied to his justice, against the false accusations of their ene- 
mies ? You admitted into your presence my bastard brother, 
who had been guilty of rebellion ; and you deny me that honour ! 
God forbid that I should be the cause of bringing any stain on 
your reputation ! I expected that your manner of treating me 
would have added lustre to it. Suffer me either to implore the 
aid of other potentates, whose delicacy on this head will be less, 
and resentment of my wrongs greater ; or let me receive from 
your hands that assistance which it becomes you more than any 
other sovereign to grant ; and by that benefit bind me to your- 
self in the indissoluble ties of gratitude 2 ." 

This letter, which somewhat disconcerted her plan, the English 
queen communicated to her privy council ; and it was declared, 

1 Anderson, ubi sup. 3 Anderson, vol. iv. 



46 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

that she could not, consistently with her own honour, or with 
the safety of her government, either give the queen of Scots the 
assistance which she demanded, or permit her to retire out of 
the kingdom, before the termination of the inquiry into her 
conduct. It was also agreed to remove Mary, for the sake of 
greater safety, from Carlisle, where she had taken refuge, to 
Bolton-castle in Yorkshire, belonging to lord Scrope 1 . 

The resolution of the privy council, with regard to Mary's 
person, was immediately carried into execution ; and she found 
herself entirely in her rival's power. Her correspondence with 
her friends in Scotland was now more difficult ; all prospect of 
escape was cut off; and, although she was still treated with the 
respect due to a queen, her real condition was that of a prisoner. 
She knew what it was to be deprived of liberty, and dreaded 
confinement as the worst of evils. 

Elizabeth took advantage of this season of terror, of impa- 
tience, and despair, to extort Mary's consent to the projected 
trial. She was confident, she said, that the queen of Scots would 
find no difficulty in refuting all the calumnies of her enemies ; 
and, though her apology should even fall short of conviction, 
she was determined to support her cause. It was never meant, 
she added, that Mary should be cited to a trial on the accusation 
of her rebellious subjects; but, on the contrary, that they should 
be summoned to appear and to justify themselves for their con- 
duct toward her 2 . Commissioners were accordingly appointed 
by the English court for the examination of this great cause ; 
and conferences took place between them and the Scottish com- 
missioners, first at York, and afterward at Westminster. 

During the conferences at York, Mary's commissioners seemed 
to triumph, as the regent had hitherto declined accusing her of 
any participation in the guilt of her husband's murder, which 
alone could justify the violent proceeding of her subjects. But 
the face of the question was soon changed, on the renewal of 
the conferences at Westminster immediately under the eye of 
the English queen. Murray, encouraged by the assurances of 
Elizabeth's protection, laid aside his delicacy and his fears, and 
not only charged his sovereign with consenting to the murder of 
her' husband, but with being accessary to the contrivance and 
execution of it. The same accusation was offered by the earl of 
Lenox, who appearing before the English commissioners, craved 
vengeance for the blood of his son *. 

1 Anderson, vol. iv. 2 Id. Ibid * Goodall, vol. ii. Anderson, vol. iv. 



LETT. LXIX. MODERN EUROPE. 47 

But accusations were not sufficient for Elizabeth ; she wished 
to have proofs ; and in order to draw them with decency from 
the regent, she commanded her delegates to testify her indig- 
nation and displeasure at his presumption, in forgetting so far 
the duty of a subject as to accuse his sovereign of such atrocious 
crimes. Murray, thus arraigned in his turn, offered to show 
that his accusations were neither false nor malicious. He pro- 
duced, among other evidence in support of his charge, some 
sonnets and love-letters, from Mary to Bothwell, written partly 
before, partly after the murder of her husband, and containing 
incontestable proofs of her consent to that barbarous deed, of 
her criminal amours, and her concurrence in the pretended rape 1 . 
Stunned by this latent blow, against which it appears they were not 
provided with any proper defence, Mary's commissioners endea- 
voured to change the inquiry into a negotiation ; and finding 
that attempt impracticable, as the English commissioners in- 
sisted on proceeding, they finally broke off the conferences with- 
out making any reply. 

Elizabeth, having obtained these alleged evidences of her 
rival's guilt, began to treat her with less delicacy. Orders were 
given for removing Mary from Bolton, a place surrounded with 
Catholics, to Tutbury, in the county of Stafford ; and, as Eli- 
zabeth entertained hopes that the queen of Scots, depressed by 



1 Some bold attempts have lately been made to prove these letters and sonnets 
to be forgeries ; but, unfortunately for Mary's reputation, the principal arguments 
in support of their authenticity yet remain unanswered. 1. They were examined 
and compared with her acknowledged hand-writing, in many letters to Elizabeth, 
not only by the English commissioners, and by the Scottish council and parliament, 
but by the English privy council, assisted by several noblemen well affected to the 
cause of the queen of Scots, who all admitted them to be authentic. (Anderson, 
vol. iv.) This circumstance is of great weight in the dispute ; for although it is not 
very difficult to counterfeit a subscription, it is almost impossible to counterfeit any 
number of pages so perfectly as to elude detection. 2. Mary and her commissioners, 
by declining to refute the charge of the regent, though requested to attempt a 
refutation in any manner or form, and assured by Elizabeth that silence would be 
considered as the fullest confession of guilt, seemed to admit the justice of the 
accusation. (Id. ibid.) 3. The duke of Norfolk, who had been favoured with 
every opportunity of examining the letters in question, and who gave the strongest 
marks of his attachment to the queen of Scots, yet believed them to be authentic. 
(State Trials, vol. i.) 4. In the conferences between the duke, Maitland of Le- 
thington, and bishop Lesley, all zealous partisans of Mary, the authenticity of the 
letters and her participation in the murder of her husband, are always taken for 
granted. (Id. ibid.) 5. Independently of all other evidence, the letters themselves 
contain many internal proofs of their authenticity ; many minute and unnecessary 
particulars, which could have occurred to no person employed to forge them, and 
which, as the English commissioners ingeniously observed, " were unknown to any 
other than to herself and Bodnvell." 6. Their very indelicacy is a proof of their 
authenticity ; for although Mary, in an amorous moment, might slide into a gross 
expression, in writing to a mnn to whom she had sacrificed her honour, the framer of 
no forgery could hope to secure its credibility by imputing such expressions to so 
polite and accomplished a princess as the queen of Scots. 



48 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

her misfortunes, and still feeling the shock of the late attack on 
her reputation, would now be glad to secure a retreat at the 
expense of her grandeur, she promised to bury every thing in 
oblivion, provided that Mary would either agree to confirm her 
resignation of the crown, or to associate her son with her in the 
government, and permit the administration to remain with the 
earl of Murray during the minority of James. But that high- 
spirited princess refused all treaty on such terms. " Death," 
said she, " is less dreadful than such an ignominious step. 
Rather than give away with my own hands the crown which 
descended to me from my ancestors, I will part with life : the last 
words which I utter shall be those of a queen of Scotland 1 ." 

After an end had been put to the conferences, the regent 
returned to Scotland, and Mary was confined more closely than 
ever. In vain did she still demand, that Elizabeth should either 
assist her in recovering her authority, or permit her to retire 
into France, and make trial of the friendship of other potentates. 
Aware of the danger attending both these proposals, Elizabeth 
resolved to comply with neither, but to detain her rival still a 
prisoner ; and the proofs produced of Mary's guilt, she hoped 
would apologize for this severity. The queen of Scots, however, 
before the regent's departure, had artfully recriminated upon 
him and his party, by accusing them of having devised and 
executed the murder of the king. Though this charge, which 
was not adduced before the dissolution of the conferences, was 
generally considered as a mere expression of resentment 2 , Mary 
had behaved with such modesty, propriety, and even dignity, 
during her confinement, that her friends were enabled, on plau- 
sible grounds, to deny the reality of the crimes imputed to her ; 
and a scheme was formed in both kingdoms, for restoring her to 
liberty and placing her on the throne. 

The fatal marriage of the queen of Scots with Bothvvell was 
the grand source of all her misfortunes. A divorce alone could 
repair, in any degree, the injuries her reputation had suffered 
by that step ; and a new choice seemed the most effectual means 
of recovering her authority. Her friends, therefore, looked out 
for a husband whose influence would be sufficient to accomplish 



1 Haynes, p. 497. Goodall, vol. ii. 

2 Hume, vol. v. If Mary's commissioner could have produced any proofs of 
the earl of Murray's guilt, they would surely, as able advocates and zealous par- 
tisans, have prevented the accusation of her enemies; or they would have con- 
fronted accusation with accusation, instead of breaking off the conferences at the 
very moment when the charge was brought against their mistress, and when all 
their eloquence was necessary for the vindication of her honour. 



LETT. LXIX. MODERN EUROPE. 49 

this desirable end. A foreign alliance was, for many reasons, 
to be avoided ; and as the duke of Norfolk was, without com- 
parison, the first subject in England, and enjoyed the rare 
felicity of being popular with the most opposite factions, his 
marriage with the queen of Scots appeared so natural, that it 
had occurred to several of his own friends, as well as to those of 
Mary. Maitland of Lethington opened the scheme to him. He 
set before that nobleman the glory of composing the dissensions 
in Scotland, and at the same time held to his view the prospect 
of reaping the succession of England. The duke readily closed 
with a proposal so flattering to his ambition ; nor was Mary her- 
self unfriendly to a measure which promised so desirable a change 
in her condition 1 . 

But this scheme, like all those formed for the relief of the queen 
of Scots, had an unfortunate issue. Though the duke had 
declared that Elizabeth's consent should be obtained before the 
conclusion of his marriage, he attempted previously to gain the 
approbation of the most considerable English nobility, as he had 
reason to apprehend a violent opposition from her perpetual and 
unrelenting jealousy of her rival ; and as the nation now began 
to despair of the queen's marrying, and Mary's right to A.D. 
the succession was scarcely doubted by any one, her alii- I 569 - 
ance with an Englishman, and a zealous Protestant, seemed so 
effectually to provide against all those evils which might be ap- 
prehended from her choice of a foreign and a popish prince, that 
the greater part of the peers, either directly or tacitly, approved 
it as a salutary project. Even the earl of Leicester, Elizabeth's 
avowed favourite, seemed to enter zealously into the duke's 
interests, and wrote a letter to Mary, subscribed by several other 
noblemen, warmly recommending the match*. 

So extensive a confederacy could not escape the vigilance of 
Elizabeth, or of her minister, Cecil, a man of the deepest pene- 
tration, and sincerely attached to her person and government. 
Norfolk, however, flattered himself that the union of so many 
noblemen would make it necessary for the queen to comply ; and 
in a matter of so much consequence to the nation, the taking a 
few steps without her knowledge could scarcely, he thought, be 
deemed criminal. But Elizabeth thought otherwise. Any 
measure to her appeared criminal, that tended so visibly to save 
the reputation and increase the power of her rival. She also 
saw, that how perfect soever Norfolk's allegiance might be, and 

1 Camden. Haynes. a Lesley. Haynes. 

VOL. II. E 



50 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

that of the greater part of the noblemen who espoused his cause, 
they who conducted the intrigue had farther and more dangerous 
views than the relief of the queen of Scots ; and she dropped 
several hints to the duke, that she was acquainted with his views, 
warning him frequently to " beware on what pillow he reposed 
his head 1 !" Certain intelligence of this dangerous combination 
was at length given her by Leicester, who had perhaps coun- 
tenanced the project with no other intention than to defeat it. 
The Scottish regent, threatened with Elizabeth's displeasure, 
also meanly betrayed the duke ; put his letters into her hands, 
and furnished all the information in his power. Norfolk was 
committed to the Tower ; several other noblemen were taken 
into custody ; and the queen of Scots was removed to Coventry, 
where her imprisonment was rendered more intolerable by an 
excess of vigilance and rigour J . 

This intrigue was no sooner discovered than an attempt was 
made for restoring the Scottish queen to liberty by force of arms. 
The earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, two of the 
most ancient and powerful of the English peers, were attached 
to the Romish religion, and discontented with the court, where 
new men and new measures prevailed. Ever since Mary's arrival 
in England they had warmly espoused her interests, and had even 
engaged in several plots for her relief. They were privy to 
Norfolk's scheme : but the moderation and coolness of that 
nobleman did not suit their ardour and impetuosity. The liberty 
of the Scottish queen was not their sole object ; they aimed at 
bringing about a change in the religion and a revolution in the 
government of the kingdom. For these purposes they had 
solicited the aid of the king of Spain, the avowed patron of 
popery, and the natural enemy of Elizabeth. Glad of an oppor- 
tunity of disturbing the tranquillity of England, Philip ordered 
the duke of Alva, governor of the Low Countries, to encourage 
th'e two earls in their projected rebellion, by a promise of money 
and troops*. But Elizabeth fortunately gained intelligence of 
their schemes before they were ready to take the field ; and 
though they immediately assembled their retainers, and flew to 
arms, the queen acted with so much prudence and vigour, that 
they were obliged to disperse themselves without striking a 
blow. The common people retired to their houses, the leaders 
fled in to Scotland*. 



1 Camden. Spotswood. a Haynes. 

s Carte, vol. iii. * Camden's Ann. 



LETT. LXIX. MODERN EUROPE. 51 

Elizabeth was so well pleased with the behaviour of the duke 
of Norfolk during this insurrection, that she released him from 
the Tower, and allowed him to live in his own house, though 
under some show of confinement. But the queen of Scots, with 
whom he promised to hold no farther correspondence, was now 
more strictly guarded ; and Elizabeth, sensible of the danger of 
detaining her any longer in England, resolved to give up Mary 
into the hands of the regent, whose security, no less than that of 
the English queen, depended on preventing her from ascending 
the throne. The negotiation for this purpose had been carried 
some length, when it was discovered by the vigilance of Lesley, 
bishop of Ross, who, with the French and Spanish am- A. D. 
bassadors, remonstrated against the infamy of such a 15 70. 
transaction. A delay was thus procured ; and the violent death 
of the regent, who was shot, in revenge of a domestic injury, by 
a gentleman of the name of Hamilton, prevented the revival of 
the project 1 . 

On the death of the earl of Murray, who possessed vigour and 
abilities, with an austere and unamiable character, Scotland 
relapsed into a state of anarchy. The queen's party seemed for 
a time to prevail ; but at length, through the interposition of 
Elizabeth, who accompanied her recommendation with an armed 
force, the earl of Lenox was chosen regent ; and Mary, after 
being amused during ten months by a deceitful negotiation and 
the hopes of liberty, found herself under stricter custody than 
ever, and without any hopes of escaping from it '. In that joy- 
less situation we must leave her for a while, and take a view of 
the civil wars on the continent, the issue of which nearly con- 
cerned both the British queens. 

Elizabeth was sensible, that, as the head of the Protestant 
party, her safety in a great measure depended on the continuance 
of the commotions in France and the Low Countries. She there- 
fore contributed, as we have seen, both secretly and openly, to 
enable and encourage the reformers to support the struggle, 
while she watched the motions of the Catholics with a jealous 



1 Carte, vol. iii. Anderson, vol. iii. Part of Hamilton's estate had been bestowed 
upon one of the regent's favourites, who seized his house, and turned out his wife 
naked, in a cold night, into the fields ; where, before morning, she became furiously 
mad. From that moment he vowed revenge against the earl of Murray. Party 
rage strengthened and inflamed his private resentment ; and the maxims of that age 
appeared to justify the most desperate course he could take to obtain vengeance. 
He followed the regent for some time, watching an opportunity to strike the blow ; 
and at last shot him from a window as he was passing through Linlithgow, in his 
way from Stirling to Edinburgh. Crawford's Mtm. Buchanan. Robertson. 

3 Spotswood. Lesley. 

E 2 



52 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

eye. And an event happened about this time which increased 
her vigilance. Pope Pius V. after having endeavoured in vain 
to conciliate the favour and friendship of Elizabeth, issued a bull 
of excommunication against her ; depriving her of all title to the 
crown, and absolving her subjects from their oath of allegiance. 
This bull, which had, without doubt, been fulminated at the 
instigation of the Catholic princes, was affixed to the gates of the 
bishop of London's palace by one John Felton, a zealous papist ; 
who, scorning either to flee or deny the fact, was seized, con- 
demned, and executed. He not only suffered with constancy, but 
seemed to consider death, in such a cause, as a triumph '. 

Thus roused by the violent spirit of popery, Elizabeth, who 
had never been remiss, fixed her eye more steadily on the reli- 
gious wars in France and the Low Countries. The league con- 
certed at Bayonne, as has been already noticed, for the exter- 
mination of the Protestants, had not been concluded so secretly, 
but intelligence of it had reached Conde, Coligny, and other 
leaders of that party in France. Finding the measures of the 
court correspond with their suspicions, they determined to pre- 
vent the cruel perfidy of their enemies, and to strike a blow 
before the Catholics were aware of the danger. In consequence 
of this resolution, they formed, in 1567, the bold design of sur- 
prising the king and queen-mother, who were living in security 
at Monceau in Brie ; and had not the court received some 
indirect information of the conspiracy, which induced them to 
remove to Meaux, and been besides protected by a body of 
Swiss, who came hastily to their relief, and conducted them with 
great intrepidity to Paris, they must have fallen without resistance 
into the hands of the Protestants *. 

A battle was soon after fought in the plains of St. Denis; 
where, though the old constable Montmorency, the general of 
the Catholics, was slain, the Huguenots were defeated by reason 
of their inferiority in numbers. Conde, however, still undis- 
mayed, collected his broken troops; and having received a 
strong reinforcement of German Protestants, appeared again in 
the field at the head of a formidable force. With that new army 
he traversed great part of the kingdom ; and at last laying siege 
to Chartres, a place of much importance, obliged the court, in 
1 568, to agree to an accommodation 3 . 

This peace, being but a temporary expedient, and sincere on 



1 Camden's Ann, 2 Davila, lib. iv. Mezeray, tome v. 

3 Davila, lib. v. Mezeray, tome v. 



LETT. LXIX. MODERN EUROPE. 53 

neither side, was of short duration. The queen-mother, deceitful 
in all her negotiations, had formed a scheme for the seizure of 
Conde and Coligny. They received intelligence of their danger, 
fled to Rochelle, and summoned their partisans to their assist- 
ance. Thither the Huguenots resorted in great numbers, and 
the civil war was renewed with greater fury than ever. The 
duke of Anjou commanded the Catholics ; and gained, in 1569, 
under the direction of the marechal de Tavannes, the famous 
battle of Jarnac, after a struggle of seven hours. The prince 
of Conde, being wounded and made prisoner, was carried off 
the field, and killed in cold blood by a captain of the duke's 
guards *. 

But this defeat, though accompanied with the loss of so great 
a leader, did not break the spirit of the Huguenots. Coligny, 
whose courage was superior to all difficulties, still gallantly sup- 
ported their cause ; and having placed at the head of the party 
the king of Navarre, only sixteen years of age, and the young 
prince of Conde, to both of whom he acted as a father, he 
encouraged the Protestants rather to perish bravely in the field 
than by the hands of the executioner. Their ardour was not 
inferior to his own ; and being strengthened by a reinforcement 
of Germans, they obliged the duke of Anjou to retreat, and 
invested Poictiers 2 . 

As the eyes of all France were fixed on this enterprise, the 
young duke of Guise, emulous of the renown which his father 
had acquired by the defence of Metz, threw himself into the 
town, and so animated the garrison by his valour and conduct, 
that Coligny was obliged to raise the siege, in spite of his most 
vigorous efforts, after losing three thousand men a . Such was 
the rise of the reputation of Henry duke of Guise, whom we 
shall afterwards see attain so distinguished a height of fame and 
grandeur, and whose ambition engaged him in schemes so 
destructive of the authority of his sovereign, and the repose of 
his native country. 

Elizabeth, ever watchful of the civil commotions in France, 
was by no means pleased with this revival of the power of the 
house of Lorrain ; and, being anxious for the fate of the Pro- 
testants, whose interests were so intimately connected with her 
own, she sent them secretly a sum of money, besides artillery 
and military stores 4 . She also permitted Henry Campernon to 



Mezeray, ubi sup. Renault, tome i. * Davila, lib. v. 

Id. ibid. Camden's Ann. 



64 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

transport to France a regiment of gentlemen volunteers. Mean- 
while Coligny, constrained by the impatience of his troops, and 
the difficulty of subsisting them, fought with the duke of Anjou 
and the marechal de Tavannes the memorable battle of Mon- 
contour, in which he was wounded and defeated, with the loss 
nearly of ten thousand men l . 

The court of France and the Catholics, elate with this victory, 
vainly flattered themselves that the power of the Huguenots was 
finally broken ; and therefore neglected to take any farther steps 
for crushing an enemy no longer thought capable of resistance. 
What was then their surprise to hear that Coligny, still undis- 
mayed, had suddenly appeared in another quarter of the king- 
dom ; had inspired with all his ardour and constancy the two 
young princes whom he governed ; had assembled a formidable 
army, accomplished an extraordinary march, and was ready to 
besiege Paris ! The public finances, diminished by the con- 
tinued disorders, and wasted by so many fruitless wars, could 
not bear the charge of a new armament. The king was therefore 
obliged, in 1570, notwithstanding his violent animosity against 
the Protestants, to enter into a negotiation with them at St. 
Germain en Laye ; to grant them a pardon for all past offences ; 
to declare them capable of all offices, both civil and military ; to 
renew the edicts for liberty of conscience ; and cede to them for 
two years, as places of refuge, and pledges of their security, 
Rochelle, La Charite, Montauban, and Cognac 2 . The first of 
these cities kept the sea open for receiving succours from Eng- 
land, in case of a new war ; the second preserved the passage of 
the Loire ; the third commanded the frontiers of Languedoc 
and Querci ; and the fourth opened a passage into Angoumois, 
where the Huguenots had greater strength than in any other 
province. 

Thus an end was seemingly put to the civil wars of France. 
But Charles was in no degree reconciled to his rebellious subjects ; 
and this accommodation was employed as a snare, by which the 
perfidious court might carry more securely into execution that 
project which had been formed for the destruction of the Protes- 
tants. Their leaders were accordingly invited to Paris, and 
loaded with favours ; and in order to lull the party into yet 
greater security, Charles not only declared, that, convinced of 
the impossibility of forcing men's consciences, he was determined 
to allow every one the free exercise of his religion, but affected 

1 Davila, lib. v. Mezeray, tome v. Id. Ibid. 



LETT. LXIX. MODERN EUROPE. 55 

to enter into close connexions with Elizabeth *. He proposed a 
marriage between her and the duke of Anjou ; a prince whose 
youth, beauty, and valour, qualities to which the queen never 
appeared insensible, it was hoped, would serve for some time to 
amuse the court of England. 

Elizabeth, whose artful politics never triumphed so much as 
in those intrigues which were connected with her coquetry, im- 
mediately founded on this offer the project of deceiving the 
court of France. Negotiations, equally insincere on both sides, 
were accordingly commenced with regard to the marriage, and 
broken off under various pretences. Both courts, however, 
succeeded in their schemes. Charles's artifices, or rather those 
of Catharine, imposed on Elizabeth, and blinded the Hugue- 
nots ; and the prospect of the queen's marriage, and of an 
alliance between France and England, discouraged the partisans 
of Mary, so ready at all times to disturb the repose of the latter 
kingdom a . 

Elizabeth had also other motives for her dissimulation. The 
violent authority established by Philip in the Low Countries 
made her desirous of fortifying herself even with the shadow of 
a new confederacy. Not satisfied with having reduced to their 
former state of obedience the revolted Flemings, whom his bar- 
barous persecutions had roused to arms, that bigoted and tyran- 
nical prince seemed determined to make the late popular disorders 
a pretence for utterly abolishing their privileges, and ruling them 
thenceforth with an arbitrary sway. 

The duke of Alva, a fit instrument in the hands of such a 
despot, being employed by Philip to carry this violent design 
into execution, had conducted into the Low Countries, in 1568, 
a powerful body of Spanish and Italian veterans. The appear- 
ance of such an army, with the inexorable and vindictive 
character of its leader, struck the Flemings with terror and con- 
sternation. Their apprehensions were but too just. The privi- 
leges of the provinces were openly and expressly abolished by 
an edict ; arbitrary and sanguinary tribunals were erected ; the 
counts Egmont and Horn, notwithstanding their great merit and 
former services, and although they had been chiefly instrumental 
in quelling the late revolt, were brought to the block ; multitudes 
were daily delivered over to the executioner ; and nothing was 
to be heard or seen but seizure, confiscation, imprisonment, tor- 
ture, and death 3 . 

1 Camden. Davila. Digges. * Id. Ibid. * Temple. Grotius. 



56 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

Meanwhile William of Nassau, prince of Orange, surnamed 
the Silent, whose estate had been confiscated, was employed in 
raising an army of German Protestants, in order to attempt the 
relief of his native country ; and having completed his levies, 
he entered the Netherlands at the head of twenty-eight thousand 
men, and offered battle to the duke of Alva. But that prudent 
general, sensible of the importance of delay, declined the chal- 
lenge ; and the Spaniards being in possession of all the fortified 
towns, the prince was obliged, from want of money, to disband 
his army, without being able to effect any thing of importance 1 . 
Alva's good fortune only increased his insolence and cruelty. 
After entering Brussels in triumph, he ordered diligent search 
to be made after all who had assisted the prince of Orange, and 
put them to death by various tortures. He then commanded 
that fortresses should be built in the principal towns ; and at 
Antwerp he caused his own statue to be erected, in the attitude 
of treading on the necks of two smaller statues, representing the 
two estates of the Low Countries, accompanied with the emblems 
of heresy and rebellion ! Not satisfied with enslaving and insult- 
ing a free people, he proceeded to oppress them by enormous 
exactions. He demanded the hundredth penny, as a tax on all 
goods, whether moveable or immoveable, to supply his present 
exigencies : and, for the future, the twentieth penny annually 
on all immoveable goods or heritage ; and the tenth penny on all 
moveable goods, to be levied at every sale J . The inhabitants 
refused to submit to such unreasonable and burthensome imposts. 
The duke had recourse to his usual severities ; and the Flemings 
seemed in danger of being reduced to the most abject state of 
wretchedness, while the courts of France and England were 
amusing each other with a matrimonial treaty. 

Elizabeth, however, was never inattentive to the affairs of the 
Low Countries. She was equally displeased to see the progress 
of the scheme laid for the extermination of the Protestants, and 
to observe the erection of so great a military power in her imme- 
diate neighbourhood ; and hence, as already observed, she endea- 
voured to guard herself against the ambition of Philip by the 
appearance of an alliance with France. But her danger, from 
the Low Countries, was greater than she suspected it to be. 

The queen of Scots, thinking herself abandoned by the court 
of France, had applied for protection to that of Spain ; and 
Philip, whose dark and thoughtful mind delighted in the mystery 

1 Le Clerc, lib. L Grotius, lib. ii. Id. Ibid. 



LETT. LXIX. MODERN EUROPE. 57 

of intrigue, had maintained for some time a secret correspondence 
with Mary, by means of Lesley bishop of Ross, her ambassador 
at the court of England, and had supplied both herself and her 
adherents in Scotland with money. At length a scheme A.D. 
for rescuing Mary, and subverting the English govern- 15 71- 
ment, was concerted by the bishop of Ross, the Spanish ambas- 
sador, and Ridolphi, a Florentine, who had resided long in 
London, and was a private agent for the pope. Their plan was 
that the duke of Alva should land ten thousand men in the 
neighbourhood of London ; that the duke of Norfolk, whom they 
had drawn into their measures, and who had renewed his engage- 
ments with the queen of Scots, notwithstanding his solemn pro- 
mise to hold no correspondence with her, should join the Span- 
iards with all his friends, together with the English Catholics and 
malcontents ; that they should march in a body to the capital, 
and oblige Elizabeth to submit to what conditions they should 
think fit to impose 1 . 

But the queen and the nation were delivered from this danger 
by the suspicious temper of one of Norfolk's servants. Being 
intrusted with a bag of money under the denomination of silver, 
he concluded it to be gold from its weight, and carried it to 
secretary Cecil, then lord Burghley, whose penetrating genius 
soon discovered, and whose activity brought the whole con- 
spiracy to light. The duke of Norfolk, betrayed by his other 
servants, who had been privy to the plot, was seized, A.D. 
condemned as a traitor, and executed. The bishop of 15 72. 
Ross was committed to the Tower ; the Spanish ambassador was 
commanded to leave England ; and the earl of Northumberland, 
being delivered up to Elizabeth about this time by the regent 
of Scotland, was brought to the block for his share in the former 
rebellion 2 . Ridolphi, then on his journey to Brussels, escaped 
the arm of vengeance. 

The queen of Scots, who had been either the immediate or 
remote cause of all these disturbances, was kept under a stricter 
guard than formerly ; the number of her domestics was abridged, 
and no person was permitted to see her but in the presence of her 
keepers. The English parliament was even so enraged against 
her, that the commons made a direct application for her instant 
trial and execution 3 . But although Elizabeth durst not carry 
matters to such extremity against Mary, or was not at that time 



State Trials, vol. i. Lesley, p. 155. Id. ibid. Strype, vol. ii. 

8 D ; Ewes, Journ. of Parl. 



58 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

so disposed, the restless spirit of the captive princess, and her 
close connexion with Spain, made the queen of England resolve 
to act without disguise or ambiguity in the affairs of Scotland. 

That kingdom was still in a state of anarchy. The castle of 
Edinburgh, commanded by Kirkaldy of Grange, had declared for 
Mary ; and the lords of her party, encouraged by this circum- 
stance, had taken possession of the capital, and carried on a 
vigorous war against the regent. By an unexpected enterprise, 
they seized that nobleman at Stirling, and put him to death in 
revenge of former injuries. They were, however, overpowered 
by a detachment from the castle and an insurrection of the 
townsmen, and obliged to retire with precipitation. 

The earl of Mar was chosen regent of Scotland in the room of 
Lenox, and found the same difficulties to encounter in the 
government of that divided kingdom. He was therefore glad 
to accept the mediation of the French and English ambassadors, 
and to conclude, on equal terms, a truce with the queen's party. 
He was a man of a free and generous spirit ; and finding it im- 
possible to accommodate matters between the parties, or main- 
tain his own authority, without submitting to a dependence on 
England, he died of melancholy, occasioned by the distracted 
state of his country. 

Mar was succeeded in the regency of Scotland by the earl of 
Morton, who had secretly taken all his measures in concert with 
Elizabeth ; and as she was now determined to exert herself 
effectually in support of the king's party, she ordered sir William 
Drury, governor of Berwick, to march with troops and artillery 
to Edinburgh, and besiege the castle. Kirkaldy, after a gallant 
defence of thirty-three days, against all the efforts of the com- 
manders of the two nations, who pushed their attacks with 
courage and with emulation, was obliged to surrender, by reason 
of a mutiny in the garrison. He was delivered into the hands of 
his countrymen, by Elizabeth's order, expressly contrary to his 
capitulation with Drury, and condemned by Morton to be hanged 
at the Cross of Edinburgh. Maitland of Lethington, who had 
taken part with Kirkaldy, and could not expect to be treated 
more favourably, prevented the ignominy of a public execution 
by a voluntary death. " He ended his days," says Melvil, " after 
the old Roman fashion," and Scotland, submitting entirely to 
the regent's authority, gave no farther inquietude, for many 
years, to the English queen 1 . 

Melvil. Camden. Strype. 



LETT. LXIX. MODERN EUROPE. 59 

The events on the continent were not so favourable to the 
interests, or agreeable to the inclinations, of Elizabeth. After 
the negotiation for a marriage between the English queen and 
the duke of Anjou was finally broken off, a defensive April 
alliance had been concluded between France and England. 19- 
Charles considered this treaty, not only as the best artifice for 
blinding the Protestants, the conspiracy against whom was now 
almost ripe for execution, but also as a good precaution against 
the dangerous consequences to which that atrocious measure 
might expose him. Elizabeth, who, notwithstanding her pene- 
tration and experience, was the dupe of the French king's hypo- 
crisy, regarded it as an invincible barrier against the enemies of 
her throne, and as one of the chief pillars of the security of the 
Protestant cause. Even the leaders of the Huguenots, though 
so often deceived, gave credit to the treacherous promises and 
professions of the court; and Charles, to complete that fatal 
confidence into which he had lulled them by his insidious 
caresses, offered his sister Margaret in marriage to the young 
king of Navarre l . 

The admiral de Coligny, the prince of Conde, and all the most 
considerable men of the Protestant party, went cheerfully to 
Paris, to assist at the celebration of that marriage ; which, it was 
hoped, would finally appease the religious animosities. Coligny 
was wounded by a shot from a window, a few days after the 
marriage ; yet the court still found means to quiet the suspicions 
of the Huguenots, till the eve of St. Bartholomew, when Aug. 
a massacre commenced to which there is nothing parallel 24 - 
in the history of mankind, either for the dissimulation that led 
to it, or the deliberate cruelty and barbarity with which it was 
perpetrated. The Protestants, as a body, were devoted to de- 
struction ; the young king of Navarre and the prince of Conde 
only being exempted from the general doom, on condition that 
they should change their religion. Charles, accompanied by his 
mother, beheld from a window of his palace this horrid massacre, 
which was chiefly conducted by the duke of Guise. The royal 
guards were ordered to be under arms at the close of day ; the 
ringing of a bell was the signal ; and the Catholic citizens, who 
had been secretly prepared by their leaders for such a scene, 
zealously seconded the rage of the soldiery, imbruing their hands, 
without remorse, in the blood of their neighbours, of their com- 

1 Davila. Digges. Mezeray. 



60 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

panions, and even of their relations ; the king himself inciting 
their fury, by firing upon the fugitives, and frequently crying, 
" Kill, kill !" Persons-of every condition, age, and sex, suspected 
of adhering to the reformed opinions, were involved in one 
undistinguished ruin. About five hundred gentlemen, among 
whom were Coligny, and many other heads of the Protestant 
party, were murdered in Paris alone ; and nearly ten thousand 
persons of inferior condition. The same barbarous orders were 
sent to all the provinces of the kingdom ; and a like carnage 
ensued at Rouen, Lyons, Orleans, and several other cities 1 . 
There were, however, several, both of the French princes and 
prelates, who nobly refused to obey the atrocious edict. Sixty 
thousand Protestants are supposed to have been massacred in 
different parts of France. 

As an apology for this monstrous perfidy and inhuman 
butchery, Charles pretended that a conspiracy of the Huguenots 
to seize his person had been suddenly detected ; and that he had 
been constrained, for his own safety, to proceed to extremities 
against them. The parliament accordingly ordered an annual 
procession, on St. Bartholomew's day, in commemoration of the 
deliverance of the kingdom ; and a medal was struck in honour 
of the same event, with this inscription (which seems to bear a 
farther meaning) on one side, accompanied with the royal arms : 
PIETAS excitavit JUSTITIAM " PIETY roused JUSTICE." On the 
other side, Charles is seated on a throne, with the sword of jus- 
tice in his right hand, and the balance in his left, with a group of 
heads under his feet, surrounded by these words : Virtus in 
Rebelles " Courage in punishing Rebels V 

At Rome, and in Spain, the massacre of St. Bartholomew, 
which no popish writer of the present age mentions without 
detestation, was the subject of public rejoicings : and solemn 
thanks were returned to God for its success, under the name of 
the Triumph of the Church Militant ! Among the Protestants 
it excited extreme horror ; a striking picture of which is drawn 
by Fenelon, the French ambassador at the court of England, in 
his account of his first audience after that barbarous transaction. 
" A gloomy sorrow," says he, " sat on every face : silence, as in 
the dead of night, reigned through all the chambers of the royal 
palace : the ladies and courtiers, clad in deep mourning, were 



Davila. lib. v. Daniel, tome iv. Mezeray, tome v. 
Dupleix. Le Gendre. Mezeray. 



LETT. LXIX. MODERN EUROPE. 61 

ranged on each side ; and as I passed by them, in my approach 
to the queen, not one bestowed on me a favourable look, or made 
the least return to my salutations V 

The English nobility and gentry were roused to such a pitch 
of resentment, by the cruelty and perfidy of the French court, 
that they offered to levy an army of twenty-two thousand foot, 
and four thousand horse ; to transport them into France, and to 
maintain them for six months at their own expense. But Eliza- 
beth, cautious in all her measures, moderated the zeal of her 
subjects. She was aware of the dangerous situation in which 
she now stood as the head and protectress of the Protestant 
body, and afraid to inflame farther the quarrel between the two 
religions by a hazardous crusade ; she therefore judged it prudent 
not only to refuse her consent to the projected invasion, but to 
listen to the professions of friendship still made to her by the 
French monarch. In the mean time she prepared herself against 
that attack which seemed to threaten her from the combined force 
and violence of Charles and Philip ; two princes as nearly allied 
in perfidy and barbarity as in bigotry, and whose machinations 
she had reason to dread as soon as they had quelled their 
domestic disturbances. She fortified Portsmouth ; put her fleet 
in order ; exercised her militia ; and renewed her alliance with 
the German princes, who were no less alarmed than herself 
at the treacherous and sanguinary proceedings of the Catholic 
powers 3 . 

But Elizabeth's greatest security against the attempts of those 
princes, was the obstinate resistance made by the Protestants in 
France and the Low Countries. The massacre, instead of anni- 
hilating the Huguenots, only rendered them more formidable. 
Animated by the most ardent spirit of civil and religious liberty, 
inflamed by vengeance and despair, they assembled in large 
bodies, or crowded into the cities and fortresses in the possession 
of their party ; and, finding that they could repose no faith in 
capitulations, nor expect any clemency from the court, they 
determined to defend themselves with the greatest obstinacy. 
After one of the most gallant defences recorded in history, the 
town of Sancerre was obliged to surrender ; but the inhabitants 
obtained liberty of conscience. Rochelle, before which A. D. 
in a manner was assembled the whole force of France, 15 ?3. 
sustained a siege of eight months. During that siege the citizens 
repelled nine general and twenty particular assaults, and obliged 

1 Carte, from Fenelon's Dispatches. * Camden. Digges. 



62 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

the duke of Anjou, who conducted the attack, and lost twenty- 
four thousand men in the course of his operations, to grant them 
an advantageous peace 1 . Thus ended the fourth civil war, by a 
treaty which the court did not intend to observe, and to which 
the Protestants never trusted. 

The miseries of France increased every day; Charles grew 

jealous of his brothers ; and many of the most considerable men 

among the Catholics, displeased with the measures of the court, 

favoured the progress of the Huguenots. All things tended ro 

May 30, confusion. In the midst of these disorders, the king 

1574. died of a distemper so extraordinary, that it was consi- 
dered by the Protestants as a visible stroke of Divine vengeance. 
The blood exuded from every pore of his body. Though the 
author of so many atrocious crimes, he was not twenty-four years 
of age ; and that unusual mixture of ferocity and dissimulation 
which distinguished his character, threatened still greater mis- 
chiefs both to his native country and to Europe*. As he left no 
male issue, he was succeeded by his brother, the duke of Anjou, 
lately elected king of Poland. 

But before we carry farther the account of the civil wars of 
France, or resume the history of those in the Low Countries, I 
must turn your eye, my dear Philip, back to the affairs of the 
empire, Spain, Italy, and Turkey. 

1 Davila, lib. v. Mczeray, tome v. 

* The character of Charles IX., as might be expected, has been very differently 
drawn by the contemporary historians of the two religions: and an attempt has lately 
been made by an ingenious writer, who affects liberality of sentiment, to vindicate 
that prince from what he considers as the calumnies of the Protestants. In prose- 
cution of this design, the gentleman who has undertaken to whitewash the author of 
the massacre of Paris, endeavours to show, by a display of the elegant qualities of 
Charles, his taste for the polite arts, and his talent of making verses, that his mind 
was naturally sound and generous, but corrupted by a pernicious system of policy, 
and enslaved by the machinations of his mother, Catharine of Medicis. As much 
might be said in favour of Nero, and with greater justice. 

But this writer, in attempting to confound our ideas of virtue and vice, has hap- 
pily furnished us with an antidote to his own poison. He owns, that, some weeks 
after the massacre had ceased, Charles was not only present at the execution of two 
Huguenot gentlemen who had escaped the general slaughter, "but so desirous of 
enjoying the sight of their last agonies, that, as it was night before they were conducted 
to the gibbet, he commanded torches to be held up to the faces of the criminals." 
(Hist, of the Kings of France of the Race of Valois, vol. ii.) And the authors who 
attest this fact have left as many others of a similar kind ; so many, indeed, as are 
sufficient to induce us to suppose that the bigotry and cruelty of Charles were equal 
to the execution of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, without the instigation of his 
mother. One anecdote deserves particular notice. When the prince of Conde 
hesitated in renouncing his religion, the king exclaimed, in a furious tone, accom- 
panied with a menacing look, " DEATH, MASS, or the BASTILE!" Davila, lib. v. 
Mezeray, tome v. 



LETT. LXX. MODERN EUROPE. 63 



LETTER LXX. 

History of Germany, from the Resignation of Charles V. in 
1556, to the Death of Maximilian II. in 1576, with some 
Account of the Affairs of Spain, Italy, and Turkey, during 
that period. 

CHARLES V. as we have already seen, was succeeded on the 
imperial throne by Ferdinand L, the beginning of whose reign 
was distinguished by the diet of Ratisbon, which con- A.D. 
finned the peace of religion by reconciling the house of 165 7- 
Hesse to that of Nassau 1 . 

Pius IV. was raised to the papacy in 1559. Less obstinate 
than his predecessor Paul, he confirmed the imperial dignity to 
Ferdinand. He also issued a bull for re-assembling the council 
of Trent, the most memorable occurrence under the reign of this 
emperor. 

On the publication of that bull, the Protestant princes assem- 
bled at Naumburg in Saxony, and came to a resolution A.D. 
of adhering to the confession of Augsburg, whatever ls61 - 
should be deteimined in the council of Trent. Meanwhile 
Ferdinand issued orders for convoking a diet at Frankfort, where 
he acted with such address, that his son Maximilian, who already 
filled the throne of Bohemia, was elected king of the A.D. 
Romans, with the unanimous consent of the Germanic 1562 - 
body. The emperor also endeavoured, on this occasion, but in 
vain, to persuade the Protestants to submit to the general 
council. They continued unshaken in their resolution of reject- 
ing its decrees. The pope, they maintained, had no right to 
convoke such an assembly ; that prerogative belonging to the 
emperor alone, to whom, as their sovereign, they were at all 
times willing to explain themselves on any subject, either civil 
or religious. 

Finding the Protestants obstinate in denying the authority of 
the council of Trent, Ferdinand resolved to pursue another 
method of uniting them to the church. For that purpose, he 
presented a remonstrance to the fathers of the council, exhorting 
them to attempt a reformation of manners among the Romish 

1 Heiss, liv. iii. 



64 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

clergy, in order to remove those abuses of which the Protestants 
so justly complained. But the pope, affirming that such reforma- 
tion was his peculiar province, would not allow the council to 
take cognizance of the subject. The emperor was also disap- 
pointed in a demand which he made, that the council should 
permit the communion both with and without the cup, among 
the laity, and the marriage of priests in the imperial dominions. 
His holiness would consent to neither of these requests 1 . 

This famous council, which had been so often suspended and 
A.D. renewed, and which proved the last assembly of the 

1563. kind, was finally dissolved in December, 1563. Its de- 
crees, like those of all other general councils, were calculated to 
exalt the church above the civil power; but, being little suited 
to the spirit of the times, they were rejected by some Catholic 
princes, coldly received by others, and deservedly turned into 
ridicule by the reformers*. The declared object of the council 
of Trent, in this meeting, was the reformation of the church, by 
which means only a reconciliation with the Protestants could 
have been effected. Instead, however, of confining themselves 
to theological errors, or attempting to eradicate ecclesiastical 
abuses, the reverend fathers extended their deliberations to the 
reformation of princes, and composed thirteen articles for exalting 
the priesthood at the expense of the royal prerogative 3 . 

July 25, The emperor died soon after the dissolution of the 

1564. council of Trent, and was succeeded by Maximilian II., 
who, in the beginning of his reign, was obliged to engage in a 
war against the Turks. Solyman II., whose valour arid ambition 
had been so long terrible to Christendom, though now unfit for 
the field, continued to make war by his generals. He had even 
projected, it is said, the conquest of the German empire. The 
affairs of Transylvania furnished him with a pretext for taking 
arms. John Sigismund, prince of that country, having assumed 
the title of king of Hungary, and put himself under the protec- 
tion of the grand signior, Maximilian sent an army against him, 
under command of Lazarus Schuendi. The imperial general 
took Tokay, and would soon have reduced all Transylvania, had 

A.D. not Solyman dispatched an ambassador to the imperial 

1565. court, to negotiate in behalf of his vassal. By this envoy 
matters were seemingly accommodated*. 

The sultan, however, had not laid aside his ambitious projects, 



1 Thuan. lib. xxviii. Barre, tome ix. * Thuan. Paolo Sarpi. 

* Thuan. Paolo Sarpi. 4 Thuan. lib. xxxvii. 



LETT. LXX. MODERN EUROPE. 65 

nor the emperor his suspicions. While Maximilian convoked 
a diet at Augsburgh, for regulating the domestic affairs of the 
empire, and securing it against the Turks, Solyman sent a fleet 
and army to reduce the island of Malta; whence he hoped to 
drive the knights of St. John, whom he formerly expelled from 
Rhodes, and who still continued, according to the maxims of 
their order, to annoy the Infidels. But the rock of Malta 
proved fatal to Solyman's glory. His general, Mustapha, after 
a siege of almost five months, and the loss of twenty-four thou- 
sand men, was obliged to abandon the enterprize. La Valette, 
grand-master of Malta, and the whole body of knights, signalized 
themselves wonderfully on that occasion; but, as the Turks 
were continually reinforced, he must at last have been obliged to 
surrender the island, if Don Garcia, governor of Sicily, had not 
come to its relief with twelve thousand men l . 

Solyman, in revenge for this disappointment and dis- A. D. 
grace, the greatest he had ever suffered, sent a fleet to 1566 - 
reduce the island of Scio, and ravage the coast of Italy ; and 
having invaded Hungary with a powerful army, he invested 
Sigeth, then the bulwark of Stiria against the Turks. It had a 
garrison of two thousand three hundred men, under the brave 
count Zerini, who defended it long, with incredible valour, 
against the whole force of the Sultan. Maximilian remained in 
the neighbourhood, with an army riot inferior to that of the 
besiegers, without daring to attempt its relief. At length all 
the works being destroyed, and the magazine set on fire by the 
enemy, Zerini sallied out, at the head of three hundred chosen 
men, and died gallantly with his sword in his hand 3 . 

During the siege of Sigeth, before which the Turks lost above 
thirty thousand men, Solyman expired in the seventy-sixth year 
of his age. But the emperor, being unacquainted with this 
circumstance, which was kept secret till after the reduction of 
the place, had retired toward the frontiers of Austria, as soon as 
informed of the fate of Zerini. Solyman was succeeded by his 
son Selim II., who began his reign by concluding a truce of 
twelve years with Maximilian 3 . 

In consequence of this truce, and the pacific disposition of 
the emperor, Germany long enjoyed repose, while all the neigh- 
bouring nations were disquieted by wars either foreign or 
domestic. Selim in the mean time was not idle. After attempt- 



1 Vertot, Hut. des Chev. de Malth. tome iv. Thuan. lib. xxxviii. 
3 Heiss, liv. iii. Barrc, tome ix. Ricaut, vol. ii. 3 Id. ibid. 

VOL. II. F 



66 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

ing, but without success, to subdue the kingdom of Persia, he 
turned his arms against the island of Cyprus, which at that time 
belonged to the republic of Venice. 

Pope Pius V. and the king of Spain, on the first rumour of 
this invasion, had entered into a league with the Venetians for 

A. D. the defence of Cyprus. But Nicosia, the capital, was 

15 70. taken by storm, before the arrival of the allied fleet : and, 
the commanders being afterwards divided in their councils, no 
attempt was made for the ^ relief of the Cypriots. Meanwhile, 
the Turks, daily reinforced with fresh troops, had reduced all 
the towns in the island, except Famagosta. That city, after a 

A. D. most gallant and obstinate defence, was obliged to capi- 

16 71. tulate : and Mustapha, the Turkish general, neither re- 
specting courage in an enemy, nor the faith of treaties, ordered 
Bragadino, the governor, to be flayed alive, and the companions 
of his heroism either to be butchered or chained to the oar '. 
This conquest is said to have cost the Turks a hundred thousand 
lives. 

The fate of Cyprus alarmed the Christian powers, at the same 
time that it inflamed their indignation. Charles IX., however, 
excused himself, on account of the distracted state of his king- 
dom, from entering into the league against the Turks ; the em- 
peror pleaded his truce ; and the German princes were, in 
general, too much interested in the issue of the religious wars, 
in France and the Low Countries, to enlist themselves under 
the banner of the cross. But Philip II., whose Italian domi- 
nions were in danger, entered warmly into the cause, and en- 
gaged to bear half the expense of the armament. The Vene- 
tians fortified their city, and augmented their fleet. Pius, who 
was the soul of the enterprize, sent twelve galleys under the 
command of Mark Anthony Colonna. Venieri commanded the 
Venetian galleys ; Doria those of Philip. The chief command 
was committed to Don John of Austria, natural son to Charles V., 
who had lately distinguished himself in Spain, by subduing the 
Morescoes, or descendants of the Moors, whom the severity of 
the Inquisition had roused to arms. 

After the reduction of Cyprus, the Turks not only ravaged 
with impunity the coasts of Dalmatia and Istria, but also those 
of Italy. Their fleet, consisting of two hundred and thirty 

Oct. galleys, was met by the confederates in the Gulf of Le- 
7- panto, near Corinth, where was fought the greatest naval 

1 Thuan. lib. xlix. Cantemir, vol. ii. 



LETT. LXX. MODERN EUROPE. 67 

engagement that modern times had seen. The force was nearly 
equal on both sides, and the dispute was long, fierce, and bloody. 
All the passions which can animate human nature were roused ; 
and almost all the instruments of war and destruction, of ancient 
or modern invention, were employed ; arrows, javelins, fire-balls, 
grappling-irons, cannon, musquets, spears, and swords. The 
men fought hand to hand in most of the galleys, and grappled 
together, as on a field of battle. Ali, the Turkish admiral, 
surrounded by four hundred Janisaries, and Don John, with an 
equal number of chosen men, maintained a close contest for 
three hours. At last Ali was slain, and his galley taken : the 
banner of the cross was displayed from the main-mast, and the 
Ottoman admiral's head fixed on the stern, in place of the 
Turkish standard. All now was carnage and confusion. The 
cry of " Victory ! Victory !" resounded through the Christian 
fleet, and the Turks every where gave way. They lost twenty- 
five thousand men in the conflict: eight thousand were taken 
prisoners ; and fifteen thousand Christian slaves were set at 
liberty. Thirty Turkish galleys were sunk, twenty-five burned, 
one hundred and thirty taken ; and if Uluzzali, who was second 
in command, had not retired with twenty-eight galleys, the 
Ottoman fleet would have been utterly destroyed. The con- 
federates lost, on the whole, fifteen galleys, and about ten thou- 
sand men 1 . 

This victory, which filled Constantinople with the deepest 
melancholy, was celebrated at Venice with the most splendid 
festivals. And the pope was so transported when he heard of 
it, that he exclaimed, in a kind of holy extacy, " There was a 
man sent from God, and his name was John !" alluding to Don 
John of Austria. Philip's joy was more moderate. " Don 
John," said he, " has been fortunate, but he ran a great risk :" 
and that risk, as appeared in the issue, was run merely for 
glory. 

The battle of Lepanto, though purchased with so much blood, 
and so ruinous to the vanquished, was of no real benefit to the 
victors. After disputing long what they should do, the Christian 
commanders resolved to do nothing till the spring. That season, 
which ought to have been employed in taking advantage of the 
enemy's consternation, was wasted in fruitless negotiations and 
vain-glorious triumphs. The Turks had leisure, during the 

1 Feuillet, Vie du Pape Pie V. Thuan. Cantemir. 



68 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

A. D. winter, to equip a new fleet, which spread terror over 
J572. the coasts of Christendom, before the confederates were 
ready to assemble ; and by the bravery and conduct of Uluzzali, 
now appointed commander-in-chief, the reputation of the Otto- 
man arms was restored. The confederates were able to effect 
no enterprise of importance. Their councils were again divided : 
they separated. The Spaniards appeared cool in the cause ; and 
A. D. the Venetians, afraid of being left a prey to the Turkish 

1573. power, secretly concluded a peace with the sultan. They 
not only agreed that Selim should retain Cyprus, but ceded to 
him several other places, and stipulated to pay him thirty thou- 
sand crowns in gold towards defraying the expenses of the war 1 . 

The pope was greatly incensed at this treaty, which was cer- 
tainly dishonourable to Christendom. But Philip, whose atten- 
tion was now chiefly engaged by the civil wars in the Low Coun- 
tries, readily sustained the apology of the Venetians. It was but 
reasonable, he said, that the republic should be permitted to know 
her own interest : for his part, it was sufficient that he had given 
proofs of his friendship to Venice, and of his zeal for the support 
of the Christian religion*. 

Don John, however, was far from being pleased with the con- 
duct of the Venetians. After separating from the confederates, 
he had made himself master of Tunis, where he proposed to 
erect an independent sovereignty ; and he hoped in the next 
season, by means of the league, utterly to ruin the sultan's naval 
power, which he foresaw would be employed to recover that city 
and its territory. This conjecture was soon verified. Three 

A. D. hundred galleys, with forty thousand soldiers on board, 

1574. were sent in the spring to invest Tunis ; and the place, 
though gallantly defended, was taken by storm, and the garrison 
put to the sword, before a sufficient force could be assembled 
for its relief 3 . 

During all these bloody transactions, the mere recital of which 
makes the human heart shrink from the horrors of war, Ger- 
many continued to enjoy tranquillity under the sway of Max- 
imilian. This prince was of a mild and humane disposition, 
affable in his deportment, simple in his manners, and regular in 
his life. Though attached to peace, he was not destitute of 
courage or military skill ; and though fond of power, he seemed 



Paruta. Ferreras. 2 Miniana, lib. vii. 

8 Cantemir. Ricaut. Ferreras. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 69 

to wish for it only with a view of promoting the happiness of his 
people. For some years before his death, he exerted his in- 
terest to procure the crown of Poland for one of his sons, not 
only on the vacancy occasioned by the death of Sigismund II., 
but also when the retreat of Henry of Anjou had again involved 
the country ill the confusions of a disputed election. He had 
not, however, sufficient influence to obtain a complete acqui- 
escence in his wishes : and the low state of his finances still 
farther obstructed his views. He had expressed an intention of 
supporting his election (for he was actually chosen by a party in 
the diet) by force of arms ; but he would in all probability have 
soon relinquished his pretensions in favour of Stephen, the new 
king, even if he had not died in the midst of his preparations. 
He was succeeded on the imperial throne by his son Oct. 12, 
Rodolph II., a prince who inherited the pacific disposition 15 ?6. 
of his father. 

We must now, my dear Philip, return to new scenes of 
slaughter ; to behold Christians and fellow-citizens exercising on 
each other as great barbarities as were ever inflicted upon the 
followers of Christ by those of the Arabian pseudo-prophet. 



LETTER LXXI. 

A general View of the Transactions of Europe, from the Death 
of Charles IX. in 1574, to the Accession of Henry IV., the 
first King of France of the Branch of Bourbon, in 1589; in- 
cluding the Rise of the Republic of Holland, the Catastrophe 
of Sebastian King of Portugal, ihe execution of Mary Queen 
of Scots, aud the Defeat of the Spanish Armada. 

A PARTICULAR detail of the memorable events of this period 
would rather perplex the memory than inform the judgment. I 
shall therefore, my dear Philip, content myself with offering you 
a general survey. Consequences are chiefly to be noted. 

The death of Charles IX., though the subject of rejoicing 
among the Huguenots, was far from healing the wounds A.D. 
of France, yet bleeding from the late massacres. The ls ?4. 
duke of Anjou, who succeeded him under the name of Henry 
III., and who, as I have already observed, had been elected 



70 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

king of Poland, whence he eloped with the secrecy of a felon, 
found the kingdom in the greatest disorder imaginable. The 
people were divided into two theological factions, furious from 
their zeal, and mutually enraged from the injuries which they 
had committed or suffered. Each party had devoted itself to 
leaders, whose commands had greater effect than the will of the 
sovereign ; even the Catholics, to whom the king was attached, 
being entirely guided by the counsels of the duke of Guise and 
his family. 

Henry, by the advice of the queen-mother who had governed 
the kingdom till his arrival, formed a scheme for the restoration 
of the royal authority, by acting as umpire between the parties ; 
by moderating their differences, and reducing both to a depend- 
ence upon himself. He possessed all the dissimulation necessary 
for the execution of this delicate plan ; but being deficient in 
vigour, application, and sound understanding, instead of acquir- 
ing a superiority over both factions, he lost the confidence of 
both, and taught the partisans of each to adhere more closely to 
their respective leaders. 

Meanwhile the Huguenots were not only strengthened by the 
A.D. accession of Francis duke of Anjou, the king's brother 
1575- (late duke of Alen9on), and by the arrival of a German 
army under the prince of Conde, but by the presence of the 
gallant king of Navarre, who had also made his escape from 
court, and placed himself at their head. Henry, in prosecution 
of his moderating scheme, entered into a treaty with them ; and, 
A.D. desirous of preserving a balance between the factions, 
1576. granted peace to the Protestants on the most advan- 
tageous conditions. They obtained the public exercise of their 
religion, except within two leagues of the court; party-chambers, 
consisting of an equal number of Protestants and Catholics, were 
erected in all the parliaments of the kingdom, for the more equit- 
able administration of justice ; all attainders were reversed, and 
eight cautionary towns were put into their hands \ 

This treaty of pacification, which was the fifth concluded with 
the Huguenots, gave extreme disgust to the Catholics, and 
afforded the duke of Guise the desired pretence of declaiming 
against the conduct of the king, and of laying the foundation of 
the famous LEAGUE, projected by his uncle, the cardinal of Lor- 
rain ; an association which, without paying any regard to the 
royal authority, aimed at the entire suppression of the new 

1 Davila. D'Aubign6. Mezeray. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 71 

doctrines. In order to divert the force of the League from the 
throne, and even to obstruct its efforts against the Hu- A.D. 
guenots, Henry declared himself the head of that sedi- 15 77- 
tious confederacy, and took the field as leader of the Catholics ; 
but his dilatory and feeble measures discovered his reluctance to 
the undertaking, and some unsuccessful enterprizes brought on 
a new peace, which though less favourable than the former to 
the Protestants, gave no satisfaction to the followers of the 
ancient religion. The animosity of party, daily whetted by 
theological controversy, was now too keen to admit toleration ; 
the king's moderation appeared criminal to one faction, and 
suspicious to both ; while the plain, direct, and avowed conduct 
of the duke of Guise on one side, and of the king of Navarre on 
the other, engaged by degrees the bulk of the nation to enlist 
under one or the other of those great leaders. Religious hatred 
produced a contempt of all civil regulations ; and every private 
injury became the ground of a public quarrel l . 

These commotions, though of a domestic nature, were too 
important to be overlooked by foreign princes. Queen Eliza- 
beth, who always considered her interests as connected with the 
prosperity of the French Protestants, and the depression of the 
house of Guise, had repeatedly supplied the Huguenots with 
considerable sums of money, notwithstanding her negotiations 
with the court of France. Philip II., on the other hand, had 
declared himself protector of the League, and entered into the 
closest correspondence with the duke of Guise, and employed 
all his authority in supporting the credit of that factious leader. 
The subjection of the Huguenots, he flattered himself, would be 
followed by the submission of the Flemings; and the same 
political motives which induced Elizabeth to assist the French 
reformers, would have led her to aid the distressed Protestants 
in the Low Countries : but the mighty power of Philip, and the 
great force which he maintained in those mutinous provinces, 
had hitherto kept her in awe, and induced her to preserve some 
appearance of friendship with that monarch. 

Elizabeth, however, had given protection to all the Flemish 
exiles who took shelter in her dominions ; and as many of these 
were the most skilful and industrious inhabitants of the Nether- 
lands, then so celebrated for manufactures, they brought with 
them several useful arts, hitherto unknown, or little cultivated 
in England. The queen had also permitted the Flemish pri- 

1 Thuan. Davila. 



72 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

vateers to enter the English harbours, and there dispose of their 
prizes. But, on the remonstrance of the Spanish ambassador, 
she withdrew that liberty l ; a measure which, in the issue, 
proved extremely prejudicial to the interests of Philip, and 
which naturally leads us back to the history of the civil wars in 
the Low Countries. 

The Gueux, or beggars, as the Flemish sea-adventurers were 
called, being shut out from the English harbours, were under 
the necessity of attempting to secure one of their own. They 
accordingly attacked, in 1572, the Brille, a sea-port in Holland; 
and by a furious assault, made themselves masters of the 
place 1 . 

Unimportant as this conquest may seem, it alarmed the duke 
of Alva ; who, putting a stop to those bloody executions which 
he was making on the defenceless Flemings in order to enforce 
his oppressive taxes, withdrew the garrison from Brussels, and 
detached it against the Gueux. Experience soon proved that 
his fears were well grounded. The people in the neighbourhood 
of the Brille, rendered desperate by that complication of ci'uelty, 
oppression, insolence, usurpation, and persecution, under which 
they and all their countrymen laboured, flew to arms on the 
approach of a military force ; defeated the Spanish detach- 
ment, and put themselves under the protection of the prince of 
Orange ; who, though unsuccessful in his former attempt, still 
meditated the relief of the Netherlands. He inflamed the in- 
habitants by every motive which religious zeal, resentment, or 
love of freedom, could inspire. In a short time almost the 
whole province of Holland, and also that of Zealand, threw off 
the Spanish yoke * ; and the prince, by uniting the revolted 
towns in a league, laid the foundation of that illustrious re- 
public, whose arms and policy long made so considerable a 
figure in the transactions of Europe, and whose commerce, 
frugality, and persevering industry, are still the wonder of the 
world. 

The love of liberty transformed into heroes men little accus- 
tomed to arms, and naturally averse from war. The prince of 
Orange took Mechlin, Oudenarde, and Dendermonde ; and the 
desperate defence of Haarlem, which nothing but the extremity 
of famine could overcome, convinced the duke of Alva, of the 
pernicious effects of his violent counsels. He entreated the 



1 Camd. Annales. 2 Grotii Annales, lib. ii. 

3 Le Clerc. Temple. Grot. Annales. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 73 

Hollanders, whom his severities had only exasperated, to lay 
down their arms, and rely on the king's generosity ; and he 
gave the strongest assurances, that the utmost lenity would be 
shown to those who did not obstinately persist in their rebellion. 
But the people were not disposed to confide in promises so often 
violated, or to throw themselves on the clemency of a prince 
and governor who was known to be equally perfidious and in- 
human. Now reduced to despair, they expected the worst that 
could happen, and bade defiance to fortune. The duke, enraged 
at their firmness, laid siege to Alcmaer, where his men were 
repulsed ; a great fleet which he had fitted out was defeated by 
the Zealanders : he petitioned to be recalled from his govern- 
ment, and boasted at his departure, that in the course of five 
years he had consigned eighteen thousand individuals to the 
hands of the public executioner 1 . 

Alva was succeeded in the Low Countries by Requesens, 
commendator of Castile, who began his government with pulling 
down the insulting statue of his predecessor erected at Antwerp. 
But neither this popular act nor the mild disposition of the new 
governor could reconcile the Hollanders to the Spanish dominion. 
Their injuries were too recent and too grievous to be soon for- 
gotten. The war was continued with obstinacy. The success 
was various. Middleburg was taken by the revolters, in 1574, 
while Louis of Nassau, with a considerable body of troops, in- 
tended as a reinforcement to his brother, the prince of Orange, 
was surprised near a village called Noock, and his army defeated. 
He and one of his brothers were left dead on the field of battle. 
Leyden was invested by the Spaniards ; and the most amazing 
examples of valour and constancy were displayed on both sides 
during the siege. The Dutch opened the dykes and sluices, in 
order to drive the besiegers from that enterprise ; and the 
Spaniards had the hardiness to continue their purpose, and to 
attempt to drain off the inundation. The besieged suffered 
every species of misery, and were at last so reduced by famine, 
as to be obliged to feed on the dead bodies of their fellow- 
citizens. But they did not suffer in vain. A violent south- 
west wind drove the inundation with fury against the works of 
the besiegers, when every human hope seemed to fail; and 
Valdez, the Spanish general, in danger of being swallowed up 
by the waves, was constrained to raise the siege, after having 
lost the flower of his army 2 . 

1 Grot. Ann. lib. ii. ? Meteren. Bentivoglio. Le Clerc. 



74 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

The repulse at Leyden was followed, in 1575, by the conferences 
at Breda. There the emperor endeavoured to mediate a recon- 
ciliation between the king of Spain and the states of the Low 
Countries, originally subject to the empire, and over which its 
jurisdiction was still supreme. But these negotiations proving 
unsuccessful, hostilities were renewed, and pushed with vigour 
by the Spaniards. They met with a proportional resistance in 
many places ; particularly at Woerden, the reduction of which 
they were obliged to abandon, after a siege of several months, 
and a great loss of men. 

But the contest was unequal, between a great monarchy and 
two small provinces, however fortified by nature, or defended by 
the desperate valour of the inhabitants. The Spaniards made 
themselves masters of the island of Finart, east of Zealand ; 
they entered Zealand itself, in spite of all opposition ; they re- 
duced. Ziriczee, after an obstinate resistance ; and, as a last 
blow, were projecting the reduction of Holland 1 . 

Now it was that the revolted provinces saw the necessity of 
foreign assistance, in order to preserve them from final ruin ; 
and they sent a solemn embassy to Elizabeth, their most natural 
ally, offering her the sovereignty of Holland and Zealand, if she 
would employ her power in their defence. But that princess, 
though inclined by many strong motives to accept so liberal an 
offer, prudently rejected it. Though magnanimous, she had 
never cherished the ambition of making conquests, or of acquir- 
ing, by any other means, an accession of territory. The sole 
purpose of her vigilant and active policy was to maintain, by the 
most frugal and cautious expedients, the tranquillity of her own 
dominions. An open war with the Spanish monarchy appeared 
the probable consequence of supporting the revolted provinces ; 
and after taking the inhabitants under her protection, she could 
never in honour abandon them, how desperate soever their 
defence might become, but must embrace it even in opposition 
to her interest. The possession of Holland and Zealand, though 
highly inviting to a commercial nation, did not seem equivalent 
to such hazard. The queen, therefore, refused in positive terms 
the offered sovereignty ; but informed the ambassadors, that, in 
return for the good-will which the prince of Orange and the 
states had shown her, she would endeavour to mediate an agree- 
ment for them, on the best terms possible. She accordingly 
dispatched sir Henry Cobham to Philip, who took her mediation 

1 Bentivoglio. Le Clerc. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 75 

in good part; but no accommodation ensued 1 . The war was 
carried on in the Netherlands with the same rage and violence 
as before, when an accident saved the infant republic. 

Requesens dying suddenly at a time when large arrears were 
due to the Spanish troops, they broke into a furious mutiny, in 
1576; attacked and pillaged the wealthy city of Antwerp, ex- 
ecuting terrible slaughter on the inhabitants, and threatened 
other towns with a like fate. This danger united all the pro- 
vinces except Luxemburg, in a confederacy commonly called 
the Pacification of Ghent, which had for its object the expul- 
sion of foreign troops, and the restoration of the ancient liber- 
ties of the states*. 

Don John of Austria, who had been appointed to succeed 
Requesens, found every thing in confusion on his arrival in the 
Low Countries. He saw the impossibility of resistance, and 
agreed to whatever was required of him ; to confirm the pacifi- 
cation of Ghent, and dismiss the Spanish army. After these 
concessions he was acknowledged governor, and the king's 
lieutenant of the Netherlands. Peace and concord were re- 
stored, industry renewed, and religious disputes silenced ; liberty 
had leisure to breathe, commerce began to lift her head, and 
the arts again to dispense their blessings. 

But the ambition of Don John, who coveted this great theatre 
for the exercise of his military talents, lighted anew the torch of 
discord and the flames of civil war. As he found the states 
determined to impose very strict limitations on his authority, 
he broke all articles, seized Namur, and procured the recall of 
the Spanish army. Animated by the successes of his youth, 
he had opened his mind to vast undertakings ; and, looking 
beyond the conquest of the revolted provinces, had projected a 
marriage with the queen of Scots, and (in her right) the acquisi- 
tion of both the British kingdoms. Elizabeth was aware of his 
intentions, and no longer scrupled to embrace the protection of 
the inhabitants of the Netherlands, whose independence seemed 
now intimately connected with her own safety. She accordingly 
entered into an alliance with them ; sent them a sum of A.D. 
money; and soon after a body of troops*. Casimir, 15 7- 
count palatine of the Rhine, also engaged to support them, and 
collected for that purpose an army of German Protestants. 

But the people of the Netherlands, while they were strength- 
ening themselves by foreign alliances, were weakened by dis- 

1 Camd. Ann. 2 Bentiv. lib. ix. Thuan. lib. Ixii. s Camd. Ann. 



76 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

sensions at home. The duke d'Arschot, governor of Flanders, 
and several other Catholic noblemen, jealous of the prince of 
Orange, who on the return of the Spanish forces, had been 
elected governor of Brabant, privately invited the archduke 
Matthias, brother of the emperor Rodolph II., to the govern- 
ment of the Low Countries. Matthias accepted the proposal ; 
quitted Prague in the night ; and suddenly arrived in the neigh- 
bourhood of Antwerp, to the astonishment of the states. Swayed 
by maxims of true policy and patriotism, the prince of Orange 
embraced the interest of the archduke ; and, by that prudent 
measure, divided the German and Spanish branches of the house 
of Austria. Don John was deposed by a decree of the states : 
Matthias was appointed governor-general of the provinces, and 
the prince of Orange his lieutenant, to the great mortification of 
D'Arschot 1 . 

Being joined by Alexander Farnese, prince of Parma, with 
eighteen thousand veterans, Don John attacked the army of the 
states near Gemblours, and gained a considerable advantage 
over them. But the cause of liberty sustained a much greater 
misfortune in that jealousy which arose between the Protestant 
and Catholic provinces. The prince of Orange, by reason of 
his moderation, became suspected by both parties ; Matthias, 
receiving no support from Germany, fell into contempt ; and 
the duke of Anjou, through the prevalence of the Catholic 
interest, was declared Defender of the Liberties of the Nether- 
lands'. 

Don John took advantage of these fluctuating counsels to 
push his military operations, and made himself master of several 
places. But he was so warmly received by the English auxi- 
liaries at Rimenant, that he was obliged to give ground ; and 
seeing little hopes of future success on account of the number of 
troops assembled against him, under Casimir (who was paid 
by Elizabeth) and the duke of Anjou, he is supposed to have 
died of chagrin ; others say, of poison given him by order of 
Philip, who dreaded his ambition. He was succeeded by the 
prince of Parma, who was superior to him both in war and 
negotiation, and whose address and clemency gave a new turn 
to the affairs of Spain in the Netherlands. 

The allies, in the mean while, spent their time in quarrelling, 
instead of acting. Neither the army of prince Casimir nor that 
of the duke of Anjou proved of any use to the states. The 

1 Le Clerc, lib. iii. Grot Ann. lib. iii. Meteren, lib. x. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 77 

Catholics were jealous of the first, the Protestants of the last ; 
and the two leaders were jealous of each other. Those evils 
induced the prince of Orange to form the scheme of more closely 
uniting the provinces of Holland and Zealand, and cementing 
them with such others as were most contiguous ; Utrecht, Fries- 
land, Groningen, Overyssel, and Guelderland, in which the Pro- 
testant interest predominated. The deputies accordingly j an . 15, 
met at Utrecht, and signed the famous Union, in appear- 15 ?9. 
ance so slight, but in reality so solid, of seven provinces inde- 
pendent of each other, actuated by different interests, yet as 
closely connected by the great tie of liberty, as the bundle of 
arrows, the arms and emblem of their republic. 

It was agreed that the seven Provinces should unite them- 
selves in interest as one province, reserving to each individual 
province and city all its own privileges, rights, customs, and 
statutes ; that, in all disputes between particular provinces, the 
rest should interpose only as mediators ; and that they should 
assist each other with life and fortune, against every foreign 
attempt upon any single province '. The first coin struck after 
this alliance was strongly expressive of the perilous situation of 
the infant commonwealth. It represented a ship struggling amid 
the waves, unassisted by sails or oars, with this motto : Incertum 
quojataferant; " I know not what may be my fate." 

The states had indeed great reason for doubt. They had to 
contend with the whole power of the Spanish monarchy ; and 
Philip, instead of offering them any equitable conditions, laboured 
to detach the prince of Orange from the Union of Utrecht. But 
William was too patriotic to resign the interests of his country 
for any private advantage. He was determined to share the fate 
of the United Provinces ; and they required all his support. The 
prince of Parma was making rapid progress both by his arts and 
arms. He had concluded a treaty with the Walloons, a name 
commonly given to the natives of the southern provinces of the 
Netherlands : he gained the confidence of the Catholic party in 
general, and took many towns from the revolters. The states, 
however, continued resolute, though sensible of their weakness. 
They again made an offer of their sovereignty to Elizabeth ; and 
as she still rejected it, they conferred it on the duke of A.D. 
Anjou, finally withdrawing their allegiance from Philip 2 . 158 <>- 

While Philip was losing the Seven United Provinces, fortune 

1 Temple, chap, i. Grot. lib. iii. 3 Grot. lib. iii. 



78 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

threw in his way a new sovereignty. Sebastian, king of Portugal, 
great-grandson of the illustrious Emanuel, inflamed with the 
passion for military glory, resolved to signalise himself by an 
expedition against the Moors. He espoused the cause of Muley 
Mohammed, whom Muley Moluch, his uncle, had dispossessed 
of the kingdoms of Fez and Morocco ; and, disregarding the 
opinions of his wisest counsellors, embarked for Africa, in 1578, 
with an army of twenty thousand men. The army of Muley 
Moluch was superior; but that circumstance only roused the 
courage of Sebastian, who even wore green armour that he might 
be the better mark for the enemy. The two armies engaged near 
Alcazar-quivir ; and, after a desperate conflict, all the Christians 
were either killed or taken prisoners. Sebastian himself was 
among the slain. The two Moorish princes, uncle and nephew, 
were left dead on the field 1 . 

The king of Portugal, having left no issue, was succeeded by 
his great-uncle, cardinal Henry; who also dying without chil- 
dren, a number of competitors arose for the crown. Among 
these were the king of Spain, the duke of Braganza, Antonio, 
prior of Crato, the duke of Savoy, Catharine of Medicis, and 
Pope Gregory XIII., who, extraordinary as it may seem, 
attempted to renew the obsolete claim of the holy see to the 
sovereignty of Portugal. The claim of Philip, who was nephew 
to Henry by the mother's side, was not the best; but he had 
most power to support it. The old duke of Alva, who had been 
for some time in disgrace, like a mastiff unchained for fighting, 
was recalled to court, and put at the head of an army. He gained 
two victories over Antonio ; who, of all the other competitors, 
alone pretended to assert his title by arms. These victories 

A. D. decided the contest. Philip was crowned at Lisbon; and 

1581. a price was set on the head of Antonio*. 

A price was also set on the head of the prince of Orange, as 

1 H. de Mendoza. Cabrera. Thuan. Muley Moluch, who appears to have 
been a great arid generous prince, died with the most heroic magnanimity. Wasted 
by an inveterate disease, which the fatigue of the battle had rendered mortal, he 
desired his attendants to keep his death secret till the fortune of the day should be 
decided. Even after he had lost the use of speech, he laid his finger on his lips as 
a farther injunction of secrecy; and, stretching himself in his litter, calmly expired 
in the field of victory. With regard to the manner of Don Sebastian's death, his- 
torians are by no means agreed ; but all admit that he fought gallantly, and disdained 
to survive the defeat of his army. Some say, that he laid violent hands on himself; 
others, that being disarmed and made prisoner by the victors, be was slain by a 
Moorish officer, who came up while the soldiers were violently disputing their right 
to the royal captive. Thuan. Hist, sui Temp. 

3 Faria y Sousa. Cabrera. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 79 

soon as it was known in Spain that the United Provinces had 
withdrawn their allegiance from Philip; and an attempt A.D. 
was soon after made upon his life, by a man of desperate 1582 - 
fortune, in, order to obtain the reward. Now first did the states 
become truly sensible of the value of that great man. The joy 
of the Spaniards, on a false report of his death, could only be 
equajled by that of the Flemings when informed of his safety ; 
yet a jealousy of liberty, and a dread of his ambition, still pre- 
vented them from appointing him their supreme governor, though 
every day convinced them of the imprudence, rapacity, and dan- 
gerous designs of the duke of Anjou. This young prince had at 
first' assembled a considerable army, and driven the enemy from 
the siege of Cambray ; but a project of marrying queen Eliza- 
beth, whose amorous dalliances with him are somewhat unac- 
countable, and by no means justifiable, unless sincere, led him to 
waste his time in England, while the prince of Parma was 
making rapid progress in the Netherlands. On his return he 
totally lost the confidence of the states, by a rash and violent 
attack upon their liberties ; was obliged to leave the United Pro- 
vinces; retired into France; and died soon after in contempt 1 . 

The archduke Matthias had returned to Germany, on the 
elevation of his rival ; so that the prince of Parma and William 
of Nassau, the two greatest generals of the age, were now left to 
dispute the possession of the Netherlands, which became the 
chief theatre of war in Europe, and the school to which men of 
courage, from all nations, resorted to study the military art. 

England, during these commotions, had enjoyed the most per- 
fect tranquillity. But the prospect now began to be overcast ; 
and Elizabeth saw the approach of danger from more than one 
quarter. The earl of Lenox, cousin to the young king of Scot- 
land, and captain Stewart, afterwards earl of Arran, had found 
means to detach James from the English interest; and by their 
intrigues the earl of Morton, who during his whole regency had 
preserved that kingdom in strict alliance with Elizabeth, was 
brought to the scaffold, as an accomplice in the murder of the 
lute king 2 . 

1 Mezeray. Caniden. Le Clerc. 

2 Spotswood. Morton owned that Bothwell had informed him of the design 
against the king's life, solicited him to concur in the execution of it, and affirmed 
that it was authorised by the queen. He at first, if we may believe his dying words, 
absolutely declined having any concern in such a measure! and, when after- 
wards urged to the same purpose, he required a warrant under the queen's hand, 
authorising the attempt. As no such warrant was produced, he refused to take 
part in the enterprise. And as an apology for concealing this treasonable under- 
taking, he very plausibly urged, in his own vindication, the irresolution of Darnley 



80 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

A body of the Scottish nobility, however, dissatisfied with the 
administration of Lenox and Arran, formed a conspiracy, pro- 
bably with the concurrence of Elizabeth, for seizing the person 
of the king at the castle of Ruthven, the seat of the earl of 
Gowrie ; and the design being kept secret, succeeded without 
any opposition. James, who was then sixteen years of age, wept 
when he found himself detained a prisoner ; but no compassion 
was shown him. " Mind not his tears," said the master of 
Glamis ; " it is better that boys should weep than bearded men." 
The king was obliged to submit to the present necessity ; to 
profess an entire acquiescence in the conduct of the conspirators ; 
and to acknowledge the detention of his person to be an accept- 
able service. Arran was confined in his own house, and Lenox 
retired into France, where he soon after died '. 

But the affairs of Scotland remained not long in this situation. 
James made his escape from his keepers, and summoned his 
friends to attend him. The earls of Argyle, Montrose, and 
Rothes, hastened to pay their duty to their sovereign ; and the 
leaders of the Gowrie party, unable to resist their powerful 
adversaries, took refuge in England. The earl of Arran was 

A. D. recalled to court ; a new attempt to disturb the govern- 

1583. ment was defeated: the earl of Gowrie was brought to 
the block ; and severe laws were enacted against the Presbyterian 
clergy, who had applauded the Raid of Ruthven s as the late 
conspiracy was called 2 . 

During these transactions in Scotland, the king of Spain, 
though he had not come to an open rupture with Elizabeth, sent, 
in the name of the pope, a body of seven hundred Spaniards and 
Italians into Ireland, in order to retaliate for the assistance which 
she gave to his rebellious subjects in the Low Countries. But 
the invaders, though joined by many of the discontented Irish, 
were all cut off, except their chief officers, by lord Grey, the 
queen's deputy, and fifteen hundred of the rebels were hanged; 
a severity which gave great displeasure to Elizabeth 3 . 

When the English ambassador at the court of Madrid com- 
plained of this invasion, he was answered by like complaints of 



and criminal situation of Mary. "To whom," said he, "could I make the dis- 
covery ? The queen was the author of the conspiracy. Darnley was such a 
changeling, that no secret could be safely communicated to him. Huntley and 
Bothwell, who bore the chief sway in the kingdom, were themselves the perpetrators 
of the crime." Spotswood, p. 314. Crawford's Mem. Append. III. Robertson, 
book vi. 

1 Melvil. Spotswood. Calderwcod. 

2 Spotswood. 3 Camd. Ann. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 81 

the piracies of Francis Drake, a bold navigator, who had passed 
into the South Sea by the strait of Magellan, and, attacking the 
Spaniards in those parts where they least expected an enemy, 
had taken many rich prizes, and returned safely by the Cape of 
Good Hope, in the autumn of the year 1580. As he was the 
first Englishman who had circumnavigated the globe, his name 
became celebrated on account of so hazardous and fortunate an 
adventure ; and the queen, who loved valour, and hoped to share 
in the spoil, conferred on him the honour of knighthood, and 
accepted a banquet from him in the ship which had performed so 
memorable a voyage. She caused, however, a part of the booty 
to be restored, in order to appease the Catholic king '. 

But Elizabeth's dangers from abroad might have been A. D. 
regarded as of small importance, had her own subjects 1584 - 
been united at home. Unhappily that was not the case. The 
zeal of the Catholics, excited by constraint rather than persecu- 
tion, daily threatened her with an insurrection. Not satisfied 
with incessant outcries against her severity towards the queen 
of Scots, and against the court of High Commission (an ecclesias- 
tical tribunal, erected by the queen, for taking cognizance of non- 
conformity, and which was certainly too arbitrary,) the Romish 
priests, especially in the foreign seminaries for the education of 
English students of the Catholic communion, endeavoured to 
persuade their disciples, that it would be a meritorious action to 
deprive her of life. 

Those seminaries, founded by Philip, the pope, and the car- 
dinal of Lorrain, in order to prevent the decay of the ancient 
religion in England, sent over yearly a colony of young priests, 
who maintained the Romish superstition in its full height of 
bigotry ; and who, being often detected in treasonable practices, 
occasioned that severity of which their sect complained. They 
were all under the direction of the Jesuits, an active order of 
regular priests established after the Reformation, when the 
court of Rome perceived that the lazy monks and beggarly 
friars, who had sufficed in times of ignorance, were no longer 
able to defend the ramparts of the church, assailed on every side 
by the bold and inquisitive spirit of the age, and the virulence of 
the persecuted Protestants. These ghostly fathers, who by the 
very nature of their institution were engaged to pervert learning, 
and who, where it could serve their pious purposes, employed 
it to refine away the plainest dictates of morality, persuaded Dr. 

1 Camd. Ann. 
VOL. II. 



82 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

William Parry, a convert to the Catholic faith, that he could not 
perform a more acceptable service to Heaven than to take away 
the life of his sovereign. Parry, then at Milan, was confirmed 
in this opinion by Campeggio, the pope's nuncio, and even by the 
pope himself, who exhorted him to persevere, and granted him, 
for his encouragement, a plenary indulgence, and remission of 
his sins. Though still agitated with doubts, he came over to 
England, with an intention of executing his bloody purpose. 
But, happily, his irresolution continued ; and he was at last be- 
trayed by one Nevil, of the family of Westmoreland, to whom he 
had communicated his scheme. Being thrown into prison, he 

A.D. confessed his guilt, received sentence of death, and suf- 

1585. fered the punishment directed by the law for his treason- 
able conspiracy l . 

Such murderous attempts, the result of that bigoted spirit by 
which the followers of the two religions, but more especially the 
Catholics, were actuated, every where now appeared. About the 
same time that this design against the life of Elizabeth was 
brought to light, the prince of Orange was assassinated at Delft, 
by Balthazar Gerard, a desperate enthusiast, who believed him- 
self impelled by the Divinity, as we are told by the Jesuit 
Strada, to commit that barbarous action. But the assassin, 
when put to the torture, declared, perhaps no less truly, that the 
reward promised by Philip, in his proscription of William, had 
been his principal motive *. 

The United Provinces, now deprived of their chief hope, were 
filled with sorrow and consternation : a general gloom involved 
their affairs ; despondency appeared in every face ; and anarchy 
reigned in their councils. The provinces of Holland and Zea- 
land alone endeavoured to repair the loss, and to show their 
gratitude to William, by electing his son Maurice their stadt- 
holder and captain-general by sea and land. The youth had not 
completed his eighteenth year ; but such marks of genius distin- 
guished his character as proved him worthy of the dignity to 
which he was raised. 

In Spain it was imagined, that the death of the prince of 
Orange would deprive the confederates of their spirit, and of all 
ability to withstand the power of Philip. But when the first 
emotions of grief and surprise had subsided, it produced contrary 
effects. Rage took place of despair ; and the horror of the 



1 State Trial*, vol. i. Strype, vol. iii. 

2 Grot. Bentiv. Thuan. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 83 

assassination, universally attributed to the intrigues of Philip, 
so irritated the people, that they resolved to prosecute the war 
with unremitted vigour, and revenge the death of their great 
deliverer 1 . 

The prince of Parma, having reduced Ghent and Brussels, was 
making preparations for the siege of Antwerp, the richest and 
most populous city in the Netherlands. On his approach, the 
citizens opened the sluices, cut down the dykes, and overflowed 
the neighbouring country, so as to sweep away all his magazines. 
Not discouraged by this loss, he diligently laboured to repair the 
misfortune, and cut, with extraordinary expedition, a canal from 
Steken to Caloo, in order to carry off the waters. He next 
erected that great monument of his genius, a fortified bridge 
across the deep and rapid river Scheldt, to prevent all commu- 
nication with the town by sea. The besieged attempted to burn 
it, or blow it up, by sending two fire-ships against it ; but this 
scheme failing, and the besiegers daily making progress in spite 
of every effort to oppose them, Antwerp sent deputies to 
the prince, and agreed to acknowledge the sovereignty of 
Philip 2 . 

Domestic jealousy, no less than the valour of the Spaniards, 
or the conduct of their general, contributed to the fall of this 
flourishing city. The Hollanders, and particularly the citizens 
of Amsterdam, obstructed every measure proposed for the relief 
of Antwerp, hoping to profit by its reduction. The Protestants, 
it was concluded, would forsake it, as soon as it fell into the 
hands of Philip. The conjecture proved just : Antwerp went 
hourly to decay ; and Amsterdam, enriched by the conflux of 
industrious artificers and traders, became the greatest commercial 
city in the Netherlands. 

This rivalry, however, of the citizens of Amsterdam, so singular 
in the annals of mankind, in seeking a problematical private 
advantage, at the expense of public safety, and when exposed to 
the most imminent danger, had almost occasioned the subjection 
of all the revolted provinces. The loss of Antwerp was a severe 
blow in the declining state of their affairs ; and the only hope 
that remained to them arose from the prospect of foreign aid. 
Well acquainted with the cautious and frugal maxims of Eliza- 
beth, they tendered the sovereignty of their country to the king 
of France. But the distracted state of that monarchy obliged 

1 Grot. lib. iv Meteren, lib. xii. 

3 Meteren, lib. xii. Grot. lib. v. Thuan. 

G 2 



84 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

Henry to reject so advantageous an offer. The death of the 
duke of Anjou, which he expected would bring him relief, by 
freeing him from the intrigues of that prince, only plunged him 
in deeper distress. The king of Navarre (a professed Protestant) 
being now next heir to the crown, the duke of Guise thence 
took occasion to revive the Catholic League, and to urge the king 
by the most violent expedients, to seek the exclusion of that 
gallant prince, and the extinction of the whole sect. Henry, 
though a zealous Catholic, disapproved such measures; he at- 
tempted to suppress the League ; but, finding his authority too 
weak for that purpose, he was obliged to comply with the de- 
mands of the duke of Guise and the cardinal of Bourbon, whom 
the duke had set up as a competitor for the succession against 
the king of Navarre, to declare war against the Huguenots, and 
countenance a faction which he regarded as more dangerous to 
his throne *. Any interposition in favour of the distressed Pro- 
testants in the Low Countries would have drawn upon him at once 
the indignation of Philip, the pope, and the Catholic confederates. 
He was therefore under the necessity of renouncing all thoughts 
of the proffered sovereignty, though it opened a prospect equally 
flattering to his ambition and his vengeance. 

The United Provinces, in this extremity, again had recourse 
to Elizabeth ; who, although she continued to reject their sove- 
reignty for the reasons formerly assigned, agreed to yield them 
more effectual support. She concluded a new treaty with them ; 
in consequence of which she was put in possession of the Brille, 
Flushing, and the castle of Rammekens, as a security for the 
payment of her expenses. She knew that the step she had taken 
would immediately engage her in hostilities with Philip ; yet she 
was not alarmed at the view of the present greatness of that prince ; 
though such prepossessions were generally entertained concerning 
the force of the Spanish monarchy, that the king of Sweden, when 
informed that the queen of England had openly embraced the 
defence of the revolted Flemings, scrupled not to say, " She has 
now taken the diadem from her head, and placed it upon the point 
of a sword V 

But Elizabeth, though her natural disposition, cautious rather 
than enterprising, induced her to prefer peace, was not afraid of 
war ; and when she saw an evident necessity, she braved danger 
with magnanimity and boldness. She now prepared herself to 



1 Davila, lib. vii. Mezeray, Abrege Chronol. tome v. 
3 Camd. Ann. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 85 

resist, and even to assault, the whole strength of the Catholic king. 
The earl of Leicester was sent over to Holland at the head of 
the English auxiliaries, consisting of five thousand foot and a 
thousand horse ; while sir Francis Drake was dispatched with a 
fleet of twenty sail, and a body of land forces, to attack the Spa- 
niards in the West Indies. This gallant seaman reduced St. 
Domingo (the capital of Hispaniola), Carthagena, and several 
other places; and returned to England with such riches, and 
such accounts of the Spanish weakness in the New A.D. 
World, as served to stimulate the nation to future enter- I586 - 
prises 1 . 

The English arms were less successful in the Low Countries. 
Leicester possessed neither courage nor capacity equal to the 
trust reposed in him by the queen : and the states, who, from a 
knowledge of his influence with Elizabeth, and a desire of 
engaging that princess still farther in their defence, had honoured 
him with the title of governor and captain-general of the pro- 
vinces, had appointed a guard to attend him, and invested him 
with a power almost dictatorial, soon found their confidence mis- 
placed. He not only showed his inability to direct military 
operations, by suffering the prince of Parma to advance in a 
rapid course of conquests, but abused his authority, by an ad- 
ministration equally weak, wanton, cruel, and oppressive. 
Intoxicated with his elevation, he assumed the air of a sovereign 
prince ; refused the instructions of the states ; thrust into all 
vacant places his own worthless favourites ; excited the people 
to rise against the magistrates ; introduced disorder into the 
finances, and filled the provinces with confusion. The Dutch 
even suspected him of a design upon their liberties ; and Eliza- 
beth, in order to quiet their fears, or lest an attempt should be 
made against the life of her favourite, commanded him to resign 
his government, and return home 2 . Prince Maurice was elected 
governor in the room of the earl of Leicester, and lord Wil- 
loughby was by the queen appointed commander-in-chief of the 
English forces. 

In the mean time Elizabeth was occupied about more im- 
mediate dangers than those from the Spanish arms; though 
Philip had already formed the most hostile designs against her, 
and had commenced his preparations for that famous armament 
denominated the Invincible Armada. Anthony Babington, a 
young gentleman of Derbyshire, instigated by a Romish priest 

1 Camd. Ann. a Camd. Meteren. Grot 



86 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

named Ballard, engaged in a conspiracy against the life of his 
sovereign, as a necessary prelude to the deliverance of the queen 
of Scots, and the re-establishment of the Catholic religion in 
England ; and so confident was he of success, and so meritorious 
did he deem his undertaking, that, in order to perpetuate the 
memory of it, he caused a picture to be drawn, in which he was 
represented standing amidst his six confederates, with a motto, 
expressing that their common danger was the bond of their 
fidelity. Happily the plot was discovered by the vigilance of 
Secretary Walsingham ; and Babington, with the priest and 
twelve other conspirators, suffered death for their treasonable 
schemes *. 

The scene that followed was new and extraordinary. On the 
trial of the delinquents, it appeared that the queen of Scots, who 
had corresponded with Babington, had encouraged him in his 
enterprise : and it was resolved, by Elizabeth and her ministers, 
to bring Mary to a public trial, as being accessary to the con- 
spiracy. Her papers were accordingly seized, her principal 
domestics arrested, and her two secretaries sent prisoners to 
London. After the necessary information had been obtained, 
forty commissioners and five of the judges were sent to Fother- 
ingay Castle, where Mary was now confined, to hear and decide 
this great cause. 

An idea so repugnant to majesty as that of an arraignment for 
treason, had rot once entered the mind of the queen of Scots, 
though she no longer doubted that her destruction was deter- 
mined on ; nor had the strange resolution yet reached her ears, 
in the solitude of her prison. She received the intelligence, 
however, without emotion or astonishment ; and she protested 
in the most solemn manner, that she had never countenanced 
any attempt against the life of Elizabeth, at the same time 
that she refused to acknowledge the jurisdiction of her commis- 
sioners. " I came into England," said she, " an independent 
sovereign, to implore the queen's assistance, not to subject my- 
self to her authority ; nor is my spirit so broken by past mis- 
fortunes, or so intimidated by present dangers, as to stoop to any 
thing unbecoming the majesty of a crowned head, or that will 
disgrace the ancestors from whom I am descended, and the son 
to whom I shall leave my throne. If I must be tried, princes 
alone can be my peers. The subjects of the queen of England, 
how noble soever their birth may be, are of rank inferior to mine. 

1 Camd. Ann. Murden's State Paper*. State Trials, voL i. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 87 

Ever since my arrival in this kingdom, I have been confined as 
a prisoner. Its laws never afforded me protection. Let them 
not now be perverted in order to take away my life V 

Mary, however, was at last persuaded to appear before the 
commissioners, " to hear and to give answer to the accusations 
which should be offered against her," though she still refused to 
acknowledge the jurisdiction of the court. The chancellor en- 
deavoured to vindicate his authority, by pleading the supreme 
jurisdiction of the English laws over every one who resided in 
England : the lawyers of the crown opened the charge against 
her ; and the delegates, after hearing her defence, pro- Oct. 
nounced sentence of death at Westminster upon the un- 25 - 
fortunate princess, and confirmed it by their seals and superscrip- 
tions*, i^-' 

The chief evidence against Mary arose from the declarations 
of her secretaries: for no proof could otherwise be produced 
that the letters from Babington were delivered into her hands, 
or that any answer was returned by her direction : and the tes- 
timony of two witnesses, even though men of character, who 
knew themselves exposed to all the rigours of imprisonment, 
torture, and death, if they refused to give any evidence which 
might be required of them, was by no means conclusive. In 
order to screen themselves they might throw the blame on her ; 
but they could discover nothing to her prejudice without 
violating the oath of fidelity which they had taken in consequence 
of their office ; and their perjury in one instance rendered them 
unworthy of credit in another. Besides, they were not con- 
fronted with her, though she desired that they might be, and 
affirmed, that they would never, to her face, persist in their 
evidence. 

But the condemnation of the queen of Scots, not justice, was 
the object of this unprecedented trial : and the sentence, after 
many hesitations and delays, was carried into execution. Never 
did Mary appear so great as in the last scene of her life : she 
was not only tranquil, but intrepid and magnanimous. When 

1 Robertson, book vii. 

2 Catnd. Aim. It is remarkable, that among the charges against Mary, she was 
accused, and seemingly on good grounds, of negotiating with the king of Spain, for 
transferring to him her claim to the English crown, and disinheriting her heretical 
son : that she had even entered into a conspiracy against James ; had appointed 
lord Claude Hamilton regent of Scotland ; and had instigated her adherents to seize 
James's person, and deliver him into the hands of the pope or the king of Spain ; 
whence he was never to be freed but on condition of his becoming a Catholic. See 
Letter to Charles Pagct, May 20, 1586, in Forbes' Collect, and Murden, p. 506. 



88 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

A.D. sir Andrew Melvil, the master of her household, who 
158 7- had been excluded for some weeks from her presence, 
was permitted to take his last farewell, he hurst into tears, 
bewailing the condition of a mistress whom he loved, as well as 
his own hard fate, in being appointed to carry into Scotland the 
news of such a mournful event as the catastrophe that awaited 
her. " Weep not, good Melvil," said she : " there is at pre- 
sent greater cause for rejoicing. Thou shalt this day see Mary 
Stuart delivered from all her cares, and such an end put to her 
tedious sufferings as she has long expected. But witness that I 
die constant in my religion, firm in my fidelity towards Scotland, 
and unchanged in my affection to France. Commend me to 
my son. Tell him I have done nothing injurious to his kingdom, 
to his honour, or to his rights : and God forgive all those who 
Feb. have thirsted, without cause, for my blood !" On as- 
8 - cending the scaffold, she began, with the aid of her 
women, to take off her veil and upper garments ; and the execu- 
tioner rudely endeavouring to assist them, she gently checked 
him, and smiling said, " I have not been accustomed to undress 
before so many spectators, or to be served by such valets !" and 
soon after laid her head on the block, with calm but undaunted 
fortitude 1 . 

Such, my dear Philip, was the fate of Mary Stuart, queen of 
Scotland, and dowager of France, one of the most amiable and 
accomplished of her sex ; who, in the forty-fifth year of her age, 
and the nineteenth of her captivity in England, fell a victim to 
the jealousy and the fears of an offended rival. But although 
Mary's trial was illegal, and her execution arbitrary, history 
will not permit us to suppose that her actions were at no time 
criminal. With all the ornaments both of body and mind, 
which can embellish the female character, she had many of the 
weaknesses of a woman ; and our sympathy with her long and 
accumulated sufferings, seen through the medium of her beauty, 
can alone prevent us from viewing her, notwithstanding her 
elegant qualities, with that degree of abhorrence which is ex- 
cited by the pollution of the marriage-bed, and the guilt of 
murder*. 

1 La Mort de la Reyne cTEcosse, ap. Jebb. Camden, Spotswood. 

J All contemporary authors agree in ascribing to Mary the utmost beauty of 
countenance and elegance of shape of which the human form is capable. Her hair 
was black ; though, according to the fashion of the times, she frequently wore bor- 
rowed locks, and of different colours. Her eyes were of a dark grey j her com- 
plexion was exquisitely fine ; her hands and arms remarkably delicate, both as to 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 89 

Elizabeth, when informed of Mary's execution, affected the 
utmost surprise and concern. Sighs, tears, lamentations, and 
weeds of mourning, were all employed to display the greatness 
of her sorrow. She even undertook to make the world believe, 
that the queen of Scots, her dear sister and kinswoman, had 
been put to death without her knowledge, and against her in- 
clination ; and to complete this farce, she commanded Pavison, 
her secretary, to be thrown into prison, under pretence that he 
had exceeded his commission, in despatching the fatal warrant, 
which she never intended to carry into execution 1 . 

This hypocritical disguise was assumed chiefly to appease the 
young king of Scotland, who seemed determined to employ the 
whole force of his dominions in order to revenge his mother's 
death. He recalled his ambassador from England, refused to 
admit the English envoy into his presence, and with difficulty 
condescended to receive a memorial from the queen. Every 
thing bore the appearance of war. Many of his nobles insti- 
gated him to take up arms immediately, and the Catholics 
recommended an alliance with Spain. Elizabeth saw the danger 
of such a league. After allowing James a decent interval to 
vent his grief and anger, she employed her emissaries to set be- 
fore him every motive of hope or fear, which might induce him 
to live in amity with her : and these, joined to the queen's dis- 
simulation, and the pacific disposition of that prince, prevailed 
over his resentment. He fell gradually into a good understand- 
ing with the court of England. 

While Elizabeth was thus ensuring the tranquillity of her 
kingdom from the attempts of her nearest neighbour, she was 
not inattentive to more distant dangers. Hearing that Philip 
was secretly preparing that prodigious armament which had for 
its object the entire conquest of England, she sent sir Francis 
Drake with a fleet to intercept his supplies, to pillage the coasts 
of his dominions, and destroy his shipping; and that gallant 



shape and colour. Her stature was of a height that rose to the majestic. She 
danced, she walked, and rode with equal ease and grace. Her taste for music was 
just : and she sang sweetly, and played upon the lute with uncommon skill. Robert- 
son, from Brantome. 

1 Camden. After thus freely censuring Elizabeth, and showing the defectiveness 
of the evidence against Mary, I am bound to own that it appears from a passage in 
her letter to Thomas Morgan, dated the 2?th of July, 1586, that she had accepted 
Babington's offer to assassinate the English queen. " As to Babington," says she, 
" he hath kindly and honestly offered himself and all his means to be employed any 
way I would. Whereupon I hope to have satisfied him by two of my several letters 
since I had his." (Murden's Collect, p. 533.) This incontestable evidence puts 
her guilt beyond all controversy. 



90 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

commander, besides other advantages, was so successful as to 
take, sink, or burn, in the harbour of Cadiz, almost a hundred 
vessels laden with ammunition and naval stores. About the 
same time sir Thomas Cavendish, a private adventurer, launched 
into the South Seas in three small ships; committed great 
depredations on the Spaniards in those parts ; gained some rich 
prizes ; and, returning by the Cape of Good Hope, entered the 
Thames in a kind of triumph 1 . 

By these fortunate enterprises, the English seamen learned 
to despise the large unwieldy ships of the enemy, in which 
chiefly they placed their hopes of success. The naval magazines 
of Spain were destroyed ; and means were taken to prevent 
Philip from being able suddenly to repair the loss, by an artifi- 
cial run upon the bank of Genoa, whence he expected a large 
loan a measure which was conducted by an English merchant, 
in conjunction with his foreign correspondents, and does great 
honour to the sagacity of the English ministry*. The sailing 
of the armada was retarded for twelve months : and the queen 
thus gained leisure to take more effectual measures for obstruct- 
ing its success. 

Meanwhile Philip, whose resolution was finally taken, deter- 
mined to execute his ambitious project with all possible force 
and effect. His purpose being no longer concealed, every part 
of his European dominions resounded with the noise of arma- 
ments, and the treasures of both Indies were exhausted in vast 
preparations for war. In all the ports of Sicily, Naples, Spain, 
and Portugal, artisans were employed in building vessels of 
uncommon size and force ; naval stores were bought up at a great 
expense ; provisions amassed ; armies levied and quartered in 
the maritime provinces, and plans laid for such an embarkation 
as never before appeared on the ocean. 

The military preparations in the Netherlands were no less 
formidable. Troops were every day assembling to reinforce the 
prince (now duke) of Parma, who employed all the carpenters 
he could procure, in building flat-bottomed vessels, to transport 
into England an army of thirty-five thousand men. These 

A.D. transports were intended to join the grand armada, vainly 

1588. denominated invincible, which was to set sail from Lisbon 

1 Monson's Naval Tracts. 

1 For this anecdote relative to the bank of Genoa, we are indebted to the in- 
triguing spirit and inquisitive disposition of Bishop Burnet, who conjectures that 
it was thought too great a mystery of state to be communicated to Camden, when 
the materials were put into his hands for writing the History of the Reign of Eliza- 
beth. Burnet's Hist, of his own Times, book ii. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 91 

and, after chasing out of the way all the Flemish and English 
vessels, which it was supposed would make little if any resistance, 
to enter the Thames; to land the whole Spanish army in the 
neighbourhood of London, and to decide, at one blow, the fate 
of England. 

Elizabeth was apprized of all these preparations. She had 
foreseen the invasion ; nor was she dismayed at the aspect of 
that power by which all Europe apprehended she must be over- 
whelmed. Her force was indeed very unequal to that of Philip ; 
all the sailors in England did not exceed fifteen thousand men ; 
the royal navy consisted only of twenty-eight sail, many of which 
were of small size, and none exceeded the bulk of our largest 
frigates. But the city of London fitted out thirty vessels to rein- 
force this small navy ; the other sea-port towns a proportional 
number ; and the nobility and gentry hired, armed, and manned, 
forty-three vessels at their own charge. Lord Howard of 
Effingham, a man of courage and capacity, was the chief com- 
mander ; Drake, Hawkins, and Frobisher, the most renowned 
seamen in Europe, served under him. The principal fleet was 
stationed at Plymouth ; and a smaller squadron, commanded by 
lord Seymour, lay off Dunkirk, in order to intercept the duke 
of Parma 1 . 

The land forces of England were more numerous than those 
of the enemy, but inferior in discipline and experience. Twenty 
thousand men were disposed in different bodies along the south 
coast, with orders to retire and waste the country, if they could 
not prevent the Spaniards from landing; twenty-two thousand 
foot and a thousand horse, under the earl of Leicester, were 
stationed at Tilbury, in order to defend the capital ; and thirty 
thousand foot and two thousand horse, commanded by lord 
Hunsdon, were reserved for guarding the queen's person 2 . 

These armies, even if the Spanish forces had been able to 
land, might have been sufficient to protect the liberties of their 
country. But as the fate of England, in that event, must de- 
pend on the issue of a single battle, all men of serious reflection 
entertained the most awful apprehensions of the shock of at least 
fifty thousand veterans, commanded by experienced officers, 
under so consummate a general as the duke of Parma. The 
queen alone was undaunted. She issued all her orders with 
tranquillity, animated her people to a steady resistance, and 
employed every resource which either her domestic situation or 

1 Monson's Naval Tracts. 3 Camd. Ann. 



92 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

her foreign alliances could afford her. She appeared on horse- 
back in the camp at Tilbury; and, riding through the lines, 
discovered a cheerful and animated countenance, exhorting 
the soldiers to remember their duty to their country and their 
religion, and professed her intention, though a woman, to lead 
them herself into the field against the enemy, and rather perish 
in battle than survive the ruin and slavery of her people. " I 
know," said she, intrepidly, " I have but the weak and feeble 
arm of a woman, but I have the heart of a king, and of a king of 
England too ' !" 

The heroic spirit of Elizabeth communicated itself to the 
army ; and every man resolved to die rather than desert his 
station. Meanwhile the Spanish armada, after various obstruc- 
tions, appeared in the Channel. It consisted of one hundred 
and thirty vessels, and carried about twenty thousand soldiers. 
Effingham, who was informed of its approach by a Scotch 
pirate, saw it just as he could get out of Plymouth Sound, 
coming full sail towards him, disposed in the form of a crescent, 
and stretching the distance of seven miles, from the extremity 
of one division to that of the other. The lofty masts, the 
swelling sails, and the towering prows of the Spanish galleons, 
the historians of that age could not justly describe without 
assuming the language of poetry. Not satisfied with represent- 
ing the armada as a spectacle infusing equal terror and admira- 
tion into the minds of all beholders, and as the most magnificent 
that had ever appeared on the main, they assert, that although 
the ships bore every sail, it yet advanced with a slow motion, as 
if the ocean groaned with supporting, and the winds were tired 
with impelling, so enormous a weight*. 

The English admiral at first gave orders not to come to close 
fight with the Spaniards, on account of the size of their ships, 
and the number of soldiers on board ; but a few trials convinced 
him that, even in close fight, the size of the Spanish ships was 
of no advantage to the enemy. Their bulk exposed them to 
the fire, while their cannon, placed too high, shot over the heads 
of the English men of war. Every thing conspired to the ruin 
of this vast armament. Sir Francis Drake took the great galleon 
of Andalusia, and a large ship of Biscay, which had fallen be- 
hind the rest ; while the nobility and gentry hastened out with 
their vessels from every harbour, and reinforced Effingham, who 
filled eight of his smaller ships with combustibles, and sent them 

1 Hume's Hist. Eng. vol. v. note (BB.) 2 Camden. Bentivoglio. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 93 

into the midst of the enemy. The Spaniards fled with disorder 
and precipitation ; the English commanders fell upon them while 
in confusion ; and, besides doing great damage to their whole 
fleet, took twelve ships. 

It was now evident that the purpose of the armada was utterly 
frustrated ; and the duke of Parma, whose vessels were calculated 
for transporting soldiers, not for fighting, refused to leave the 
harbour, while the English were masters of the sea. The 
Spanish admiral, after many unsuccessful rencounters, prepared, 
therefore, to make his way home ; but, as the winds were con- 
trary to his return through the Channel, he resolved to take the 
circuit of the island. The English fleet followed him for some 
time ; and had not their ammunition failed, they would have 
obliged the armada to surrender at discretion. 

Such a conclusion of that vain-glorious enterprise would have 
been truly illustrious to the English ; but the event was scarcely 
less fatal to the Spaniards. The armada was attacked by a 
violent storm in passing the Orkneys ; and the ships, having 
already lost their anchors, were obliged to keep at sea, while 
the mariners, unaccustomed to hardships, and unable to manage 
such unwieldy vessels, allowed them to drive on the western 
isles of Scotland, or ou the coast of Ireland, where they were 
miserably wrecked. Not one half of the fleet returned to Spain, 
and a still smaller proportion of the soldiers and seamen ; yet 
Philip, whose command of temper was equal to his ambition, 
received with an air of tranquillity the news of so humbling a 
disaster. " I sent my fleet," said he, " to combat the English, 
not the elements. God be praised that the calamity is not 
greater V 

While the naval power of Spain was receiving this signal 
blow, great changes happened in France. The Huguenots, not- 
withstanding the valour of the king of Navarre, who had gained 
at Coutras, in 1587, a complete victory over the royal army, 
were reduced to extremities by the power of the League ; and 
nothing but the exorbitant ambition of the duke of Guise, joined 
to the idolatrous admiration of the Catholics, who considered him 
as a saviour, and the king as unworthy of the throne, could have 
preserved the reformers from utter ruin. The citizens of Paris, 
among whom the duke was most popular, took arms against their 
sovereign, and obliged him to abandon his capital at the hazard 
of his life ; while the doctors of the Sorbonne declared, that a 

1 Ferreras. Strada. 



94 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

weak prince might be removed from the government of his 
kingdom, as justly as a tutor or guardian, unfit for his office, 
might be deprived of his trust l . 

Henry's spirit was roused, by the dread of degradation, from 
that lethargy in which it had long reposed. He dissembled his 
resentment ; negotiated with the Guise faction, and seemed out- 
wardly reconciled, but harboured vengeance in his heart. And 
that vengeance was hastened by an insolent speech of the duchess 
of Montpensier, the duke's sister, who, showing a pair of gold 
scissors, which she wore at her girdle, said, " The best use that 
I can make of them is, to clip the hair of a prince Xmworthy to 
sit on the throne of France, in order to qualify him for a cloister, 
that ONE more deserving to reign may mount it, and repair the 
losses which religion and the state have suffered through the 
weakness of his predecessor V 

After Henry had fully taken his resolution, nine of his guards, 
singled out by Loignac, first gentleman of his bedchamber, were 
introduced to him in his palace. He gave a poignard to each, 
informed them of their business, and concluded thus : " It is an 
execution of justice, which I command you to make on the 
greatest criminal in my kingdom, whom all laws, human and 
divine, permit me to punish ; and not having the ordinary 
methods of justice in my power, I authorize you, by the right 
inherent in my royal authority, to strike the blow." They 
were secretly disposed in the passage which led from the king's 

Dec. chamber to his cabinet ; and when the duke came to an 

13 - audience, six poignards were at once plunged into his 
breast*. He groaned and expired. 

" I am now a king, madam !" said Henry, entering the apart- 
ment of the queen-mother, " and have no competitor ; the duke 
of Guise is dead." The cardinal of Guise also was dispatched, 
a man more violent than even his brother. Among other in- 
solent speeches, he had been heard to say, that he would hold 
the king's head between his knees till the tonsure should be 
performed at the monastery of the Capuchins*. 

These cruel executions, which necessity alone could excuse, 
had an effect very different from what Henry expected. The 
partisans of the League were inflamed with the utmost rage 
against him, and every where flew to arms. Rebellion was 
reduced to a system. The doctors of the Sorbonne had the 



1 Cayet. Daniel. 

* Davila. Du Tillet. Thuan. Hitt. 



LETT. LXXI. MODERN EUROPE. 95 

arrogance to declare, " that the people were released from their 
oath of allegiance to Henry of Valois ;" and the duke of Mayenne, 
brother to the duke of Guise, was chosen by the confede- A. D. 
rates, Lieutenant-General of the State Royal and Crown 1589 - 
of France ; an unknown and unintelligible title, but which was 
meant as a substitute for sovereignty 1 . 

In this extremity, the king, almost abandoned by his Catholic 
subjects, entered into an association with the Huguenots and the 
king of Navarre. He enlisted large bodies of Swiss infantry and 
German cavalry ; and being still supported by his chief nobility, 
and the princes of the blood, he was enabled to assemble an army 
of forty thousand men. With these forces the two kings ad- 
vanced to the gates of Paris, and were ready to crush the League, 
and subdue all their enemies, when the desperate resolution of 
one man, gave a new turn to the affairs of France. 

James Clement, a Dominican friar, inflamed by that bloody 
spirit of bigotry which distinguished the age, and of which we 
have seen so many horrid examples, had embraced the pious 
resolution of sacrificing his own life, in order to save the church 
from the danger which now threatened it, in consequence of the 
alliance between Henry and the Huguenots; and being ^ u j 
admitted into the king's presence, under pretence of im- 
portant business, he mortally wounded that prince, while read- 
ing some supposed dispatches, and was himself instantly put to 
death by the guards 2 . This assassination left the succession 
open to the king of Navarre, who assumed the government under 
the title of Henry IV. But the reign of that great prince, 
and the various difficulties which he was obliged to encounter, 
before he could settle his kingdom, must be reserved for a future 
letter. 

In the mean time, I cannot help observing that the monk 
who had thus imbrued his hands in the blood of his sovereign, 
was considered at Paris as a saint and a martyr : he was exalted 
above Judith, and his image was impiously placed on the altars. 
Even pope Sixtus V., so deservedly celebrated for his dignity of 
mind, as well as for the superb edifices with which he adorned 
Rome, was so much infected with the general contagion, that he 
compared Clement's enterprise to the incarnation of the Word, 
and the resurrection of the Saviour. 

This observation leads me to another. These holy assassina- 

1 Mezeray. * Thuan. Davila. Mezeray. 



96 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

tions, so peculiar to the period that followed the Reformation, 
proceeded chiefly from the fanatical application of certain pas- 
sages in the Old Testament to the conjunctures of the times. 
Enthusiasm taught both Protestants and Catholics to consider 
themselves as the peculiar favourites of Heaven, and as possess- 
ing the only true religion, without allowing them coolly to reflect, 
that the adherents of each had an equal right to this vain pre- 
tension. The Protestants founded it on the purity of their prin- 
ciples, the Catholics on the antiquity of their church ; and while 
impelled by their own vindictive passions, by personal animosity 
or party zeal, to the commission of murder, they imagined that 
they heard the voice of God commanding them to execute ven- 
geance on his and their enemies. 



LETTER LXXII. 

The general View of Europe continued, from the accession of 
Henry IF. to the Peace of Fervins, in 1598. 

THE reign of Henry IV., justly styled the Great, forms one 
of the most memorable epochs in the history of France. The 
circumstances of the times, the character of the prince and of the 
man, conspire to render it interesting ; and his connexions with 
the other Christian powers, either as allies or enemies, make it 
an object of general importance. The eyes of all Europe were 
fixed upon him as the hero of its military theatre, and the centre 
of its political system. Philip and Elizabeth were now but 
secondary actors. 

The prejudices entertained against Henry's religion induced 
one half of the royal army to desert him on his accession ; and 
it was only by signing propositions favourable to their creed, and 
promising to listen to the arguments of their divines, that he 
could engage any of the Catholic nobles to support his title to 
the crown. The desertion of his troops obliged him to abandon 
the siege of Paris, and retire into Normandy. Thither he was 
followed by the forces of the League, commanded by the duke 
of Mayenne, who had proclaimed the cardinal of Bourbon king, 
under the name of Charles X. ; although that old man, thrown 



LETT. LXXII. MODERN EUROPE. 97 

into prison on the assassination of the Guises, was still in con- 
finement *. 

In this extremity Henry had recourse to the quee*n of England, 
and found her well disposed to assist him : to oppose the pro- 
gress of the League, and of the 'king of Spain, her dangerous and 
inveterate enemy, who entertained views either of dismembering 
the French monarchy, or of annexing the whole to his own 
dominions. Elizabeth gratified her new ally with twenty-two 
thousand pounds, to prevent the desertion of his Swiss and 
German auxiliaries ; and embarked, with all expedition, a rein- 
forcement of four thousand men, under the command of lord 
Willoughby, an officer of abilities. Meanwhile the king of 
France had been so fortunate as to secure Dieppe and Caen, and 
to repulse the duke of Mayenne, who had attacked him under 
the cannon of Arques. On the arrival of the English forces, he 
marched immediately towards Paris, to the great consternation 
of the inhabitants, and had almost taken the city by storm ; but 
the duke entering it soon after with his army, Henry judged it 
prudent to retire. 

The king's forces were still much inferior to those of the 
League ; but the deficiency of number was compensated by valour. 
He attacked the duke of Mayenne at Ivri, and gained a A. D. 
complete victory over him, though supported by a select 159 - 
body of Spanish troops detached from the Netherlands. Henry's 
behaviour on this occasion was truly heroic. " My lads," said 
he to his soldiers, " if you should lose sight of your colours, 
rally towards this," pointing to a large white plume, which he 
wore in his hat : " you will always find it in the road to honour. 
God is with us !" added he emphatically, drawing his sword, and 
rushing among his foes; but when he perceived their ranks 
broken, and great havoc committed in the pursuit, his natural 
humanity and attachment to his countrymen returned, and in- 
duced him to cry out, " Spare my French subjects 1 !" forgetting 
that they were his enemies. 

Soon after this victory died the cardinal of Bourbon ; and the 
king invested Paris. That city contained two hundred and 
twenty thousand souls, animated by religious enthusiasm, and 

1 Davila, lib. x. Mezeray, Abrege Chronol. tome vi. 

3 Davila, lib. xi. The same great historian tells us, that when a youth, who car- 
ried the royal white coronet, and a page who wore a long white plume, like that of 
the king, were slain, the ranks began to give way some falling to the right, some 
to the left till they recognized Henry, by his plume and his horse, combating in 
the first line ; they then returned to the charge, shutting themselves close together, 
like a wedge. 

VOL. II. H 



98 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

Henry's army did not amount to fifteen thousand men ; yet he 
might certainly have reduced it by famine, if not by other means, 
had not his paternal tenderness for his people made him forget 
the duty of a soldier, and relax the vigour of war. He left <i 
free passage to the old men, women, and children ; he permitted 
the peasants, and even his own men, to carry provisions secretly 
to the besieged. " I would rather never possess Paris," said he, 
when blamed for this indulgence, " than acquire it by the de- 
struction of its citizens V He feared no reproach so much as 
that of his own heart. 

The duke of Parma, by order of the king of Spain, left the 
Low Countries, and hastened to the relief of Paris. On his ap- 
proach Henry raised the siege, and offered him battle : but that 
able general, having performed the important service for which 
he was detached, prudently declined the combat. And so great 
was his skill in the art of war, that he retired in the face of the 
enemy, without affording an opportunity of attacking him, or 
even of throwing his army into disorder ; and reached his govern- 
ment, where his presence was much wanted, without sustaining 
any loss in those long marches. The states, however, were 
gainers by this expedition ; prince Maurice had made rapid pro- 
gress during the absence of the duke. 

After the retreat of the Spaniards, Henry made some fresh 
attempts upon Paris, which was his grand object ; but the vigi- 
lance of the citizens, particularly of the faction of Sixteen, by 
which it was governed, defeated all his designs ; and new dan- 
gers poured in upon him from every side. When the duke of 
Parma retired, he left eight thousand men with the duke of 
Mayenne, for the support of the League ; and pope Gregory 
XIV., at the request of the king of Spain, not only declared 
Henry a relapsed heretic, and ordered all the Catholics to aban- 
don him, under pain of excommunication, but sent troops and 
money to join the duke of Savoy, who was already in possession 
of Provence, and had entered Dauphine. About the same time 
the young duke of Guise made his escape from the castle of 
Tours, where he had been confined since the assassination of his 
father. All that the king said, when informed of these dangers, 
was, " The more enemies we have, the more care we must take, 
and the more honour there will be in beating them 1 ." 

Elizabeth, who had withdrawn her troops on the first pros- 



1 Daniel, tome ix. Thuan. lib. xcix. 

* Daniel, lome ix. Thuan. lib. xcix. Davila, lib. xi 



LETT. LXXII. MODERN EUROPE. 99 

perous aspect of Henry's affairs, now saw the necessity of again 
interposing. She sent him three thousand men under A. D. 
Sir John Norris, who had commanded with reputation in 15 9l- 
the Low Countries; and afterwards four thousand, under the 
earl of Essex, a young nobleman, who by many exterior accom- 
plishments, and much real merit, was daily rising into favour, 
and seemed to occupy that place in her affections, which Lei- 
cester, now deceased, had so long enjoyed. With these supplies, 
joined to an army of thirty-five thousand men, Henry entered 
Normandy, according to his agreement with Elizabeth, and 
formed the siege of Rouen. The place made an obstinate re- 
sistance ; but, as the Catholic forces were unable to keep the 
field, it must soon have been obliged to surrender, if an unex- 
pected event had not procured it relief. The duke of Parma 
again left his government ; and, advancing to Rouen with rapid 
marches, again disappointed Henry, by obliging him to raise 
the siege. The gallant monarch, burning with revenge, again 
boldly offered battle, and pursued the foe ; but the duke, by a 
wonderful piece of generalship, and in spite of the greatest ob- 
stacles, a second time made good his retreat to the Netherlands *. 

Henry was in some measure consoled for this disappoint- 
ment, by hearing that Lesdiguieres had recovered Provence, 
chased the duke of Savoy over the mountains, and made incur- 
sions even to the gates of Turin : that the viscount de Turenne 
had vanquished and slain the marechal of Lorrain : that 
Thammes had defeated the duke de Joyeuse in Languedoc, and 
killed two thousand men; that La Valette, the new A.D. 
governor of Provence, had retaken Antibes, and the 15 92- 
Spaniards had been baffled in an attempt upon Bayonne 2 . 

All things were now hastening to a crisis between the parties. 
The faction of Sixteen, which was entirely in the interest of 
Spain, its principal members being pensioners of Philip, had 
hanged the first president of the parliament of Paris, and two of 
the judges, for not condemning to death a man obnoxious to 
the party, but against whom no crime was found. The duke of 
Mayenne, on the other hand, afraid of being crushed by that 
faction, had caused four of the Sixteen to be executed in the 
same manner. The duke of Parma, on the part of Philip, 
pressed the duke of Mayenne to call an assembly of the states, 
in order to deliberate on the election of a king : and the Catho- 

1 Davila, lib. xii. xiii. Thuan. lib. ciii. 2 Id. Ibid. 

H 2 



100 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

lies of Henry's party plainly intimated to him, that they expected 
he would now declare himself on the article of religion. 

The king and the duke of Mayenne were equally sensible of 
the necessity of complying with these demands, though alike 
disagreeable to each. The states were convoked ; and the duke 
of Parma, under pretence of supporting their resolutions, was 

Dec. ready to enter France with a powerful army, in order to 

2 - forward the views of Philip. But the death of that great 

general at Arras, where he was assembling his forces, freed the 

duke of Mayenne from a dangerous rival, Henry from a formidable 

enemy, and perhaps France from becoming a province of Spain. 

The states, or more properly the heads of the Catholic faction, 
Jan. 26. met at Paris ; and the pope's legate proposed that they 

1593. should bind themselves by an oath, never to be reconciled 
to the king of Navarre, even though he should embrace the 
Catholic faith. This motion was opposed by the duke of 
Mayenne and the major part of the assembly, but supported by 
the Spanish faction ; and as there ,was yet no appearance of 
Henry's changing his religion, the duke of Feria, Philip's ambas- 
sador, after attempting to gain the duke of Mayenne, by offering 
him a large sum of money and the sovereignty of Burgundv 
boldly proposed, that the states should choose the infanta 
Isabella queen, as the nearest relative of Henry III. ; and 
should name the archduke Albert, to whom her father was in- 
clined to give her in marriage, king in her right. The most 
zealous of the Sixteen condemned this proposal ; declaring, that 
they could never think of admitting at once two foreign sove- 
reigns. The duke of Feria changed his ground. He proposed 
the infanta, on condition that she should espouse a prince of 
France, including the house of Lorrain, the nomination being left 
to his Catholic majesty ; and at length he fixed on the young 
duke of Guise. Had this proposal preceded the other, Philip 
might perhaps have carried his point; but now the duke of 
Mayenne, unwilling to become dependent on his nephew, pre- 
tended to dispute the ambassador's power ; and the parliament of 
Paris published a decree, declaring such a treaty contrary to 
the Salic law, which, being a fundamental principle of the go- 
vernment, could on no account be set aside '. 

While these disputes were agitated at Paris, Henry was push- 
ing his military operations ; but he was sensible, notwithstanding 

1 Davila, lib. xiii. Renault, tome ii. 



LETT. LXXII. MODERN EUROPE. 101 

his successes, that he never could, by force of arms alone, render 
himself master of the kingdom. The Catholics of his party grew 
daily more importunate to know his sentiments in regard to reli- 
gious matters ; and their jealousy on this point seemed to in- 
crease, in proportion as he approached to the full possession of 
his throne. Though a Protestant, he was no bigot to his sect ; 
he considered theological differences as subordinate to the public 
good ; and therefore ordered the divines of the two religions to 
hold conferences, that he might be able to take, with greater 
decency, that step which the security of his crown, and the hap- 
piness of his subjects, now made necessary. 

In these conferences, if we may credit the celebrated marquis 
de Rosni (afterwards duke of Sully, and prime minister to 
Henry), the Protestant divines even allowed themselves to be 
worsted, in order to furnish the king with a better pretext for 
embracing that religion which it was so much his interest to 
adopt. But, however that might be, it is certain, that the more 
moderate Protestants, and Rosni among others, were con- July 
vinced of the necessity of such a step ; and that Henry, 25 - 
soon after the taking of Dreux, solemnly made his abjuration 
at St. Denis, and received absolution from the archbishop of 
Bourges *. 

This measure, however, though highly agreeable to the 
majority of the French nation, was not immediately followed by 
those beneficial consequences which were expected from it. 
The more zealous Catholics suspected Henry's sincerity ; they 
considered his abjuration merely as a device to deceive them ; 
and as the personal safety of many, who had distinguished 
themselves by their violence, was concerned in obstructing his 
progress, they had recourse to their former expedient of assassi- 
nation, in which they were encouraged by their priests. Several 
attempts were made against the king's life. The zealous 
Huguenots, on the other hand, became more diffident of Henry's 
intentions towards their sect; and his protestant allies, particu- 
larly the queen of England, expressed great indignation at this 

1 Davila, lib. xiii. Henault, tome ii. Nothing can more strongly demonstrate 
the propriety of such a measure, than the reflections of Davila, a living and intel- 
ligent observer of the times. " The king's conversion," says he, " was certainly 
the most powerful remedy that could be applied to the dangerous disease of the 
nation. But the truce by which it was preceded did also dispose men's minds for 
the working of so wholesome a medicine ; for the people on both sides, having 
begun to taste the security and the beneh'ts that result from concord, <n a season 
when harvest and vintage made them more sensible of the happiness, fell so in love 
with it, that it was afterwards more easy to incline them to a desire of peace, and a 
willing obedience under their lawful prince." Hist. lib. xiv. 



102 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

interested change of his religion. Sensible, however, that the 
confederate Romanists and the king of Spain were still their 
common enemies, Elizabeth at last admitted his apologies. She 
continued her supplies of men and money ; and time soon pro- 
duced a wonderful alteration in the affairs of the French monarch, 
and evinced the wisdom of the step which he had taken, though 
not entirely conformable to the laws of honour, and consequently 
a reproach on his private character. 

The marquis de Vitri, governor of Meaux, was the first 
man of rank who showed the example of a return to duty. He 
had often solicited the duke of Mayenne, as the cause of the war 
was at an end, to make his peace with the king ; but receiving 
no satisfaction from that nobleman, he resolved to follow the 
dictates of his own heart. He ordered the garrison to evacuate 
the town ; and having assembled the magistrates, delivered to 
them the keys. " Gentlemen," said he, " I scorn to steal an 
advantage, or make my fortune at other men's expense. I am 
going to pay my allegiance to the king, and leave it in your 
power to act as you please." The magistrates, after a short 
deliberation, agreed to send . a deputation to Henry, to make 
their submissions. The deputies were so confounded at their 
audience, that they were incapable of speech, and threw them- 
selves at the king's feet. Having viewed them for some moments 
in that condition, Henry burst into tears ; and lifting them up, 
said, " Come not as enemies to crave forgiveness, but as children 
to a father always willing to receive you with open arms V 

The popularity acquired by this reception greatly promoted 

A. D. the royal cause. Henry was solemnly crowned at Chartres ; 

1594. and every thing seemed to promise a speedy pacification. 
La Chastre delivered up the provinces of Orleannois and Berri, of 
which he was governor, and D'Alancourt the city of Pontoise ; 
the duke of Mayenne retired from Paris; and the count de 
Brisac, who commanded the French garrison (for there was also 
a Spanish one), privately admitted the king into his capital, of 
which he took possession almost without shedding blood. Villars, 
who had so gallantly defended Rouen, surrendered that city on 
conditions; and many other towns either offered terms, or 
opened their gates without stipulating for any. The duke 
d'Elbceuf, who had seized the government of Poictou, declared 
for the king. The young duke of Guise also made his peace 
with Henry. Baligny, who held the principality of Cambray, 

1 Mem. pour tervir a f Hut. de France, tome ii. 



LETT. LXXII. MODERN EUROPE. 103 

submitted ; and the marechal d'Aumont, with the assistance of 
an English fleet and army, reduced Morlaix, Quimpercorentin, 
and Brest, towns guarded by the Spanish forces, while the king 
in person besieged and took Laon. On this advantage Amiens, 
and a great part of Picardy, acknowledged his sway 1 . 

In the midst of these successes, Henry was on the point of 
perishing by the hand of a desperate assassin. John Chaste!, a 
young fanatic educated among the Jesuits, struck him Dec. 
on the mouth with a knife, while he was saluting one of his 2 7- 
courtiers, in a chamber of the Louvre, and beat out one of his 
teeth. The blow was intended for the king's throat; but, for- 
tunately, his stooping prevented it from striking that dangerous 
part. The assassin was seized, avowed his principals, and was 
put to death. On his examination, he confessed that he had fre- 
quently heard his ghostly preceptors say, that king-killing was 
lawful ; and that, as Henry had not yet been absolved by the 
pope, he thought he might kill him with a safe conscience. 
Some writings to the same purpose were found in the possession 
of father Guiscard, who was condemned to suffer the punishment 
appointed for treason; and all the Jesuits were banished from 
the kingdom, by a decree of the parliament of Paris 2 . 

Amidst these incidents, war was still carried on with vigour in 
the Low Countries. The states not only continued to maintain 
the struggle for liberty, but even rose superior to the power of 
Spain. Prince Maurice surprised Breda ; and, by the assistance 
of the English forces under sir Francis Vere, he took Gertruy- 
denberg and Groningen, after two of the most obstinate and 
best-conducted sieges recorded in history. Count Mansfield, an 
able and experienced officer, who had succeeded the duke of 
Parma in the chief command, beheld the reduction of the first 
with an army superior to that of the prince, without being able 
to force his lines ; and Verdugo, the Spanish general, durst not 
attempt the relief of the second, though the garrison made a 
gallant defence 3 . 

The progress of the English and Dutch, however, did not pre- 
vent the Archduke Ernest, now governor of the Low Countries, 
from sending ten thousand men to lay waste the frontier of 
France ; and Henry, who had been long engaged in hostilities 
with Philip, was provoked by this fresh insult, as well as A. D. 
encouraged by his late success, and that of the states, to l 5 ^ 5 - 



1 Davila. Mezeray. Dupleix. J Davila, lib. xiv. Henault, tome ii. 

3 Bentivoglio. Grot. Ann. 



104 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

declare war against Spain. He led an army into Burgundy : 
expelled the Spaniards from that province ; obliged the duke of 
Mayenne to sue for an accommodation ; and received absolution 
from the pope. 

But while this great prince, rendered too confident by good 
fortune, was employed in a wild and fruitless expedition into 
Franche-Comte in compliance with the ambition of his mistress, 
the fair Gabrielle d'Estrees, who wished to procure a principality 
for her son Caesar, a Spanish army, under the command of the 
conde du Fuentes, reduced Dourlens, Catelet, and Cambray. 

A. D. To counterbalance these losses, the duke of Guise sur- 

1596. prised Marseilles; and Henry concluded his negotiation 
with the duke of Mayenne, who, charmed with the generous 
reception he met with on his submission, continued ever after 
firmly attached to the king's person and government. 

When informed of the success of the duke of Guise, Henry 
was so elated, that he exclaimed with transport, " Then I am at 
last a king 1 !" His joy, however, was of a short duration. The 
archduke Albert, who had succeeded on the death of his brother 
to the government of the Netherlands, sent an army to besiege 
Calais ; and as that fortress was not in a proper state of defence, 
the garrison was obliged to surrender, before the king could 
march with a sufficient force to its relief. 

This unfortunate event was soon followed by another. While 
Henry was in the utmost distress for the loss of Calais, which 
fanned the dying ashes of the League, while he was harassed by 
the complaints of the Huguenots, and chagrined at the extra- 
vagant demands of the dukes of Savoy and Mercosur, who were 
still in arms against him, he received intelligence that Porto- 
carrero, the Spanish governor of Dourlens, had made himself 
master of Amiens by surprise 1 . 

The king of France was now ready to sink under the weight 
of his misfortunes. His finances were so diminished in pur- 
chasing the allegiance of his rebellious subjects, or in reducing 
them to their duty, that he was utterly incapable of any new 
effort : he was not even able to pay the few troops in his service. 
He had already assembled his nobles, and explicitly informed 
them of his necessities ; but they, impoverished also by the civil 
wars, seemed little disposed to assist him, though he addressed 
them in the most engaging language. " I have not called you 
together," said he, " as my predecessors were wont, to oblige you 

1 Duplcix, tome v. * Cayet, tome Hi. 



LETT. LXXII. MODERN EUROPE. 105 

blindly to obey my will : I have assembled you to receive your 
counsels ; to listen to them, to follow them, and to put myself 
entirely under your direction 1 ." 

" Give me an army," cried he, on another occasion, " and I 
will cheerfully venture my life for the state !" But the means of 
furnishing bread for that army, as he pathetically complained, 
were not in his power. 

Henry, however, was happily extricated out of all his diffi- 
culties by the fertile genius of his faithful servant, the marquis 
de Rosni, whom he had appointed superintendent of the finances. 
That able minister, by loans upon the king's faith, by sums 
advanced upon the revenues, and other necessary expedients, 
enabled him to raise, in a short time, an army of more than 
twenty thousand men. With this army, the best-appointed he 
had ever led into the field, and a body of English auxiliaries* 
Henry marched to Amiens, in order to attempt the A.D. 
recovery of that important place. " I will go," said he, 15 97- 
on undertaking this arduous enterprise, " and act the king of 
Navarre : I have acted the king of France long enough." The 
Spanish garrison, composed of choice troops, and commanded by 
experienced officers, made an obstinate defence, and allowed the 
archduke time to march to its relief : but Albert, not being able 
to force the lines of the besiegers, though his army consisted of 
nearly twenty-five thousand veterans, retired to Arras, and 
Amiens surrendered to the French monarch'. 

Henry returned in triumph to Paris, where he was received 
with every possible mark of loyalty and respect ; and after con- 
vincing all parties that the happiness of his people was his 
supreme wish, and the object of all his enterprises, he marched 
against the duke of Mercoeur, who still held part of Bretagne. 
Surprised at this unexpected visit, and deserted by the A. D. 
nobility of the duchy, who hastened to make their peace 15 98. 
with the king, the duke gave himself up for lost. But a for- 
tunate expedient saved him. He offered the hand of his only 
daughter, with the duchies of Estampes, Penthievre, and Mer- 
coeur, to Henry's natural son, Caesar ; and the king, glad of such 
an opportunity of gratifying the ambition of his mistress, readily 
agreed to the proposal*. 

Henry now saw himself in full possession of his kingdom ; the 



1 Mem. de Sully, tome i. Dupleix. Davila. Mezeray. 

3 Davila, lib. xv. Mem. de Sully, tome ii. 



106 THE HISTORY OF PARTI. 

League was entirely dissolved ; and the Catholics in general 
seemed satisfied with his public profession of their religion. 
The Huguenots alone, his original friends, gave him uneasiness. 
They had frequently, since the king's abjuration of their faith, 
and his solemn reconciliation with the see of Rome, expressed 
apprehensions on account of their religion. Henry soon made 
them easy on that point. He assembled the heads of the party 
at Nantes ; and from motives of policy, as well as of gratitude 
and tenderness, passed the famous Edict bearing date from that 
place, and which granted them every thing that they could 
reasonably desire. It not only secured to them the free exercise 
of their religion, but a share in the administration of justice, and 
the privilege of being admitted to all employments of trust, 
profit, and honour 1 . 

During these transactions in France, the allies were well em- 
ployed in the Low Countries. Prince Maurice and sir Francis 
Vere obtained at Turnhout, in 1 597, a complete victory over the 
Spaniards ; in consequence of which that place immediately sur- 
rendered, and a great number of others were reduced before the 
close of the campaign. 

Nor were the enemies of Spain less successful in other quarters. 
Besides the naval armaments which Elizabeth sent to annoy the 
Spaniards in the West Indies, and to obstruct their trade at 
home, a strong force was despatched to Cadiz, where Philip was 
making vast preparations for a new invasion of England. The 
combined English and Dutch fleet, under lord Effingham, 
attacked the Spanish ships and galleys in the bay ; and, after an 
obstinate engagement, obliged them all either to surrender, re- 
tire beneath their forts, or run ashore. The earl of Essex, who 
commanded the land forces, then attacked the city, and reduced 
it with ease. Its spoils were considerable ; but the resolution 
which the Spanish admiral took of setting fire to a large fleet of 
merchant ships, richly laden, in the port, deprived the conquerors 
of a far more valuable booty. The loss, however, sustained by 
the Spaniards was not diminished by that expedient, and is 
computed at twenty millions of ducats 2 . 

Age and infirmities, with so many disasters and disappoint- 
ments, had now almost broken the lofty and obstinate spirit of 
Philip. He began to moderate his views, and offered peace on 
terms not very high or unreasonable ; but as he refused to ac- 

1 Thuan. Mraeray. Varillas. Birch's Mem. vol. ii. 



LETT. LXXIII. MODERN EUROPE. 107 

knowledge the independence of the United Provinces, they 
would not negotiate with him, and Elizabeth came to the same 
resolution, on their account. 

Henry's situation did not enable him to behave with equal 
firmness. To France, long torn by civil dissensions, peace was 
particularly necessary. Philip knew it, and offered advantageous 
conditions to Henry, that he might be enabled, by diminishing 
the number of his enemies, to act with greater vigour against the 
Dutch. The French monarch, however, before he treated with 
the king of Spain, sent ambassadors to Elizabeth and the states, 
to facilitate a general agreement. Both powers remonstrated 
against such a measure, unless the independence of the states 
should be made its basis. Henry pleaded his necessity of nego- 
tiating ; and although they blamed the step which they saw he 
was determined to take, they were sensible of the justness of his 
arguments. A separate peace was accordingly concluded, be- 
tween France and Spain, at Vervins 1 : by which Henry recovered 
possession of all the places seized by Philip during the civil wars, 
and procured to himself, what he had long ardently desired, 
leisure to settle the domestic affairs of his kingdom : to cultivate 
the arts of peace (to which his genius was no less turned than to 
those of war), and to contribute to the happiness and prosperity 
of his people. 

But before we take a view of the flourishing state of France, 
under the equitable government of this great and good prince, 
and the wise administration of Sully, or of England during the 
latter part of the reign of Elizabeth, I must carry forward the 
contest between Spain and the United Provinces. 



LETTER LXXIIL 

History of Spain and the Low Countries, from the Peace of Ver- 
tins, to the Truce in 1609, when the Freedom of the United 
Provinces was acknowledged. 

PEACE had not long been concluded between France A. D. 
and Spain, when a new treaty was adjusted between 1598 - 

1 Davila, lib. xv. Mezeray, tome vi. 



108 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

England and the United Provinces, with a view of prosecuting 
the war more vigorously against Philip. The states, afraid of 
being deserted by Elizabeth, submitted to what terms she was 
pleased to require of them. They agreed to diminish their debt, 
which amounted to eight hundred thousand pounds, by remitting 
considerable sums annually ; to pay the English troops in the 
Low Countries; and to maintain, at their own expense, the 
garrisons of the cautionary towns, while England should continue 
the war against Spain 1 . 

Sept Soon after this negotiation was completed, Philip II., 
13 - its chief object, breathed his last at Madrid ; leaving be- 
hind him the character of a gloomy, jealous, haughty, vindictive, 
and inexorable tyrant. With great talents for government, he 
failed to obtain the reputation of a great prince ; because, with 
a perfect knowledge of mankind, and the most extensive power 
of benefiting them, he became the great destroyer of his species, 
and the chief instrument of human misery. His head fitted him 
for the throne of Spain, and his indefatigable application for the 
sovereignty of both Indies ; but his heart, and his habit of 
thinking, only for the office of grand inquisitor. Hence he was 
long the terror, but never the admiration, of Europe. 

Nor was Philip's character more amiable or estimable in 
private than in public life. Besides other crimes of a domestic 
nature, he was accused by William prince of Orange, in the face 
of all Europe, and seemingly with justice, of having sacrificed his 
own son, don Carlos, to his jealous ambition ; and of having 
poisoned his third wife, Isabella of France, that he might marry 
Anne of Austria, his niece 2 . The particulars of the death of 
Carlos are sufficiently curious to merit attention. That young 
prince had sometimes taken the liberty to censure the measures 
of his father's government with regard to the Netherlands, and 
was even suspected of a design of putting himself at the head of 
the insurgents, in order to prevent the utter ruin of his future 
subjects, for whose sufferings he had often expressed his com- 
passion. In consequence of this suspicion he was put under con- 
finement ; and although several princes interceded for his release, 
his father was inexorable. The inquisition, through the influence 
of the king, who on all great occasions consulted the members 
of that tribunal, passed sentence against the unhappy Carlos; 
and the inhuman and unnatural Philip, under cover of that 



1 Camd. Ann. Thuan. Hist. 

* See the Manifesto of the prince of Orange, in answer to Philip's Proscription. 



LETT. LXXIII. MODERN EUROPE. 109 

sentence, ordered poison, which proved effectual in a few hours, 
to be administered to his son and the heir of his empire 1 . 

No European prince possessed such vast resources as Philip 
II. Besides his Spanish and Italian dominions, the kingdom of 
Portugal and the Netherlands, he enjoyed the whole East- 
Indian commerce, and reaped the richest harvest of the American 
mines. But his prodigious armaments, his intrigues in France 
and in England, and his long and expensive wars in the Low 
Countries, exhausted his treasures, and enriched those whom he 
sought to subdue ; while the Spaniards, dazzled with the sight 
of the precious metals, and transported by the idea of imaginary 
wealth, neglected agriculture and manufactures, and were obliged 
to depend on their more industrious neighbours for the luxuries 
as well as the necessaries of life. Spain, once a rich and fertile 
kingdom, became only the mint of Europe. Its wedges and 
ingots were no sooner coined than called for ; and were often 
mortgaged before their arrival, as the price of labour and inge- 
nuity. The state was enfeebled, the country rendered sterile, 
and the people poor and miserable. 

The condition of the United Provinces was in all respects the 
reverse of Spain. They owed every thing to their industry ; by 
which a country naturally barren was rendered fertile even while 
it was the scene of war. Manufactures were carried on with 
vigour, and commerce was extended to all the quarters of the 
globe. The republic had become powerful, and the people rich, 
in spite of every effort to enslave and oppress them. Conscious 
of this, the court of Madrid had changed its measures before the 
death of Philip. After much deliberation, that haughty monarch, 
despairing of being able to reduce the revolted provinces by force, 
and desirous of an accommodation, that he might end 'his days 
in peace, but disdaining to make in his own name the concessions 
necessary for that purpose, transferred to his daughter Isabella, 
contracted to the archduke Albert, the sovereignty of the Low 
Countries. 

Philip died before the celebration of the marriage, but his son 
Philip III., a virtuous though a weak prince, punctually ex- 
ecuted the contract ; and Albert, after taking possession of the 
sovereignty according to the necessary forms, wrote to the states 
of the United Provinces, entreating them not to refuse submis- 
sion to their natural princes, who would govern them with lenity, 
indulgence, and affection. 

1 Compare Thuanus, lib. xliii. with Strada, lib. vii. 



110 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

The states returned no answer to the archduke's letter. They 
were now determined to complete that independence for which 
they had so long struggled. But, even if their purpose had been 
less firm, there was a clause in the contract which would have 
produced the same resolution. It provided that if the infanta 
should leave no issue, all the provinces of the Low Countries 
should return to the crown of Spain ; and as there was little 
probability of her having offspring, the states saw their danger, 
and avoided it, by refusing to listen to any terms of submission '. 
The first material step taken by Albert and Isabella for re- 
A.D. ducing their revolted subjects to obedience, was the pro- 
1599. mulgation of an edict, in concert with Philip III., 
precluding the United Provinces from all intercourse with the 
kingdoms of Spain and Portugal, or with the Spanish Netherlands. 
This was a severe blow to the commerce of the states. They 
had hitherto, singular as it may seem, been allowed to prosecute 
an open trade with all the Spanish dominions in Europe, and 
had drawn much of their wealth from that source, as well as 
increased it by their naval power. An idea of general advantage 
only could have induced Philip II. to permit such a traffic ; and 
an experience of its balance being in favour of the republic, as 
will always be the case between industrious and indolent nations, 
induced his son to prohibit it under the name of an indulgence. 
But the interdict was issued too late effectually to answer its 
end. The Dutch, already strong by sea, sent out a fleet to 
cruise upon the Spaniards ; and to compensate the restraint 
upon their home trade, they turned their views towards India, 
where they attacked the Spaniards and Portuguese, and at 
length monopolised the most lucrative branch of that important 
commenfe. 

Meanwhile the war was continued with spirit in the Low 
Countries. Besides several bodies of Germans and Swiss, the 
states took into their service two thousand French veterans, dis- 
banded by Henry IV. on the conclusion of the peace of Vervins ; 
and that prince generously supplied the republic with money, 
under pretence of paying his debts. The archduke's forces were 
at the same time much augmented by fresh levies from Spain, 
Italy, and Germany. Each party seemed formidable to the other, 
yet both were eager for the combat ; and several towns having 
been taken, many gallantly assaulted, and no less gallantly de- 
fended on both sides, the two armies came to a general engage- 

1 Meteren. Bentivoglio. 



LETT. LXXIII. MODERN EUROPE. 1 1 1 

ment at Nieuport, near Ostend '. The field was obsti- A. D. 
nately disputed for three hours. The allies began the 1C <X>. 
battle with incredible intrepidity ; and the Spanish veterans, 
who composed the enemy's van, received the shock with great 
firmness. The conflict was terrible. At length the Spaniards 
gave ground ; but they soon returned to the charge. Again 
they were repulsed, and, in the issue, utterly broken and routed, 
with the loss of five thousand men, chiefly by the valour of the 
English auxiliaries under sir Francis Vere, who led the van of 
the confederates. We must not, however, with some of our too 
warm countrymen, ascribe the victory solely to English prowess. 
A share of the honour, at least, ought to be allowed to the mili- 
tary skill of prince Maurice ; to a body of Swiss, immediately 
under his command, that supported the English troops ; and to 
the courage of the numerous volunteers, who had come from all 
parts of Europe to study the art of war under so able and expe- 
rienced a general, and who strove to outdo each other in daring 
acts of heroism. 

This victory was of the utmost importance to the United 
Provinces, as the defeat of their army, in the present crisis, 
would in all probability have been followed by the loss of their 
liberties, and their final ruin as an independent state ; but 
its consequences otherwise were very inconsiderable. Prince 
Maurice either mis-spent his time after the battle, or his troops, 
as he affirmed, were so exhausted with fatigue, as not to be fit 
for any new enterprise, till Albert was again ready to take the 
field with a superior army. Overtures of peace were renewed 
and rejected by the states. The allies formed the siege A D. 
of Rhinberg, and the archduke that of Ostend. Rhin- Ifi 01- 
berg was reduced, but Maurice did not think his strength suffi- 
cient to attempt the relief of Ostend. 

The siege of that important place was vigorously conducted 
by the archduke in person, at the head of a numerous and 
well appointed army. The brave resistance which he met with 
astonished but did not discourage him. His heart was set on 
the reduction of Ostend. All the resources of war were ex- 
hausted, torrents of blood were shed, but neither side was dis- 
pirited ; because both received constant supplies, the one by 
sea, the other from the neighbouring country. New batteries 
were very frequently raised, and assaults were multiplied with- 
out effect. The garrison, commanded by sir Francis Vere, who 

1 Grot. lib. ix. Bentivoglio, par. iii. lib. vi. 



119. THE HISTORY OF PARTI. 

had gallantly thrown himself into the town in the face of the 
enemy, repelled all the attempts of the Spaniards with the 
greatest intrepidity; and at length obliged Albert to turn the 

A.n. siege into a kind of blockade, and commit the command 

1602. to Rivas, one of his generals, while he himself went to 
Ghent, in order to concert new measures for accomplishing his 
favourite enterprise. 

The states embraced this opportunity of changing the garrison 
of Ostend, worn out and emaciated with continual fatigue and 
watching ; and, as the communication by sea was open, the 
scheme was executed without difficulty. A fresh garrison, sup- 
plied with every necessary, took charge of the town, under the 
command of colonel Dorp, a Dutchman, colonel Edmonds, a 
Scotchman, and Hertain, a Frenchman ; while sir Francis Vere, 
with the former garrison, joined the army under prince Maurice. 

The army before Ostend, composed of Flemings and Spaniards, 
was reinforced with eight thousand Italians, under the marquis 
of Spinola, an officer of great military talents, to whom Albert 
wisely committed the conduct of the siege, after the ineffectual 
efforts of Rivas. Spinola showed, that no fortification, however 
strong, is impregnable to a skilful engineer, furnished with the 

A. D. necessary force. Ostend was reduced to a heap of ruins ; 

1604. and the besiegers were making preparations for the grand 
assault, when the governor offered to capitulate. Spinola granted 
the garrison honourable terms l . 

During this memorable siege, which was protracted beyond 
three years, and cost the king of Spain and the archduke the 
lives of above seventy thousand brave soldiers, prince Maurice 
made himself master of Rimbach, Grave, and Sluys, acquisi- 
tions which more than balanced the loss of Ostend ; and Albert, 
by employing all his strength against the place, was prevented, 
during three campaigns, from entering the United Provinces. 
The Dutch did not neglect the occasion, which that interval of 
security afforded them, to push their trade and manufactures. 
Every nerve was strained in labour, and every talent in in- 
genuity. Commerce, both foreign and domestic, flourished ; 
Ternate, one of the Moluccas, had been gained ; and the 
East India Company, that grand pillar of the Republic, was 
established a . 

But, as a counterpoise to these advantages, the states had 
lost the alliance of England, in consequence of the death of 

1 Grot. lib. xiii. Bentivoglio, par. iii. lib. vii. * Le Clerc, lib. vii. 



LETT. LXXIII. MODERN EUROPE. 113 

Elizabeth. James I., her successor, showed no inclination to 
engage in hostilities with Spain ; and concluded, soon after his 
accession, a treaty with that court. Through the intercession 
of Henry IV., however, he agreed to supply the states secretly 
with money ; and what is very remarkable as well as honour- 
able, it appears that James, in his treaty with Spain, had ex- 
pressly reserved the power of sending assistance to the United 
Provinces 1 . 

The republic, at present, urgently required support. Philip 
III., now sensible that the infanta could have no issue, and con- 
sequently, that the Netherlands must revert to the crown of 
Spain, adopted the resolution of carrying on the war against the 
revolted provinces with redoubled vigour. Large levies A. D. 
were made for that purpose ; great sums were remitted to 1605 - 
the Low Countries ; and Spinola was declared commander-in- 
chief of the Spanish and Italian forces. 

The states saw their danger, and endeavoured to provide 
against it. They authorised prince Maurice to augment his 
army ; they recruited their garrisons, improved their fortifica- 
tions, and prepared for the most vigorous resistance. Spinola 
expected it, but was not discouraged : and his success was rapid 
for two campaigns, in spite of all the efforts of Maurice. But 
although he had made himself master of many important places, 
he had yet made no impression on the body of the republic ; and 
three hundred thousand doubloons a month, the common expense 
of the army, appeared a sum too large for the Spanish treasury 
long to disburse, and a drain which not even the mines of 
Mexico and Peru could supply. His troops mutinied for want 
of pay. He became sensible of the impracticability of A.D. 
his undertaking, and delivered it as his opinion, that it 1606 - 
was more advisable to enjoy the ten provinces in peace and 
security, than to risk the loss of the whole Netherlands in 
pursuit of the other seven, and ruin Spain by a hazardous 
attempt to conquer rebel subjects, who had too long tasted the 
sweets of liberty ever again to bear with ease the shackles of 
monarchy and absolute dominion 2 . 

The court of Madrid was already convinced of the necessity of 
an accommodation ; the archduke earnestly wished for peace ; 
and the sentiments of the general had great influence both on 
the Spanish and Flemish councils. If the duke of Parma had 
failed to reduce the seven provinces, and Spinola gave up the 

1 Winwood's Slate Papei-t, vol. ii. 2 Bentivoglio. 

VOL. II. I 



114 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

attempt, who, it was asked, could hope to subdue them ? As 
there was no answering such a question, it was agreed, though 
A. D. not without many scruples, to negotiate with the Dutch 
1607- republic as an independent state. A suspension of arms 
accordingly took place; conferences were opened; and after 
numberless obstructions and delays interposed by the Orange 
A.D. faction, whose interest it was to continue the war, a 
1609. truce was concluded at the Hague for twelve years, 
through the mediation of France and England 1 . This treaty 
secured to the United Provinces all their acquisitions, a freedom 
of commerce with the dominions of Philip and the archduke, on 
the same footing with other foreign nations, and the full enjoy- 
ment of those civil and religious liberties for which they had so 
gloriously struggled 2 . 

Scarcely had the court of Spain finished one civil war, occa- 
sioned by persecution, when it plunged into another. Philip 
III., at the instigation of the inquisition, and by the advice of 
his minister, the duke of Lerma, no less weak than himself, 
issued an edict, ordering all the Morescoes, or descendants of 
the Moors, to leave the kingdom within the space of thirty days, 
on pain of death. Those remains of the ancient conquerors of 
Spain were chiefly employed in commerce and agriculture ; and 
the principal reason assigned for this barbarous decree was, that 
ihey were still Mohammedans in their hearts, though they con- 
formed outwardly to the Christian worship, and therefore might 
corrupt the true faith, as well as disturb the peace of the state. 
Persecution prompted them to undertake what they had hitherto 
shown no disposition to attempt They chose for themselves a 
A.D. king, and endeavoured to oppose the execution of the 
1611. royal mandate ; but being almost wholly unprovided with 
arms, they were soon obliged to submit, and were all banished*. 

By this violent and impolitic measure, Spain lost near a 
million of industrious inhabitants 4 ; and as that kingdom was 
already depopulated by long and bloody foreign wars, by re- 
peated emigrations to the New World, and enervated by luxury, 
it now sunk into a state of languor, out of which it has never 
since fully recovered. The remembrance of its former strength, 
however, still enabled it to inspire terror; and associations were 
formed for restraining the exorbitant power of Spain, after Spain 
had ceased to be powerful. 



1 Grotius. Bentivoglio Winwood. * Grot lib. xvii. 

3 Fronseca, Traycion de los Morescos. * Geddes, Hist. ErjutU. Moresc. 



LETT. LXXIV. MODERN EUROPE. 115 



LETTER LXXIV. 

The domestic History of England, from the Defeat of the Spanish 
Armada, in 1588, to the Death of Elizabeth, with some Parti- 
culars of Scotland and Ireland, 

THE execution of the queen of Scots, and the defeat of the 
Spanish armada, freed Elizabeth from all apprehensions for the 
safety of her crown. What part she took in the affairs of A. D. 
France and of the United Provinces, and what attempts 1588 - 
she made by naval armaments to annoy the Catholic King, we 
have already seen. We must, now, my dear Philip, take a view 
of her domestic policy, and her domestic troubles; and of her 
transactions with Scotland and Ireland, from this great aera of 
her guilt and her glory to that of her death, which left vacant 
the throne of England to the house of Stuart. 

The leading characteristics of Elizabeth's administration were 
economy and vigour. By a strict attention to the first, she was 
able to maintain a magnificent court, and to support the per- 
secuted Protestants in France and the Low Countries, without 
oppressing her people, or involving the crown in debt ; and, by 
a spirited exertion of the second, she humbled the pride of Spain, 
and gave stability to her throne, in spite of all the A.D. 
machinations of her enemies. After informing her par- 1593 - 
liarnent of the necessity of continuing the war against Philip, 
and how little she dreaded the power of that monarch, even 
though he should make a greater effort than that of his Invin- 
cible Armada, she concluded thus : " I am informed, that when 
he attempted this last invasion, some upon the sea-coast forsook 
their towns, fled up higher into the country, and left all naked 
and exposed to his entrance ; but I swear unto you, by God ! if 
I knew those persons, or may know of any that shall do so here- 
after, I will make them feel what it is to be fearful in so urgent 
a cause 1 ." 

Elizabeth's frugality in the administration of her realm seems 
less, however, to have proceeded from lenity to her people than 
from a fear of bringing herself under the power of her commons 
by the necessity of soliciting larger supplies, and thereby endau- 

1 D' Ewes' Journal of Parliament. 

i 2 



116 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

gering her royal prerogative, of which she was always remarkably 
jealous, and which she exercised with a high hand. Numerous 
instances of this occur during her reign. Besides erecting the 
Court of High Commission, which was invested with almost 
inquisitorial powers, and supporting the arbitrary decrees of the 
Star-Chamber, she granted to her servants and courtiers patents 
for monopolies, which put severe restraints upon all commerce, 
industry, and emulation in the arts, and enabled those who 
possessed them to raise commodities to what price they pleased. 
Salt, in particular, was raised from sixteen pence a bushel to 
fourteen or fifteen shillings, and many other articles in propor- 
tion. Almost all the necessaries of life were thus monopolised ; 
which made a certain member ask with a sneer, when the list was 
read over in the house, " Is not bread among the number 1 ?" 

These grievances were frequently complained of in parliament, 
more especially by the Puritans; who, as the name imports, 
affected extraordinary purity, maintaining that the church of 
England was not sufficiently purged from the errors of popery ; 
and who carried into their political speculations the same bold 
spirit that dictated their theological opinions. But such com- 
plaints were made at the peril of the members, who were fre- 
quently committed to custody for their freedom of speech ; and 
all motions to remove those enormous grievances were suppressed, 
as attempts to invade the royal prerogative. The queen, by 
messages to the house, repeatedly admonished the commons 
" not to meddle with what nowise belonged to them (matters of 
state or religion), and what did not lie within the compass of 
their understanding ;" and she warned them, " since neither her 
commands nor the example of their wiser brethren (those devoted 
to the court) could reclaim their audacious, arrogant, and pre- 
sumptuous folly, that some other species of correction must be 
found for them 1 ." 

These messages were patiently received by the majority of the 
house ; and it was even asserted, " that the royal prerogative 
was not to be canvassed, disputed, or examined, and did not even 
admit of any limitation ; that absolute princes, such as the sove- 
reigns of England, were a species of divinity ; that it was in vain 
to attempt tying the queen's hands by laws or statutes, since by 
her dispensing power, she could loosen herself at pleasure 1 !" 
But the Puritans, who alone possessed any just sentiments of 
freedom, and who employed all their industry to be elected into 

1 D'Ewes. 



LETT. LXXIV. MODERN EUROPE. 117 

parliament, still hazarded the utmost indignation of Elizabeth, 
in vindicating the natural rights of mankind. They continued 
to keep alive that precious spark of liberty which they had re- 
kindled; and which, burning more fiercely from confinement, 
broke out into a blaze under the two succeeding reigns, and, 
agitated but not smothered by opposition, consumed the church 
and monarchy ; from whose ashes, like the fabled phcenix, singly 
to arrest the admiration of ages, sprang our present glorious and 
happy constitution. 

Among the subjects which Elizabeth prohibited the parliament 
from taking into consideration, was the succession to the crown. 

But, as all danger from a rival claim had expired with the queen 
of Scots, a motion was made by Peter Wentworth, a puritan, 
for petitioning her majesty to fix the succession ; which, though 
in itself sufficiently respectful, incensed the queen to such a 
degree, that she committed Wentworth to the Tower, and sent 
all the members who seconded him to the Fleet. Her malignity 
against Mary seems to have settled upon her son James, for she 
not only continued to avoid acknowledging him as her successor, 
though a peaceable aud unaspiring prince, but refused to assist 
him in suppressing a conspiracy of some Catholic noblemen, 
formed in conjunction with the king of Spain, their common 
enemy l . She endeavoured to keep him in perpetual dependence, 
by bribing his ministers, or fomenting discontents among his 
subjects ; and she appears to have had some concern in the con- 
spiracy of the earl of Gowrie, for seizing his person, though not, 
as some suppose, with a view of taking away his life. 

A considerable share of her attention was devoted to the affairs 
of Ireland, where the English sovereignty had hitherto been 
little more than nominal. The Irish princes and nobles, divided 
among themselves, readily paid the exterior marks of obedience 
to a power which they were not able to resist ; but, as no durable 
force was kept on foot to retain them in submission, they quickly 
relapsed into their former state of barbarous independence. 
Other reasons conspired to prevent a cordial union. The small 
army which was maintained in Ireland not being regularly paid, 
the officers were obliged to give their soldiers the privilege of 
free quarters upon the natives. Rapine and insolence inflamed 
the hatred which prevailed between the conquerors and the 
conquered ; and that, together with the old opposition of man- 
ners, laws, and interests, was now heightened by religious 

1 Spotswootl. 



118 THE HISTORY OF PARTI. 

animosity, the Irish being still Catholics, and in a great measure 
savages l . 

The romantic and impolitic project of the English princes for 
subduing France, occasioned this inattention to the affairs of 
Ireland ; a conquest pregnant with solid advantages. Elizabeth 
early saw the importance of that island, and took several mea- 
sures for reducing it to a state of order and submission. Besides 
furnishing her deputies, or governors of Ireland, with a greater 
force, she founded an university in Dublin, with a view of intro- 
ducing arts and learning into that capital and kingdom, and of 
civilizing the barbarous manners of the people*. But unhappily 
sir John Perrot, in 1585, being then lord deputy, put arms into 
the hands of the inhabitants of Ulster, in order to enable them, 
without the assistance of the English government, to repress the 
incursions of the Scots of the Western isles ; and Philip II. 
having, about the same time, engaged many of the Irish gentry 
to serve in his armies in the Low Countries, Ireland, thus pro- 
vided both with officers and soldiers, with discipline and arms, 
was thenceforth able to maintain a more regular war, and became 
more formidable to England. 

Hugh O'Neale, the head of a potent clan, had been raised by 
the queen to the dignity of earl of Tyrone ; but, preferring the 
pride of barbarous licence and dominion to the pleasures of 
opulence and tranquillity, he secretly fomented the discontents 
of his countrymen, and formed the project of rendering himself 
independent. Trusting, however, to the influence of his deceitful 
A.D. oaths and protestations, as he was not yet sufficiently 
1594. prepared, he surrendered himself into the hands of sir 
William Russel, who had been appointed the queen's deputy in 
Ireland ; and being dismissed in consequence of these protesta- 
tions of his pacific disposition, and retiring into his own district, 
he embraced the daring resolution of rising in open rebellion, 
and of relying no longer on the lenity and imprudence of his 
enemies. His success exceeded his most sanguine hopes. After 
amusing sir John Norris, sent over to reduce him to obedience, 
with treacherous promises and proposals of accommodation, by 
means of which the war was protracted for some years, he de- 
A.D. feated the English army under sir Henry Bagnal, who 
1598. was left dead on the field, together with fifteen hundred 
men*. 



1 Spenser's Account of Ireland. * Sir John Davis. Camden. 

3 Id. Ibid. 



LETT. LXXIV. MODERN EUROPE. 1 19 

This victory, which greatly animated the courage of the Irish, 
and raised the reputation of Tyrone, who now assumed the name 
of Deliverer of his country, made Elizabeth sensible of the neces- 
sity of pushing the war by vigorous measures. She conferred 
the lieutenancy of Ireland, at his own request, on her A.D. 
reigning favourite the earl of Essex, ever ambitious of 15 99- 
military fame ; invested him with powers almost unlimited ; and, 
to ensure success against the rebels, levied an army of sixteen 
thousand foot and thirteen hundred horse. But the earl, unac- 
quainted with the country, and misled by interested counsels, 
disappointed the expectations of the queen and the nation ; and 
fearing the total alienation of her affections by the artifices 
of his enemies, he hastened to England, in opposition to her 
express order, and arrived at court before any one was apprised 
of his intentions 1 . 

The unexpected appearance of her favourite, whose impatience 
carried him to her bed-chamber, where he threw himself at her 
feet, and kissed her hand, at first disarmed the resentment of 
Elizabeth. She was incapable, in that moment of soft surprise, 
of treating him with severity : hence he was induced to say, on 
retiring, he thanked God, that, though he had suffered much 
trouble, and many storms abroad, he found a sweet calm at 
home 2 . 

When Elizabeth, however, had leisure for recollection, her 
displeasure returned. All the earl's faults again occurred to her 
mind ; and she thought it necessary, by some severe discipline, 
to subdue that haughty and imperious spirit, which, presuming 
on her partiality and indulgence, had ventured to disregard her 
instructions, and disobey her commands. She ordered A.D. 
him to be confined ; and by a decree of the privy council, 160 - 
he was deprived of all his employments, except that of master of 
the horse, and sentenced to remain a prisoner during her majesty's 
pleasure. 

Humbled by this sentence, but still trusting to the queen's 
tenderness, Essex wrote to her, that he kissed her majesty's 
hand, and the rod with which she had corrected him ; but that 
he could never recover his wonted cheerfulness, till she should 
condescend to admit him to that presence, which had ever been 
the chief source of his happiness and enjoyment. He had now 
resolved, he added, to make amends for his past errors ; to retire 
into a rural solitude, and say with Nebuchadnezzar, " Let my 

1 Winwood, vol. i. 2 Letters of the Sydneys, vol. ii. 



120 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

dwelling be with the beasts of the field, let me eat grass as an ox, 
and be wet with the dew of heaven, till it shall please the queen 
to restore me to my understanding 1 ." 

Elizabeth, who had always declared to the world, and even to 
Essex himself, that the purpose of her severity was to correct, 
not to ruin him, was much pleased with these sentiments ; and 
replied, that she heartily wished his actions might correspond 
with his expressions. Every one expected that he would soon 
be restored to his former degree of credit and favour, and, as is 
usual in reconciliations proceeding from tenderness, that he 
would even acquire an additional ascendancy over his fond mis- 
tress. But his enemies, by whom she was continually surrounded, 
found means to persuade the queen, that his lofty spirit was not 
yet sufficiently subdued ; and, as a farther trial of his submission, 
she refused to renew a patent, which he possessed, for a monopoly 
of sweet wines. She even accompanied her refusal with an 
insult. " An ungovernable beast," added she, " must be stinted 
in its provender 2 ." 

Essex, who had with difficulty restrained his proud heart so 
long, and whose patience was now exhausted, imagining from 
this fresh instance of severity, that the queen had become inex- 
orable, gave full rein to his violent disposition, and threw off all 
appearance of duty and respect. Already high in the public 
favour, he practised anew every art of popularity. He indulged 
himself in great liberties of speech ; particularly with regard to 
the queen's person, which was still an object of her vanity, and 
on which she allowed herself to be complimented, though ap- 
proaching to her seventieth year. And what was, if possible, 
still more mortifying to Elizabeth, he made secret applications 
to the king of Scotland, offering to extort an immediate declara- 
tion in favour of his succession *. 

But James, although sufficiently desirous of securing the 
reversion of the crown of England, and though he had negotiated 
with all the courts of Europe, in order to procure support to 
his hereditary title, did not approve the violent means which 
Essex proposed to employ for that end. His natural timidity 
disinclined him to any bold expedient ; and he was afraid, if the 
attempt should fail, that Elizabeth might be induced to take 
some extraordinary step to his prejudice. Essex, however, con- 
tinued to make use of that prince's claim, as a colour for his 



1 Camden. 2 Ibid. 

3 Birch's Mem. vol. ii. 



LETT. LXXIV. MODERN EUROPE. 1 21 

rebellious projects. In a select council of malcontents, it was 
resolved that the palace should be seized, and the queen obliged 
to remove all the earl's enemies, call a parliament, and settle the 
succession, together with a new plan of government '. 

Elizabeth had some intimation of these desperate resolutions. 
Essex was summoned to attend the council ; but he re- A. D. 
ceived a private note, which warned him to provide for 16 <>1. 
his safety. He concluded that his conspiracy was fully dis- 
covered ; excused himself to the council, on pretence of indispo- 
sition ; and, as he judged it impracticable to seize the palace 
without greater preparations, he sallied forth, at the head of 
about two hundred followers, and attempted to raise the city. 
But the citizens, though attached to his person, showed no dis- 
position to join him. In vain did he tell them, that his life was 
in danger, and that England was sold to the Spaniards. They 
flocked about him in amazement, but remained silent and inac- 
tive : and, despairing of success, he retreated with difficulty to 
his own house. There he seemed determined to defend himself 
to extremity, and rather to die, like a brave man, with his sword 
in his hand, than ignominiously fall by the hand of the execu- 
tioner ; but, after some parley, his resolution failed him, and he 
surrendered at discretion. 

Orders were immediately given for the trial of the earl and 
his chief associates. Their guilt was too notorious to be doubted ; 
and sentence was pronounced accordingly. The queen, who 
had behaved with the utmost composure during the insurrection, 
now appeared all agitation and irresolution. The unhappy con- 
dition of the condemned peer recalled her fondness ; resentment 
and affection, the care of her own safety and concern for her 
favourite, alternately took possession of her bosom. She 
signed the warrant for his execution ; she countermanded it ; 
she again resolved on his death ; she felt a new return of ten- 
derness. She waited impatiently for the intercession of a 
friend, to whose solicitations she might yield that forgiveness, 
which of herself she was ashamed to grant. No such friend 
appeared ; and Elizabeth, imagining that this ungrateful neg- 
lect proceeded from the earl's haughtiness from a pride of 
spirit, which disdained to solicit her clemency at last permitted 
the sentence to be put into execution 2 . He was privately be- 
headed within the Tower, to preclude the danger of a popular 
insurrection. 

1 Camden. 2 Birch. Camden. 



122 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

Such was the untimely fate of Robert d'Evreux, earl of Essex. 
Brave, generous, affable, incapable of disguising his own senti- 
ments or of misrepresenting those of others, he possessed the 
rare felicity of being at once the favourite of his sovereign and 
the darling of the people. But this fortunate circumstance 
proved the cause of his destruction. Confident of the queen's 
partiality towards him, as well as of his own merit, he treated 
her with a haughtiness which neither her love nor her dignity 
could bear ; and, when his rashness, imprudence, and violence, 
had exposed him to her resentment, he hoped, by means of his 
popularity, to make her submit to his imperious will. But the 
attachment of the people to his person was not strong enough 
to shake their allegiance to the throne. He saw his mistake, 
though too late, and his death was accompanied with the most 
humiliating penitence. But his remorse unhappily took a wrong 
direction. It made him so ungenerous as to publish the name 
of every one to whom he had communicated his treasonable 
designs '. He debased his character, while he attempted to 
make his peace with Heaven ; and, after all, it is much to be 
questioned, whatever he might imagine in those moments of 
affliction, whether, in bewailing his crimes, he did not secretly 
mourn his disappointed ambition, and, in naming his accom- 
plices, hope to appease his sovereign. But, however that might 
be, it is sincerely to be lamented that a person who possessed 
so many noble virtues should have involved, not only himself, 
but many of his friends in ruin. 

The king of Scotland, who had a great regard for Essex, 
though he neglected his violent counsels, no sooner heard of his 
criminal and unsuccessful enterprise, than he sent two ambas- 
sadors to the court of England, in order to intercede for his life, 
as well as to congratulate the queen on her escape from the 
conspiracy. But these envoys arrived too late to execute the 
first part of their instructions, and therefore prudently con- 
cealed it. Elizabeth received them with great respect ; and, 
during their residence in England, they found the dispositions 
of men as favourable as they could wish to the Scottish succes- 
sion. They even entered into a private correspondence with 
secretary Cecil (son of the late lord-treasurer Burghley), whose 
influence, after the fall of Essex, was uncontrolled 2 . That 
profound courtier thought it prudent to acquire, by this policy, 
the confidence of a prince who might soon become his master ; 

1 Winwood, vol. i. a Osborne. 



LETT. LXXIV. MODERN EUROPE. 123 

and James, having gained the man whose opposition he had 
hitherto chiefly feared, waited in perfect security till time should 
bring about that event which would open his way to the English 
throne 1 . 

While these incidents occurred in Britain, lord Mountjoy, 
governor of Ireland, had restored the queen's authority in that 
kingdom. He defeated the rebels near Kinsale, though they 
were supported by a considerable body of Spaniards ; and many 
of the chieftains, after skulking for some time in the woods and 
morasses, submitted to mercy, and received such condi- A. D. 
tions as the deputy was pleased to prescribe. Even 16 2 - 
Tyrone petitioned for terms ; which being denied him, he was 
obliged to throw himself on the queen's mercy*. 

But Elizabeth was now incapable of receiving any A.D. 
pleasure from this fortunate conclusion of a war which 1603 - 
had long disturbed her domestic peace. Though in her seventieth 
year, she had hitherto enjoyed a good state of health ; but the 
infirmities of old age at length began to steal upon her, and with 
them that depression of spirits by which they are naturally ac- 
companied. She had no offspring to inherit her extensive domi- 
nions ; no son, no daughter, to whom she could transmit her 
sceptre and the glories of her illustrious reign ; no object of 
affection to alleviate her sorrows, or on whom she could repose 
her increasing cares. There lay the source of her most dan- 
gerous disease. A deep melancholy, which nothing could dis- 
sipate, and which rendered her dead to every human satisfaction, 
had settled on her mind. 

I have already taken notice of the chief cause of the sacrifice 
of the earl of Essex. His criminal designs might have been for- 
given as the extravagancies of a great soul ; but his want of 
confidence in the affection of an indulgent mistress, or his sud- 
den contempt of her mercy, seemed unpardonable. His enemies 
knew it : they took advantage of it, to hasten his destruction ; 
and his friends were afraid to interpose, lest they should be 
represented as abettors of his treason. But no sooner was the 
fatal blow struck, than, fear and envy being laid asleep, his merits 
were universally acknowledged. Even his sentiments of duty 
and loyalty were extolled. Elizabeth became sensible that she 
had been deceived, and lamented her rashness, in sacrificing a 
man on whose life her happiness depended. His memory be- 
came daily more dear to her, and she seldom mentioned his 

1 Spots wood. 3 Camden. 



124 THE HISTORY OF PART r. 

name without tears 1 . Other circumstances conspired to heighten 
her regret. Her courtiers, having no longer the superior favour 
of Essex to dread, grew less respectful and assiduous in their 
attendance, and all men desirous of preferment seemed to look 
forward to her successor. The people caught the temper of the 
court ; the queen went abroad without the usual acclamations. 
And as a farther cause of uneasiness, she had been prevailed on, 
contrary to her most solemn declarations and resolutions, to 
pardon Tyrone, whose rebellion had given her so much trouble, 
and whom she regarded as the remote cause of her favourite's 
misfortunes. An unexpected discovery completed her sorrow, 
and rendered her melancholy fatal. 

While Essex was in high favour with Elizabeth, she had 
given him a ring as a pledge of her affection, and accompanied 
it with a promise, that into whatever disgrace he might fall, or 
whatever prejudices she might be induced by his enemies to 
entertain against him, on producing that ring he might ensure 
forgiveness. This precious gift he had reserved for the final 
extremity. All his misfortunes had not been able to draw it 
from him ; but, after his condemnation, he resolved to try its 
efficacy, and requested the countess of Nottingham to deliver it 
to the queen. The countess mentioned the affair to her hus- 
band, one of the earl's most implacable enemies, who persuaded 
her to act an atrocious part ; neither to deliver the ring to the 
queen, nor return it to the earl. Elizabeth, who had anxiously 
expected that last appeal to her tenderness, imputed an omis- 
sion, occasioned by the countess's treachery, to the disdainful 
pride of her favourite ; and she was chiefly induced, by the re- 
sentment arising from that idea, to sign the warrant for his 
execution*. 

Conscience discovered what it could not prevent. The 
countess of Nottingham, being on the verge of death, was seized 
with remorse on account of her perfidy. She desired to see her 
sovereign, in order to reveal to her a secret, without disclosing 
which she could not die in peace. When the queen entered 
her apartment, she presented the fatal ring, related the purpose 
for which she had received it, and begged forgiveness. All 
Elizabeth's affection returned, and all her rage was roused. 
" God may forgive you," cried she, " but I never can !" shaking 
the dying countess in her bed, and rushing out of the room 3 . 

Few and miserable, after this discovery, were the days of 

1 Birch's Mem. vol. ii. J Ibid. Ibid. 



LETT. LXXIV. MODERN EUROPE. 125 

Elizabeth. Her spirit left her, and existence itself seemed a 
burthen. She rejected all consolation : she would scarcely taste 
food, and refused every kind of medicine, declaring that she 
wished to die, and would live no longer. She could not even be 
prevailed on to go to bed ; but threw herself on the carpet, 
where she remained pensive and silent, during ten days and 
nights, leaning on cushions, and holding her finger almost con- 
tinually on her mouth, with her eyes open, and fixed upon the 
ground. Her sighs, her groans, were all expressive of some in- 
ward grief, which she cared not to utter, and which preyed upon 
her life. At last, her death visibly approaching, the privy 
council sent to know her will on the subject of the succession. 
She answered with a feeble voice, that, as she held a regal sceptre, 
she desired no other than a royal successor ; and when Cecil re- 
quested her to explain herself, she said, " Who should that be but 
my nearest kinsman the king of Scots ?" She expired soon after, 
without a struggle, her body being wasted by anguish and ab- 
stinence 1 . 

History does not afford a more striking lesson on the unsub- 
stantial nature of human greatness than in the close of this 
celebrated reign. Few sovereigns ever swayed a sceptre with 
greater dignity than Elizabeth : few ever enjoyed more uniform 
prosperity, and none could be more beloved ; yet this great 
princess, after all her glory and popularity, lived to fall into 
neglect, and sunk to the grave beneath the pressure of a private 
grief, accompanied by circumstances of distress, which the wretch 
under torture might pity, and which the slave who expires at 
the oar does not feel. But the reign cf Elizabeth yields other 
lessons. It shows to what a degree of wealth and consequence 
a nation may be raised in a few years by a wise and vigorous 
administration, and what powerful efforts may be made by a 
brave and united people, in repelling or annoying an enemy, 
however superior in force. 

The character of Elizabeth herself has been too often drawn 
to admit of any new feature, and is best delineated in her con- 

1 Camden. Birch. Strype. In this account of the death of Elizabeth, I have 
differed, in some particulars, from the crowd of historians. But in conformity with 
general testimony, I have mentioned her nomination of the king of Scotland as her 
successor : yet a respectable eye and ear-witness tells us, that she was speechless be- 
fore the question relative to the succession was proposed by the privy-council. He 
candidly adds, however, " that by putting her hand to her head, when the king of 
Scots was named to succeed her, they all knew he was the man she desired should reign 
after her." (Memoirs of the Life of Robert Carey Earl of Monmouth, written by him- 
self, p. 141.) The late John earl of Corke, editor of Carey's Memoirs, gives a less 
liberal interpretation of this sign : he supposes it might be the effect of pain. 



126 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

duct. To all the personal jealousy, the coquetry, and little 
vanities of a woman, she united the sound understanding and 
firm spirit of a man. A greater share of feminine softness might 
have made her more agreeable as a wife or a mistress, though not 
a better queen ; a less insidious policy would have reflected more 
lustre on her administration ; and a less rigid frugality, on some 
occasions, would have given more success to her arms. But as 
she was, and as she acted, she must be allowed to have been one 
of the greatest sovereigns that ever filled a throne, and may 
perhaps be considered as the most illustrious female that ever 
did honour to humanity. 



LETTER LXXV. 

Sketch of the French History, from the Peace of Vervins, in 1598, 
to the death of Henry IV. in 1610, with some Account of the 
Affairs of Germany, under Rodolph II. 

No kingdom, exempt from the horrors of war, could be more 
wretched than France, at the peace of Vervins. The crown was 

A. D. loaded with debts and pensions ; the country barren and 

1598. desolated ; the people poor and miserable ; and the 
nobles, from a long habit of rebellion, rapine, and disorder, had 
nearly lost all sense of justice, allegiance, or legal submission. 
They had been accustomed to despise the authority of the prince, 
to invade the royal prerogative, and to sport with the lives and 
property of the people. 

Happily France was favoured with a king, equally able and 
willing to remedy all these evils. Henry IV., to a sincere regard 
for the welfare of his subjects, added a sound head and a bold 
heart. His superiority in arms, to which he had been habituated 
from his early years, gave him great sway with all men of the 
military profession ; and his magnanimity, gallantry, and gaiety, 
recommended him to the nobility in general ; while his known 
vigour and promptitude, concurring with the love of his people, 
curbed the more factious spirits, or enabled him to crush them 
before their schemes were ripe for execution. 

But to form a regular plan of administration, and to pursue it 
with success, amidst so many dangers and difficulties, required 



LETT. LXXV. MODERN EUROPE. 127 

more than the wisdom of one head, and the firmness of one heart. 
Henry stood in need of an able and upright minister, to whom 
he might resign the ordinary cares of government, and with 
whom he might consult on the most important matters of state. 
Such an assistant he found in the marquis de Rosni, whom, to 
add weight to his measures, he created duke of Sully. 

This nobleman seemed formed to be the minister of Henry IV. 
Equally brave in the field, and penetrating in the cabinet, he 
was more cool and persevering than that great prince, whose 
volatility and quickness of thought did not permit him to attend 
long to any one object. Attached to his master's person by 
friendship, and to his interest and the public good by principle, 
he employed himself with the most indefatigable industry to 
restore the dignity of the crown, without giving umbrage to the 
nobility, or trespassing on the rights of the people. He first 
attended to the finances ; and it is inconceivable in how little 
time he drew the most exact order out of that chaos, in which 
they had been involved by his predecessors. He made the king 
perfectly master of his own affairs ; digesting the whole system 
of finance into tables, by the help of which Henry could see, 
almost at a single glance, all the branches of his revenue and 
expenditure. He levied taxes in the shortest and most frugal 
manner possible ; for he held, that every man so employed was a 
citizen lost to the public, and yet maintained by the public. He 
diminished all the expenses of government; but, at the same 
time, paid every one punctually, and took care that the king 
should always have such a reserve, as not to be obliged, on any 
emergency, either to lay new impositions on his people, or to 
make use of credit \ By these prudent measures, he paid, in 
the space of five years, all the debts of the crown ; augmented 
the revenue by the sum of four millions of livres, and had four 
millions in the treasury, though he had considerably reduced the 
taxes 3 . 

His attention, however, was not confined to the finances. He 
had the most sound notions of policy and legislation ; and he 
endeavoured to reduce them to practice. " If I had a principle 
to establish," says he, " it would be this ; that good morals and 
good laws are reciprocally formed by each other." No obser- 
vation can be more just, or more important to society; for, if the 
government neglect the manners, a relaxation of manners will 
lead to a neglect of laws ; and the evil will go on always in- 

1 Thuan. Hist. * Memoiret de Sully, tome iv. 



128 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

creasing, until the community arrive at the highest degree of 
corruption, when it must reform or go to ruin. " Hence," adds 
Sully, " in the affairs of men, the excess of evil is always the 
source of good V In consequence of this mode of thinking, he 
co-operated warmly with the king's wishes for restoring order 
and justice throughout his dominions, and promoted the enact- 
ment of such laws as were farther necessary for that purpose. 

But Sully 's maxims, though in general excellent, were better 
suited in some respects to a poor and small republic than to a 
great and wealthy monarchy. Sensible that a fertile country, 
well cultivated, is the principal source of the happiness of a 
people, and the most solid foundation of national prosperity, he 
gave great encouragement to agriculture. But the austerity of 
his principles made him an enemy to all manufactures connected 
with luxury, although it is evident that a prosperous people will 
possess themselves of such manufactures, and that, if they cannot 
fabricate them, they must be purchased from foreigners with 
the precious metals, or with the common produce of the soil, 
which might otherwise be employed in the maintenance of useful 
artisans. 

Henry himself, whose ideas were more liberal, though generally 
less accurate than those of his minister, had more just notions on 
A. D. this point. He accordingly introduced the culture and 
1602. the manufacture of silk, contrary to the opinion of Sully ; 
and the success was answerable to his expectations. Before his 
death, he had the satisfaction to see that this manufacture not 
only supplied the home consumption, but brought more money 
into the kingdom than any of the former staple commodities a . 
Henry also established, at great expense, manufactures of 
A. D. linen and tapestry. The workmen for the first he drew 
1607- from the United Provinces ; for the last, from the Spanish 
Netherlands. He gave high wages and good settlements to all 3 . 
Hence arose his success. He was sensible that industrious indi- 
viduals would not leave their native country without the tempta- 
tion of large profit, and that, after they had left it, and acquired 
opulence, they would be inclined to return, in order to enjoy 
the company of their friends and fellow-citizens, unless fixed by 
such advantages as should overbalance that desire. To facilitate 
commerce, and promote the accommodation of his subjects, he 
built the Pout-Neuf, and cut the canal of Briare, which joins 

1 Mem. de Sully, tome iv. 

1 Sir G. Carew's Relation of the State of France under Henry IT. 

P. Matthieu. 



LETT. LXXV. MODERN EUROPE. 129 

the Seine and Loire ; and he had projected the junction of the 
two seas, when a period was put to his life and all his great 
designs. 

In the prosecution of these wise and salutary measures, which 
raised France from the desolation and misery in which she was 
involved to a more flourishing condition than she had ever en- 
joyed, Henry met with a variety of obstructions, proceeding from 
a variety of causes. A heart too susceptible of tender impres- 
sions was continually engaging him in new amours, destructive 
at once of his domestic peace and of the public tranquillity ; and 
what was truly extraordinary in a man of gallantry, the last 
attachment appeared always to be the strongest. His sensibility, 
instead of being blunted, seemed only to become keener by* the 
change of objects. Scarcely had death relieved him from the 
importunities of Gabrielle d'Estrees (whom he had created 
duchess of Beaufort, and who possessed such an absolute ascend- 
ancy over him that he seemed resolved to marry her, in opposition 
to the advice of his wisest counsellors,) when he gave a promise 
of marriage to Henrietta d'Entragues, though not yet divorced 
from Margaret of Valois, his first queen, whose licentious amours 
had disgusted him, though perhaps as excusable as his own. 
That artful wanton had drawn this promise from him, before she 
would crown his wishes. He showed the obligation to Sully, 
when ready to be delivered ; and that faithful servant, transported 
with zeal for his master's honour, tore it in pieces. " I believe 
you are become a fool !" said Henry. " I know it," replied 
Sully, " and I wish I were the only fool in France '." 

Sully now thought himself out of favour for ever, and re- 
mained in that opinion, when the king surprised him, by adding 
to his former employments that of master of the ordnance. The 
sentence of divorce which Henry had long been soliciting at 
Rome, was procured in 1599 ; and to please his subjects, he 
espoused Mary of Medicis, daughter of Francis, grand duke of 
Tuscany. But this step did not put an end to his gallantries, 
which continued to embroil him either with the queen or his 
mistress, created marchioness of Verneuil. And Sully, whose 
good offices were always required on such occasions, often found 
the utmost difficulty in accommodating these amorous quarrels, 
which greatly agitated the mind of Henry 2 . 

1 Mem. dt Sully, tome ii. 

2 It was a satirical survey of this weak side of Henry's character which induced 
the sage Bayle to say, that he would have equalled the greatest heroes of antiquity 
if he had been early deprived of his virility. 

VOL. II. K 



130 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

But the king's most alarming troubles proceeded from the 
intrigues of the court of Spain. By these the duke of Savoy 
was encouraged to maintain war against him ; and, after that 
prince was humbled, the duke of Biron was drawn into a con- 
spiracy, which cost him his head. Other conspiracies were 

A.D. formed through the same instigation. The queen herself 

1608. was induced to hold a secret correspondence with Spain, 
and a Spanish faction began to appear in the king's councils '. 

Those continued attempts to disturb the peace of his kingdom, 
and sap the foundation of his throne, made Henry resolve to 
carry into execution a design which he had long meditated, of 
humbling the house of Austria, and circumscribing its power in 
Italy and Germany. While he was maturing that great project, 
a dispute concerning the succession of the duchies of Cleves and 
Juliers afforded him a pretext for taking arms ; and this circum- 
stance naturally leads us to cast an eye on the state of the 
empire. 

Rodolph II., who succeeded his father Maximilian II. in 
1576, was a prince of a pacific disposition ; and, although he was 
more occupied about the heavens than the earth (being devoted 
both to astronomy and astrology, which he studied under the 
famous Tycho Brahe), the empire during his long reign enjoyed an 
extraordinary degree of tranquillity. The equity of his adminis- 
tration compensated its weakness. The chief disturbances which 
he met proceeded from his brother Matthias, whom we have 
seen governor of the United Provinces. The Turks having in- 
vaded Hungary, Matthias was successful in opposing their pro- 
gress ; and a peace was concluded in 1606, with Ahmed, the 
successor of Mohammed III. The Hungarians, jealous of their 
religious rights, conferred their crown upon Matthias, their deli- 
verer, who granted them full liberty of conscience, with every 
other privilege which they could desire *. He afterwards became 
master of Austria and Moravia, on the same conditions: and 
Rodolph, to avoid the horrors of civil war, confirmed to him those 
usurpations, with the succession to the kingdom of Bohemia, 
where the Lutheran opinions had taken deep root 3 . 

In proportion as the reformed religion gained ground in 
Hungary and Bohemia, the Protestant princes of the empire 
became desirous of securing and extending their privileges ; and 



1 Dupleix. Mezeray. 

2 Heiss, Hist, de VEmp. liv. iii. chap. vii. 

3 Heiss, Hut. de FEmp. liv. iii. Barre, Hist, de Allemagne, tome ix. 



LETT. LXXV. MODERN EUROPE. 131 

their demands being refused, they entered into a new A. D. 
confederacy called the Evangelical Union. This associa- 16 9- 
tion was opposed by another, formed to protect the ancient faith, 
under the name of the Catholic League. The succession to the 
duchies of Cleves and Juliers roused to arms the heads of the 
two parties, who may be said to have slumbered since the peace 
of Passau. 

John William, duke of Cleves, Juliers, and Berg, having died 
without issue, several competitors arose for the succession, and 
the most powerful prepared to support their title by the sword. 
To prevent the evils which must have been occasioned by such 
violent contests, as well as to support his own authority, the 
emperor cited all the claimants to appear before him, within a 
certain term, to explain the nature of their several pretensions. 
Meanwhile he sequestered the fiefs in dispute, and sent his 
cousin Leopold, in quality of governor, to take possession of 
them, and to rule them in his name, till the right of inheritance 
should be settled. Alarmed at this step, John Sigismund, elector 
of Brandenburg, and the duke of Neuburg, two of the com- 
petitors, united against the emperor, whom they suspected of 
interested views. They were supported by the elector palatine, 
and the other princes of the Evangelical Union as the emperor 
was by the elector of Saxony, one of the claimants, and the 
princes of the Catholic League : and, as their enemies were in 
alliance with the pope and the king of Spain, they applied to the 
king of France '. 

Henry wanted only a decent apology for breaking openly with 
the house of Austria ; and with such a pretence he was now 
furnished. The Protestant envoys found him well disposed to 
assist them ; and a domestic event contributed to confirm his 
resolution. He was enamoured of the princess of Conde 2 . Her 
husband, in a fit of jealousy, carried her to Brussels. The arch- 
duke Albert afforded them protection, notwithstanding a mes_ 
sage from the French court, demanding their return. This new 

1 Heiss et Barre, ubi sup. 

2 His passion for that lady commenced before her marriage ; and he seems only 
to have connected her with the prince de Conde in order more securely to gratify his 
desires. " When I first perceived," says Sully, " this growing inclination in Henry, 
I used my utmost endeavours to prevent its progress, as 1 foresaw much greater 
inconveniences from it than from any of his former attachments. And although 
these endeavours proved ineffectual, I renewed them when the king proposed to me 
his design of marrying Mademoiselle Montmorency to the prince of Conde ; for I 
had no reason to expect that Henry would exert, in such circumstances, that gene- 
rous self denial of which some lovers have shown themselves capable, when they 
nave taken this method to impose upon themselves the necessity of renouncing the 
object of a tender affection." Mem. de Sully, lib. xxvi. 



132 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

injury, which Henry keenly felt, added to former grounds of 
animosity, inflamed his rage against the house of Austria to the 
highest pitch ; and he began instantly to put in motion all the 
wheels of that vast machine, which he had been constructing for 
many years, in order to erect a balance of power in Europe. 

Historians are as much divided with regard to the nature of 
Henry's Grand Design (for so it is commonly called) as they are 
agreed about its object. The plan of a Christian Commonwealth, 
as exhibited in Sully 's Memoirs, by dividing Europe into fifteen 
associated states, seems a theory too romantic even for the 
visionary brain of a speculative politician. Henry might, at 
times, amuse his imagination with such a splendid idea ; for the 
soundest minds have their reveries, but he never could seriously 
think of carrying it into execution. Perhaps he made use of it 
only as a gay covering to his real purpose of weakening the house 
of Austria, and of making himself, in a great measure, the arbiter 
of Christendom. 

But whatever may have been the scheme on which Henry 
valued himself so much, and from which he expected such extra- 
ordinary consequences, his avowed resolution now was, to give 
law to the German branch of the Austrian family by supporting 
the Evangelical Union. His preparations were vigorous, arid his 
negotiations successful. Charles duke of Savoy, his old enemy, 
and the most politic prince in Europe, readily entered into his 
views ; and the Swiss and the Venetians took part in the alliance. 
He himself assembled an army of forty thousand men, chiefly old 
troops ; and a more excellent train of artillery was prepared than 
had ever been brought into the field. Sully assured him there 
were forty millions of livres in the treasury ; " and," added he, 
" if you do not increase your army beyond forty thousand, I will 
supply you with money sufficient for the support of the war, 
without imposing any new tax *." 

A. D. He proposed to command his army in person, and was 

1610. impatient to put himself at its head ; but the queen, 
appointed regent during his absence, insisted on being solemnly 
crowned before his departure. He is said to have been more 
disquieted at the thoughts of this ceremony than by any thing 
that had ever happened to him in his life. He was not only 
displeased at the delay which it occasioned, but, as we are in- 
formed, felt an inward dread, arising, no doubt, from the bar- 
barous attempt which had been made upon his person, the 

1 Him. de Sully, liv. xxvii. 



LETT. LXXV. MODERN EUROPE. 133 

rumours of new conspiracies, and the opportunity which a crowd 
afforded of putting them in execution. He agreed, however, to 
the coronation, notwithstanding these apprehensions, and even 
to be present at it. On that occasion he escaped: but, the 
next day his coach being obstructed in a narrow street, May 14, 
Ravaillac, a blood-thirsty bigot, who had long sought N - s - 
such an opportunity, mounted the wheel of his carriage, and 
stabbed him to the heart with a knife, over the duke d'Esper- 
non's shoulder, and amidst six more of his courtiers. The 
assassin, like some others of that age, thought he had done an 
acceptable service to God in committing murder ; especially as 
the king was going to assist the Protestants, and consequently 
was still a heretic in his heart. He accordingly did not offer to 
make his escape, and seemed much surprised at the general 
detestation of his crime. He declared to the last, that it was 
entirely his own act, and that he had no accomplice 1 . 

Thus perished Henry IV., one of the ablest and best princes 
that ever sat upon the throne of France. A more melancholy 
reflection cannot enter the human mind than is suggested by 
his untimely fall ; that a wretch unworthy of existence, and in- 
capable of one meritorious action, should be able to obstruct the 
most illustrious enterprises, and to terminate a life necessary to 
the welfare of millions ! Henry's chief weakness was his inordi- 
nate passion for women, which led him into many irregularities. 
But even this was rather a blemish in his private than in his 
public character. Though no man was more a lover, he was 
always a king. He never suffered his mistress to direct his 
counsels, or to influence him in the choice of his servants. But 
his libertine example had unavoidably a pernicious effect upon 
the manners of the nation : it produced a licentious gallantry 
that infected all orders of men, and which only his heroic qualities 
could have counteracted, or prevented from degenerating into the 
most enervating sensuality 2 . It was productive, however, of con- 
sequences abundantly fatal. Four thousand French gentlemen 
are said to have been killed in single combats, chiefly arising from 
amorous quarrels, during the first eighteen years of Henry's reign 3 . 
" Having been long habituated to the sight of blood, and pro- 
digal of his own," says Sully, " he could never be prevailed on 
strictly to enforce the laws against duelling." 

1 Mem. de Sully, liv. xxvii. Peretixe. Matthieu. 

* Mem. de Sully, liv. xxv. Galanteries des Rots de France. 

* Mem. pour servir & I' I list, de France. 



134- THE HISTORY OF 



LETTER LXXVI. 

A general View of the Continent of Europe, from the Assassina- 
tion of Henry IV., to the Treaty of Prague, in 1635. 

THE greater part of the European continent during the period 
that followed the death of Henry IV., was a scene of anarchy, 
rebellion, and bloodshed. Germany continued for many years 
involved in those disputes which he was preparing to settle. 
Religious controversies, which generally mingle themselves with 
civil affairs, distracted the United Provinces, and robbed them of 
the sweets of that liberty, which they had so gallantly earned 
by their valour and perseverance. And France, under the 
minority of Louis XIII., and the weak regency of his mother, 
Mary of Medicis, returned to that state of disorder and wretch- 
edness, out of which it had been raised by the mild and equitable, 
but vigorous government of Henry the Great. 

The transactions of this turbulent period, to the peace of 
Westphalia, when the harmony of the empire was established, 
and tranquillity, in some measure, restored to Europe, I propose 
to [comprehend in two extensive sketches ; and, to prevent con- 
fusion, as well as to preserve the general effect, I shall be sparing 
in particulars. The consideration of the affairs of England, from 
the accession of the house of Stuart to the subversion of the 
monarchy, with the grand struggle between the king and parlia- 
ment, and the narration of the complicated transactions on the 
continent during the reign of Louis XIV., whose ambition gave 
birth to a series of wars, intrigues, and negotiations, unequalled 
in the history of mankind, I shall defer till you may be supposed 
to have digested the materials already before you : observing in 
the mean time, that soon after the peace of Westphalia, which 
may be considered as the foundation of all subsequent treaties, 
society almost every where assumed its present form. I must 
begin with a view of the troubles of Germany. 

The two great confederacies, distinguished by the names of the 
Catholic League and Evangelical Union, which had threatened 
the empire with a furious civil war, appeared to be dissolved 
with the death of Henry IV. But the elector of Bradenburg 
and duke of Neuburg still maintained their claim to the succes- 
sion of Cleves and Juliers ; and being assisted by Maurice, prince 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 135 

of Orange, and some French troops, under the marechal de la 
Chatre, they expelled Leopold, the sequestrator, and took 
possession by force of arms. They afterwards, however, dis- 
agreed between themselves, but were again reconciled from a 
sense of mutual interest. In this petty quarrel Spain and the 
United Provinces interested themselves ; and the two greatest 
generals in Europe were once more opposed to each other, 
Spinola on the part of the duke of Neuburg, who had renounced 
Luthenarism in order to procure the protection of his catholic 
majesty; and Maurice on the side of the elector of Braden- 
burg, who introduced Calvinism into his dominions, more 
strongly to attach the Dutch to his cause 1 . 

Rodolph II. died during this contest, and was succeeded by 
Matthias. The Protestants, to whom the archduke Jan. 20, 1612, 
had been very indulgent, in order to accomplish his N - s - 
ambitious views, no sooner saw him seated on the imperial throne, 
than they plied him with memorials, requiring an extension of 
their privileges, while the Catholics petitioned for new restric- 
tions ; and to complete his confusion, the Turks entered Tran- 
sylvania. But the extent of the Ottoman dominions, which had 
so long given alarm to Christendom, on this, as well as on former 
occasions, proved its safety. The young and ambitious Ahmed, 
who seemed confident of the conquest of Hungary, was obliged 
to recall his forces from that quarter, to protect the eastern 
frontier of his empire; and Matthias obtained, without A.D. 
striking a blow, a peace as advantageous as he could have 1615 
expected after the most successful war. He stipulated for the 
restitution of Agria, Pest, Buda, and every other place which the 
Turks held in Hungary 8 . 

Matthias now resolved to pull off the mask which he had so 
long worn on purpose to deceive the Protestants, and to convince 
them that he was their master. Meanwhile, as he was advancing 
in years, and declining in health, he, in order to strengthen his 
authority, procured his cousin Ferdinand de Gratz, duke of 
Stiria, whom he intended as his successor in the empire, to be 
elected king of Bohemia, and acknowledged in Hungary ; A. D. 
and he engaged the Spanish branch of the house of 161 7- 
Austria to renounce all pretensions which it could have to those 
crowns 3 . 

This family compact alarmed the Protestant confederates, and 

* Mercur. Gallo-Belg. tome x. liv. iii. 2 Heiss, liv. iii. chap. viii. 

* Annal. de I'Emp. tome ii. 



136 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

A.D. occasioned a revolt of the Hungarians and Bohemians. 

1618. The malcontents in Hungary were soon pacified ; but 
the Bohemian Protestants, whose privileges had been invaded, 
obstinately continued in arms, and were joined by those of 
Silesia, Moravia, and Upper Austria. The insurgents were 
headed by the count de la Tour, a man of abilities, and sup- 
ported by an army of German Protestants, under count Mansfield, 
natural son of the distinguished general of that name, who was 
for a time governor of the Spanish Netherlands. Thus was 
kindled a furious civil war, which desolated Germany for thirty 
years, interested all the powers of Europe, and was not finally 
extinguished before the peace of Westphalia. 

Amidst these disorders died the emperor Matthias, without 
Mar.20,l619,being able to foresee the event of the struggle, or 
N. S. who should be his successor. The imperial dignity, 
however, was assigned according to his destination. Ferdinand 
de Gratz was raised to the vacant throne, notwithstanding the 
opposition of the elector Palatine and the states of Bohemia ; 
and, with a less tyrannical disposition, he would have been worthy 
of that high station. 

The election of Ferdinand II., instead of intimidating the 
Bohemians, roused them to more vigorous measures. They 
formally deposed him, and chose Frederic V., elector Palatine, 
for their king. Frederic, seduced by his flatterers, unwisely 
accepted the crown, notwithstanding the remonstrances of 
James I. of England, his father-in-law, who used all his influence 
in persuading him to reject it, and protested that he would give 
him no assistance in such a rash undertaking. 

This measure confirmed the quarrel between Ferdinand and 
the Bohemians. Frederic was seconded by all the Protestant 
princes, except the elector of Saxony, who still adhered to the 
emperor, in hopes of obtaining the investiture of Cleves and 
Juliers. Bethlem Gabor, vaivode of Transylvania, also declared 
in favour of the Palatine, entered Hungary, made himself master 
of many places, and was proclaimed king by the Protestants of 
that country '. 

Frederic was farther supported by two thousand four hundred 
English volunteers, whom James permitted to embark in a cause 
which he disapproved : and by a body of eight thousand men, 
under prince Henry of Nassau, from the United Provinces. But 
Ferdinand, assisted by the Catholic princes of the empire, by the 

1 Barre, Hist. d"AUemagne, tome ix. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 137 

king of Spain, and the archduke Albert, was more than a match 
for his enemies. Spinola led twenty-five thousand veterans from 
the Low Countries, and plundered the Palatinate, in defiance of 
the English and Dutch ; while Frederic himself, unable to pro- 
tect his new kingdom of Bohemia, was totally routed, NOV. 2, 1690, 
near Prague, by the imperial general Buquoy, and N. S. 
his own Catholic kinsman, the duke of Bavaria l . 

The Palatine and his adherents were now put to the ban of 
the empire ; and the Bohemian rebels being reduced, an A. D. 
army was dispatched into Hungary against Bethlem 1621. 
Gabor, who consented to resign his pretensions to that crown, 
on obtaining conditions otherwise advantageous. In the mean 
time the conquest of the Palatinate was completed by the Impe- 
rialists under count Tilly. Frederic was degraded from his 
electoral dignity, which was conferred on the duke of Bavaria; 
and his dominions were bestowed by Ferdinand, " in the fulness 
of his power," upon those who had helped to subdue them 1 . 

While the house of Austria was thus extending its authority 
in Germany, a project, no less ambitious than bloody, was con- 
certed for rendering the Spanish branch of that family absolute 
in Italy. The duke d'Ossuna, viceroy of Naples, the marquis de 
Villa Franca, governor of Milan, and the marquis of Bedomar, 
the Spanish ambassador at Venice, conspired to subject the 
Venetians, and with them the rest of the Italian states, to the 
arbitrary sway of their master. For this purpose they had 
formed a horrid plot, which, if it had not been seasonably 
detected, would have put them in possession of Venice. That 
city was to have been set on fire in different parts, by a band of 
ruffians already lodged within its walls ; while a body of troops, 
sent from Milan, should attack it on one side, and some armed 
vessels from Naples on the other. But this atrocious design was 
discovered by the vigilance of the senate in 1618, when it was 
almost ripe for execution. The majority of the conspirators 
were privately drowned; and Bedomar, who had violated the 
law of nations, being secretly conducted out of the city, was glad 
to make his escape*. 

A project was formed in the sequel, for extending the Spanish 
dominions in Italy, by the duke of Feria, who had succeeded the 
marquis de Villa Franca in the government of Milan. He en- 
couraged the popish inhabitants of the Valteline to revolt from 

1 Heiss, liv. iii. chap. ix. 

* Barre, tome ix. 

3 St. Real, Conjuration des Espagnoh. Batt Nani. Hist, della RepiMica Venela. 



138 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

the Grisons ; and the king of Spain, as protector of the Catholic 
faith, supported them in their rebellion. The situation of the 
Valteline rendered it of infinite importance, as it facilitated the 
correspondence between the two branches of the house of Austria, 
shut the Swiss out of Italy, kept the Venetians in awe, and was 
a bridle on all the Italian states. 
Mar. 31, In the midst of these ambitious schemes (to which of 

N - s - himself he was little inclined) the king of Spain died. 
Philip IV., his son and successor, was a prince of a more enter- 
prising disposition ; and the abilities of Olivarez, the new 
minister, were far superior to those of the duke of Lerma, who 
had directed the measures of government during the greater 
part of the former reign. The ambition of Olivarez was yet 
more lofty than his capacity. He made his master assume the 
surname of Great, as soon as he ascended the throne, and thought 
himself bound to justify the appellation. He hoped to raise 
the house of Austria to that absolute dominion in Europe, for 
which it had been so long struggling. In prosecution of this 
bold plan, he resolved to maintain the closest alliance with the 
emperor ; to make him despotic in Germany ; to keep possession 
of the Valteline; to humble the Italian powers, and reduce the 
United Provinces to subjection, as the truce had now expired 1 . 

Nor was this object so chimerical as it may at first sight 
appear. The emperor had already crushed the force of the Pro- 
testant league ; France was distracted by civil wars, and England 
was amused by a matrimonial treaty between the prince of Wales 
and the infanta, which, more than every other consideration, 
prevented James from taking any material step in favour of the 
Palatine, till he was stripped of his dominions. But France, 
though internally agitated, was not lost to all sense of external 
danger ; and the match with the infanta being broken off by a 
quarrel between the English and the Spanish ministers, an 

A.D. alliance was formed between France and England, in 

1624. conjunction with the United Provinces, for restraining 
the ambition of the house of Austria, and recovering the Pala- 
tinate 2 . The affairs of Holland now demand our attention. 

After the truce of 1609, the United Provinces, as I have 
already noticed, became a prey to religious dissensions. Go- 
mar and Arminius, two processors at Leyden, differed on some 
abstract points in theology, and their opinions divided the re- 
public. Gomar maintained, in all their austerity, the doctrines 

1 Anecdotes d'Olivar. * Rushworth. Clarendon. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 139 

of Calvin in regard to grace and predestination ; Arminius en- 
deavoured to soften them. The Gomarists, who composed the 
body of the people, ever carried towards enthusiasm, were 
headed by prince Maurice; the Arminians, by the pensionary 
Barneveldt, a firm patriot, who had been chiefly instrumental in 
negotiating the late truce in opposition to the house of Orange. 
The Arminian principles were defended by Grotius, Vossius, 
and the learned in general. But prince Maurice and the 
Gomarists at last prevailed. The Arminian preachers were 
banished, and Barneveldt was brought to the block in 1619, for 
"vexing the church of God" (as his sentence imported), at the 
age of seventy-two years, and after he had served the republic 
forty years in the cabinet, with as much success as Maurice had 
in the field. He was a man of eminent abilities and incorrupti- 
ble integrity, and had espoused the cause of the Arminians 
chiefly from a persuasion that Maurice intended to make use 
of his popularity with the Gomarists, and of their hatred of the 
other sect, in order to enslave that people whom he had so 
gloriously defended against the tyranny of Spain 1 . 

This opinion appears to have been well founded ; for Maurice, 
during these religious commotions, frequently violated the rights 
of the republic ; and so vigorous an opposition was necessary to 
prevent him from overturning its liberties. The ardour of am- 
bition at once withered his well-earned laurels and disappointed 
itself. The death of Barneveldt opened the eyes of the people. 
They saw their danger, and the iniquity of the sentence, not- 
withstanding their religious prejudices. Maurice was detested 
as a tyrant, at the very time that he hoped to be received as a 
sovereign. The deliverer of his country when he went abroad 
was saluted with groans and murmurs; and, as he passed, the 
name of Barneveldt sounded in his ears from every street. 

But, amidst all their civil and religious dissensions, the Dutch 
were extending their commerce and their conquests in both ex- 
tremities of the globe. The city of Batavia was founded, and 
the plan of an empire laid in the East Indies, infinitely superior 
in wealth, power, and grandeur to the United Provinces. They 
had already cast their eyes on Brazil, which they conquered 
soon after the expiration of the truce ; and they carried on a 
lucrative trade with the European settlements in the West 
Indies. The prospect of hostilities with their ancient masters, 

' LeClerc. 



140 THE HISTORY OF PARTI. 

composed their domestic animosities. They dismissed their 
jealousy of Maurice, as he seemed to relinquish his ambitious 
views. Every one was zealous to oppose and annoy the common 
enemy ; and Spinola was obliged, by his old antagonists, to relin- 
quish the siege of Bergen-op-zoom, in 1622, after having lost ten 
thousand of his best troops in the enterprise 1 . 

In France, during this period, both civil and religious disputes 
were carried much higher than in Holland. Louis XIII. being 
a minor when Henry IV. was murdered, Mary of Medicis, the 
queen-mother, was chosen regent. New counsels were imme- 
diately adopted, and the sage maxims of Sully despised. He, 
therefore, resigned his employments and retired from court. 
The regent was entirely guided by her Italian favourites, Con- 
cini and his wife Galligai. By them, in concert with the pope 
and the duke of Florence, was negotiated, in 1612, an union 
between France and Spain, by means of a double marriage, of 
Louis with Anne of Austria, the eldest infanta ; and of Elizabeth 
the king's sister, with the prince of Asturias, afterwards Philip 
IV. The dissolution of the alliances formed under the late 
reign, and the ruin of the Protestants, were also among the pro- 
jects of Mary's Italian ministers 2 . 

The nobility, dissatisfied with the measures of the court, and 
with the favour shown to foreigners, entered into cabals ; they 
revolted in 1613; and the treasures collected by Henry in order 
to humble the house of Austria, were employed by a weak 
administration to appease those factious leaders. The prince of 
Conde, who had headed the former faction, revolted anew in 
1615. He and his adherents were again gratified, at the ex- 
pense of the public ; and fresh intrigues being suspected, he was 
sent to the Bastile. 

The imprisonment of the prince of Conde alarmed many of 
the nobles, who retired from court, and prepared for their de- 
fence ; or, in other words, for hostilities. Meanwhile Concini, 
who still maintained his influence, received a blow from a 
quarter whence he little expected it. Luines, who had originally 
recommended himself to the young king's favour by rearing and 
training birds for his amusement, found means to make him 
jealous of his authority. He dwelt on the ambition of the 
queen-mother, and the mal-administration of her foreign favour- 
ites, to whom the most important affairs of state were committed, 

1 Neuville, Hut. tWollande. * Dupleix. Mezeray. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 141 

and whose insolence, he affirmed, had occasioned all the dissatis- 
factions among the great 1 . 

Louis, struck with the picture set before him, and desirous of 
seizing the reins of government, immediately ordered Concini to 
be arrested; and Vitri, captain of the guards, to whom that 
service was entrusted, executed it, in 1617, entirely to the wish 
of Luines. Concini was shot, under pretence of resistance. 
The sentence of treason was passed on his memory ; and Gal- 
ligai, his widow, being accused of sorcery and magic, was con- 
demned by the parliament to suffer death, for treason divine 
and human. When asked what spell she had used to fascinate 
the queen-mother, she magnanimously replied, " that influence 
which a superior mind has over a feeble spirit !" The regent 
was confined for a time to her apartment, and afterwards exiled 
to Blois*. 

The indignation which Concini and his wife had excited, was 
soon transferred to Luines, enriched by their immense spoils, 
and who engrossed in a still higher degree the royal favour. 
His avarice and ambition knew no bounds. From a page and 
gentleman of the bedchamber, he became, in rapid succession, a 
mareschal, duke, and peer of France, constable and keeper of 
the seals. In the mean time a conspiracy was formed for the 
release of the queen-mother, and carried into execution by the 
duke d'Espernon, whose power at first exalted her to the re- 
gency. The court, for a time, talked loudly of violent measures : 
but it was judged proper, in 1619, to conclude a treaty advan- 
tageous to the malcontents, and avoid proceeding to extremities. 
This lenity encouraged Mary to enter into fresh cabals ; and a 
new treaty was agreed to by the court, no less indulgent than the 
former 3 . 

These cabals in opposition to the court were chiefly conducted 
by Richelieu bishop of Luon. He had risen to notice through 
the influence of Galligai : he had been disgraced with the queen- 
mother, and with her he returned into favour, as well as conse- 
quence. At her solicitation he obtained a cardinal's" hat, a seat 
in the council, and soon after, a share in the administration*. 
But hypocrisy was necessary to conceal, for a season, from envy 
and jealousy, those transcendant abilities which were one day to 
astonish Europe. 

1 Mem. des Affaires de France depuis 1610 jusqu'a 1620. 

2 Mezeray. Mezeray. Pie du Due d'Espernon. 
4 Auberi, Hist, du Card. Rich. 



142 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

A new civil war soon arose, more violent than any of the 
former. Louis having united, by a solemn edict, the principality 
of Beam, the hereditary estate of the family, to the crown of 
France, in 1620, attempted to re-establish the Catholic religion 
in that province, where there were no Catholics 1 , and to restore 
to the clergy the church lands, contrary to the stipulations of 
Henry IV. The Huguenots, alarmed at the impending danger, 
assembled at Rochelle, in contempt of the king's prohibition : and, 
concluding that their final destruction was resolved upon, they 
determined to throw off the royal authority, and establish a re- 
public after the example of the Protestants in the Low Countries, 
for the protection of their civil and religious liberties. Rochelle 
was to be the capital of the new commonwealth, which would 
have formed a separate state within the kingdom of France 2 . 

The constable Luines, equally ignorant and presumptuous, 
imagining he could subdue this formidable party, immediately 
had recourse to arms. Nor was intrigue neglected. After 
seducing, by bribes and promises, several of the Protestant 
leaders, among whom was the duke of Bouillon, and reducing 
some inconsiderable places, the king and Luines laid siege to 
Montauban in 1631. The royal army consisted of twenty-five 
thousand men, animated by the presence of their sovereign ; but 
the place was so gallantly defended by the marquis de la Force, 
that Louis and his favourite, in spite of their most vigorous 
efforts, were obliged to abandon the enterprise. Luines died 
soon after this shameful expedition ; and the brave and ambitious 
Lesdiguieres, who had already deserted the Huguenots, and 
solemnly renounced Calvinism, was honoured with the consta- 
ble's sword*. 

The loss which the Protestant cause sustained by the apostacy 
of Lesdiguieres, and by the defection of the duke of Bouillon, 
was compensated by the zeal and abilities of the duke of Rohan 
and his brother Soubise ; men not inferior (especially the duke), 
either in civil or military talents, to any of the age in which 
they lived. Soubise, however, was defeated by the king in per- 
son, who continued to carry on the war with vigour. But the 
duke still kept the field ; and Louis having invested Montpelier, 
which defended itself as gallantly as Montauban, peace was con- 
cluded with the Huguenots, in 1622, to prevent a second disgrace. 

1 Dupleix, Hitl. de Louis XIII. * Id. Ibid. 

3 Hist, du Connelable de Letdig. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 143 

They obtained a confirmation of the edict of Nantes ; and the 
duke of Rohan, who negotiated the treaty, was gratified to the 
utmost of his wish '. 

The French councils now began to assume greater vigour. 
Cardinal Richelieu, who succeeded Luines as prime minister, 
formed three important projects. He resolved to subdue the 
turbulent spirits of the French nobility, to reduce the rebellious 
Huguenots, and to curb the encroaching spirit of the house of 
Austria. But, in order to carry these great designs into execu- 
tion, it was necessary to preserve peace with England. This 
Richelieu perceived ; and accordingly concluded, in spite of the 
courts of Rome and Madrid, a treaty of marriage between 
Charles prince of Wales and Henrietta of France, sister of Louis. 
He also negotiated between the two crowns, in conjunction with 
the United Provinces, that alliance which I have already noticed 
and which brought on hostilities with Spain. 

In consequence of these negotiations, six thousand men were 
sent from England to Holland, commanded by four young noble- 
men who were ambitious of distinguishing themselves in so 
popular a cause, and of acquiring military experience under so 
renowned a captain as Maurice. Count Mansfield was engaged 
in the English service ; and twelve thousand foot and two thou- 
sand horse, under his command, embarked at Dover, in order to 
join the league formed in Lower Saxony for the restoration of 
the Palatine, of which Christian IV., king of Denmark, was 
declared chief. About the same time a French army, in A.D. 
concert with the Venetians and the duke of Savoy, re- 1625. 
covered the Valteline, and restored it to the Grisons 2 . 

The house of Austria was not less active than its enemies. 
Spinola reduced Breda, one of the strongest towns in the Nether- 
lands, in spite of all the efforts of prince Maurice, who died of 
chagrin before the place surrendered. The English failed in an 
attempt upon Cadiz : the embarkation under count A. D. 
Mansfield proved abortive ; and the king of Denmark 1626 - 
was defeated by the imperialists near Northeim*. 

The miscarriages of the English cooled their ardour for foreign 
enterprises ; and cardinal Richelieu found, for a time, sufficient 
business to occupy his genius at home. He had not only to 
pacify the Huguenots, who had again rebelled, and to whom he 
found it necessary to grant advantageous conditions, but he had 



Mem. dti Due de Rohan. * Auberi. Dupleix. 

3 Heiss. Le Clerc. Rushworth. 



144 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

a powerful faction at court to oppose. Not one prince of the 
blood was heartily his friend. Gaston duke of Orleans, the 
king's brother, was his declared enemy ; the queen-mother 
herself had become jealous of him ; and Louis was more attached 
to him from fear than affection. But his bold and ambitious 
spirit triumphed over every obstacle ; it discovered and dissipated 
all the conspiracies formed against him, and at length made him 
absolute master of the king and kingdom. 

During these cabals in the French cabinet, the Huguenots 
showed once more a disposition to render themselves independent : 
and in that spirit they were encouraged by the court of England, 
which voluntarily took up arms in their cause. The reason 
assigned by some historians for this step is very singular. 

As Louis XIII. was wholly governed by cardinal Richelieu, 
and Philip IV. by Olivarez, Charles I. was in like manner 
governed by the duke of Buckingham, the handsomest and most 
pompous man of his time, but not the deepest politician. He 
was naturally amorous, bold, and presumptuous ; and when em- 
ployed to bring over the princess Henrietta, he is said to have 
carried his addresses even to the queen of France. The return 
which he met with from Anne of Austria, whose complexion was 
as amorous as his own, encouraged him to project a new embassy 
to the court of Versailles ; but Richelieu, reported to have been 
his rival in love as well as politics, advised Louis to prohibit the 
journey. Buckingham, in a romantic passion, swore he would 
" see the queen in spite of all the power of France 1 ;" and 
hence is supposed to have originated the war in which he in- 
volved his master. 

Rash and impetuous, however, as Buckingham was, he ap- 
pears to have had better reasons for that measure. Richelieu 
was still meditating the destruction of the Huguenots ; they had 
been deprived of some of their cautionary towns ; and he had 
ordered the erection of forts, in order to bridle Rochelle, their 
most considerable bulwark. If the Protestant party should be 
utterly subdued, France would soon become formidable to Eng- 
land. This consideration was of itself sufficient to induce Buck- 
ingham to undertake the defence of the Huguenots. 

But independently of such political forecast, and of his 
amorous quarrel with Richelieu, the English minister had power- 
ful motives for such a measure. That profound statesman had 
engaged the duke to send some ships to act against the Rochelle 

1 Clarendon's Mitt. vol. i. Mkm. de Mad. de Motteville, tome i. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 145 

fleet, under a promise that, after the humiliation of the Hugue- 
nots, France should take an active part in the war between Eng- 
land and Spain. This ill-judged compliance roused the resent- 
ment of the English commons against Buckingham, and had been 
made one of the grounds of an impeachment. He then changed 
his plan, and procured a peace for the Huguenots ; and finding 
that the cardinal would neither concur with him in the war 
against Spain, nor observe the treaty with the reformed party, he 
had no other course left for recovering his credit with the parlia- 
ment and people (especially after the miscarriage of the expedi- 
tion against Cadiz), but to take arms against the court of France, 
in vindication of the rights of the French Protestants '. 

The duke's views, in undertaking this war, are less censurable 
than his conduct in carrying them into execution. He appeared 
before Rochelle with a fleet of a hundred sail, and an A.D. 
army of seven thousand men ; but so ill-concerted were 162 7- 
his measures, that the inhabitants of that city shut their gates 
against him, and refused to admit allies of whose coming they 
were not previously informed 2 . They were but a part of the 
Protestant body, they observed, and must consult their brethren 
before they could take such a step. This blunder was followed 
by another. Instead of attacking Olerori, a fertile island, and 
defenceless, Buckingham made a descent on the isle of Rhe, 
which was well garrisoned and fortified. All his military opera- 
tions showed equal incapacity and inexperience. He left behind 
him the small fort of Prie, which covered the landing-place ; he 
allowed Thoiras, the governor, to amuse him with a deceitful 
negotiation, till St. Martin, the principal fort, was provided for a 
siege ; he attacked it before he had made any. breach, and rashly 
threw away the lives of his soldiers ; and he so negligently guarded 
the sea, that a French army stole over in small divisions, and 
obliged him to retreat to his ships. He was himself the last man 
that embarked ; and having lost two-thirds of his land forces, he 
returned to England, totally discredited both as an admiral and 
a general, bringing home with him no reputation but that of per- 
sonal courage 8 . 

This ill-concerted and ill-conducted enterprise proved fatal to 
Rochelle and to the power of the French Protestants. Richelieu, 
under pretence of guarding the coast against the English, sent a 
body of troops into the neighbourhood, and ordered quarters to 



1 Clarendon. Dupleix. 2 Rushworth, vol. i. 

3 Clarendon. Rushworth. 



VOL. II. 



146 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

be marked out for twenty-five thousand men. The siege of 
Rochelle was regularly formed and conducted with vigour by the 
king, and even by the cardinal in person. Neither the duke of 
Rohan nor Soubise were in the place ; yet the citizens, animated 
by civil and religious zeal, and abundantly provided with mili- 
tary stores, were determined to defend themselves to extremity. 
Under the command of Guiton, their mayor, a man of experience 
and fortitude, they made an obstinate resistance, and baffled all 
attempts to reduce the city by force. But the bold genius .*f 
Richelieu, which led him to plan the greatest undertakings, als. 
suggested means equally great and extraordinary for their exe- 
cution. Finding it impossible to take Rochelle while the com- 
munication remained open by sea, he attempted to shut the 
harbour by stakes, and by a boom. Both these methods, however, 
proving ineffectual, he recollected what Alexander had performed 
at the siege of Tyre, and projected and finished a mole of a mile's 
length, across a gulf, into which the sea rolled with an impe- 
tuosity that seemed to bid defiance to all the works of man. 
A.D. The place being now completely blockaded, and every 
1628 - attempt for its relief failing, the inhabitants were obliged 
to surrender, after suffering all the miseries of war and famine, 
during a siege of twelve months. They were deprived of their 
extensive privileges, and their fortifications were destroyed ; but 
they were allowed to retain possession of their goods, and to 
enjoy the free exercise of their religion '. 

Richelieu did not stop in the middle of his career. He 
marched immediately towards the other provinces, where the 
Protestants possessed many cautionary towns and were still 
formidable by their numbers. The duke of Rohan defended 
himself with vigour in Languedoc ; but seeing no hopes of being 
able to continue the struggle, as England, his only natural ally, 
had already concluded a peace with France and Spain, he at last 
A.D. had recourse to negotiation, and obtained favourable 
1629. conditions both for himself and his party. The Protest- 
ants were left in possession of their estates, of the free exercise 
of their religion, and of all the privileges granted by the edict of 
Nantes ; but they were deprived of their fortifications or caution- 
ary towns, as dangerous to the peace of the state 2 . 

From this a?ra we may date the aggrandizement of the French 
monarchy, in latter times, as well as the absolute dominion of 
the prince. The authority which Louis XL had acquired over 

1 Mim. du Due de Rohan. * Aubcri, Mem. de Rohan. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 147 

the great, and which was preserved by his immediate successors, 
had been lost during the religious wars ; which raised up in the 
Huguenots a new power, that almost divided the strength of the 
kingdom, and at once exposed it to foreign enemies and domestic 
factions. But no sooner was this formidable body humbled, and 
every order of the state and every sect, reduced to pay submis- 
sion to the lawful authority of the sovereign, than France began 
to take the lead in the affairs of Europe, and her independent 
nobles to sink into the condition of servants of the court. 

The cardinal's system, however, though so far advanced, was 
not yet complete. But the whole was still in contemplation : 
nor did he ever lose sight of one circumstance that could forward 
its progress. No sooner had he subdued the Protestants in 
France than lie resolved to support them in Germany, that he 
might be enabled, by their means, more effectually to set bounds 
to the ambition of the house of Austria. And never was the 
power of that house more formidable, or more dangerous to the 
liberties of Europe. 

Ferdinand II., whom we have seen triumphant over the 
Palatine and the Protestant confederates, continued to carry 
every thing before him in Germany. The king of Denmark, 
and his allies in Lower Saxony, were unable to withstand Tilly 
and Wallenstein. After repeated defeats and losses, Christian 
was obliged to sue for peace ; and the emperor found himself, at 
length, possessed of absolute authority 1 . 

But fortunately for mankind, Ferdinand's ambition undid itself, 
and saved Europe, as well as the empire, from that despotism 
with which they were threatened. Not satisfied with an uncon- 
trolled sway over Germany, he attempted to revive the imperial 
jurisdiction in Italy. Vincent II., duke of Mantua and Mont- 
ferrat, having died without issue, Charles de Gonzaga duke of 
Nevers claimed the succession, in virtue of a matrimonial con- 
tract, as well as by the right of consanguinity. But Caesar de 
Gonzaga duke of Guastella had already received, from the 
emperor, the investiture of these ancient fiefs. The duke of 
Savoy, a third pretender, would have supplanted the two former : 
and the king of Spain hoped to exclude all three, under pretence 
of supporting the last. Ferdinand's desire of aggrandizing the 
house of Austria was well known, as well as his scheme of ex- 
tending the imperial jurisdiction ; and both became now more 
evident. He put the disputed territories in sequestration, till 

1 Barre, tome ix. Annul, de U Emp. tome ii. 
L 2 



148 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

the cause should be decided at Vienna ; and while the Spaniards 
and the duke of Savoy ravaged Montferrat, a German army 
pillaged the city of Mantua 1 . 

Ferdinand now thought the time was come for realizing that 
idea which he had long revolved, of reducing the electoral 
princes to the condition of grandees of Spain, and the bishops to 
the state of imperial chaplains. Sensible, however, of the danger 
of alarming both religions at once, he resolved to begin with the 
Protestants ; and accordingly issued an edict, ordering them to 
restore without loss of time, all the benefices and church lands 
which they had enjoyed since the peace of Passau 2 . 

But it was more easy to issue such an edict than to carry it 
into execution ; and Ferdinand, though he possessed an army of 
a hundred and fifty thousand men, under two of the ablest 
generals in Europe, found reason to repent of his temerity. 
France gave the first check to his ambition. Richelieu had 
early interested himself in the affairs of Mantua : Louis, in 
person, had forced the pass of Susa ; and, on the conclusion of 
peace with the Huguenots, the cardinal crossed the Alps at the 
head of twenty thousand men, gained several advantages over 

A.D. the Spaniards and Imperialists, chased the duke of Savoy 

1630. from his dominions, and obliged the emperor to grant 
the investiture of Mantua and Montferrat to the duke of Nevers 3 . 
The duke of Savoy now died of chagrin ; and the death of Spi- 
nola, who had failed to reduce the citadel of Casal, and thought 
himself neglected by the Spanish court, is also supposed to have 
been hastened by uneasy reflections. The accommodation between 
Louis and the emperor, which terminated this war, was partly 
negotiated by Julius Mazarine, who now first appeared on the 
theatre of the world as a priest and politician, having formerly 
been a captain of horse. 

Meanwhile the elector of Saxony, and other princes of the 
Augsburg Confession, remonstrated against the edict of Resti- 
tution ; they maintained that the emperor had no right to com- 
mand such restitution, which ought to be made the subject of 
deliberation in a general diet. A diet was accordingly convoked 
at Ratisbon ; and the greater part of the Catholic princes ex- 
horted the emperor to quiet the Protestants by granting them, 
for a term of forty years, the enjoyment of such benefices as 
they had possessed since the treaty of Passau. But this advice 

1 Niger, Disquisit. de Mant. Ducat. 

1 Barre, ubi sup. Barchel. p. 185. Puffend. Comment, de Reb. Suec. lib. i. 

* Auberi, Hist, du Card. Rich. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 149 

being vigorously opposed by the ecclesiastic electors, who made 
use of arguments more agreeable to the views of Ferdinand, he 
continued obstinate in his purpose ; and the Protestants, to save 
themselves from that robbery with which they were threatened, 
and which was already begun in many places, secretly formed an 
alliance with Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden l . But, before 
I introduce this extraordinary man, we must take a retrospective 
view of Poland and the northern states. 

[The first two Sigismunds, kings of Poland, were respectable 
princes ; but the character of the former was more brilliant than 
that of his successor, though not more worthy the praise of the 
discerning. While the armistice subsisted with Russia, Sigis- 
mund II. died, in 1572, after having endeared himself to his 
subjects by his virtues and his patriotism. Nine candidates 
offered themselves for the vacant throne. The competitor whom 
the diet preferred was Henry, duke of Anjou, who was crowned 
at Cracow amidst the general joy of the Polanders ; but their 
satisfaction, in all probability, would not have been permanent, 
if he had continued to act as a king. He was soon recalled to 
France by the death of his brother ; and the diet, resenting his 
precipitate and clandestine retreat, and reprobating his intention 
of governing Poland by a deputy, solemnly deposed him. One 
party then voted that the emperor Maximilian should be king of 
Poland ; but the majority of the nation favoured the election of 
Stephen Bathori, a man of extraordinary merit, who had raised 
himself from a private station to the sovereignty of Transylvania. 
Stephen quelled a revolt of the city of Dantzic ; rescued Livo- 
nia from the hands of the Russians ; civilized in a great measure 
the Cossacks of the Ukraine ; and swayed his dominions with 
ability and justice. After his death, Sigismund, son of John III. 
of Sweden, was elected by one party, in 1587, and the archduke 
Maximilian, brother of Rodolphus II., by another; but the 
former prevailed by the efficacy of arms 1 . 

The reign of Sigismund III. was long and active. His first 
act was the repression of that corrupt and venal spirit which 
had diffused itself through the nation, and of those licentious 
practices which were productive of frequent mischief. He after- 
wards engaged in a war with the Tartars, by whom his Cossack 
subjects were at first defeated ; but when the celebrated Zamoski 
took the field against the enemy, he obtained a signal victory 

1 Puffend. ubi sup. Barre, tome ix. 
* Barre, tome ix. Heidenst. Hist. Rerum Polan. 
VOL. II. L 3 4- 



150 THE HISTORY OF FART i. 

over a great superiority of number. Encouraged by this success, 
the Cossacks furiously ravaged Little Tartary, and ventured to 
pillage some Turkish vessels on the coast of the Black Sea. The 
sultan Morad III., incensed at this outrage, denounced ven- 
geance, and sent an army towards Poland ; but when he found 
that the king had not authorised the hostilities of which the 
Turks complained, he agreed to a treaty of peace *. 

On the decease of his father, Sigismund repaired to Sweden 
to receive the crown. The successor of Gustavus Vasa, on the 
throne of that kingdom, was Eric XIV., whose licentiousness 
and tyranny, though he was a prince of some merit and accom- 
plishments, subjected him, in 1568, to the misfortune and the 
stigma of solemn deposition. John III. was the next Swedish 
monarch. He concluded a dishonourable peace with the Danes ; 
carried on a war against the Russians with varied success ; and, 
in 1592, fell a victim to the ignorance of his medical attendants. 
His son Sigismund soon rendered himself unpopular among the 
Swedes, by his partiality to the Romish faith. He promised to 
submit to such restrictions as would preclude all injury to the 
Protestant establishment ; but, as he disregarded all promises of 
this kind, he became the object of strong suspicion and resent- 
ment. His uncle Charles fomented the discontent of the Swedes ; 
and being entrusted with the regency on the return of Sigismund 
to Poland, he resolved to embrace the first opportunity of usurpa- 
tion. After some years of commotion, open hostilities arose be- 
tween the adherents of the king and the partisans of the regent ; 
and, in 1604-, the latter acquired the sovereignty of Sweden, 
under the appellation of Charles IX. 2 

Sigismund strenuously exerted himself for the recovery of the 
Swedish crown ; but his attempts were frustrated by the vigour 
and policy of his uncle. He retook, however, those towns and 
fortresses which the Swedes had reduced in Livonia, where, 
among other incidents, an obstinate battle occurred, in which 
the valour of the Polanders, directed by the skill and judgment 
of Chotkiewitz, gratified Sigismund with a complete victory. He 
then directed his attention towards Russia, which was in a state 
of disorder and confusion. 

The grand duke or czar, John Basilowitz II., having occa- 
sioned by a violent blow the death of his eldest son, left only 
two sons when he died in 1584, of whom one was an infant. 
The incapacity of Theodore, the elder of the surviving princes, 

1 Hartnoch, lib. i. Heidenst. a Loccen, lib. vii. Puffendorf. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 151 

had induced John to select three of his boyars, or nobles, for 
the administration of the public affairs in the name of the youth ; 
but Boris, brother-in-law to the new czar, gradually seized the 
whole power of the state, and acted in many instances with in- 
human violence. He even murdered Demetrius, the brother of 
Theodore, and perhaps hastened the dissolution of the czar 
himself, who died in 1598. Boris took this opportunity of 
mounting the throne, to which he had paved his way by some 
popular acts. He continued to govern with a mixture of rigour 
and lenity ; and his name was not unknown among the sovereigns 
of Europe, when his government was disturbed by the boldness 
of an ambitious monk, who, happening to resemble the unfor- 
tunate Demetrius, pretended that he had escaped the snares of 
the usurper, by the substitution of another youth. The adven- 
turer was encouraged in his views by Sigismund, who promised 
to assist him in procuring the Russian diadem ; and being 
furnished with an army, he defeated the troops of Boris, who, 
in a moment of despair, poisoned himself, or, as others say, was 
thrown by a transport of passion into an apoplectic fit. The 
usurper's son was now placed on the throne, but was quickly 
driven from it by the impostor, who (in 1605) was proclaimed 
czar with the general consent of the people, many of whom 
believed him to be the true Demetrius 1 . 

If this adventurer had acted with prudence and discretion, he 
would probably have long preserved the power which he had so 
rapidly acquired. But he excited disgust by his uniform pre- 
ference of the Polanders to his countrymen, his contempt of 
the Russian religion and manners, and his occasional acts of 
tyranny; and he lost his life in 1606, in a tumult at Moscow, 
where a great number of his foreign partisans were also mas- 
sacred. Zuski, or Schuiskoy, his chief adversary, was permitted 
by the boyars to succeed him as grand-duke; but his adminis- 
tration was not attended with public tranquillity. A new im- 
postor appeared, alleging that he was the czar, and had escaped 
the massacre. This pretender did not long flourish, being killed 
by some Tartars; but a more formidable rival to Schuiskoy 
soon presented himself. This was Ladislaus (the son of Sigis- 
mund), who, when Smolensko and other considerable towns had 
been reduced by the Polander, was acknowledged as czar in 
1610, by a great part of the nation; while Schuiskoy, degraded 

1 Tooke's Hist, of Russia, voL i. 



152 THE HISTORY OF PARTI. 

by tonsure and the cowl, was delivered up to the invaders, and 
thrown into a dungeon, from which he never emerged 1 . 

The Russians did not long submit with patience to the Polish 
yoke. The haughty subjects of Sigismund committed many out- 
rages, which the Muscovites indignantly resented. Sanguinary 
broils convulsed the provinces ; and in the capital, which the Po- 
landers pillaged and burned, many thousands of the inhabitants 
were sacrificed. 

Charles IX. of Sweden had so far profited by these disturb- 
ances as to obtain possession of Kexholm and Novogorod ; and 
he even conceived the hope of procuring the Russian crown for 
one of his sons, if not for himself: but he died in the prosecution 
of his scheme, in 1611 : and his crown was bestowed on his son 
Gustavus Adolphus, without the least regard to the preferable 
claim of Sigismund. 

The Danes did not. interfere in the disordered concerns of 
Russia. That nation, on the death of Christian III., had re- 
ceived his son Frederic II. as its sovereign, who, in 1559, sub- 
dued the Dithinarsians, a brave people of Holstein. He was for 
some years at war with the Swedes, against whom he was more 
successful than unfortunate. He was a wise and patriotic prince, 
and a friend to the arts and sciences. He was succeeded in 
1588 by Christian IV., who, after a long interval of peace, 
attacked the Swedes in 1611, took Calmar by assault, and cruelly 
massacred the inhabitants. Peace was restored in 1613; and, 
in the same year, the Russians endeavoured to re-establish tran- 
quillity in their country by the deliberate election of a new czar. 
Michael Romanoff, a promising youth of seventeen years of age, 
distantly related to the house of Ruric, was the object of general 
choice: and neither the Swedes nor the Polanders could drive 
him from the throne. Gustavus Adolphus, after some fruitless 
attempts for that purpose, agreed to a pacification with the czar ; 
and Sigismund at length followed his example 2 . 

By assisting Gabriel Bathori, whom the celebrated Bethlem 
Gabor had dispossessed of Transylvania, and by other acts of 
interference which displeased the Porte, Sigismund exposed 
himself to the arms of Othman II., whp, after his troops had 
been shamefully defeated by a small army under Zolkiewiski, 
took the field in person with an immense force in 1621, and 



1 La Combe, Hist, det Revolutions de I' Empire de Russie. Tooke, vol. i. 

2 La Combe. Puffendorf. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 153 

assaulted the Polish entrenchments on the banks of the Niester, 
but was repelled with the loss of about thirty thousand men. 
The discouraged sultan now proposed an armistice, to which his 
adversary readily assented 1 .] 

Gustavus Adolphus was a minor by the law of Sweden when 
he ascended the throne ; but he was permitted by the states of 
the realm to assume the personal exercise of government. He 
soon signalized himself by his exploits against the Danes, the 
ancient enemies of his crown. Profiting afterwards by peace, 
which he had found necessary, he applied himself to the study 
of civil affairs ; and, in the course of a wise and vigorous admi- 
nistration, supported by salutary laws, he reformed many public 
abuses, improved the state of the community, and increased the 
respectability of the realm. His cousin Sigismund treating him 
as an usurper, and refusing peace, when offered by Gustavus, he 
ov"er-ran Livonia, Prussia, and Lithuania 2 . An advantageous 
truce of six years, concluded with Poland, in 1629, gave him 
leisure to take part in the affairs of Germany, and to exhibit more 
fully those heroic qualities which will ever be the admiration of 
mankind. 

Gustavus had various reasons for making war against the 
emperor. Ferdinand had assisted his enemy, the king of Poland, 
had treated the Swedish ambassador with disrespect, and had. 
formed a project for extending his dominion over the Baltic. 
If the king of Sweden should look tamely on, till the German 
princes were finally subjected, the independence of the northern 
kingdoms, he thought, would be exposed to great danger. 

But the motives which chiefly induced Gustavus to take arms 
against the head of the empire were the love of glory and zeal 
for the Protestant religion. These, however, did not transport 
him beyond the bounds of prudence. He imparted his design 
to the states of Sweden ; and he negotiated with France, Eng- 
land, and Holland, before he began his march. Charles I., still 



1 Bizardiere. 

2 Loccen. lib. viii. Puffend. lib. ii. During this war, the practice of duelling 
rose to such a height, both among officers and private men, that Gustavus published 
a severe edict, denouncing death against every offender: and by a strict execution 
of that edict, the evil was effectually removed. (Harte's Life of Gustavus, vol. i.) 
When two of the generals demanded permission to decide a quarrel by the sword, 
he gave a seeming consent, and told them he would himself be an eye-witness of 
their valour and prowess. He accordingly appeared on the ground, but was accom- 
panied by the public executioner, who had orders to cut off the head of the con- 
queror. The high-spirited combatants, subdued by such firmness, fell on their 
knees at the king's feet, were ordered to embrace, and continued friends to the end 
of their lives. Scheffer, Memorand. Suec. Gent. 



154 THE HISTORY OF PARTI. 

desirous of the restoration of the Palatine, agreed to send the king 
of Sweden six thousand men. These troops were raised in the 
name of the marquis of Hamilton, and supposed to be main- 
tained by that nobleman, that the appearance of neutrality might 
be preserved 1 . The people were more forward than the king. 
The flower of Gustavus's army, and many of his best officers, by 
the time he entered Germany, consisted of Scottish and English 
adventurers, who thronged over to support the Protestant cause, 
and to seek renown under the champion of their religion 1 ; so 
that the conquests even of this illustrious hero may partly be 
ascribed to British valour and British sagacity ! 

The most necessary supply, however, that Gustavus received, 
was an annual subsidy from Cardinal Richelieu of twelve hun- 
dred thousand livres ; a small sum in our days, but considerable 
at that time, especially in a country where the precious metals are 
still scarce. The treaty between France and Sweden is a master- 

A.D. piece in politics. Gustavus agreed, in consideration of the 

1631. stipulated subsidy, to maintain in Germany an army of 
thirty-six thousand men ; bound himself to observe a strict neu- 
trality toward the duke of Bavaria, and all the princes of the Ca- 
tholic league, on condition that they should not join the emperor 
against the Swedes ; and to preserve the rights of the Romish 
church, wherever he should find it established 3 . By these inge- 
nious stipulations, which do so much honour to the genius of 
Richelieu, the Catholic princes were not only freed from all 
alarm on the score of religion, but furnished with a pretext for 
withholding their assistance from the emperor, as a step which 
would expose them to the arms of Sweden. 

Gustavus had entered Pomerania when this treaty was con- 
cluded, and soon after made himself master of Colberg, Frank- 
fort upon the Oder, and several other important places. The 
Protestant princes, however, were still backward in declaring 
themselves, lest they should be separately crushed by the impe- 
rial power, before the king of Sweden could march to their 
assistance. In order to put an end to this irresolution, Gus- 
tavus summoned the elector of Brandenburg to declare himself 
openly in three days; and, on receiving an evasive answer, he 
marched directly to Berlin. This spirited conduct had the de- 
sired effect : the gates were thrown open, and the king was 
received as a friend. He was soon after joined by the landgrave 



1 Rush worth, voL i. * Burner's Mem. of the House of Hamilton, vol. L 

3 Londorp. Act. Pub. voL iv. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 155 

of Hesse and the elector of Saxony, who, being persecuted by 
the Catholic confederates, put themselves under his protection. 
He now marched towards Leipsic, where Tilly lay en- Sept 7. 
camped. That experienced general advanced into the N - s * 
plain of Breitenfeld to meet his antagonist, at the head of 
thirty thousand veterans. The king's army consisted nearly 
of an equal number of men ; but the Saxon auxiliaries, 
being raw and undisciplined, fled at the first onset ; yet did 
Gustavus, by his superior conduct, and the superior prowess 
of the Swedes, obtain a complete victory over Tilly and the 
Imperialists '. 

This blow threw Ferdinand into the utmost consternation ; 
and if the king of Sweden had marched immediately to Vienna, 
it is supposed that he could have made himself master of that 
capital. But it is impossible for human foresight to discern all 
the advantages that may be reaped from a great stroke of good 
fortune. Hannibal wasted his time at Capua, after the battle 
of Cannae, when he might have led his victorious army to Rome ; 
and Gustavus Adolphus, instead of besieging Vienna, or ravag- 
ing the emperor's hereditary dominions, took a different route, 
and had the satisfaction of erecting a column on the opposite 
bank of the Rhine, in order to perpetuate the progress of his 
arms *. 

The consequences of the battle of Leipsic, however, were 
great ; nor did Gustavus fail to improve that victory which he 
had so gloriously earned. He was instantly joined by all the 
members of the Evangelical Union, whom his success had inspired 
with courage. The measures of the Catholic confederates were 
utterly disconcerted; and the king of Sweden made himself 
master of the whole country from the Elbe to the Rhine a 
space of about ninety leagues, abounding with fortified towns. 

The elector of Saxony, in the mean time, entered Bohemia, 
and took Prague. Count Tilly was killed in disput- April 15, 1632. 
ing with the Swedes the passage of the Lech : and N - s - 
Gustavus, who by that passage gained immortal honour, soon 
after reduced Augsburg, and there re-established the Protestant 
religion. He then marched into Bavaria, where he found the 
gates of almost every city thrown open on his approach. He 
entered the capital in triumph, and there had an opportunity of 
displaying the liberality of his mind. When pressed to revenge 

1 Pet. Bapt. Burg, de Bella Suecico Comment, lib. ii. Harte's Life of Guttavut, 
vol. ii. 

3 Mercure Francois. Harte, vol. ii. 



156 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

on Munich the cruelties (too horrid to be described) which Tilly 
had perpetrated at Magdeburgh, to give up the city to pillage, 
and reduce the elector's magnificent palace to ashes, " No !" 
replied he, "let us not imitate the barbarity of the Goths, our 
ancestors, who rendered their memory detestable by abusing the 
rights of conquest, in doing violence to humanity, and destroying 
the precious monuments of art V 

During these transactions, the renowned Wallenstein, who had 
been for some time in disgrace, but was restored to the chief 
command with unlimited powers, soon after the defeat at Leipsic, 
had recovered Prague, and the greater part of Bohemia. Gus- 
tavus offered him battle near Nuremberg; but the cautious 
veteran prudently declined the challenge, and the king was re- 
pulsed in attempting to force his entrenchments. The action 
lasted for ten hours, during which every regiment in the Swedish 
army, not excepting the body of reserve, was led on to the 
attack. 

The king's person was in imminent danger ; the Austrian 
cavalry sallying out furiously from their entrenchments on the 
right and the left, when the efforts of the Swedes began to 
slacken ; and a masterly retreat alone could have saved him 
from a total overthrow. That service was partly performed by 
an old Scotch colonel of the name of Hepburn, who had resigned 
his commission in disgust, but was present at this assault. To 
him Gustavus applied in his distress, seeing no officer of equal 
experience at hand, and trusting to the colonel's natural gene- 
rosity of spirit. He was not deceived. Hepburn's pride over- 
came his resentment. " This," said he, (and he persevered in 
his resolution) "is the last time that ever I will serve so un- 
grateful a prince !" Elate with the opportunity of gathering 
fresh laurels, and of exalting himself in the eyes of a master by 
whom he thought himself injured, he rushed into the midst of 
the battle, delivered the orders of the king of Sweden to his army, 
and conducted the retreat with so much order and ability, that 
the Imperialists durst not give him the smallest disturbance 2 . 

This severe check, and happy escape from almost inevitable 
ruin, ought surely to have moderated the ardour of Gustavus. 
But it had not sufficiently that effect. In marching to the 



1 Harte, vol. ii. La Vassor, Hist, de Louis XIII. 

1 Mod. Univ. Hist. art. Swed. sect. viii. This anecdote relative to Hepburn is 
told somewhat differently by Mr. Harte ; who, jealous of the honour of his hero 
Gustavus, seems scrupulous in admitting the merit of the Scottish and English 
officers. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 157 

assistance of the elector of Saxony, he again gave battle to Wal- 
lenstein with an inferior force, in the wide plain of Lutzen, and 
lost his life in a hot engagement, which terminated in the defeat 
of the imperial army. That engagement was attended with cir- 
cumstances sufficiently memorable to merit a particular detail. 

Soon after the king of Sweden arrived at Naumberg, he 
learned that Wallenstein had moved his camp from Weissenfels to 
Lutzen ; and although that movement freed him from all neces- 
sity of fighting, as it left open his way into Saxony by Degaw, 
lie was keenly stimulated by an appetite for battle. He accord- 
ingly convened in his own apartment his two favourite generals, 
Bernard duke of Saxe- Weimar, and Kniphausen, and desired 
them to give their opinions freely, and without reserve. The 
youthful and ardent spirit of the duke, congenial to that of the 
king, instantly caught fire; and he declared in favour of an en- 
gagement. But Kniphausen, whose courage was matured by re- 
flection and chastised by experience, steadily and uniformly dis- 
suaded the king from hazarding an action at that juncture, as 
contrary to the true principles of military science. " No com- 
mander," said he, " ought to encounter an army greatly superior 
to him in strength, unless compelled so to do by some pressing 
necessity. Now your majesty is neither circumscribed in place, 
nor in want of provisions, forage, or warlike stores 1 ." 

Gustavus seemed to acquiesce in the opinion of this able and 
experienced general ; yet he was still ambitious of a new trial in 
arms with Wallenstein. And being informed, on his nearer ap- 
proach, that the imperial army had received no alarm, nor the 
general any intelligence of his motions, he declared his resolution 
of giving battle to the enemy. 

That declaration was received with the strongest demonstra- 
tions of applause and the most lively expressions of joy. At one 
moment the whole Swedish army made its evolutions and 
pointed its course toward the imperial camp. No troops were 
ever known to advance with so much alacrity ; but their ardour 
was damped and their vigour wasted, before they could reach the 
camp of their antagonists. By a mistake in computing the dis- 
tance, they had eight miles to march instead of five, and chiefly 
through fresh ploughed lands, the passage of which was difficult 
beyond description ; the miry ground clinging to the feet and 
legs of the soldiers, and reaching, in some places, almost as high 
as the knee*. 

' Harte, vol. ii. * Id. Ibid. 



158 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

Nor were these the only difficulties the Swedes had to en- 
counter before they arrived at Lutzen. When they came 
within two miles of the spot, where they hoped for a speedy 
termination of all their toils, they found a swamp, over which 
was a paltry bridge, so narrow that only two men could march 
over it abreast. In consequence of this new obstacle, it was 
sunset before the whole Swedish army could clear the pass ; and 
Wallenstein, having been by that time informed of the approach 
of Gustavus, was employed in fortifying his camp, and in taking 
every other measure for his own safety and the destruction of his 
enemy that military skill could suggest. 

The situation of the king of Sweden was now truly perilous. 
He saw himself reduced to the necessity of giving battle under 
the most adverse circumstances; or of incurring the hazard of 
being routed in attempting a retreat with the troops fatigued 
and almost fainting for want of food. Yet was a retreat thought 
expedient by some of his generals. But Gustavus, in a tone of 
decision, thus silenced their arguments; "I cannot bear to see 
Wallenstein under my beard, without making some animadversions 
upon him : I long to unearth him," added he, " and to behold 
with mine own eyes how he can acquit himself in the open 
field 1 ." 

Conformably to these sentiments, he resolved to give battle, 

and begin the action two hours before day. But the extreme 

Nov. 16. darkness of the night rendered the execution of the latter 

N. S. p ar t of his plan impracticable ; and when morning began 
to dawn, and the sun to dispel the thick fog that had obscured 
the sky, an unexpected obstacle presented itself. Across the 
line, on which the Swedish left wing proposed to advance, was 
cut a deep ditch to difficult for the troops to pass ; so that the 
king was obliged to make his whole army move to the right, in 
order to occupy the ground which lay between the ditch and the 
hostile camp 2 . 

This movement was not made without some trouble and a 
considerable loss of time. When he had completed it, Gustavus 
ordered two hymns to be sung ; and riding along the lines with a 
commanding air, he thus harangued his Swedish troops : " My 
companions and friends ! show the world this day what you 
really are. Acquit yourselves like disciplined men, who have 
been engaged in service ; observe your orders, and behave in- 
trepidly, for your own sakes as well as for mine. If you so 

1 Le Soldat Sued. * Harte, vol. ii. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 159 

respect yourselves, you will find the blessing of Heaven on the 
point of your swords, and reap deathless honour, the sure and in- 
estimable reward of valour. But if, on the contrary, you give 
way to fear, and seek self-preservation in flight, then infamy is as 
certainly your portion, as my disgrace and your destruction will 
be the consequence of such conduct 1 ." 

The king then addressed his German allies, who chiefly com- 
posed the second line of his army ; lowering the tone of his voice, 
and relaxing his air of authority : " Friends, officers, and fellow- 
soldiers," said he, " let me conjure you to behave valiantly this 
day. You shall fight not only under me, but with me. My 
blood shall mark the path you ought to pursue. Keep, firmly, 
therefore, within your ranks, and second your leader with 
courage. If you so act, victory is ours, with all its advantages, 
which you and your posterity shall not fail to enjoy. But if you 
give ground or fall into disorder, your liberties and lives will 
become a sacrifice to the enemy 2 ." 

On the conclusion of these two emphatical speeches, one 
universal shout of applause saluted the ears of Gustavus. 
Having disposed his army in order of battle, that warlike 
monarch now took upon himself, according to custom, the par- 
ticular command of the right wing, attended by the duke of 
Saxe-Lauenburg, Crailsham, grandmaster of his household, a 
body of English and Scottish gentlemen, and a few domestics. 
The action soon became general, and was maintained with grdat 
obstinacy on both sides. But the veteran Swedish brigades of 
the first line, though the finest troops in the world, and esteemed 
invincible, found the passing of certain ditches, which Wallenstein 
had ordered to be hollowed and lined with musqueteers, so ex- 
ceedingly difficult, that their ardour began to abate, and they 
seemed to pause, when their heroic prince flew to the dangerous 
station ; and dismounting, snatched a partizan from one of his 
officers, and said in an austere tone, accompanied with a stern 
look, " If, after having passed so many rivers, scaled the walls 
of numberless fortresses, and conquered in various battles, your 
native intrepidity hath at last deserted you, stand firm at least for 
a few seconds ; have yet the courage to behold your master die 
in a manner worthy of himself !" and he offered to cross the 
ditch. 

" Stop, sire ! for the sake of Heaven," cried all the soldiers, 



1 Soldat. Sued. Merc. Franc. Swedish Intelligencer. 
3 Chemnitz, dc Bell. Suec. German. 



160 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

" spare that valuable life ! Distrust us not, and the business 
shall be done 1 ." 

Satisfied, after such an assurance, that his brave brigades in 
the centre would not deceive him, Gustavus returned to the 
head of the right wing, and making his horse spring boldly across 
the last ditch, set an example of gallantry to his officers and 
soldiers, which they thought themselves bound to imitate. 

Having cast his eyes over the enemy's left wing that opposed 
him, he observed three squadrons of imperial cuirassiers com- 
pletely clothed in iron; and calling colonel Stalhaus to him 
said, " Stalhaus ! charge home these black fellows ; for they are 
the men that will otherwise undo us." 

The colonel executed the orders of his royal master with great 
intrepidity and effect. But, in the mean time, about two hours 
after the commencement of the battle, Gustavus lost his life. 
He was then fighting, sword in hand, at the head of the Smaland 
cavalry, which closed the right flank of the centre of his army, 
and is supposed to have outstripped, in his ardour, the invincible 
brigades that composed his main body. The Swedes fought 
like roused lions, to revenge the death of their king ; many and 
vigorous were their struggles ; and the approach of night alone 
prevented Kniphausen and the duke of Saxe- Weimar from 
gaining a decisive victory 7 . 

During nine hours did the battle rage with inexpressible 
fierceness. No field was ever disputed with greater courage than 
the plain of Lutzen, where the Swedish infantry not only main- 
tained their ground against a brave and greatly superior army, 
but broke its force, and almost completed its destruction. Nor 
could the flight of the Saxons, or the arrival of Papenheim, one of 
the ablest generals in the imperial service, with seven thousand 
fresh combatants, shake the unconquerable fortitude of the 
Swedes. The gallant death of that great man served but to 
crown their glory, and immortalize their triumph. " Tell Wal- 
lenstein," said he, presuming on the consequences that would 
result from the death of the Swedish monarch, " that I have pre- 
served the Catholic religion, and made the emperor a free man 3 !" 
The death of Gustavus deserves more particular notice. 

The king first received a ball in his left arm. This wound he 
disregarded for a time, still pressing on with intrepid valour. 
The soldiers, perceiving their leader to be wounded, expressed 
their sorrow on that account ; " Courage, my comrades !" cried 

' Thedt. Europ. fol. 74?. 3 Harte, vol. ii. 3 Rice, de Bell Germ. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 161 

he, " the h'urt is nothing : let us resume our ardour, and main- 
tain the charge 1 ." At length, however, when his voice and 
strength began to fail, he desired the duke of Saxe-Lauenburg 
to convey him to some place of safety. 

In that instant, as his brave associates were preparing to con- 
duct him out of the scene of action, an imperial cavalier advanced 
unobserved, and crying aloud, " Long have I sought thee !" shot 
Gustavus through the body with a pistol-ball 2 . But this bold 
champion did not long enjoy the glory of his daring exploit ; for 
the duke's master of the horse shot him dead, with the vaunting 
words yet recent on his lips 3 . 

Piccolomini's cuirassiers now made a furious attack upon the 
king's companions. Gustavus was held up on his saddle for 
some time ; but his horse having received a wound in the 
shoulder, made a furious plunge, and flung the rider to the 
earth. His two faithful grooms, though mortally wounded, 
threw themselves over their master's body ; and one gentleman 
of the bed-chamber, who lay on the ground, having cried out, in 
order to save his sovereign's life, that he was king of Sweden, 
was instantly stabbed to the heart by an imperial cuirassier*. 

Gustavus being afterwards asked who he was, replied with 
heroic firmness and magnanimity, " I am the king of Sweden ! 
and seal with my blood the Protestant religion and liberties of 
Germany." The Imperialists gave him five wounds, and a 
bullet passed through his head ; yet had he strength left to ex- 
claim, " My God ! my God !" His body was recovered by 
Stalhaus, in spite of the most vigorous efforts of Piccolomini, 
who strove to carry it off 5 . 

No prince, ancient or modern, seems to have possessed in so 
eminent a degree as Gustavus Adolphus, the united qualities of 
the hero, the statesman, and the commander ; that intuitive 
genius which conceives, that wisdom which plans, and that happy 
combination of courage and conduct which gives success to an 
enterprise. Nor was the military progress of any leader ever 
equally rapid, under circumstances equally difficult ; with an 
inferior force, against warlike nations and disciplined troops, 
commanded by able and experienced generals. His greatest 
fault, as a king and a commander, was an excess of valour. He 



1 Merc. Franc. * Harte, vol. ii. 

3 This promptitude, and other collateral circumstances, seem to prove that the 
duke of Saxe-Lauenburg did not assassinate Gustavus, notwithstanding all the 
attempts made to criminate him. 

4 Harte, vol. ii. * Id. ihid. 

VOL. II. M 



162 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

usually appeared in the front of the battle, mounted on a horse 
of a particular colour ; which, with his large and majestic stature, 
surpassing that of every other Swede, made him known both to 
friends and foes 1 . 

But Gustavus had other qualities beside those of the military 
and political kind. He was a pious Christian, a warm friend, a 
tender husband, a dutiful son, an affectionate father. And the 
sentiments suited to all these softer characters are admirably 
displayed in a letter from this prince to his minister Oxenstiern, 
written a few days before the battle of Lutzen. " Though the 
cause in which I am engaged," said he, is "just and good, yet 
the event of war, on account of the vicissitudes of human affairs, 
must ever be deemed doubtful. Uncertain, also, is the duration 
of mortal life ; I therefore require and beseech you, in the name 
of our blessed Redeemer ! to preserve your fortitude of spirit, if 
events should not proceed in perfect conformity to my wishes. 

" Remember, likewise," continued Gustavus, " how I should 
comfort myself in regard to you, if, by Divine permission, I might 
live till that period when you should have occasion for any assist- 
ance from me. Consider me as a man, the guardian of a kingdom, 
who has struggled with difficulties for twenty years, and passed 
through them with reputation, by the protection and mercy of 
Heaven ; as a man who loved and honoured his relatives, and 
who neglected life, riches, and happy days, for the preservation 
and glory of his country, and faithful subjects ; expecting no 
other recompense than to be declared, The prince who fulfilled 
the duties of that station which Providence had assigned to him in 
this world. 

" They who survive me," added he, " for I, like others, must 
expect to feel the stroke of mortality are, on my account, and 
for other reasons, real objects of your commiseration : they 
are of the tender and defenceless sex, a helpless mother who 
wants a guide, and an infant daughter who needs a protector ! 
Natural affection forces these lines from the hand of a son and a 
parent 1 ." 

The death of the king of Sweden presaged great alterations in 



1 Harte, vol. ii. 

2 Loccen. Hist. Suec. It is not a little surprising that Gustavus, in this me- 
morable letter, makes no mention of his beloved consort Eleonora ; in parting from 
whom, when he began his march for Saxony, he was so much affected, that he 
could only say, " God bless you !" and in bewailing whose widowed condition 
(his ejaculation to the Deity excepted) his last words were employed " Alas, my 
poor queen !" sighed he in his dying moments : " Alas, my poor queen !" Harte, 
vol. ii. 



LETT. LXXVI. MODERN EUROPE. 163 

the state of Europe. The elector Palatine, who had conceived 
hopes of being restored not only to his hereditary dominions, but 
to the throne of Bohemia, died soon after of chagrin. The Ger- 
man Protestants, now without a head, were divided into factions ; 
the Imperialists, though defeated, were transported with joy, 
and prepared to push the war with vigour ; while the Swedes, 
though victorious, were overwhelmed with sorrow for the loss of 
their heroic prince, whose daughter and successor, Christina, was 
only in the seventh year of her age. A council of regency, 
however, being appointed, and the management of the war in 
Germany committed to the chancellor Oxenstiern, a man of 
great political talents, the Protestant confederacy again wore a 
formidable aspect ; and hostilities were prosecuted with A.D. 
vigour and success by the duke of Saxe- Weimar and the 1633 - 
generals Banier and Horn. 

Notwithstanding these favourable appearances, the war became 
every day more burthensome and disagreeable, both to the Swedes 
and their German allies ; and Oxenstiern, who had hitherto suc- 
cessfully employed his genius in finding resources for the support 
of the common cause, saw it in danger of sinking, when an unex- 
pected event gave new hopes to the confederates. The emperor, 
jealous of the vast powers he had granted to Wallenstein, whose 
insolence and ambition were unbounded, resolved to deprive him 
of the command ; and that 'general, in order to prevent his dis- 
grace, is said to have concerted the means of a revolt. It is at 
least certain, that he attempted to secure himself by winning the 
attachment of his soldiers ; and Ferdinand, afraid of the delay of 
a legal trial, or having no proof of his treason, and dread- A. D. 
ing his resentment, had recourse to the dishonourable 1634 
expedient of assassination l . 

But the fall of this great man, who had chiefly obstructed the 
progress of the Swedish arms, both before and since the death of 
Gustavus, was not followed by all those advantages which the 
confederates expected from it. The Imperialists, animated by 
the presence of the king of Hungary, the emperor's eldest son, 
who succeeded Wallenstein in the command of the army, made up 
in valour what their general wanted in experience. Twenty 
thousand Spaniards and Italians arrived in Germany under the 
duke of Feria; the cardinal infant, the new governor of the 



1 Barre, tome ix. Annal. de VEmp. Harte, vol. ii. If Wallenstein had formed 
any treasonable design, it seems to have been after he discovered his ruin to be 
otherwise inevitable. He was too great and haughty for a subject ; and the death 
of Gustavus had rendered him less necessary to the emperor. 

M 2 



164 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

Low Countries, likewise brought a reinforcement to the Catholic 
cause ; the duke of Lorrain, a soldier of fortune, joined the king 
of Hungary with ten thousand men ; and the duke of Bavaria, 
whom the Swedes had deprived of the Palatinate, also found 
himself under the necessity of uniting his forces to. those of the 
emperor. 

Banier, Horn, and the duke of Saxe- Weimar, maintained a 
superiority on the Oder, the Rhine, and the Danube ; and the 
elector of Saxony in Bohemia and Lusatia. Horn and the duke 
united their forces, in order to oppose the progress of the king 

Sept. 6, of Hungary, who made himself master of Ratisbon. 

N. S. They came up with him near Nordlingen, where ensued 
one of the most obstinate and bloody battles recorded in history, 
in which the Swedes were totally routed, in spite of their most 
vigorous efforts l . In vain did the duke remind them of Leipzic 
and Lutzen : though a consummate general, he wanted that all- 
inspiring energy of Gustavus, which communicated his own 
heroism to his troops, and made them irresistible, unless when 
opposed to insuperable bulwarks. 

This defeat threw the members of the Evangelical union into 
the utmost consternation and despair. They accused the Swedes, 
whom they had lately extolled as their deliverers, of all the cala- 
mities which they felt or dreaded; and the emperor, taking 
advantage of these discontents and his own success, did not fail 
to divide the confederates yet more by negotiation. The elector 
of Saxony first deserted the alliance ; and a treaty with the court 

A. D. of Vienna, to the following purport, was at length signed 

1636. a t Prague, by all the Protestant princes, except the land- 
grave of Hesse-Cassel. " The Protestants shall for ever retain 
the mediate ecclesiastical benefices [such as did not depend imme- 
diately upon the emperor], seized before the pacification of 
Passau ; and they shall retain for the space of forty years the 
immediate benefices, though seized since the treaty of Passau, if 
actually enjoyed before the twelfth day of November, 1627 ; the 
exercise of the Protestant religion shall be freely permitted in 
all the dominions of the empire, except the kingdom of Bohemia 
and the provinces belonging to the house of Austria : the duke 
of Bavaria shall be maintained in possession of the Palatinate, on 
condition of paying the jointure of Frederic's widow, and granting 
a proper subsistence to his son, when he shall return to his duty ; 
and there shall be, between the emperor and the confederates of 

1 Loccen. lib. ix. Puffend. lib. vi. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 165 

the Augsburg confession, who shall sign this treaty, a mutual 
restitution of every thing taken since the irruption of Gustavus 
into the empire 1 . 

In consequence of this pacification, almost the whole weight 
of the war devolved upon the Swedes and the French ; and 
Louis, in consequence of a new treaty with the court of Stock- 
holm, sent an army into Germany, to support the duke of Saxe- 
Weimar. But the success of these new hostilities must furnish 
the subject of another letter. 



LETTER LXXVII. 

A general View of the European Continent, from the Treaty of 
Prague, in 1635, to the Peace of Westphalia, in 1648. 

WHILE Germany was a scene of war and desolation, cardinal 
Richelieu ruled France with a rod of iron. Though hated both 
by the nobility and the people, he continued to hold the reins of 
government. Several conspiracies were formed against him, at 
the instigation of the duke of Orleans and the queen-mother ; 
but they were all defeated by his vigilance and vigour, and ter- 
minated in the ruin of their contrivers. The widow of Henry IV. 
was banished : her son Gaston was obliged to beg his life ; the 
marechals Manilas and Montmorency were brought to the block ; 
and the gibbets were frequently loaded with inferior criminals, 
condemned by the most arbitrary sentences, and in a court 
erected for the trial of the cardinal's enemies. In order to render 
himself more necessary to the throne, as well as to complete his 
political scheme, he now resolved to engage France in open 
hostilities with the whole house of Austria ; and had this step 
been taken while the Swedish power was unbroken, and the 
Protestant princes were united, it could not have failed of extra- 
ordinary success. But Richelieu's jealousy of Gustavus prevented 
him, during the life of that monarch, from joining the arms of 
France to those of Sweden ; and Oxenstiern, before the unfor- 
tunate battle of Nordlingen, was unwilling to give the French 
any footing in Germany. That overthrow altered his senti- 

1 Londorp. Act. Pub. vol. iv. Du Mont, Corps Diplom. tome v. 



166 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

meiits ; he offered to put Louis immediately in possession of Phi- 
lipsburg and the province of Alsace, on condition that France 
should take an active part in the war against the emperor. 
Richelieu readily embraced a proposal that corresponded so 
entirely with his views. He also concluded an alliance with the 
United Provinces, in the hope of sharing the Low Countries ; 
and he sent a herald to Brussels, in the name of his master, to 
denounce war against Spain 1 . A treaty was at the same time 
concluded with the duke of Savoy, to strengthen the French 
interest in Italy. 

If France had not taken a decided part in the war, the treaty 
of Prague would have completed the destruction of the Swedish 
forces in Germany. But Louis, or rather cardinal Richelieu, 
now began to levy troops with great diligence, and five consi- 
derable armies were soon in the field. The first and largest of 
these marched into the Low Countries, under the marechals de 
Chatillon and Breze ; the second, commanded by the duke de 
la Force, entered Lorrain ; the third took the route of the duchy 
of Milan, under the marechal de Crequi ; the duke of Rohan 
led the fourth into the Valteline ; and the fifth acted upon the 
Rhine, under the duke of Saxe- Weimar. In order to oppose 
the operations of the French on the side of Lorrain, the emperor 
sent thither general Galas, an experienced officer, at the head of 
a powerful army, to join the duke of that territory, who intended 
to besiege Colmar, and had already taken some towns in its 
neighbourhood. The design against Colmar, however, was de- 
feated by the severity of the season ; and La Force obliged the 
duke of Lorrain to abandon Burgundy, which he had entered in 
the spring, with a view of reducing Montbelliard. This check, 
and the fatigues of his march, so diminished the duke's army, 
that he was not able during the campaign to attempt any new 
enterprise. 

Galas, the imperial general, having fixed his head-quarters at 
Worms, sent detachments to ravage the country, and surprise 
the towns that were garrisoned by the Swedes. Mentz was 
blocked up by Count Mansfield ' ; and although the preservation 
of the place was of the utmost consequence to the confederates, 
as it secured their communication with both sides of the Rhine, 

1 Le Vassor, Hist, de Louis XIII. This is said to have been the last declaration 
of war made by a herald at arms. Since that time each party has thought it suffi- 
cient to publish a declaration at home, without sending into an enemy's country a 
cartel of defiance. 

* Not the general, who, at the beginning of the thirty-years' war, acted on the 
side of the Protestants. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 167 

the duke of Saxe- Weimar was in no condition to raise the 
blockade. He was still more interested in preserving Keysers- 
lauter, where he had deposited all the booty which he had taken 
since the beginning of the war. That place, however, though 
defended with such obstinacy that a great part of the garrison 
had fallen in the breach, during the different assaults which it 
had sustained, was taken by storm, before the duke could afford 
it relief. Galas, who had reduced it, afterwards invested Deux- 
Ponts ; but Weimar's army being reinforced with eighteen 
thousand French under the cardinal de la Valette, the imperial 
general was obliged to abandon his undertaking. Mansfield's 
lines were also forced, and supplies thrown into Mentz l . 

While the confederates lay under the cannon of that city, 
Galas assembled an army of thirty thousand men in the neigh- 
bourhood of Worms ; and by sending detachments to occupy 
Saarbruck, and several other places, reduced the French and 
Swedes to the greatest extremity for want of provisions. In this 
emergency they repassed the Rhine at Bingen, on a bridge of 
boats, as if their route had been for Coblentz, though their real 
design was to reach Vaudervange, where there was a French 
garrison. With this view they marched night and day, without 
refreshment or repose ; yet Galas, who had crossed the Rhine at 
Worms, in order to harass them in their retreat, overtook them 
with his cavalry at the river Glann, between Odernheim and 
Messenheim, where the Imperialists were repulsed. Not dis- 
couraged by this check, Galas, at the head of nine thousand 
horse, traversed the duchy of Deux-Ponts, entered Lorrain, and 
waited for the confederates in a defile between Vaudervange and 
Boulai. There an obstinate engagement ensued, in which the 
imperial cavalry were routed. The French afterwards retired 
to Pont-a-Mouson, and the Swedes to Moyenvic, with the wreck 
of their several armies; which, although victorious, were both 
greatly reduced 2 . 

The French and their allies had no reason to boast of their 
success in other quarters. Nothing effectual was done in Italy, 
where the duke of Parma had the misfortune to see himself 
stripped of the greater part of his dominions by the Spaniards, 
notwithstanding the efforts of Crequi and the duke of Savoy, 
who, in one battle, gained a considerable advantage over the 
enemy. In the Low Countries, where the highest hopes had 
been formed, the disappointment of cardinal Richelieu was par- 

1 Barre, tome ix. Pulleiul. lib. viii. 2 Barrc, tome ix. 



168 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

ticularly great. He had computed on the entire conquest of the 
Spanish Netherlands, and a scheme of partition was actually 
drawn up, whereby the duchy of Luxembourg, the counties of 
Namur, Hainault, Artois, and Flanders were assigned to France ; 
while Brabant, Guelderland, the lordship of Mechlin, and other 
territories, were to be annexed to the republic of Holland. 
This scheme, however, proved as vain as it was ambitious. The 
Dutch were jealous of the growing power of France ; and the 
prince of Orange had a personal pique against the cardinal. 
Therefore, although the marechals Breze and Chatillon were so 
fortunate as to defeat the Flemish army detached by the cardinal 
infant to give them battle, before their junction with the forces 
of the United Provinces, nothing of consequence was effected 
after that junction was formed. The French commanders were 
under the necessity of leading back the miserable remains of 
their army, wasted with fatigue and disease ; and the prince of 
Orange spent the latter part of the campaign in recovering the 
strong fortress of Schenck, which had been reduced by the enemy. 
Nor was this all ; the cardinal infant perceiving that, in conse- 
quence of the many designs formed on all sides, the frontier of 
Picardy lay in a manner open, sent an army under the celebrated 
generals Piccolomini and John de Weert to enter France on that 
side. This army took La Chapelle, Catelet, and Corbie ; and 
the Parisians, by the approach of the enemy within three days' 
march of their gates, were thrown into the utmost consternation : 
but, by the vigorous measures of Richelieu, fifty thousand men 
were quickly assembled, and the Spaniards and Flemings found 
themselves obliged to evacuate France 1 . 

Having surmounted this danger, the French minister took 
the most effectual steps to secure the success of the ensuing 
campaign. To recover the friendship of Henry prince of Orange, 
whom he had offended by his haughtiness, he honoured him 
with the title of Highness instead of Excellency, a flattery 
which had the desired effect. And he concluded a treaty with 
the duke of Saxe- Weimar, in which it was stipulated that in 
consideration of an annual subsidy, the duke should maintain an 
army of eighteen thousand men, which he should command in 
person, as general of the troops belonging to the German princes 
in alliance with the French king, to whom he should take the 
oath of allegiance ; and that Louis should cede in his favour all 
the claims of France to Alsace. In pursuance of this treaty 

1 Auberi, ///*/. du Card. Rich. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 169 

the duke being joined by a French army, under the A.D. 
cardinal de la Valette, began the campaign with the 163G - 
siege of Saverne. The place made a gallant defence, in hopes 
of being relieved by Galas, who had promised to march against 
the besiegers. Perceiving, however, the impracticability of such 
an attempt, Galas made an irruption into Franche-Comte, in 
conjunction with the duke of Lorrain. Having reduced Saverne, 
Weimar omitted nothing that could obstruct or harass the Im- 
perialists in their march : and his endeavours were so successful, 
that Galas lost about seven thousand men before he entered 
Burgundy. He continued his march nevertheless, and under- 
took the siege of St. Jean de Laune, which he was obliged to 
abandon, in consequence of the overflowing of the adjacent 
rivers ; and being pursued by the viscount de Turenne, he lost 
about five thousand men, and the greater part of his baggage, 
in his retreat 1 . 

In Upper Germany, an important battle was fought between 
the Swedes under Banier, and the Imperialists commanded by 
the elector of Saxony. After watching the motions of each 
other for some time, they halted in the plains of Wislock. The 
imperial camp was pitched on an eminence and fortified with 
fourteen redoubts, under which the troops stood ready to engage. 
Desirous of drawing the enemy from that advantageous post, 
Banier ordered part of his cavalry to advance and skirmish. 
This feint having in some measure the intended effect, he 
ordered Colonel Gun, who commanded the right wing of the 
Swedes, to attack the enemy, and advanced himself at the head 
of five brigades to support that wing ; while general Statens, 
with the left wing, wheeled round the hill, to charge the Impe- 
rialists in flank. These attacks were executed with vigour and 
success. Five thousand Austrians and Saxons were slain ; three 
thousand were wounded, and nearly an equal number became 
prisoners 1 . 

This engagement, which restored the lustre of the Swedish 
arms, raised Banier to the highest degree of military reputation, 
and gave a signal blow to the imperial power, was soon followed 
by the demise of Ferdinand. He died at Vienna, in the Feb. 
fifty-ninth year of his age, and the eighteenth of his 1637- 
reign, and was succeeded by his son Ferdinand III. The acces- 
sion of this prince made little alteration in the state of the war : 



Puffend. lib. viii. Le Vassor, Hist, de Louis XY/7. 
Puffeml. lib. viii. Lc Vassor, Hist, de Louis Xlll. 



170 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

for, although the first year of the new reign was distinguished 
by no memorable enterprise, the greater part of it being wasted 
in fruitless negotiations, the next campaign was remarkably 
active and bloody ; as if the contending powers had only been 
resting, in order to renew with more destructive rage the work 
of death. The duke of Saxe-Weimar, who had already fully 
revenged the injuries of his family upon the house of Austria, 

A.D. advanced toward Rhinfeldt early in the spring, and be- 

1638. sieged it in form. The defence was so obstinate, that, 
notwithstanding the utmost efforts of valour and military skill, 
the Imperialists had time to come to its relief, under general 
Savellie and John de Weert. Weimar's right wing now fell with 
such fury upon the enemy's left, that it was quickly broken. 
The duke's left wing was not equally successful. On the con- 
trary it was repulsed ; but he collected his cavalry, and repeated 
the charge with such vigour, that his adversaries must have 
been totally routed, had they not retired under cover of the 
night. The battle was renewed on the following day, when the 
defeat of the Imperialists was completed, with the capture of 
both their generals, and a great number of inferior officers l . 

The duke, after his victory, returned to the siege of Rhinfeldt, 
to which he granted an honourable capitulation in consideration 
of its gallant defence. Neuberg, Rotelen, and Freyberg, were 
also reduced ; and the siege of Brisac was undertaken, with the 
greatest confidence of success. Here the duke of Lorrain, and 
Go'tz, the imperial general, attempted to interrupt Weimar's 
career, by attacking his entrenchments, but without effect. 
They always found him upon his guard ; and Brisac was forced 
to surrender, after it had been reduced to such extremity by 
famine, that the governor was obliged to set a guard upon the 
burying-places, in order to prevent the inhabitants from digging 
up and devouring the dead 2 . 

The news of this important conquest no sooner reached Paris, 
than Louis formed the scheme of annexing Brisac to the crown 
of France, and made Weimar very advantageous proposals on 
the subject. But that negotiation, if prosecuted, would have 
proved very difficult, as the duke had set his heart upon the 
county of Brisgaw, which he meant to keep in his own pos- 
session, that it might be a thorn in the side of the house of 
Austria, against which his hatred was inextinguishable, on ac- 
count of the indignities offered to his ancestor John Frederic, by 

1 Puffend. lib. viii. Barre, tome ix. 2 Mcrcure de France. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 171 

the emperor Charles V. He thought the conquest of Brisac 
would secure Brisgaw, where he intended to form an establish- 
ment that would not easily be shaken. He therefore gallantly 
replied when pressed by the French minister to explain himself 
on this point : " To part with my conquest would be to sacri- 
fice my honour : would you ask a virgin to surrender her chas- 
tity ?" He amused the court of France, however, with a pre- 
tended negotiation, which was managed with so much dexterity 
by Erlach, his lieutenant, that Louis agreed to furnish him with 
a reinforcement of eight thousand men, although nothing had 
been concluded with regard to Brisac 1 . 

While the duke of Saxe- Weimar thus triumphed over the 
Imperialists in Brisgaw, Banier was successful in Pomerania. 
After the victory obtained at Wislock, he reduced Gartz, Dem- 
min, and Wolgast ; and, understanding that Galas had extended 
his army, he sent a reconnoitring detachment, which surprised 
and cut in pieces two regiments of imperial horse. But Charles 
Louis, prince Palatine (son of the expelled elector,) who had 
assembled some troops, and burned with impatience to re-esta- 
blish himself by the sword, was less fortunate in Westphalia. 
Count Hasfeld, the emperor's lieutenant-general in that pro- 
vince, advanced against him with a powerful army, in order to 
raise the siege of Lemgow. Charles, sensible that he was in no 
condition to defend his lines against such a force, retreated to- 
wards Minden ; but Hasfeld coming up with him in the valley 
of Astheim, an action ensued, in which victory continued long 
doubtful, but at last declared in favour of the Imperialists. The 
Palatine's little army was almost utterly cut off, his artillery 
taken, and his brother Robert made prisoner 2 . 

In the beginning of the next campaign, the two victorious 
commanders, Banier and Weimar, concerted measures for A. D. 
penetrating into the heart of the Austrian dominions. 1639 - 
Banier accordingly crossed the Elbe, and made an irruption 
into the territories of Anhalt and Halberstadt. Leaving his 
infantry and cannon behind him, he pushed on with his cavalry ; 
surprised Salis, grand master of the imperial ordnance, in the 
neighbourhood of Oelnitz ; and cut off six regiments of Impe- 
rialists. He then entered Saxony, and advanced as far as the 
suburbs of Dresden ; where he defeated four Saxon regiments, 
and obliged a large body of the enemy to take refuge under the 
cannon of that city. But understanding that count Hasfeld was 

1 Barre, tome ix. Harte, vol. i. * Id. ibid. 



172 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

inarching to interrupt his operations, he returned towards Zeitz, 
to join his infantry. While he remained there, intelligence was 
brought to him, that the Saxons were encamped near Chemnitz, 
where they expected soon to be joined by the army under Has- 
feld. To prevent that junction, he attacked the Saxon army ; 
and, after a terrible conflict, obtained a complete victory. This 
success was followed by other advantages. He invaded Bohe- 
mia, and laid great part of the country under contribution ; then 
returned, crossed the Elbe, and fell upon general Hofskirk, 
encamped near Brandeiz. The action was maintained with great 
obstinacy ; both sides fought with remarkable intrepidity ; but 
at length the Imperialists were constrained to yield to the 
superior fortune of the Swedes, with the loss of two thousand 
men. Banier pursued them to the walls of Prague, and took 
the imperial generals, Hofskirk and Montecuculi, prisoners. 

That he might carry the war into Silesia and Moravia, the 
Swedish general repassed the Elbe, but did not meet with the 
success he expected. The enemy's forces multiplied daily ; and 
it was impossible for him, with an inferior army, to succour 
every place that required his protection. The Protestants had 
promised him great assistance, but they were over-awed by the 
presence of the imperial troops. No insurrection appeared in 
his favour ; yet was he not discouraged. He defeated a body of 
Imperialists at Glatz, and drove the Saxons three times from 
their camp at Tirn l . 

But the aspiring hopes of Banier and the Swedes were sud- 
denly blasted by the death of Bernard duke of Saxe- Weimar. He 
had commenced the campaign with the siege of Thau, which he 
ordered to be battered with red-hot bullets ; a mode of attack 
which threw the inhabitants into such consternation, that they 
surrendered almost instantly, though they had before baffled all 
the efforts of Guebriant the French general. Bernard's charac- 
ter was now so high, and his army so formidable to the imperial 
throne, that Ferdinand made some secret attempts to detach 
him from the French interest. But instead of listening to such 
proposals, which he considered as insidious, or slackening in his 
operations, he vigorously exerted himself in taking measures for 
passing the Rhine. While thus employed, he fell sick at Hu- 
ningen, whence he was transported by water to Neuberg, and 
July 18. there expired in the thirty- sixth year of his age. He is 

N - s - supposed to have fallen a sacrifice to the jealousy and 

1 Puffend. lib. xi. Loccen. lib. ix. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 173 

ambition of Richelieu, who was not only desirous of getting pos- 
session of Brisac, but apprehended that his scheme of humbling 
the house of Austria might be defeated if the duke should close 
with the emperor's proposals. Puffendorf not only supports this 
opinion, but positively affirms that the duke was taken off by 
poison, and that his body had all the marks of it l . 

His death was no sooner known, than a violent contest arose 
for the possession of his army. Endeavours were used by the 
Swedish agents in Germany to engage the officers and soldiers 
to join general Banier : the emperor took every measure A. D. 
in his power to draw them into his service, and regain 164 0. 
possession of the places which the duke had conquered ; and the 
prince Palatine, the re-establishment of whose family had been 
the chief cause of the war, attempted to gain them through the 
influence of England and Holland. But cardinal Richelieu 
ordered the prince to be arrested at Moulins on his return from 
London, and carried prisoner to the castle of Vincennes, where 
he was confined, till a treaty was concluded between France and 
the Weimarian officers. It was stipulated that the duke's sol- 
diers should constitute a separate body, under the direction of 
the officers named in his will for that purpose ; that the French 
king should keep this body always effective, by the payment of 
a certain annual sum for raising recruits ; that he should continue 
to the principal officers the same appointments which they had 
enjoyed under the duke, furnish them with bread, ammunition, 
and all other necessaries of war, and ratify the several donations 
which Bernard had made to his officers and soldiers ; that the 
troops should receive their orders from the duke of Longueville, 
through the medium of their own commanders, who should be 
summoned to all councils convened for the service of the common 
cause ; that the conquered places should be put into the hands of 
the French king, who might at pleasure appoint governors for 
Brisac and Freyberg, but that the garrison should consist of an 
equal number of French and German soldiers, and the governors 
of the other places to be chosen from the Weimarian army a . 

1 Comment, de Reb. Suec. lib. xi. sect. 39. 

2 Londorp. Act. Pub. vol. iv. The duke of Saxe -Weimar was a soldier of fortune, 
and one of the generals formed under Gustavus. After the death of that monarch, 
and the destructive battle of Nordlingen, where the Swedish infantry were cut off 
almost to a man, he collected a German army which was properly his own, and 
which he supported partly by the practice of war, and partly by the subsidy that he 
received from France. Notwithstanding his immature death, and the defeat at 
Nordlingen, he may be ranked among the greatest modern commanders. Turenne 
always acknowledged him to have been his master in the military science. Alem. 
de la Fare. 



174 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

In consequence of this important negotiation, which rendered 
the king of France sovereign of almost all Alsace and a great part 
of Brisgavv, the duke of Longueville, with the Weimarian army, 
marechal Guebriant, with the French troops, and the troops of 
Lunenburg, commanded by general Klitzing, joined Banier at 
Erfurt. Nothing farther was necessary to insure success to the 
confederates beside unanimity ; but that unfortunately did not 
attend their operations. All claiming superiority, none chose to 
be directed, as each entertained a high opinion of his own merit, 
and sought to display his judgment by proposing some new plan 
of operations ; so that Banier found, that although he had in- 
creased his numbers, he had acquired little additional strength. 
Perhaps his real force might rather be said to be diminished, as 
he was no longer allowed to follow the suggestions of his own 
genius, and strike those unexpected blows which distinguish the 
consummate general. 

After long debates it was agreed to attack Piccolomini, the 
imperial general, in his camp at Saltzburg. With this view the 
confederates seized an eminence, whence they began a violent 
cannonading, and afterwards attacked the enemy's entrench- 
ments sword in hand ; but Piccolomini was so advantageously 
posted, that the attempt to force his camp was found impractica- 
ble. It was accordingly laid aside ; and both armies continued 
in sight of each other, until scarcity began to reign in each camp. 
There seemed to be a kind of rivalry, who could longest endure 
the pressure of famine. But, on the side of the confederates, 
this inaction proceeded from irresolution, and a division of coun- 
cils ; whereas, on that of the Imperialists, it was dictated by a 
prudent caution. Weary of such languid delay, Banier set out 
for Franconia, in order to seize some advantageous post upon 
the Maine. But as he advanced toward the riv.er Sala, he per- 
ceived that the enemy occupied the opposite bank. They were 
there so strongly entrenched that it was impossible for him to 
force a passage : he was therefore under the necessity of march- 
ing through the landgraviate of Hesse, where his army suffered 
greatly by famine. 

Piccolomini now endeavoured to penetrate into Lunenberg ; 
but Banier's diligence baffled all his efforts. He prevented the 
Imperialists from crossing the Weser, and refreshed his own 
army in that duchy, which had not yet been exhausted by the 
ravages of war. Pinched with famine, and harassed by the 
perpetual alarms of the Hessians, Piccolomini determined to 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 175 

lead his forces into Franconia. But, on his march thither, he 
was attacked by the Weimarian army ; and although not totally 
defeated, he could scarcely have suffered more by such a disas- 
ter '. It must, however, be considered as very honourable for 
that general, to have been able to make head against the com- 
bined forces of the confederates, and even to oblige them to quit 
the imperial dominions. 

The house of Austria was less fortunate in other quarters, 
during the year 1(540. The affairs of Philip IV. declined in 
Italy : Catalonia revolted, and Portugal threw off the Spanish 
yoke. The Catalans were desirous of forming a republic, but, 
too feeble to support themselves against the power of a tyran- 
nical master, they were obliged to throw themselves into the 
arms of France, and ultimately to submit to the dominion of 
Spain. The Portuguese were more successful in their struggle 
for independence. Inflamed with national animosity, and irri- 
tated by despotic rule, they had long sought to break their 
chains. A law to compel the nobility, under pain of the for- 
feiture of their estates, to take up arms for the subjection of 
Catalonia, completed the general disaffection ; and other circum- 
stances conspired to hasten a revolution. A plot had been in 
agitation above three years, in favour of the duke of Braganza, 
whose grandfather had been deprived of his right to the crown 
of Portugal by Philip II. The conspirators now resolved to 
carry their design into execution, and effected it with incredible 
facility. Olivarez had been so imprudent as to recall the Spa- 
nish garrison from Lisbon ; very few troops were left in Portugal ; 
the oppressed people were ripe for an insurrection ; and the 
Spanish minister, to amuse the duke of Braganza, whose ruin he 
meditated, had given him the command of the arsenal. The 
duchess of Mantua, who had been honoured with the empty title 
of vice-queen, was driven out of the kingdom without a blow. 
Vosconcellos, the Spanish secretary, and one of his clerks, were 
the only victims sacrificed to public vengeance. All the towns 
in Portugal followed the example of the capital, and almost on 
the same day. The duke of Braganza was unanimously pro- 
claimed king, under the name of John IV. A son does not 
succeed more quietly to the possessions of his father in a well- 
regulated state. Ships were immediately dispatched from Lisbon 
to all the Portuguese settlements in Asia and Africa, as well as 
to those in the islands of the eastern and western ocean ; and 

1 Puffend. lib. xii. Barre, tome ix. 



176 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

they all, with one accord, expelled their Spanish governors l . 
Portugal became again an independent kingdom ; and by the 
recovery of Brazil, which, during the Spanish administration, had 
been conquered by the Dutch, its former lustre was in some 
measure restored. 

While all Europe rang with the news of this singular revolu- 
tion, Philip IV., shut up in the inmost recesses of the Escurial, 
lost in the delirium of licentious pleasure, or bewildered in the 
maze of idle amusement, was utterly ignorant of it. The man- 
ner in which Olivarez made him acquainted with his misfortune 
is truly memorable. " I come," said that artful minister, " to 
communicate good news to your majesty ; the whole fortune of 
the duke of Braganza is become yours. He has been so pre- 
sumptuous as to get himself declared king of Portugal ; and in 
consequence of this folly, your majesty is entitled to the for- 
feiture of all his estates." " Let the sequestration be ordered !" 
replied Philip, and continued his dissipations 2 . 

The emperor Ferdinand III. was of a less patient, or rather of 
a less indolent temper. He had convoked a diet at Ratisbon to 
concert measures for carrying on the war, though he pretended 
to be desirous of peace. Banier formed the design of dispersing 
this assembly, and even of surprising the city. Having joined 
the French army under Guebriant at Erfurt, he soon arrived at 

A. D. HofF, and detaching thence five regiments of cavalry to 

1641. Egra, under the command of major-general Wittemberg, 
who had orders to join the army at Porew, he advanced to Auer- 
bach. The confederates then proceeded to Schwendorff, crossed 
the Danube upon the ice, and captured above fifteen hundred of 
the enemy's horse. The emperor himself, who intended to devote 
that day to the chase, narrowly escaped being made prisoner. His 
advanced guard and equipage were taken. 

The approach of the French and Swedish armies filled Ratisbon 
with consternation, as it was utterly unprovided against a siege, 
and full of strangers and suspected persons. The design of the 
confederates was to take advantage of the frost, in order to block 
up and starve the town ; but the weather unexpectedly becoming 
more mild, it was resolved to repass the Danube, before the ice 
should be thawed. Banier, however, would not retire before he 
had made an attempt to dissolve the diet. With that view he 
approached Ratisbon ; and Guebriant, who commanded the van- 



1 Vertot, Hist, des Rtvolut. de Portugal. 
* Anecdotes du Due d 1 Olivarez. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 177 

guard, placing his artillery on the banks of the Regen, which ran 
between the town and the confederates, saluted the emperor 
with five hundred shot ; an insult which stung Ferdinand so 
keenly, that he seemed bereft of all the powers of reason and 
recollection. 

During the deliberations of the diet, the counts D'Avaux and 
Salvius, the plenipotentiaries of France and Sweden, were nego- 
tiating at Hamburg the preliminaries of a general peace with 
Lutzau, one of Ferdinand's aulic counsellors. After certain 
difficulties had been removed, it was agreed by these celebrated 
statesmen, that a congress for a general peace should be holden 
at Munster and Osnabrug, the garrisons of which should march 
out ; that the inhabitants should be released from their oath of 
allegiance to either party, and observe a strict neutrality during 
the time of negotiation ; that both towns should be guarded by 
their own burghers and soldiers, commanded by the magistrates, 
who should be accountable for the effects, persons, and attendants 
of the negotiators ; that the two conferences should be con- 
sidered as only one congress, and the roads between the two 
cities be safe for all ; that if the negotiation should be interrupted 
before a treaty could be concluded, Munster and Osnabrug should 
return to the same situation in which they were before the con- 
gress, but that the neutrality should be observed six weeks after 
the conferences were broken off; that all the safe-conducts on 
each side should be exchanged at Hamburg, through the media- 
tion of the Danish ambassador, within two months after the date 
of the agreement ; that the emperor and king of Spain should 
grant safe-conducts to the ministers of France, Sweden, and their 
allies in Germany and elsewhere, and receive the same security 
from his Most Christian majesty : and that the Swedish court 
should grant safe-conducts to the emperor's plenipotentiaries, as 
well as to those of the electors of Mentz and Brandenburg *. It 
was farther agreed, that France should treat at Munster, and 
Sweden at Osnabrug ; and that each crown should have a secre- 
tary where the other's plenipotentiary was, in order to communi- 
cate their mutual resolutions. 

The emperor refused to ratify this convention, which he said 
was prejudicial to his honour, as well as to the interests of the 
Germanic body ; and some unexpected events, injurious to the 
cause of the confederates, confirmed him in his resolution of con- 
tinuing the war. After the ineffectual attempt upon Ratisbon, 

1 Du Mont, Corps Diplomat, tome vi. 
VOL. II. N 



178 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

the French separating from the Swedes, marched toward Bam- 
berg, under Guebriant, and Banier took the route of Cham, 
with a view of penetrating into Misnia through Bohemia ; while 
the emperor, inflamed with rage, issued orders for assembling 
troops with all possible dispatch, to revenge the insult he had 
suffered. 

A powerful army being speedily formed, one part of it, under 
marechal Gleen, went in pursuit of Banier, while the other, 
commanded by Piccolomini, besieged Neuburg, which was de- 
fended by an officer of the name of Slang ; who, after having 
sustained five assaults, was obliged to surrender the place. Picco- 
lomini then rejoined Gleen, in order to pursue Banier, who 
retreated across the forest of Bohemia. Having reached the 
other side of it, he found his progress impeded by the swelling of 
the river Pleis, but collected a number of boats, in which he em- 
barked his troops with such expedition, that he had carried over 
his whole army before Piccolomini appeared upon the opposite 
bank. Neither the interposing stream, however, nor the pre- 
sence of the enemy, retarded the progress of the Imperialists. 
The Austrian cavalry swam across the river, and the Swedes 
being now hemmed in between the Pleis and the Moldaw, 
Banier's ruin seemed inevitable, when he extricated himself by 
one of those efforts of military genius which redound more to the 
honour of a general than the acquisition of the greatest victory, 
as fortune has no share in the success. 

Finding himself thus circumstanced, the Swedish general 
posted some troops at a mill below Presnitz ; where they made 
such an obstinate and vigorous resistance, when attacked by 
Piccolomini, that the main body of the army had time to retire 
to Zickaw, whither their baggage and artillery also were con- 
veyed in the night. Here Banier was joined by Guebriant, who 
had put himself in motion, as soon as he received intelligence of 
the reduction of Neuburg ; so that the confederates were now in 
a condition to make head against the Imperialists. But before 
any step could be taken for that purpose, Banier was seized \vith 
a fever at Zickaw, in consequence of the fatigue he had undergone 
in his march, and expired at Halberstadt, in the forty-first year 
of his age, to the inexpressible regret of his country, as well as 
of her allies. Besides his knowledge in the art of war, which he 
had acquired under the great Gustavus, to whom he was scarcely 
inferior as a commander, he was distinguished by his moderation 
and humanity towards those whom he had vanquished. He 
always avoided the effusion of blood, as far as circumstances 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 179 

would permit ; and, being robust, patient, indefatigable, and 
active, he was adored by the soldiery, whose toils and dangers he 
cheerfully shared 1 . 

The death of Banier raised the spirits of the Imperialists, in 
proportion as it depressed those of the confederates, and the most 
dangerous consequences were apprehended from it ; for his army 
chiefly consisted of Germans, who were retained in the service of 
Sweden solely by the reputation and authority of their general. 
But the troops, though at first inclined to mutiny, were preserved 
in obedience by the vigilance of the other Swedish commanders, 
Wrangel, Koningsmark, Wittemberg, and Pfuhl, notwithstanding 
the solicitations of the emperor, and their own necessitous con- 
dition, until the arrival of Torstenson another general formed 
under Gustavus, and not unworthy of such a master. That he 
might have greater influence over the army, he was furnished 
with a large sum of money from the treasury of Sweden, and a 
considerable reinforcement. 

Before this reinforcement arrived, the allies under the com- 
mand of Guebriant had defeated the imperial army, led by the 
archduke Leopold and Piccolomini, near Wolfenbuttel. Four 
thousand Imperialists were slain, and a great number taken 
prisoners*. No other event of consequence distinguished the 
latter part of the campaign, which was chiefly spent in waiting 
for Torstenson, at an encampment near Stadt ; and soon after he 
had assumed the command, the French and Swedish armies 
separated, by order of cardinal Richelieu. Guebriant entered 
Westphalia, and Torstenson led his troops into Bohemia, where 
he proposed to winter, and attempt in another season to prove 
himself worthy of the confidence of his country. 

A new treaty being concluded between France and Sweden, 
the most vigorous resolutions were taken for prosecuting the war. 
Guebriant crossed the Rhine early in the spring, upon a A.D. 
bridge of boats, built at Wesel ; marched to Ordingen, 1642. 
which surrendered at discretion ; and understanding that Has- 
feld was on his march to join Lamboy, whose quarters were near 
Kempen, he resolved to prevent their junction, by attacking the 
latter in his entrenchments. With this view he left his baggage 
at Ordingen, advanced toward the enemy, drew up his army in 
order of battle, and proceeded to the assault. After an obstinate 
struggle, the camp was forced ; and Lamboy, who rallied his 



1 Puffend, Comment, de Rebus Suec. lib. xii. 
3 Barre, tome ix. Puffend. lib. xiii. 

N 2 



180 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

troops and returned to the charge, was surrounded and made 
prisoner, together with general Merci. Of his whole force not 
above six hundred escaped. 

This victory was followed by the reduction of Liiitz, Bevert, 
Berthem, and other towns ; and Guebriant saw himself master, 
in a short time, of almost the whole electorate of Cologne. His 
next step was to besiege Kempen, which was defended with great 
gallantry and skill ; but a large breach being at length made in 
the fortifications, the governor, convinced that it would be impos- 
sible to sustain an assault, capitulated upon honourable terms 1 . 

The defeat of Lamboy, and the rapid success of the French 
general, did not, however, divert the archduke and Piccolomini, 
who commanded the Imperialists in Moravia, from marching 
against Torstenson. They intended to surprise him in his camp ; 
but all their attempts and expectations being defeated by the 
vigilance of the Swedish general, Piccolomini, in the true spirit 
of Italian policy, had recourse to treachery, by which he hoped 
to earn the reward of valour and military skill. With this view 
he corrupted one Seckendorf, a Swedish colonel, who promised 
to admit the Imperialists into the camp by night. Fortunately 
the scheme was discovered, and the traitor punished ; nor did 
his employers escape chastisement. The duke of Saxe-Lauen- 
berg, who had marched towards Schwentz, in order to check the 
progress of Torsteuson in Silesia, was defeated and mortally 
wounded ; and, in that condition, was taken prisoner, with the 
greater part of his officers, three thousand of his men being left 
dead on the field. 

Soon after this victory, Torstenson passed the Elbe, with an 
intention of besieging Leipsic ; and having seized two posts, the 
possession of which might facilitate that enterprise, he ordered 
Koningsmark to invest the place. But the approach of the arch- 
duke and Piccolomini induced him to convert the siege into a 
blockade, and make preparations for receiving the enemy. They 
advanced in such a form, that the Swedes were between the 
imperial army and the town ; and Torstenson, finding himself 
exposed to two fires, filed off his troops into the plain of Breiten- 
feld. The imperial generals, imagining that his design was to 
avoid an action, endeavoured to harass his rear ; but the Swedish 
commander, who wished for nothing more than such an oppor- 
tunity, faced about immediately. A mutual cannonading ensued, 
and, soon after, a close engagement. Wittemberg, who com- 

Barre, tome ix. Puffend. lib. xiii. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 181 

manded the right wing of the Swedes, charged the left of the 
Imperialists with such impetuosity, that it was instantly broken. 
Their right wing, however, behaved in a more spirited manner ; 
and the Swedish cavalry, commanded by Koningsmark, were in 
danger, for a time, of being routed by the emperor's cuirassiers : 
but the latter were at length obliged to way. 

While the cavalry of both armies thus disputed the victory, the 
infantry in the centre fought with inexpressible rage and reso- 
lution. At length the Swedish foot, animated by the example of 
the horse, and supported by a body of reserve, which advanced in 
the heat of the action, obliged the Imperialists to quit the field, 
and retreat into a wood, with the loss of their cannon. Torsten- 
son pursued the left wing as far as Leipsic : Koningsmark gave 
no quarter to the right ; and the Austrian infantry being driven 
from the wood into which they had retired, were surrounded by 
the enemy, and cut in pieces 1 . 

In this battle, which was fought near the same spot that had 
beheld the glory of the Swedes under Gustavus a few years 
before, the Imperialists lost five thousand good soldiers ; and 
three hundred officers were found among the slain. The con- 
querors, who had engaged with very inferior numbers, did not 
lose above fifteen hundred men. Besides the slaughter of the 
enemy, they took three thousand prisoners, with forty-six pieces 
of cannon, one hundred and sixteen pair of colours, and six 
hundred waggons 2 . 

A defeat so total overwhelmed the imperial court with con- 
sternation. General Enkenford was ordered to make new levies 
with all possible expedition ; and all the troops in the Austrian 
service were collected to stop the progress of the victorious 
Torstenson. That general had again invested Leipsic, and carried 
on his approaches with such vigour, that the place was under the 
necessity of surrendering, notwithstanding the valour of the gar- 
rison, which excited the admiration of the besiegers. Torstenson 
was less fortunate in his attempt upon Friedburg, where he un- 
derstood the enemy had collected large magazines : for although 
considerable breaches were made in the fortifications, and an 
assault given, the garrison sustained it with such unshaken re- 
solution, that he was obliged to recall his troops : and, while he 
was making preparations for a final effort, he learned that Picco- 
lomini, at the head of a considerable army, was approaching to 
the relief of the place. On this intelligence he ranged his troops 

1 Puffend. lib. xiv. Barre, tome ix. " Id. Ibid. 



182 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

in order of battle, and put himself in motion to meet the enemy ; 
but Piccolomini, penetrating his design, took a different route, 
threw supplies into the town, and retired with the utmost expe- 
dition. Now despairing of being able to reduce Friedburg, Tor- 
stenson marched into Lusatia, to wait for the reinforcements 
which he expected from Pornerania and Lower Saxony; and 
Guebriant, having passed the Maine at Gemund, established 
quarters of refreshment on the Taubet, and marched towards the 
Necker 1 . 

While the confederates were thus making progress in Ger- 
many, the arms of France were equally successful on the side of 
Spain. A French' army had entered Rousillon, and reduced 
Colioure and Perpignan. In the mean time, the affairs of the 
kingdom were in the greatest confusion, and Paris itself was in 
danger. Francisco de Melo, a man of valour and abilities, who 
had succeeded the cardinal infant in the government of the Low 
Countries, having suddenly assembled a body of twenty-five 
thousand men, threatened France with two inroads ; routed the 
count de Guiche, who attempted to oppose him, and would have 
appeared before the capital, to which he had opened a passage, 
had he not received a letter from Olivarez, ordering him to 
withdraw his troops, under pretence that the enterprise was too 
hazardous. But the true reason for this order was a secret treaty 
between the Spanish minister and the duke of Orleans, who, 
with the duke de Bouillon, Cinq-Mars, master of the horse, and 
M. de Thou, had conspired the ruin of Richelieu, whom they 
had already brought into discredit with the king. 

Fortunately, however, for the cardinal, whose life was at once 
in danger from violence and disease, he gained intelligence of the 
treaty with Spain, nearly at the same time that Louis received 
the news of Guiche's defeat. In the perplexity occasioned by 
that disaster, the king paid a visit to Richelieu. The cardinal 
complained of ill usage : Louis confessed his weakness ; a recon- 
ciliation took place, and the conspirators were arrested. The 
duke of Orleans was disgraced; Cinq- Mars and De Thou lost 
their heads ; and the duke of Bouillon, in order to save his life, 
was obliged to yield the principality of Sedan to the crown*. 
Thus victorious over all his enemies, Richelieu, though still on 
the verge of the grave, entered Paris in a kind of triumph, a 
breach being made in the walls, in order to admit the superb 
litter on which he was carried. While on his way, and hardly 

1 Puffend. lib. xiv. Barre, tome ix. * Batt. Nani. lib. xii. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 183 

able to hold the pen, he wrote to the king the following short 
letter, which is highly expressive of his haughty character : 
" Your enemies are dead, and your troops in possession of 
Perpignan 1 ." 

So many losses, the confederates expected, would have dis- 
posed the house of Austria sincerely to listen to terms of accom- 
modation ; but as the courts of Vienna and Madrid foresaw that 
France and Sweden, at such a juncture, would necessarily be high 
in their demands, they seemed very indifferent about renew- 
ing the negotiations. It was at length, however, agreed to open 
the conferences for a general peace, in the month of July the 
year following ; and the preliminaries being published, all the 
unhappy people, who had been so long exposed to the calamities 
of war, congratulated themselves on the pleasing prospect of 
tranquillity, when the death of cardinal Richelieu, and Dec 4 
also of his master, Louis, once more discoloured the scene. May 14. 
The Swedes, who were doubtful of the politics of the new 1643 ' N ' S - 
administration, began to think of concluding a separate treaty 
with the emperor. But their fears were soon dispelled by the 
steady measures of cardinal Mazarine, who showed himself no 
unworthy successor of Richelieu, whose plans he pursued with 
vigour. All the operations of war were concerted with as much 
judgment as formerly ; supplies of every kind were furnished with 
equal punctuality ; and a young hero sprang up to do honour 
to France during the minority of Louis XIV. This hero was 
the celebrated Louis de Bourbon, duke d'Enghien, afterwards 
honoured with the title of the Great Conde. He cut to pieces, 
in the plains of Rocroi, the famous Walloon and Castilian 
infantry with an inferior army, and took Thionville, into which 
the Spanish general, Francisco de Melo, after his defeat, had 
thrown a reinforcement of ten thousand men. Nine thousand 
Spaniards and Walloons are said to have fallen in the battle of 
Rocroi J . 

The arms of France were less fortunate in Germany. The 
duke of Lorrain renounced his alliance with that kingdom, and 
took upon himself the command of the Bavarian troops ; and 
Guebriant being mortally wounded before Rotweil, which, how- 
ever, was reduced, a misunderstanding prevailed among the prin- 
cipal officers of the French army. This was followed by its 
natural consequence, a relaxation in discipline, the usual fore- 



1 Auberi, Hist, du Card. Rich. Mem. de Madame de Monteville. 
3 Mem. du Comte de Brienne, tome ii. 



184 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

runner of a defeat. The count de Rantzau, who had succeeded 
Guebriant in the chief command, marched to the neighbourhood 
of Dutlingen, in Suabia. There the count de Merci, the Bava- 
rian general, surprised, routed, and took him prisoner, with the 
greater part of his officers, and about four thousand private men. 
The remains of the French army retreated to Alsace, where they 
were happily collected by the marechal de Turenne 1 . 

The eyes of all Europe were now turned towards the negotia- 
tions at Munster and Osnabrug. The plenipotentaries named 
by the emperor were, the count d'Aversperg, and the baron de 
Krane, with Henry duke of Saxe-Lauenberg, who was chief of 
the embassy : France deputed the count d'Avaux, and De Ser- 
vien, counsellor of state; Sweden employed Salvius, who was 
assisted by a son of the celebrated Oxenstiern ; and Spain, the 
marquis de Castol-Rodrigo and Diego de Saavedra. Deputies 
were also named by the other European powers interested in 
the negotiations. The citizens of Osnabrug and Munster were 
released from the oath which they had taken to the emperor ; 
and the regencies of both cities swore that they would observe an 
exact neutrality 2 . 

Amidst these advances towards peace, Torstenson was ordered 
by the court of Sweden to carry war into the duchy of Holstein ; 
the regents being incensed against the king of Denmark, whom 
they accused of concealing the intentions of an enemy under the 
mask of a mediator. He had taken several Swedish vessels in 
the Sound, and refused to give satisfaction to the regency, which 
complained of these acts of hostility. It was therefore resolved, 
in a general assembly of the states of Sweden, that reprisals 
should be made. That resolution, however, was not publicly 
known till the moment that Torstenson invaded Holstein. In 
that duchy he reduced Oldesloe, Kiel, and several other places 
of importance*. 

Christian IV., alarmed at this irruption, complained of it to 
Torstenson as a palpable infringement of the treaty lately con- 
cluded between Denmark and Sweden. But finding that the 
Swedish general, instead of paying any regard to such remon- 
strance, penetrated into Jutland, and made himself master of 
almost all the towns in that province, his Danish majesty had 
recourse to the emperor, who ordered Galas to march to his 
assistance in the depth of winter. The Imperialists, though 

1 Mem. du Comte de Brienne, tome ii. Barre, tome ix. 

2 Du Mont, Corps Diplom. tome vi. 

3 Puffend. lib. xv. Barre, tome ix. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 185 

much retarded by the snow, which rendered the roads almost 
impassable, at length appeared on the frontiers of Holsteiu, 
where a resolution was taken to starve the Swedes in Jutland, 
by occupying the defiles in the neighbourhood of Sleswick. 
This design, however, was rendered abortive by the vigilance of 
Torstenson, who marched towards Rendsburg, with an intention 
of giving battle to Galas, if he should dispute the passage ; and 
as the Imperialists did not think proper to give him the least 
molestation, he quitted Holstein, intercepted some of their con- 
voys, and encamped near Ratzburg 1 . 

The French court, finding the general negotiations disturbed 
by the war between Sweden and Denmark, sent M. de la Thuil- 
lerie to Copenhagen, in order to bring about an accommodation. 
His proposals, however, met with little attention, until the 
retreat of the Imperialists, and an advantage gained by the 
Swedes over their northern neighbours at sea, made the Danish 
monarch more tractable. Despairing of being able to obtain 
fresh succours from the emperor, the haughty and violent 
Christian now listened to the mediation of France. A A.D. 
treaty was accordingly concluded at Bronsebro, by which 1644 
Sweden restored to Denmark all the towns Torstenson had 
taken in Holstein ; and Christian, on his part, ceded Jemptie, 
Halland, the isle of Gothland, and its dependencies. Thuillerie 
also negotiated an alliance between France and Denmark, by 
which Christian agreed to yield no assistance, directly or indi- 
rectly, to the enemies of France, or those of her allies 2 . 

The emperor was unable to prevent the ratification of these 
treaties. Turenne had retrieved the affairs of France upon the 
Rhine, which he crossed at Brisac, and advancing with a small 
army toward the source of the Danube, routed the Imperialists, 
commanded by the baron de Merci. He afterwards attempted 
the relief of Freyburg, which was invested by the Bavarian 
army, under the count de Merci, brother to the baron; but 
finding himself too weak to act with vigour against the enemy, 
he retired, and fortified a camp within a league of the town, 
whence he had the mortification to see it surrender. Meantime 
cardinal Mazarine, informed that the French troops were greatly 
outnumbered by the Bavarians, ordered the duke d'Enghien to 
join Turenne with a reinforcement. These two generals at- 
tacked the count de Merci near Freyburg with such impetuosity 
that, notwithstanding his advantageous situation, which seemed 

1 Puffend. lib. xv. Barre, tome ix. * Puffend. lib. xvi. 



186 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

to place him beyond the reach of danger, he was obliged to 
retire with the loss of three thousand men. 

This action, which lasted seven hours, was immediately fol- 
lowed by another, in which the Bavarians gained at first some 
advantage. But the duke rallied his troops, which seemed dis- 
posed to quit the field ; and boldly marching against the enemy, 
drove them three times from their entrenchments, which they as 
often regained ; and victory at last remained undecided. Merci, 
however, who had lost one half of his army, resolved to avoid 
another shock by a quick retreat. This he effected in good 
order, notwithstanding all the attempts of the French to break 
his rear ; and resolutely continuing his march, he safely reached 
the country of Wirternberg with the remains of his force, leaving 
to the enemy his artillery and baggage, with all the towns 
situated between the Rhine and the Moselle, from Mentz to 
Landau \ 

Nor were France and Sweden the only foreign powers that 
incommoded the emperor. Mazarine and Oxenstiern, the better 
to command the negotiations, as well as to furnish employment 
for Ferdinand, while the Swedes were engaged in the Danish 
war, had formed an alliance with Ragotski, vaivode of Transyl- 
vania ; and that prince, with the consent of the grand signer, 
to whom he was tributary, entered Hungary at the head of 
thirty thousand men, and took Cassova. In justification of his 
conduct he published a manifesto, addressed to the Hungarian 
nobility, in which he assured them, that his sole view, in taking 
up arms, was to defend their liberties and privileges against the 
ambition of the emperor, who intended to make that elective 
kingdom hereditary in his family. This manifesto was answered 
by Ferdinand, who sent a body of veteran troops under general 
Gotz, to expel the Transylvanian prince ; and Ragotski's troops 
being raw and undisciplined, he durst not hazard an engage- 
ment, though superior in number to the enemy. Other circum- 
stances conspired to hasten his retreat. He received intelligence 
that the grand vizir, the chief support of his interest at the 
court of Constantinople, was dead, and that the king of Poland 
intended to declare war against him. He was eagerly pursued 
by Gotz : but the country being destitute of provisions, the 
imperial troops were wasted with famine and fatigue, and after- 
wards totally ruined at the siege of Cassova, where the vaivode 
had left five regiments, which defended the place with extraor- 

1 Barre, tome ix. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 187 

diiiary courage. That defence, and the loss sustained by the 
Imperialists, inspired Ragotski with fresh courage. He rejected 
with disdain the terms of peace offered him by Ferdinand ; and 
was of infinite service to Sweden by dividing the forces of the 
empire, while her troops were employed in Holstein against the 
king of Denmark '. 

Torstenson, whom we have seen commanding in Holstein, 
pursued into Lower Saxony count Galas, whose army there 
experienced a fate similar to that under Go tz in Hungary ; it 
being almost utterly destroyed by famine, fatigue, and the 
sword of the Swedes. Having now no enemy to oppose him, 
Torstenson entered Bohemia, and marched directly toward 
Prague, in the hope of surprising that city, and taking prisoners 
the emperor and the archduke Leopold, who had resided there 
for some time. In this bold attempt, however, he was disap- 
pointed. Ferdinand was no sooner apprised of the march of 
the Swedes, than he ordered all the troops that could be assem- 
bled to approach the place of his residence, under Galas, Hasfeld, 
John de Weert (who had at last obtained his liberty), and the 
counts Brouay and Montecuculi. But all these forces, A. D. 
commanded by such able generals, not being sufficient 1645 - 
to dissipate his fears, the emperor retired with the archduke 
to Vienna 2 . 

The imperial army being completely formed, and having sta- 
tioned itself between Thabor and Budeweis, at a small distance 
from the Swedes, each party diligently watched the motions of 
the other. Here the superior genius of Torstenson was conspi- 
cuous. In order to decoy the Imperialists from their advan- 
tageous position, he propagated a report that he intended to 
march into Moravia, and actually took the route to that pro- 
vince ; but finding he had gained his point, as they were in 
motion to follow him, he returned and encamped near Strock- 
witz. Soon after he passed the Moldaw, and arrived in the 
neighbourhood of Thabor, whither he was followed by the 
enemy. Nothing passed for some days, but slight skirmishes ; 
for although both armies were eager to engage, neither would 
quit the post it had seized, in order to attack the other. At 
length, however, Torstenson, trusting to the valour of his troops, 
resolved to engage. He accordingly advanced towards the hos- 
tile camp, in a threatening posture, about break of day, when a 
brisk cannonading began ; and a close fight ensued for four 

1 Barre, tome ix. 2 Heiss, liv. iii. chap. x. Barre, tome ix. 



188 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

hours. In the beginning of the action the left wing of the 
Swedes gave way ; but that division being supported in time, 
the battle was restored, and Torstenson charged the Imperialists 
with such fury, as to break their cavalry, and destroy a consider- 
able part of their infantry. General Gotz, and about three 
thousand men, were left dead on the field ; twenty-six pieces of 
cannon were taken, with sixty-three pairs of colours, and four 
thousand prisoners, among whom were Hasfeld and other officers 
of distinction. The pursuit was no less bloody than the battle. 
Twelve hundred of the imperial infantry were slain in one body, 
and a great number taken prisoners, together with three thou- 
sand horse l . 

Struck with terror by these repeated misfortunes, Ferdinand 
pressed the elector of Bavaria to assist him with troops ; and 
that prince sent four thousand men to Vienna, excusing himself 
from furnishing a greater number, as he was obliged to protect 
his own dominions against the insults of the French, who threat- 
ened the Upper Palatinate. Galas, at the same time, collected 
the broken remains of the imperial army in Bohemia; set on 
foot new levies ; and having formed a respectable body of troops, 
encamped under the cannon of Pilsen, in order to observe the 
motions of Torstenson ; who, in consequence of his late victory, 
had reduced Pilgran, Iglaw, and several other places. Krems, 
Stein, and the fort of Tyrenstein, also submitted to the con- 
querors ; so that the Swedes were now masters of the Danube 
on the side of Moravia ; and all the towns in that province sur- 
rendered at discretion, except Brinn, which Torstenson be- 
sieged, as the reduction of it seemed necessary to facilitate his 
junction with Ragotski, on which was supposed to depend the 
fate of Hungary and Austria. 

This enterprise occasioned such alarm at the court of Vienna, 
that the emperor retired to Ratisbon, and the empress and her 
attendants fled for refuge to Gratz in Stiria. The most valuable 
articles of furniture were removed from the capital, the suburbs 
were pulled down, and the bastions and ramparts repaired. 
Some old regiments threw themselves into the city ; the inhabit- 
ants were armed ; the magazines filled, and preparations made 
for supporting a long siege. Torstenson, however, had no 
thoughts of such an enterprise. He found sufficient employ- 
ment at Brinn ; which, by its gallant defence, afforded Ferdi- 
nand leisure to put his affairs in some order. Leopold was 

1 Heiss, liv. iii. chap. x. Barrc, tome ix. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 189 

declared commander-in-chief of the imperial forces ; and Galas 
assembled the militia from all quarters to augment the army, 
that he might be able to prevent the Swedes from crossing the 
Danube. Nor was the elector of Bavaria less busy in taking 
measures to oppose the progress of the French. 

General Merci, having received intelligence that the marechal 
de Turenne, after quitting his winter quarters at Spire, had 
established his head post at Mariendal, and that his troops were 
dispersed in the neighbouring towns for the conveniency of 
subsistence, resolved to attack him by surprise, in hopes of 
defeating him before he could assemble his forces. Extending 
himself, with this view, in the plain of Mariendal, he drew up 
his army in order of battle. He placed his foot in the centre, 
and his cavalry on the two wings. After cannonading the 
French for some time, he put himself at the head of his infantry, 
and marched to the attack of a small wood that covered their 
front ; a post which it was absolutely necessary for him to pos- 
sess, before his left wing, commanded by John de Weert, could 
act to advantage. Turenne, at the same time, with his cavalry, 
charged the right wing of the Imperialists, which he broke and 
penetrated as far as the second line. But, during these efforts, 
three thousand French, under the command of general Rose, 
were routed and dispersed by the Bavarians; and De Weert, 
perceiving their confusion, advanced with his left wing in order 
to take Turenne in the rear. Sensible of the danger of being 
surrounded, the marechal ordered his cavalry to wheel about, 
and retire across the wood; at the other side of which, being 
joined by three fresh regiments of foot, and fifteen hundred 
horse that had been already engaged, he ranged them in order 
of battle, with a view of attacking the enemy, should they pass 
the wood. Merci, however, did not think proper to try the ex- 
periment ; so that the French general, having collected his broken 
troops, retired in the face of the enemy ; crossed the Maine in 
their despite, and reached the frontier of Hesse, where he found 
that he had lost great part of his infantry, twelve hundred horse, 
and his whole baggage '. 

Elate with this advantage, the elector of Bavaria made very 
lofty proposals of peace to France ; and Mazarine, without 
regard to them, sent a reinforcement of eight thousand men to 
Turenne, under the conduct of the duke d'Enghien. These two 
commanders resolved to bring the Bavarians to a general action. 

1 Puffend. lib. xvi. Barre, tome ix. 



190 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

With this view Turenne, whose day it was to lead, advanced at 
the head of his cavalry, to engage the enemy. But they had taken 
post upon a rising ground so difficult of access, that it seemed 
hazardous to attack them. The duke, having afterwards the 
chief command, resolved to advance towards the Danube, and 
was prosecuting his march to Nordlingen, when he received 
intelligence that the Bavarians were come up with him. He 
immediately ranged his army in order of battle, upon the same 
plain where the Swedes had suffered a melancholy defeat soon 
after the death of Gustavus, giving the command of the right 
wing to the marechal de Gramont, and that of the left to 
Turenne. Marsin, an officer of reputation, was placed at the 
head of the first line of infantry ; the second, composed chiefly 
of Hessians, was commanded by major-general Geiss ; and the 
sieur de Chabot conducted the corps de reserve. 

The Bavarian right wing, composed solely of infantry, was 
posted upon high ground, and the main body entrenched below. 
Still lower lay a village, and on the left wing, commanded by 
John de Weert, stood a fortress. The action was begun by the 
duke d'Enghien, who ordered Marsin to attack the village ; but 
he being dangerously wounded, and the troops under his com- 
mand giving way, the French general sent in his room the 
marquis de Moussau with a reinforcement. This body also was 
broken, and would have been utterly destroyed, had not the 
duke in person led on the whole French infantry to the assistance 
of the marquis. Nor could their utmost efforts turn the tide of 
battle, until the count de Merci was slain at the head of his con- 
quering troops. Even after the death of that great captain, all the 
intrepidity of the duke d'Enghien, who displayed the most heroic 
valour, could not prevent the destruction of great part of the 
French infantry. And to increase the misfortunes of the future 
Conde, the left wing of the Bavarians fell with such fury upon 
the French cavalry, that they were totally routed, and the 
marechal de Gramont made prisoner ; while John de Weert, 
attacking the corps de reserve, defeated Chabot, and penetrated 
as far as the baggage. During these disasters, Turenne assailed 
the right wing of the enemy ; and when he had reached the 
summit of the eminence in good order, a terrible conflict ensued, 
in which he broke the first line of the Bavarians ; but general 
Gleen advancing with the second, the French were ready to 
give way in their turn, when the duke d'Enghien came seasonably 
to the support of his left wing. He obliged the Bavarians to 
retire, and leave their cannon, which were pointed against the 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 191 

part of their right wing drawn up near the village. Turenne 
now charged the enemy in flank, and drove them beyond the 
village, after having taken general Gleen prisoner. Meantime 
John de Weert, partly informed of what had passed upon the 
hill, hastened thither with his victorious left wing ; but he came 
too late to retrieve the honour of the day, every thing being 
already in confusion. All that he could do, therefore, was to 
lead off the remains of the Bavarian army to Donawert, whither 
they escaped under cover of night, though pursued as far as the 
banks of the Danube l . 

This victory, if such it may be called, was dearly purchased by 
the French, four thousand of their best soldiers being left dead 
upon the spot. Nordlingen and some neighbouring places, indeed, 
opened their gates to the conquerors ; but they were soon re- 
covered by the Bavarians, who received a strong reinforcement 
under Leopold. Turenne, however, after the departure of the 
duke d'Enghein, who went to Paris to receive the applause due 
to his valour, had the honour of closing the campaign with re- 
establishing the elector of Treves in his dominions. That prince, 
after a captivity of ten years, had obtained his liberty, in con- 
sequence of a second treaty with Ferdinand, by which he sub- 
mitted to the articles of the peace of Prague, and other rigorous 
conditions. But as he signed this treaty with no other view than 
to deliver himself from a tedious and grievous imprisonment, he 
threw himself upon the protection of France, as soon as he was 
liberated ; and cardinal Mazarine ordered Turenne to effect his 
restoration. The marechal accordingly invested Treves; the 
garrison was obliged to capitulate, and the elector entered his 
capital amidst the acclamations of his subjects*. 

The elector of Saxony, finding himself unable to stop the 
progress of the Swedes under Koningsmark, who had reduced a 
number of towns in Thuringia and Misnia, had recourse to a 
negotiation, and concluded a truce with that general for six 
months, as a prelude to a peace with Sweden. This treaty was 
the more disagreeable to the house of Austria, as it enabled 
Koningsmark, after laying Bohemia under contribution, to form 
a junction with Torstenson, who had carried his depredations to 
the very gates of Vienna, in spite of all the efforts of the arch- 
duke. The emperor, however, in some degree counterbalanced 
the defection of the elector of Saxony, by a peace with Ragotski. 



1 Barre, tome ix. Heiss, liv. iii. chap. T^IIUt. da Prince de Condi. 

2 Barre, tome ix. 



192 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

He acknowledged that prince sovereign of Transylvania, and 
restored to him certain possessions in Hungary, which had be- 
longed to his predecessor, Bethlem Gabor 1 . 

Torstenson, after his junction with Koningsmark, proposed to 
undertake the siege of Prague ; but Leopold, being joined by 

A.D. the count de Bouchain, took such effectual measures for 

1646. securing that city, as rendered the attempt impracticable. 
Chagrined at this disappointment, and greatly afflicted with the 
gout, Torstenson retired to his own country. He was succeeded 
in the chief command by general Wrangel, who supported the 
reputation of the Swedish arms, and, in conjunction with Turenne, 
ravaged Franconia, Silesia, and Moravia. 

In order to secure his dominions against these ravages, the 
elector of Bavaria withdrew his troops from the service of the 
emperor, and concluded a separate peace with France. His 

A. D. example was followed by the archbishop of Cologne ; 

164 7- and the archbishop of Mentz, and the landgrave of 
Hesse-Darmstadt, were reduced by the victorious Turenne to 
the necessity of taking the same step. He laid waste their 
dominions, and struck all Germany with the terror of his arms. 
Nor were the Swedes inactive. Having garrisoned the towns 
they possessed in Westphalia and Upper Suabia, they made 
themselves masters of Schweinfort, which had cut off the commu- 
nication between those provinces ; and again entering Bohemia, 
reduced Egra in presence of the imperial army *. 

The confederates were less successful in other quarters. 
Nothing of consequence had been effected either in Italy or the 
Low Countries during the last two campaigns; and in Spain 
the reputation of two celebrated French generals had been 
tarnished. In 1646 the count d'Harcourt, viceroy of Catalonia, 
besieged Lerida. The garrison was not strong, nor was the 
place in a state of defence. But Don Antonio de Brito, the 
governor, had the address to make the French believe that his 
condition was yet more desperate than he found it ; so that they 
did not press the siege so vigorously as they otherwise might, 
from a persuasion that he would surrender at discretion. Mean- 
while the marquis de Leganez, the Spanish general, who knew 
exactly the state of the garrison, caused a great convoy to be 
provided. When it was nearly ready, he advanced towards 
Lerida, seemingly with an intention of relieving the place ; but, 



1 Annul, de FEmp. tome ii. 

a Barre, tome ix. Heiss, liv. iii. chap. 10. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 193 

after remaining some days within sight of the French army, he 
decamped, as if he had abandoned his design. Having forwarded 
the convoy, he marched back to the town, and appeared unex- 
pectedly in order of battle, on one side of the French lines ; 
while, on the other, the convoy with a strong reinforcement, 
safely entered the place during the hurry of the besiegers to 
receive the enemy. Harcourt therefore found himself under the 
necessity of raising the siege ; a disappointment which chagrined 
him so much, that he resigned the command, and returned to 
France, where he was very coldly received by Mazarine 1 . 

The prince of Conde, formerly duke d'Enghien, was now ap- 
pointed viceroy of Catalonia ; the Catalans, as already observed, 
having put themselves under the protection of France. Elate 
with past success, he resolved to distinguish the beginning of his 
administration by the reduction of Lerida, in which his pre- 
decessor had failed. Fortunately he found the lines of the count 
d'Harcourt so little damaged, that they were easily repaired, 
and the trenches were opened with a flourish of violins. The 
conduct of Don Antonio de Brito, who was well supplied with 
every necessary, and had a garrison of three thousand men, was 
the very reverse of what it had been the year before. He harassed 
the enemy with continued sallies, and disputed with obstinacy 
every inch of ground. The French ascribed this change of con- 
duct to his being sensible that they had made the attack in the 
weakest place, and concluded that he would be obliged to sur- 
render, as soon as they had made themselves masters of the out- 
works ; but, in the midst of these sanguine expectations peculiar 
to the French nation, the engineers found their progress ob- 
structed by a rock. It was impossible to proceed ; it was too 
late to begin again ; the troops were diminished by fatigue ; the 
heats were coming on. The Spanish army, under the marquis 
d'Aitona, advanced to the relief of the place, and the prince of 
Conde was obliged to raise the siege 2 . The rest of the cam- 
paign was spent in fruitless marches and countermarches. 

The conclusion of the year was not more fortunate for the 
confederates in Germany. The elector of Bavaria was prevailed 
upon to renounce the alliance he had concluded with France, 
and re-unite himself to the emperor ; and in consequence of the 
union of the Bavarian and imperial forces, Wrangel was obliged 
to abandon Bohemia. After being harassed by the Austrian 



1 Quincy, Hist. Milit. de Louis XIV, Mem. de Madame de Motteville, 
1 Martiniere, Hist. Gen. d'Espagne. Quincy, Hist. Milit. de Louis XIV. 
VOL. II. O 



194 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

general Melander, in a long and difficult march, he took up his 
winter-quarters in the duchy of Brunswick. 

Early in the spring, however, the Swedish general led out his 
A. D. army, hoping to surprise the Imperialists in their canton- 
1648. ments : but they were apprised of his intention, and had 
taken the field. To atone for his failure, Wrangel advanced, in 
conjunction with Turenne, against the Austrians and Bavarians, 
at Zummerhausen, near the Danube. There a furious battle 
was fought ; and the imperial forces were defeated, notwith- 
standing the utmost efforts of Montecuculi and Wittemberg. 
These able generals were only able to save the remains of the 
army by a masterly retreat to Augsburgh J . 

Piccolomini arriving soon after from the Netherlands, assumed 
the chief command of the imperial forces, in the room of Me- 
lander, who was slain. His presence seemed to infuse new spirit 
into the troops ; but he could not prevent the cenfederates from 
passing the Lech, and penetrating into Bavaria, where they 
laid the whole country under contribution, and obliged the elector 
to quit his capital, and take refuge in Saltzburg. 

Nor was the victory at Zummerhausen the only advantage the 
confederates had gained since the opening of the campaign. The 
Hessians had defeated the baron Lamboy near Grevemberg, in 
the duchy of Juliers ; and Koningsmark had surprised the new 
city of Prague. In the mean time Charles Gustavus, count 
Palatine of Deux-Ponts, arriving from Sweden with a reinforce- 
ment of eight thousand men, undertook the siege of old Prague, 
and carried on his approaches with such vigour, that the place 
must have been taken, had not the emperor, dreading the loss of 
that capital, and of the whole kingdom of Bohemia, resolved in 
earnest to conclude the long-demanded peace 2 . 

Hitherto the negotiations at Munster and Osnabrug had 
varied according to the vicissitudes of the war ; but the French 
and Swedes being now decidedly victorious, and having no other 
enemy in Germany than the emperor, all the rest being either 
subdued or in alliance with them, it only remained for Ferdinand 
to receive law from those powers. Other circumstances con- 
spired to forward the treaty. Sweden, notwithstanding the great 
success of its arms during eighteen years of hostility, wished for 
peace : and the young queen Christina, so distinguished by her 
love of learning, was desirous of repose, that she might have 



1 Barre, tome ix. Hist, de Turenne. Hciss, liv. iii. chap. x. 

2 Barre, tome ix. Hist, de Turenne. Heiss, liv. iii. chap. ix. 



LETT. LXXVII. MODERN EUROPE. 195 

leisure to pursue her favourite studies. The United Provinces, 
jealous of France, had recently concluded a separate treaty with 
Spain ; in which their independence was not only acknowledged, 
but the republic was declared a free and sovereign state, by the 
only power that had disputed it, at a vast expense of blood and 
treasure, with an obstinacy to which history affords no parallel, 
for above seventy years. France, therefore, was left to sustain 
alone the whole weight of the war against the Spanish branch of 
the house of Austria ; and cardinal Mazarine, her prime minister, 
being at the same time threatened with an intestine war, became 
more moderate in his demands at the congress, as well as more 
sincerely disposed to promote the tranquillity of Germany 1 . 

In consequence of these favourable occurrences and corre- 
sponding views, the memorable PEACE OF WESTPHALIA was at 
length signed at Munster. As it is a fundamental law Oct. 24. 
of the empire, and the basis of all subsequent treaties, I N - s - 
must make you acquainted, my dear Philip, with the substance 
of the principal articles. In order to satisfy the different powers, 
the following important stipulations were found necessary ; 
namely, that France should possess the sovereignty of the three 
bishoprics (Metz, Toul, and Verdun), the city of Pignerol, Brisac 
and its dependencies, the territory of Suntgaw, the landgraviates 
of upper and lower Alsace, and the right to keep a garrison in 
Philipsburg ; that to Sweden should be granted, besides five mil- 
lions of crowns, the archbishopric of Bremen, and the bishopric 
of Verden secularised, Upper Pomerania, Stettin, the isle of 
Rugen, and the city of Wismar, in the duchy of Mecklenburg, 
all to be holden as fiefs of the empire, with three votes at the 
diet ; that the elector of Brandenburg should be reimbursed for the 
loss of Upper Pomerania by the cession of the bishopric of Magde- 
burg secularised, and by having the bishoprics of Halberstadt, 
Minden, and Camin, declared secular principalities, with four 
votes at the diet ; that the duke of Mecklenburg, as an equivalent 
for Wismar, should have the bishoprics of Schwerin and Ratsburg, 
erected, in like manner, into secular principalities ; that the 
electoral dignity, with the Upper Palatinate, should remain with 
Maximilian duke of Bavaria, and his descendants, as long as 
they should produce male issue ; but that the Lower Palatinate 
should be restored to Charles Louis, in whose favour should be 
established an eighth electorate, to continue till the extinction 
of the house of Bavaria. All the other princes and states of the 

1 Auberi, Hist, du Card. Maearin. Barre, Le Clerc. 

o 2 



196 THE HISTORY OF MODERN EUROPE. PART i. 

empire, were re-established in the lands, rights, and prerogatives, 
which they enjoyed before the troubles of Bohemia in 1618. 
The republic of Switzerland was declared to be a sovereign state, 
exempt from the jurisdiction of the empire ; and the long-dis- 
puted succession of Cleves and Juliers, with the restitution of 
Lorrain, was referred to arbitration 1 . 

The stipulations on the subject of religion were no less accu- 
rate and comprehensive. The pacification of Passau was con- 
firmed in its full extent ; and it was further agreed, that the 
Calvinists should enjoy the same privileges with the Lutherans ; 
that the imperial chamber should consist of twenty-four Protest- 
ant Members, and twenty-six Catholics ; that the emperor 
should receive six Protestants into his aulic council : and that an 
equal number of Catholic and Protestant deputies should be 
chosen for the diet, except when it should be convoked for the 
regulation of points that might concern one only of the two re- 
ligions; that all the deputies should be Protestants, if the ob- 
jects of discussion should belong to their religion ; and Catholics 
in the opposite case*. 

These are the great outlines of the peace of Westphalia, so 
essential to the tranquillity of Europe in general, and to that of 
Germany in particular. War, however, between France and 
Spain, was continued with various success, until the treaty of the 
Pyrenees, negotiated in 1659, when Louis XIV. was married 
to the infanta Maria Theresa, as I shall afterward have occasion 
more particularly to relate. In the mean time we must make a 
pause. 

1 Du Mont, Corps Diplomat, tome vi. Pteffel, Abreg'e Chronol. 
* Du Mont, ubi supra. 



END OF THE FIRST PART. 



PART II. 

FROM THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA IN 1648, TO THE PEACE OF 
PARIS IN 1763. 



LETTER I. 

History of England and Ireland, from the Accession of James I. 
to the Murder of Sir Thomas Overbury, and the Fall of the 
Earl of Somerset, in 1615. 

IN bringing down the general transactions of Europe to the 
peace of Westphalia, when a new epoch in modern history A. D. 
commences, I excused myself from carrying the affairs 16 3 - 
of England lower than the death of Elizabeth. 

This arrangement, my dear Philip, was suggested by the 
nature of the subject. The accession of the family of Stuart to 
the throne of England forms a memorable aera in the history of 
Great Britain. It gave birth to a struggle between the king 
and parliament, that repeatedly threw the whole island into con- 
vulsions, and which was never fully composed, until the final ex- 
pulsion of the royal family. To make you acquainted with the 
rise and progress of this important struggle, while your mind is 
disengaged from other objects, and before I again lead you into 
the great line of European politics, with which it had little con- 
nexion, shall now be my business. By entering upon it sooner, 
I should have disjointed the continental story, have withdrawn 
your attention from matters of no less moment, and yet have 
been obliged to discontinue the subject, when it became most 
interesting. 

The English throne being left vacant by the death of Elizabeth, 
who with her latest breath had declared, that she wished to be 
succeeded by her nearest kinsman, the king of Scots, or who in 
her dying moments had made signs to that purpose, James was 
immediately proclaimed king of England by the lords of the 
privy council. He was great grandson of Margaret, eldest 
daughter of Henry VII. so that, on the failure of the male line 
of the house of Tudor, his hereditary title remained unques- 



198 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

tionable. The crown of England therefore passed from the 
family of Tudor to that of Stuart, with as much tranquillity as 
ever it was transmitted from father to son. People of all ranks, 
forgetting their ancient hostilities with Scotland, and their re- 
pugnance to the dominion of strangers, testified their satisfaction 
with louder acclamations than were usual at the accession even 
of their native princes. They foresaw greater advantages re- 
sulting from a perpetual alliance with Scotland, than incon- 
veniences from submitting to a sovereign of that kingdom. And 
by this junction of its whole collective force, Great Britain has 
risen to a degree of power and consequence in Europe, which 
Scotland and England, destined by their position to form one 
vigorous monarchy, could never have attained as separate and 
hostile kingdoms. 

Dazzled with the glory of giving a master to their rich and 
powerful rivals, and relying on the partiality of their native 
prince, the Scots expressed no less joy than the English at this 
increase of their sovereign's dignity ; and as his presence was 
necessary in England, where the people w r ere impatient to see 
their new king, James instantly prepared to leave Edinburgh, 
and set out for London without delay. In his journey, crowds 
of his English subjects every where assembled to welcome him : 
great were the rejoicings, and loud and hearty the salutations 
that resounded from all sides. But James, who wanted that 
engaging affability by which Elizabeth had captivated the hearts 
of her people ; who although social and familiar among his 
friends and courtiers, could not bear the fatigue of rendering him- 
self agreeable to a mixed multitude ; and who, though far from 
disliking flattery, was still fonder of ease ; unwisely issued a 
proclamation forbidding such tumultuous resort. A disadvan- 
tageous comparison between his deportment and that of his 
illustrious predecessor was the consequence ; and if Elizabeth's 
frugality in conferring honours had formerly been repined at, it 
was now justly esteemed, in contrast with that undistinguishing 
profusion with which James bestowed them l . 

The king's liberality, however, in dispensing these honours, it 
may be presumed, would have excited less censure in England, 
had they not been shared out, with other advantages, in too 
large proportions to his Scottish courtiers, a numerous train of 
whom accompanied him to London. Yet it must be owned, in 

1 Within six weeks after his entrance into England, he is said to have bestowed 
knighthood on two hundred and thirty-seven persons, many of whom were utterly 
unworthy of such honour. 



LETT. i. MODERN EUROPE. 199 

justice to James, whose misfortune it was, through his whole 
reign, to be guided more by temper and inclination than by the 
rules of political prudence, that he left all the great offices of 
state in the hands of Elizabeth's ministers, and trusted the con- 
duct of public affairs, both foreign and domestic, for a time, to 
his English subjects. Among these secretary Cecil, with whom 
he had for some time carried on a private correspondence, 
and who had smoothed his way to the throne, was regarded as 
his prime-minister. As this correspondence had been conducted 
with profound secrecy, Cecil's favour with the king created gene- 
ral surprise ; it being well known to the nation, that his father 
had been the principal cause of the tragical death of the queen 
of Scots, and that he himself had hastened the fate of the earl of 
Essex, the warm friend of the family of Stuart. But the secre- 
tary's services had obliterated his crimes ; and James was not so 
destitute of prudence or of gratitude, as to slight the talents of a 
man who was able to give stability to his throne, nor so vindictive 
as to persecute him from resentment of a father's offences. On 
the contrary, he loaded him with honours ; creating him succes- 
sively baron of Essingdon, viscount Cranbourn, and earl of Salis- 
bury. The son of the earl of Essex was gratified with a resti- 
tution of title and estate ; while sir Walter Raleigh, lord Grey, 
and lord Cobham, Cecil's former associates, were dismissed from 
their employments. This disgrace, however, was not so much 
occasioned by their violent opposition to the king's family during 
the life of Elizabeth, as by an ineffectual attempt which they had 
made, after her death, to prescribe certain conditions to the 
declared successor (whom they found they wanted power to set 
aside) before he should ascend the throne 1 . 

James and his new ministers had soon an opportunity of 
exercising their political sagacity. Ambassadors arrived from 
almost all the princes and states in Europe, to congratulate him 
m his accession to the crown of England, and form new treaties 
md alliances with him, as the head of the two British kingdoms. 
A.mong others, Henry Frederic of Nassau, assisted by the pen- 
sionary Barneveldt, represented the United Provinces. But the 
envoy who most excited the attention of the public, both on 
account of his own merit and that of his master, was the marquis 
de Rosni, afterward duke of Sully. He proposed, in the name 
of Henry IV., a league with James, in conjunction with Venice, 
the United Provinces, and the northern crowns, to restrain the 

* l Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii. 



200 THE HISTORY OF PART i. 

ambition, and depress the exorbitant power of the house of 
Austria 1 . But whether the genius of the British king, naturally 
timid and pacific, was inadequate to such vast undertakings, or 
so penetrating as to discover, that the French monarchy, now 
united in domestic concord, and governed by an able and active 
prince, was of itself a sufficient counterpoise to the Austrian 
greatness, he declined taking any part in the projected league ; 
so that Rosni, obliged to contract his views, could only concert 
with him the means of providing for the safety of the United 
Provinces. Nor was this an easy matter ; for James, before his 
accession to the throne of England, had entertained many 
scruples in regard to the revolt in the Low Countries, and had 
even gone so far, on some occasions, as to give to the Dutch the 
appellation of rebels*. He was induced, however, after convers- 
ing freely with his English ministers and courtiers, to sacrifice 
to politics his sense of justice. He found the attachment of 
his new subjects so strong to that republic, and their opinion of a 
common interest so firmly established, as to make his concurrence 
necessary: he therefore consented to give secret support to the 
states-general, in conjunction with France, lest their weakness 
and despair should bring them again under the dominion of 
Spain. 

While James was taking these prudent steps, some bold mal- 
contents conspired to place on the throne of England Arabella 
Stuart, the king's cousin-german, equally descended with him 
from Henry VII. Watson and Clark, two Catholic priests, 
were accused of devising the plot, and executed for their share 
in it. But the chief conspirators were lord Cobham and his 
brother Mr. Broke, lord Grey, sir Griffin Markham, sir Walter 
Raleigh, and other discarded courtiers. These daring and am- 
bitious spirits, meeting frequently, and believing the whole 
nation as dissatisfied as themselves, had entertained very criminal 
projects ; and some of them, as appeared on their trial, had even 
entered into a correspondence with d'Aremberg, the Flemish 
ambassador, in order to disturb the new settlement of the crown 3 . 
Cobham, Grey, and Markham, were pardoned, after they had 
laid their heads upon the block ; Broke was executed, and 
Raleigh reprieved*. He remained, however, in confinement 
many years. 

Soon after he had escaped this danger, the king was engaged 



1 Mem. de Sully. * Winwood, vol. ii. 

State Trials, vol. i. Winwood, vol. ii. 



LETT. i. MODERN EUROPE. 201 

in a scene of business more suited to his temper, and in which he 
was highly ambitious of making a figure. Of all the qualities that 
mark the character of James, he was by none so much distin- 
guished as by the pedantic vanity of being thought to excel in 
school-learning 1 . This vanity was much heightened by the 
flattery which he received from his English courtiers, especially 
those of the ecclesiastical order ; and he was eager for an oppor- 
tunity of displaying his theological talents, of all others most 
admired in that age, to the whole body of his new subjects. 
Such an opportunity was now offered him, by a petition from the 
puritans, for reforming certain tenets of the established church. 
Under pretence of finding expedients which might reconcile the 
parties, the king called a conference at Hampton Court, A.D. 
and gave the petitioners hopes of an impartial debate ; 1604 - 
though nothing appears to have been farther from his purpose. 
This matter will require some illustration. 

The puritans, whom I have formerly had occasion to mention 2 , 
formed a sect which secretly lurked in the church, but pretended 
not to any separate worship or discipline. They frequented no 
dissenting congregations, because there were no such in the king- 
dom ; uniformity of religion being, in that age, thought absolutely 
necessary to the support of government, if not to the very exist- 
ence of civil society, by men of all ranks and characters. But 
they maintained, that they formed the only pure church ; that 
their principles and practices ought to be established by law, and 
that none else deserved to be tolerated. In consequence of this 
way of thinking, the puritanical clergy frequently refused to com- 
ply with the legal ceremonies, and were deprived of their livings, 
if not otherwise punished, during the reign of Elizabeth ; yet so 
little influence had these severities upon the party, that no less 
than seven hundred and fifty clergymen signed the petition to the 
king for the further reformation of the church 3 . 



1 Only the pedantry of James, which led him to display his learning upon all oc- 
casibns, could have drawn upon him contempt as a scholar ; for his book, entitled 
Basilicon Doron, which contains precepts relative to the art of government, addressed 
to his son prince Henry, must be allowed, notwithstanding the subsequent altera- 
tions and refinements in national taste, to be a respectable performance, and to be 
equal to the works of most contemporary authors, both in purity of style and just- 
ness of composition. If he wrote of witches and apparitions, who in that age, as 
the sagacious Hume observes, did not admit the reality of these fictitious beings? 
If he composed a commentary on the Revelation, and endeavoured to prove that 
the pope was Antichrist, may not a similar reproach be extended to the famous 
Napier, and even to the great Newton, who lived at a time when learning and 
philosophy were more advanced than during the reign of James I.? 

2 Part I. Letter LXXIV. 

3 Fuller's Church History, book x. 



202 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

As James had been educated in the religion of the church of 
Scotland, which was nearly the same with that which the 
puritans wished to establish in England, and as, in his com- 
mentary on the Revelation, he had represented Modern Rome 
as the Whore of Babylon mentioned in Scripture, these enthu- 
siastic zealots hoped to see the sanctuary thoroughly purified, 
and every remaining rag of the whore torn away. The im- 
purities of which they chiefly complained were the episcopal 
vestments, and certain harmless ceremonies, venerable from age 
and preceding use, which the moderation of the church of 
England had retained at the Reformation ; such as the use of the 
ring in marriage, the cross in baptism, and the reverence of 
bowing at the name of Jesus. If the king would not utterly 
suppress these abominations, they flattered themselves that he 
would at least abate the rigour of the laws against non- 
conformity. 

But although James, in youth, had strongly imbibed the Cal- 
vinistical doctrines, his mind had now taken a contrary bias. 
The more he knew of the puritanical clergy, the less favour he 
bore them. He had remarked in their Scottish brethren a vio- 
lent turn towards republican maxims ; and he had found, that 
the same lofty pretensions, which dictated their familiar ad- 
dresses to their Creator, induced them to take still greater free- 
doms with their earthly sovereign. They had disputed his tenets, 
and counteracted his commands. These liberties, which could 
not have recommended them to any prince, rendered them pecu- 
liarly obnoxious to James, whose head was filled with lofty notions 
of kingship and prerogative, as well as of his theological pre- 
eminence and ecclesiastical supremacy. Besides, he dreaded the 
popularity which the puritans had acquired in both kingdoms ; 
and being much inclined to mirth and wine, and sports of all 
kinds, he apprehended the censure of their austerity, on account 
of his free and disengaged manner of life. Being thus, from 
temper as well as policy, unfriendly to this rigorous sect, he re- 
solved to prevent, as far as possible, its farther growth in England, 
and even to introduce the English liturgy into Scotland, in order 
to soften the manners of the people. 

A judge so prejudiced could not be just. The puritans ac- 
cordingly complained, and with reason, of the unfair manage- 
ment of the dispute at the conference. Instead of acting as 
arbiter, the king became principal disputant, and frequently 
repeated the episcopal maxim : " No bishop, no king !" The 
bishops, and other courtiers, in their turn, were very liberal in 



LETT. i. MODERN EUROPE. 203 

their applause of the royal theologian. " I have often heard 
that the royalty and priesthood were united," said the chancellor 
Egerton, " but never saw it verified till now." And Whitgift, 
archbishop of Canterbury, with blasphemous sycophancy, ex- 
claimed, " that he verily believed the king spoke by the special 
assistance of God's Spirit !" Thus flattered and encouraged by 
the churchmen, James ordered the puritans to conform. They 
obtained, however, a few alterations in the liturgy ; and strenu- 
ously pleaded for the revival of certain assemblies, which they 
called prophesyings, and which had been suppressed by Eliza- 
beth, as dangerous to the state. This demand roused all James's 
choler; and he delivered himself in a speech, which distinctly 
shows the political considerations that determined him in his 
choice of a religious party. " If you aim at a Scottish presby- 
tery," replied he, " it agrees as well with monarchy as God and 
the devil. There Jack, and Tom, and Will, and Dick, shall meet 
and censure me and my council : therefore I reiterate my former 
speech ; le Roi savisera. Stay, I pray, for seven years before 
you demand ; and then, if you find me grow pursy and fat, I may 
perchance hearken unto you ; for that government will keep me 
in wind, and give me work enough V 

The assembly, in which the king next displayed his learning 
and eloquence, was of a very different complexion. The meeting 
of the great council of the nation had hitherto been delayed from 
a dread of the plague, which had lately broken out in London, 
and there raged to such a degree, that above thirty thousand 
persons are supposed to have died of it, although the city and 
suburbs did not then contain two hundred thousand inhabitants. 
At length, however, the plague subsided, and the parliament 
was convened. The speech which James made on that March 
occasion fully displays his character. Though not con- 19- 
temptible either in style or matter, it wants the majestic brevity 
and reserve which become a king in addressing his subjects from 
the throne. " Shall I ever," said he, " nay, can I ever be able, 
or rather so unable, in memory, as to forget your unexpected 
readiness and alacrity, your ever-memorable resolution, and the 
most wonderful conjunction and harmony of your hearts, in 
declaring and embracing me as your undoubted and lawful king 
and governor ? or shall it ever be blotted out of mind, how, at 
my first entrance into this kingdom, the people of all sorts rid 
and ran, or rather flew to meet me ; their eyes flaming nothing 

1 Fuller's Church History. Wilson's Life and Reign of James I. 



204 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

but sparkles of affection, their mouths and tongues uttering 
nothing but sounds of joy ; their hands, feet, and all the rest of 
their members, in their gestures discovering a passionate longing 
to meet their new sovereign !" He then expatiated on the mani- 
fold blessings which the English had received in his person ; and 
concluded with observing that the measure of their happiness 
would be full, if England and Scotland were united in one king- 
dom. " I am the husband," added he, " and the whole island is 
my lawful wife ; and I hope no one will be so unreasonable as to 
think, that a Christian king under the Gospel can be a polygamist, 
and the husband of two wives V 

The following words, in a letter from James to the parliament 
on the same subject, are more to the purpose. "It is in you 
now," says he, " to make the choice to procure prosperity and 
increase of greatness to me and mine, you and yours ; and by the 
away-taking of that partition-wall, which already by God's pro- 
vidence, in my blood is rent asunder, to establish my throne and 
your body politic in a perpetual and flourishing peace." This 
was indeed an important and desirable object ; and so much was 
the king's heart set upon effectually removing all division between 
the two kingdoms, and so sure did he think himself of accomplish- 
ing his aim, that he assumed the title of king of Great Britain ; 
quartered St. Andrew's cross with that of St. George; and in 
order to give a general idea of the peaceful advantages of such an 
union, the iron doors of the frontier towns were converted into 
plough-shares. But the minds of men were not yet ripe for that 
salutary measure. The remembrance of former hostility was too 
recent to admit a cordial friendship ; the animosity between the 
two nations could only be allayed by time. The complaisance of 
the two houses to the king, therefore, carried them no farther 
than to appoint forty-four English to meet with thirty-one Scot- 
tish commissioners, in order to deliberate upon the terms of an 
union, without any power of making advances towards its final 
establishment *. 

The commons discovered a better judgment of national interest, 
in some other points in which they opposed the crown ; and fully 
showed, that a bold spirit of freedom, if not a liberal manner of 
thinking, had become general among them. It had been usual 
during the reign of Elizabeth, as well as in more early periods 
of the English government, for the chancellor to exert a dis- 
cretionary authority, of issuing new writs for supplying the place 

1 Work* of James I. * Journal of the House of Commons, June 7, 1601. 



LETT. i. MODERN EUROPE. 205 

of such members as he judged incapable of attending on account 
of their ill state of health, or any other impediment l . This dan- 
gerous prerogative James ventured to exercise in the case of sir 
Francis Goodwin. The chancellor declared his seat vacant, and 
issued a writ for a new election. But the commons, whose eyes 
were now opened, saw the pernicious consequences of such a 
power, and asserted their right of judging solely in their own 
elections and returns. " By this course," said a member, " a 
chancellor may call a parliament consisting of what persons he 
may prefer. Any suggestion, by any person, may be the cause 
of sending a new writ. It is come to this plain question, whether 
the chancery or the parliament ought to have authority V The 
king was obliged to yield that point ; and the right, so essential 
to public liberty, has ever since been regarded as a privilege 
inherent in the house of commons, though at that time rendered 
doubtful through the negligence of former parliaments. 

Nor did the spirit and judgment of the commons appear only 
in their vigorous exertions in defence of their own privileges : 
they extended their attention to the commercial part of the 
nation, and endeavoured, though at that time in vain, to free 
trade from those shackles which the ill-judged policy of Eliza- 
beth had imposed upon it 3 . James had already, of his own 
accord, called in and annulled the numerous patents for mono- 
polies, which had been granted by that princess, and which fet- 
tered every species of domestic industry ; but the exclusive com- 
panies still remained, another species of monopoly, by which 
almost all foreign trade was brought into the hands of a few 
rapacious engrossers, and all prospect of future improvement in 
commerce sacrificed to a temporary advantage to the crown. 
The commons also attempted to free the landed interest from 
the burthen of wardships, and the body of the people from the 
oppression of purveyance *. It will therefore be proper here to 
give some account of those oppressive remains of the feudal 
government. 

The right of purveyance was an ancient prerogative, by which 
the officers of the crown could, at pleasure, take provisions for the 
king's household, whithersoever he travelled, from all the neigh- 
bouring counties, and make use of the horses and carriages of the 
farmers. The prices of these provisions and services were fixed ; 
but the payment of the money was often distant and uncertain, and 



1 Journ. January 19, and March 18, 1580. Journ. March 30, 1604. 

3 Journ. May 21, 1604. Journ. April 30, and June 1, 1604. 



206 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

the rates were always much inferior to the usual market price ; 
so that purveyance, besides the slavery of it, was always regarded 
as a heavy burthen, and, being arbitrary and casual, was liable 
to great abuses. Elizabeth made use of it to victual her navy 
during the first year of her reign '. Wardship, though the 
most regular and legal of all impositions by prerogative, was 
also a humiliating badge of slavery, and oppressive to all the 
considerable families among the nobility and gentry. When an 
estate devolved to a female, the king would oblige her to marry 
whom he pleased : and whether the heir was male or female, 
the crown enjoyed the whole profits of the estate during the 
minority. These impositions had been often complained of; 
and the commons now proposed to compound with the king for 
them, by a secure and independent revenue. The benefit which 
the crown reaped from wardship and purveyance was accordingly 
estimated ; but, after some debates in the lower house, and a 
conference with the lords on the subject, it was found to contain 
more difficulties than could at that time be surmounted. 

Soon after the rising of parliament, a treaty of peace, which 
August had been some time in agitation, was concluded with 
18- Spain. And although the war between Philip II. and 
Elizabeth appears to have been continued from personal animo- 
sity rather than any contrariety of political interests between 
their subjects, this treaty was generally disliked by the English 
nation, as it checked the spirit of enterprise, so prevalent in that 
age, and contained some articles which seemed prejudicial to the 
Dutch commonwealth. But these stipulations, so far at least as 
they regarded supplies, were never executed by James ; who had, 
by a secret article, reserved to himself the power of assisting the 
United Provinces. 

During this season of peace and tranquillity was brought to 
A. D. light one of the most diabolical plots of which there is 
1605. an y record in the history of mankind. The conspiracy to 
which I allude is the GUNPOWDER TREASON. A scheme so infer- 
nally dark will require some elucidation. 

The Roman Catholics in general were much disappointed, and 
even exasperated, by the king's conduct in religious matters. 
He was not only the son of the unfortunate Mary, whose life 
they believed to have been sacrificed in their cause ; but, in 
order to quiet opposition, and make his accession to the throne 
of England more easy, he had given hopes that he would tolerate 

1 Hume. Camden. 



LETT. i. MODERN EUROPE. 207 

their religion. They therefore expected great favour and indulg- 
ence under his government; but they soon discovered their 
mistake. Some of the most zealous of the party, being equally 
surprised and enraged, when they found that James had resolved 
to execute the rigorous laws enacted against them, determined 
on vengeance. Under the direction of Garnet, the superior of 
the Jesuits in England, a conspiracy was formed to exterminate, 
at one blow, the most powerful of their enemies in this king- 
dom ; and, in consequence of that blow, to re-establish the 
Catholic faith. Their conspiracy had for its object the destruc- 
tion of the king and parliament. For this purpose they lodged 
thirty-six barrels of gunpowder in a vault beneath the house of 
lords, usually let as a coal-cellar, which had been hired by Percy, 
a relative of the earl of Northumberland. The time fixed for 
the execution of the plot was the fifth of November, the day 
appointed for the meeting of the parliament; when the king, 
queen, and prince of Wales, were expected to be in the house, 
with the principal nobility and gentry. The rest of the royal 
family were to be seized, and all dispatched, except the princess 
Elizabeth, James's eldest daughter, yet an infant, who was to be 
raised to the throne under the care of a Catholic protector 1 . 

The destined day at length approached; and the conspirators 
were filled with the strongest confidence of success, not wholly 
without reason ; for, although the horrid secret had been com- 
municated to above twenty persons, no remorse, no pity, no 
fear of punishment, no hope of reward, had induced any one 
accomplice, after more than twelve months, either to abandon 
the conspiracy or to make a discovery of it. But the holy fury 
by which they were actuated, though it had extinguished in 
their breasts ever} 7 generous sentiment and every selfish motive, 
yet left them susceptible of those bigoted partialities, by which 
it was inspired, and which fortunately saved the nation. A 
short time before the meeting of parliament, lord Monteagle, a 
Catholic nobleman, whose father, lord Morley, had been a great 
sufferer during the reign of Elizabeth, on account of his attach- 
ment to popery, received the following letter: "My lord, out 
of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care of your 
preservation ; therefore I would advise you, as you tender your 
life, to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this 
parliament; for God and man have resolved to punish the 
wickedness of this time. And think not slightly of this adver- 

1 Hist, of the Gunpowder Treason. See also State Trials, vol. i. 



208 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

tisement ; but retire yourself into the country, where you may 
expect the event in safety ; for, though there be no appearance 
of any stir, yet I say they will receive a terrible blow this par- 
liament, and yet they shall not see who hurts them. This 
counsel is not to be contemned, because it may do you good, 
and can do you no harm ; for the danger is past as soon as you 
have burned the letter : and I hope God will give you the grace 
to make good use of it, to whose holy protection I commend 
you 1 ." 

Though Monteagle was inclined to think this a foolish attempt 
to expose him to ridicule, by frightening him from attending 
his duty in parliament, he judged it safest to carry the letter to 
the earl of Salisbury. The secretary either did or pretended to 
think it a light matter ; so that all farther inquiry was dropped, 
till the king, who had been for some time at Royston, returned 
to town. To the timid sagacity of James, the matter appeared in 
a more important point of view. From the serious and earnest 
style of the letter, he conjectured that it intimated some dark 
and dangerous design against the state ; and the hints respecting 
a great, sudden, and terrible blow, of which the authors would 
be concealed, seemed to denote some contrivance by gunpowder. 
It was, therefore, thought proper to inspect all the vaults under 
the parliamentary place of meeting. This inspection, however, 
was purposely delayed till the day before the meeting of the 
great council of the nation ; when, on searching the vaults, the 
gunpowder was discovered, though concealed under great piles 
of wood and faggots ; and Guy Fawkes, an officer in the Spanish 
service, who stood in a dark corner, and passed for Percy's ser- 
vant, was seized and carried to the Tower. 

This man had been sent from Flanders, on account of his 
determined courage, and known zeal in the Catholic cause. 
He was accordingly entrusted with the most hazardous part 
of the enterprise. The matches, and every thing proper for 
setting fire to the train, were found in his pocket. He at 
first behaved with insolence, and not only refused to dis- 
cover his accomplices, but expressed the utmost regret, that 
he had lost the precious opportunity of at least sweetening 
his death, by taking vengeance on his and God's enemies 2 . 
But after some confinement, his courage failed when the rack 
was shown to him; and he made a full discovery of all the 
conspirators. Several of them were men of ancient family, 

1 Workt of James I. p. 227. 2 VVinwood, vol. ii. 



LETT. i. MODERN EUROPE. 209 

independent fortune, and unspotted character; instigated to so 
great a crime by a fanatical zeal alone, which led them to be- 
lieve that they were serving their Creator, while they were con- 
triving the ruin of their country, and the destruction of their 
species. 

Such of the conspirators as were in London, on hearing that 
Fawkes was arrested, hurried into Warwickshire ; where sir 
Everard Digby, one of their associates, was already in arms, in 
order to seize the princess Elizabeth, who was then at lord 
Harrington's seat. They failed in their attempt to secure the 
princess ; the county rose upon them ; and they were all taken 
and executed except three, who fell a sacrifice to their desperate 
valour ; namely, Wright, a daring fanatic ; Catesby, the original 
conspirator ; and Percy, his first and most active associate l . 

After this escape, James seems to have enjoyed a kind of 
temporary popularity, even among his English subjects. If the 
Puritans were offended at his lenity toward the Catholics, against 
whom he exercised no new severities, the more moderate and 
intelligent part of the nation considered that lenity as truly 
magnanimous; and all men seemed to be convinced that he 
could not be the patron of a religion which had aimed so tre- 
mendous a blow at his life and throne. His love of peace was 
favourable to commerce, which flourished under his reign ; and 
it procured him leisure, notwithstanding his natural indolence of 
temper, to attend to the disordered state of Ireland. 

Elizabeth had lived to see the final subjection of that island. 
But a difficult task still remained ; to civilize the barbarous in- 
habitants; to reconcile them to laws and industry; and by 
these means to render the conquest durable, and useful to the 
crown of England. The first step that James took in regard to 
this important business, which he considered as his master-piece 
in politics, was to abolish the Irish customs that supplied the 
place of laws; and which were calculated, as will appear by a 
few examples, to keep the people for ever in a state of barbarism 
and disorder. Their chieftains, whose authority was absolute, 
were not hereditary but elective; or, to speak more properly, 
were established by force and violence; and although certain 
lands were assigned to the office, its chief profit arose from ex- 
actions, dues, assessments, which were levied at pleasure, and 
for which there was no fixed law*. 

1 Works of James, p. 231. Winwood, vol. ii. State Trials, vol. i. 
* Sir John Davies, p. 167. 
VOL. II. F 



210 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

In consequence of the Brehon law or custom, every crime, 
how enormous soever, was punished in Ireland, not with death, 
but by a fine. Even murder itself, as among our Saxon ances- 
tors, was atoned for in this manner ; and each man, according 
to his rank, had affixed to him a certain rate or value, which if 
any one was willing to pay he might assassinate whatever man 
he disliked. This rate was called his Eric. Accordingly, when 
sir William Fitzwilliams, while lord deputy, told the chieftain 
Macguire, that he was to send a sheriff into Fermanagh, which 
had been made a county a little before, and subjected to the 
English laws, " Your sheriff," replied Macguire, " shall be 
welcome to me: but let me know before-hand his eric, or the 
price of his head, that, if any of my people should cut it off, I 
may levy the money upon the county 1 ." 

After abolishing these, and other pernicious Irish customs, 
and substituting English laws in their stead, James proceeded 
to govern the natives by a regular administration, military as 
well as civil. A sufficient army was maintained, its discipline in- 
spected, and its pay punctually transmitted from England, in 
order to prevent the soldiers from subsisting upon the country, 
as had been usual in former reigns. Circuits were established, 
justice administered, oppression banished, and crimes and dis- 
orders of every kind severely punished. For the relief of the 
common people, the dues which the nobles usually claimed from 
their vassals were estimated at a fixed sum, and all arbitrary 
exactions were prohibited under severe penalties 2 . 

A pretended plot furnished the king's deputy in Ireland with 
a pretext for crushing the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, whose 
vast possessions in Ulster rendered them dangerous subjects. 
Wholly unprepared, these chieftains fled to Spain, thus showing 
that there was no truth in the charge of their having made 
extensive preparations for war. By an iniquitous extension of 
the law of forfeiture, it was resolved not only to confiscate the 
immense estates of the fugitives, but also the property of all 
their tenants, vassals, and dependents. Six entire counties, con- 
taining half a million of acres, were seized by the king, and a 
company established in London for planting colonies in these 
fertile lands. Nothing can justify the sweeping iniquity of this 
transaction ; but historians are frequently induced to palliate 
its guilt by proving that its consequences were beneficial. Some 
skill was exhibited in the distribution of the forfeited estates, 

1 Sir John Davies, p. 167. * Ibid. p. 278. 



LETT. i. MODERN EUROPE. 211 

and an ordinary share of caution displayed in the establishment 
of the new colonies. The property was divided into moderate 
shares, the largest not exceeding two thousand acres ; tenants 
were brought from England and Scotland ; the Irish were driven 
to the hills and forests, and colonies from Britain settled in the 
open country ; husbandry and the mechanical arts were taught, 
a fixed habitation was secured for the new tenants, and every 
irregularity repressed. By these means Ulster, from being the 
most wild and disorderly province in Ireland, soon became the 
most civilized and the best cultivated part of the island. 

But, whatever domestic advantages might result from James's 
pacific disposition, it gradually lost him the affections of his 
people, as it induced him to avoid war by negotiations and con- 
cessions derogatory from the dignity of an English monarch. It 
sunk the national consequence, and perhaps the national spirit ; 
and his excessive love of carousals and hunting, of public spec- 
tacles and unavailing speculations, which left him little time for 
public business, at last divested his political character of all 
claim to respect, and rendered him equally contemptible at home 
and abroad. This contempt was increased by a disadvantageous 
comparison between the king and the prince of Wales. 

Though youth and royal birth, embellished by the flattering 
rays of hope, prepossess men strongly in favour of an heir ap- 
parent of the crown, Henry, James's eldest son, independently 
of such circumstances, seems to have possessed great merit. 
Although he was now in his nineteenth year, the illusions A. D. 
of passion or of rank had never seduced him into any 1612 - 
irregular pleasures : business and ambition alone engaged his 
heart, and occupied his mind. Had he lived to ascend the 
throne, he might probably have promoted the glory more than 
the happiness of his people, his disposition being strongly turned 
to war. Of this we have a remarkable instance. When the 
French ambassador took leave of him, and asked his commands 
for France, he found him employed in the exercise of the pike. 
" Tell your king," said Henry, " in what occupation you Nov. 
left me engaged V His death, which was sudden, dif- 6 - 
fused throughout the nation the deepest sorrow, and violent 
reports were propagated that he had been taken off by poison. 
The physicians, however, on opening his body, found no symp- 
toms to justify such an opinion 3 . 

But James had one weakness, which drew on him more odium 

1 Dep. de la Boderie. * Wilson. Coke. Welwood. 



212 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

than either his pedantry, pusillanimity, or extravagant love of 
amusement ; namely, an infatuated attachment to young and 
worthless favourites. This passion appears so much the more 
ludicrous, though less detestable, as it does not seem to have 
contained any thing criminal. 

Of these favourites the first and most odious was Robert Carr, 
a young gentleman of a good family in Scotland. When about 
twenty years of age he arrived in London, after having passed 
some time in his travels. A handsome person, an easy manner, 
and a graceful air, were his chief accomplishments ; and these 
were sufficient to recommend him to James, who, through his 
whole life, was too liable to be captivated by exterior qualities. 
Lord Hay, who was well acquainted with this weakness in his 
sovereign, and meant to take advantage of it, assigned to Carr, 
at a tournament, the office of presenting to the king his buckler 
and device. But, as the future favourite was advancing for that 
purpose, his ungovernable horse threw him, and his leg was 
broken by the fall. 

Equally struck with this incident, and with the beauty and 
simplicity of the youth, whom he had never seen before, James 
approached him with sentiments of the softest compassion ; 
ordered him to be lodged in the palace, and to be attended by 
the most skilful surgeons; and paid him frequent visits during 
his confinement. The more ignorant he found him, the stronger 
his attachment became. Having an elevated opinion of his own 
wisdom, he flattered himself that he should be able to form a 
minister whose political sagacity would astonish the world, while 
he surpassed all his former courtiers in personal and literary 
accomplishments. In consequence of this partial fondness, in- 
terwoven with selfish vanity, the king soon knighted his favourite; 
created him viscount Rochester, honoured him with the garter, 
admitted him into the privy council, and without assigning him 
any particular office, gave him the supreme direction of his 
affairs '. 

This minion, however, was not so transported by his sudden 
elevation, as not to be sensible of his own ignorance and inex- 
perience. He had recourse to the advice of a friend, and found 
a judicious and sincere counsellor in sir Thomas Overbury, by 
whose means he enjoyed for a time, what is very rare, the 
highest favour of the prince without being hated by the people. 
To complete his happiness, he only wished for a kind mistress ; 

1 Wilson's Life of James. 



LETT. r. MODERN EUROPE. 213 

the desired object soon appeared, in the person of lady Frances 
Howard, daughter of the earl of Suffolk, similar to himself in 
weakness of understanding, and more than equal in personal 
attractions. 

This lady, when about thirteen years of age, had unfortunately 
been married to the earl of Essex, from the king's too eager 
desire of uniting the families of Howard and Devereux ; and as 
her husband was only fourteen, it was thought proper to send 
him on his travels till they should arrive at the age of puberty. 
"While his absence removed him from her thoughts, she opened 
her heart to the allurements of love; and although, on his return 
to England, after travelling four years, he was pleased to find 
his countess in all the bloom of youth and beauty, he had the 
mortification to discover that her affections were totally alienated 
from him. Disgusted at her coldness, he separated himself from 
her, and left her to pursue her own inclinations. This was what 
she eagerly desired. The high fortune and splendid accomplish- 
ments of the favourite had taken entire possession of her soul : 
and she thought that, so long as she refused to consummate her 
marriage with Essex, she could never be deemed his wife ; con- 
sequently, that a separation and divorce might still open the 
way to a marriage with her beloved Rochester. He himself 
was of the same opinion, and also desirous of such an union. 
Though the violence of their passion was such, that they had 
already indulged themselves in all the gratifications of love, and 
though they had frequent opportunities of intercourse, they 
began to feel themselves unhappy, because the tie between them 
was not indissoluble, and seem both to have been alike impatient 
to crown their attachment with the sanction of the church. A 
divorce was accordingly procured, through the influence of the 
king, and the co-operation of Essex ; and, in order to preserve 
the countess from losing her rank by her new marriage, Rochester 
was created earl of Somerset 1 . 

This amour and its consequences afford an awful lesson on the 
fatal effects of licentious love ; but at the same time prove, that 
vice is less dangerous than folly in the intercourse of the sexes, 
when connected with the intrigues of a court. Though sir 
Thomas Overbury, without any scruple, had encouraged his 
friend's passion for the countess of Essex, while he considered 
it merely as an affair of gallantry, his prudence was alarmed at 
the idea of marriage. And he represented to Rochester, not 

1 Franklin. Wilson. State Trials, vol. i. 



214- THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

only how invidious and difficult an undertaking it would prove 
to get her divorced from her husband, but how shameful it would 
be to take to his own bed a profligate woman, who, although 
married to a young man of high rank, had not scrupled to pros- 
titute her character, and bestow her favours on the object of a 
capricious and momentary impulse ; on a lover who, she must 
suppose, would desert her on the first variable gust of loose 
desire. 

Rochester was so weak as to reveal this conversation to the 
countess, and so base as to enter into her vindictive views ; to 
swear vengeance against his friend for the strongest instance that 
he could give of his fidelity. Some contrivance was necessary 
A. D. for the execution of their diabolical scheme. Overbury's 
1612. conduct was misrepresented to the king, who granted a 
warrant for committing him to the Tower ; where he lay till the 
divorce was procured, and Rochester's marriage with the countess 
celebrated. Nor did this success, or the misery of the prisoner, 
who was not permitted to see even his nearest relatives, satisfy 
the vengeance of this violent woman. She engaged her husband, 
and her great-uncle the earl of Northampton, in the atrocious 
design of taking off Overbury by poison 1 ; and they, in con- 
junction with sir Gervase Elwais, lieutenant of the Tower, at 
length effected their cruel purpose. 

Though the precipitation of Overbury's funeral immediately 

A. D. excited a strong suspicion of the cause of his death, the 

1615. crime was not fully brought to light till some years after, 

when it was discovered by means of an apothecary's servant, who 

had been employed in making up the poisons, and the whole 

labyrinth of guilt distinctly traced to its source. 

But although Somerset had so long escaped the inquiry of 
justice, he had not escaped the scrutiny of conscience, which 
continually pointed to him his murdered friend; and, even 
within the circle of a court, and amidst the blandishments of 
flattery and love, struck him with the representation of his 
secret enormity, and diffused over his mind a deep melancholy, 
incapable of being dispelled by the smiles of beauty or by the 
rays of royal favour. The graces of his person gradually dis- 
appeared, and his gaiety and politeness were lost in sullenness 
and silence. 

The king, whose affections had been caught by these superfi- 
cial accomplishments, finding his favourite no longer contribute 

1 State Trials, vol. i. 



LETT. ii. MODERN EUROPE. 215 

to his amusement, and unable to account for so remarkable a 
change, more readily listened to the accusations brought against 
him. A rigorous inquiry was ordered; and Somerset and his 
countess were found guilty, but pardoned through the indiscreet 
lenity of James. They languished out their remaining years, 
which were many and miserable, in infamy and obscurity ; alike 
hating and hated by each other 1 . Sir Gervase Elwais and the 
inferior criminals suffered the punishment due to their guilt. 



LETTER II. 

Of the Affairs of England and Scotland, from the Rise of the 
Duke of Buckingham to the Death of James I. in 1625. 

THE fall of the earl of Somerset, and his banishment from 
court, opened the way for a new favourite to rise to the highest 
honours. George Villiers, a young English gentleman of an 
engaging figure, had already attracted the eye of James, and had 
been appointed cup-bearer. This office might well have con- 
tented Villiers, and have attached him to the king's person ; nor 
would such a choice have been censured, except by the cynically 
severe 2 . But the profuse bounty of James induced him, in the 
course of a few years, contrary to all the rules of prudence and 
politics, to create his minion viscount Villiers, earl, marquis, and 
duke of Buckingham, knight of the garter, master of the horse, 
chief justice in Eyre, warden of the Cinque Ports, master of the 
King's Bench, steward of Westminster, constable of Windsor, 
and lord high admiral of England 3 . 

This rapid advancement of Villiers, which rendered him for 
ever rash and insolent, involved the king in new necessities, in 
order to supply the extravagance of his minion. A price had 
been already affixed to every rank of nobility, and the title of 
Baronet invented, and currently sold for one thousand pounds, 

' Wilson. 

2 James, who affected sagacity and design in his most trifling concerns, insisted, 
we are told, on the ceremony of the queen's soliciting this office for Villiers, as an 
apology to the world for his sudden predilection in favour of the youth. Coke, 
p. 46. 

8 Franklin, p. 30. Clarendon, vol. i. 



216 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

to supply the profusion of Somerset 1 . Some new expedient was 

now requisite ; and one very unpopular, though certainly less dis- 

A.D. graceful than the former, was embraced; the cautionary 

1616. towns* were delivered up to the Dutch for a sum of 
money. Part of their debt, which at one time amounted to 
eight hundred thousand pounds, was already discharged ; and 
the remainder, after making an allowance for the annual expense 
of the garrisons, was agreed to be paid on the surrender of the 
fortresses*. This seems to have been all that impartial justice 
could demand ; yet the English in general were highly dissatis- 
fied with the transaction : and it must be owned, that a politic 
prince would have been slow in relinquishing possessions, on 
whatever conditions obtained, which enabled him to hold, in a 
degree of subjection, so considerable a neighbouring state as the 
republic of Holland. 

The next measure in which James engaged rendered him as 
A.D. unpopular in Scotland as he was already in England. It 

1617. was an attempt to establish a conformity in worship and 
discipline between the churches of the two kingdoms ; a project 
which he had long revolved in his mind, and towards the com- 
pletion of which he had taken some introductory steps. But the 
principal part of the business was reserved till the king should pay 
a visit to his native country. Such a journey he now undertook. 
This naturally leads us to consider the affairs of Scotland. 

It might have been readily foreseen by the Scots, when the 
crown of England devolved upon James, that the independence 
of their kingdom, for which their ancestors had shed so much 
blood, would thenceforth be lost ; and that if both kingdoms 
should persevere in maintaining separate laws and parliaments, 
the weaker must feel its inferiority more sensibly than if it had 
been subdued by force of arms. But this idea did not generally 
occur to the Scottish nobles, formerly so jealous of the power as 
well as of the prerogatives of their princes ; and as James was 
daily giving new proofs of his friendship and partiality to his 
countrymen, by loading them with riches and honours, the hope 

i Franklin, p. 11. ' See Part j. Lett LXXI. 

3 Winwood, vol. ii. Rushworth, vol. i. Mrs. Macaulay thinks that Elizabeth 
acted very ungenerously in demanding any thing from the Dutch for the assistance 
she lent them: " It ought, by all the obligations of virtue, to have been a free gift." 
That the English queen took advantage of the necessities of the infant republic, to 
obtain possession of the cautionary towns, is certain j and the Dutch, when they 
became more opulent, took advantage of James's necessities to recover them. 
Justice and generosity were, in both cases, as in most transactions between nations, 
entirely out of the question. 



LETT. ii. MODERN EUROPE. 217 

of his favour concurred with the dread of his power in taming 
their fierce and independent spirits. The will of the king became 
the supreme law in Scotland. Meanwhile the nobles, left in 
full possession of their feudal jurisdiction over their own vassals, 
exhausting their fortunes by the expense of frequent attendance 
upon the English court, and by attempts to imitate the manners 
and luxury of their more wealthy neighbours, multiplied exactions 
upon the people ; who hardly dared to utter complaints, which 
they knew would never reach the ear of their sovereign, or would 
be rendered too feeble to move him to grant them redress 1 . 
Thus subjected at once to the absolute will of a monarch, and to 
the oppressive jurisdiction of an aristocracy, Scotland suffered all 
the miseries peculiar to both these forms of government. Its 
kings were despots, its nobles were slaves and tyrants, and the 
people groaned under the rigorous domination of both 2 . 

There was one privilege, however, which the Scottish nobility 
in general, and the great body of the people were equally zealous 
in protecting against the encroachments of the crown, namely 
the independence of their kirk or church. The cause of this 
zeal deserves to be traced. 

Divines differ in their opinions respecting the government of 
the primitive church. It appears, however, to have been that 
of the most perfect equality among the Christian teachers, who 
were distinguished by the name of presbyters, an appellation 
expressive of their gravity and wisdom, as well as of their age. 
But the most perfect equality of freedom requires the directing 
hand of a superior magistrate. Being soon sensible of this, the 
primitive Christians were induced to choose one of the wisest 
and most holy of their presbyters to execute the duties of an 
ecclesiastical governor ; and to avoid the trouble and confusion 
of annual or occasional elections, his office was continued during 
life, unless in cases of degradation on account of irregularity of 
conduct. His jurisdiction consisted in the administration of the 
sacraments and discipline of the church ; in the superintendence 
of religious ceremonies, which imperceptibly increased in number 
and variety ; in the consecration of Christian teachers, to whom 
the ecclesiastical governor or bishop assigned their respective 



1 Robertson's Hist. Scot. vol. ii. Hume's Hist. Eng. vol. vi. 

2 Before the accession of James to the throne of England, the feudal aristocracy 
subsisted in full force in Scotland. Then the vassals both of the king and of the 
nobles, from mutual jealousy, were courted and caressed by their superiors, whose 
power and importance depended on their attachment and fidelity. Robertson's 
Hist. Scot. vol. ii. 



218 THE HISTORY OF PART ir. 

functions ; in the management of the public funds, and in the 
determination of all such differences as the faithful were unwilling 
to expose to the heathen world 1 . This appears to have been 
the original of the episcopal hierarchy, which rose to such an 
enormous height under the Christian emperors and Roman 
pontifls. 

When the enormities of the church of Rome, by rousing the 
indignation of the enlightened part of mankind, had called forth 
the spirit of reformation, the abhorrence excited by the vices of 
the clergy was soon transferred to their persons ; and thence, by 
no violent transition, to the offices which they enjoyed. It may 
therefore be presumed, that the same holy fervour which abolished 
the doctrines of the Romish church, would also have overturned 
its ecclesiastical government, in every country where the Refor- 
mation was received, unless restrained by the civil power. In Eng- 
land, in a great part of Germany, and in the northern kingdoms, 
such restraint was imposed on it by the policy of their princes; so 
that the ancient episcopal jurisdiction, under a few limitations, was 
retained in the churches of those countries. But in Switzerland 
and the Netherlands, where the nature of the government 
allowed full scope to the spirit of reformation, all pre-eminence 
of rank in the church was destroyed, and an ecclesiastical govern- 
ment established more suitable to the genius of a republican 
policy. . This system, which has since been called presbyterian, 
was formed upon the model of the primitive church. 

It ought, however, to be remarked, that the genius of the 
reformers, as well as the spirit of the reformation and the civil 
polity, had a share in the establishment of the presbyterian system. 
Zuinglius and Calvin, the apostles of Switzerland, were men of 
a more austere turn of mind than Luther, whose doctrines were 
generally embraced in England, Germany, and the north of 
Europe, where episcopacy still prevails. The church of Geneva, 
formed under the eye of Calvin, was esteemed the most perfect 
model of presbyterian government ; and Knox, the apostle of 
Scotland, who, during his residence in that city, had studied 
and admired it, warmly recommended it to the imitation of 
his countrymen. The Scottish converts, detesting popery 
and being under no apprehensions from the civil power, 



1 See Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, cent. i. ii. and Hooker's Ecclesiastical 
Polity, lib. vii. et seq. A bishop, during the first and second centuries, was only a 
president in a council of presbyters, at the head of one Christian assembly ; and 
whenever the episcopal chair became vacant, a new president was chosen from 
among the presbyters, by the suffrage of the whole congregation. 



LETT. ii. MODERN EUROPE. 219 

which the rage of reformation had humbled, ardently adopted a 
system so admirably suited to their predominant passion. Its 
effects on their minds were truly astonishing, if not altogether 
preternatural. 

A mode of worship, the most naked and simple imaginable, 
which borrowing nothing from the senses, leaves the mind to re- 
pose itself entirely on the contemplation of the Divine essence, 
was soon observed to produce great commotions in the breast, 
and in some instances to confound all rational principles of con- 
duct and behaviour. Straining for those ecstatic raptures, 
the supposed operations of that Divine Spirit by which they 
imagined themselves to be animated, reaching them by short 
glances, and sinking again under the weakness of humanity, the 
first presbyterians in Scotland were so much occupied in this 
mental exercise, that they not only rejected the aid of all ex- 
terior pomp and ceremony, but fled from every cheerful amuse-* 
ment, and beheld with horror the approach of corporeal delight 1 . 

It was this gloomy fanaticism, which had by degrees infected 
all ranks of men, and introduced a sullen obstinate spirit into 
the people, that chiefly induced James to think of extending to 
Scotland the more moderate and cheerful religion of the church 
of England. He had early experienced the insolence of the 
presbyterian clergy, who under the appearance of poverty and 
sanctity, and a zeal for the glory of God, and the safety and 
purity of the kirk, had concealed the most dangerous censorial 
and inquisitorial powers, which they sometimes exercised with all 
the arrogance of a Roman consistory. 

When James, by the advice of a convention of estates, had 
granted permission (in 1596) to Huntley, Errol, and other 
Catholic noblemen who had been banished from Scotland, to 
return on giving security for their peaceable and dutiful be- 
haviour, a committee of the general assembly of the kirk had the 
audacity to write circular letters to all the presbyteries, com- 
manding them to publish in every pulpit an act of excommuni- 
cation against the popish lords, and enjoining them to lay all 
those who were suspected of favouring popery under the same 
censure by a summary sentence, and without observing the usual 
formalities of trial*! On this occasion one of the ministers 
declared from the pulpit, that the king, in permitting the popish 
lords to return, had discovered the treachery of his own heart; 
that all kings were the devil's children, and that Satan had now 

1 Keith. Knox. * Robertson's Hist. Scot. vol. ii. 



220 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

the guidance of the court l ! Another affirmed, in the principal 
church of the capital, that the king was possessed of a devil, and 
that his subjects might lawfully rise and take the sword out of 
his hand 2 ! 

In consequence of these inflammatory speeches and audacious 
proceedings, the citizens of Edinburgh rose, and surrounding 
the court of session, in which the king happened to be present, 
demanded some of his counsellors, whom they named, that they 
might tear them in pieces. On his refusal, some called " Bring 
out the wicked Haman !" while others cried, " The sword of the 
Lord and of Gideon !" and James was for some time a prisoner 
in the heart of his own capital, and at the mercy of the enraged 
populace 3 . 

But the king's behaviour, on that occasion, which was firm 
and manly, as well as politic, restored him to the good opinion 
of his subjects in general. The populace dispersed, on his pro- 
mising to receive their petitions when presented in a regular 
form ; and this fanatical insurrection, instead of overturning, 
served only to establish the royal authority. Those who were 
concerned in it, as soon as their enthusiastic rage had subsided, 
were filled with apprehension and terror at the thoughts of 
insulted majesty ; while the body of the people, in order to avoid 
suspicion, or to gain the favour of their prince, contended who 
should be most forward to execute his vengeance*. 

A convention of estates pronounced the late insurrection to 
be high treason ; ordered every clergyman to subscribe a decla- 
ration of his submission to the king's jurisdiction, in all matters 
civil and criminal; empowered magistrates to imprison any 
minister who in his sermons should utter indecent reflections 
on the king's conduct, and prohibited every ecclesiastical judi- 
cature from meeting without the king's licence. These ordi- 
nances were confirmed by the general assemblyof the kirk, which 
also declared sentences of summary excommunication unlawful, 
and vested in the crown the right of nominating ministers to 
the parishes in the principal towns*. 

These were the great and necessary steps ; and perhaps James 
should have proceeded no farther in altering the government or 
worship of the church of Scotland. But he was not yet satis- 
fied : he wished to bring it nearer to the episcopal model ; and 



1 Robertson's Hut. Scot. vol. ii. * Spotswood. 

1 Robertson's Hist. Scot, book viii. vol. ii. Id. ibid. 

* Spotswood, p. 433. 



LETT. ii. MODERN EUROPE. 221 

after various struggles, he acquired sufficient influence over the 
presbyterian clergy, even before he ascended the English throne, 
to procure an act from their general assembly, declaring those 
ministers, on whom the king should confer the vacant bishoprics 
and abbeys, entitled to a vote in parliament l . Nor did he 
stop here. No sooner was he established in his new dignity 
than he engaged them, though with still greater reluctance, to 
receive the bishops as perpetual presidents, or moderators, in the 
synods. 

The repugnance of the presbyterian clergy to episcopacy was 
still, however, very great : nor could all the devices invented 
for restraining and circumscribing the spiritual jurisdiction of 
those who were to be raised to these new honours, or the hope 
of sharing them, allay their jealousy and fear*. James was 
therefore sensible, that he never could establish a conformity in 
worship and discipline between the churches of England and 
Scotland, until he could procure from the Scottish parliament 
an acknowledgment of his own supremacy in all ecclesiastical 
causes. This was the principal object of his visit to his native 
country : where he proposed to the national council the June 
enactment of a statute, declaring that " whatever his 15 - 
majesty should determine in regard to the external government 
of the church, with the consent of the archbishops, bishops, and 
a competent number of the ministers, should have the force of a 
law V 

Had this bill received the sanction of parliament, the king's 
ecclesiastical government would have been established in its full 
extent, as it was not determined what number of the clergy 
should be deemed competent, and their nomination was left 
entirely to himself. Some of them protested : they apprehended 
that, by means of this new authority, the purity of their church 
would be polluted with all the rites and forms of the Church 
of England ; and James, dreading clamour and opposition, 
dropped his favourite measure. He was able, however, A.D. 
to extort a vote from the general assembly of the kirk, 1618 - 
for receiving certain ceremonies upon which his heart was more 



1 Spotswood, p. 450. 

2 Perhaps the presbyterian clergy might have been less obstinate in rejecting 
James's scheme of uniformity, had any prospect remained of recovering the patrimony 
of the church. But that, they knew, had been torn in pieces by the rapacious nobility 
and gentry, and at their own instigation; so that all hopes of a restitution of church 
lands had vanished ; and without such restitution, the ecclesiastical dignities could 
scarcely become the objects of strong ambition. 

3 Spotswood. Franklin. 



222 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

particularly set : namely, kneeling at the sacrament, the private 
administration of it to sick persons, the confirmation of chil- 
dren, and the observance of Christmas and other festivals 1 . 
Thus, by an ill-timed zeal for insignificant forms, the king be- 
trayed, though in an opposite manner, an equal narrowness of 
mind with the presbyterian clergy, whom he affected to hold in 
contempt. The constrained consent of the general assembly 
was belied by the inward sentiments of all ranks of people ; 
even the few over whom religious prejudices had less influence, 
thought national honour sacrificed by a servile imitation of the 
modes of worship practised in England. 

A series of unpopular measures conspired to increase that 
odium, into which James had now fallen in both kingdoms, and 
which continued to the end of his reign. Of these, the first was 
the execution of sir Walter Raleigh. 

This extraordinary man, who suggested the first idea of the 
English colonies in North America, and who had attempted, as 
early as the year 1584, a settlement in the country now known 
by the name of North Carolina, then considered as part of 
Virginia, had also made a voyage, in 1595, to Guiana in South 
America. The extravagant account which he published of the 
riches of the latter country, where no valuable mines have yet 
been discovered, has drawn much censure upon his veracity ; par- 
ticularly his description of the apparently fabulous empire and 
city of Manoa or El-Dorado, the sovereign of which, he pretended 
to suppose, possessed more treasures than the Spaniards had drawn 
from both Mexico and Peru a . 

Raleigh's motive for uttering these splendid falsities seems to 
have been a desire of turning the avidity of his countrymen 
toward that quarter of tHe New World where the Spaniards 
had found the precious metals in such abundance. This, in- 
deed, sufficiently appears from his relation of certain Peruvian 
prophecies, expressly pointing out the English as the conquerors 
and deliverers of the rich country which he had discovered. As 
he was known, however, to be a man of a romantic turn of mind, 
and it did not appear that he had enriched himself by his 
voyage, little regard seems to have been paid to his narrative 
either by Elizabeth or the nation. But after he had languished 
many years in confinement, as a punishment for his conspiracy 
against James ; when the envy excited for his superior talents 
had subsided, and commiseration was awakened for his unhappy 

1 Spotswood. Franklin. See his Relat. in Hackluyt's Collect. 



LETT. ii. MODERN EUROPE. 223 

condition ; a report which he propagated of a wonderfully rich 
gold mine that he formerly had discovered in Guiana obtained 
general belief. People of all ranks were impatient to take pos- 
session of a country overflowing with the precious metals, and 
to which the nation was supposed to have a right by priority of 
discovery. 

The king, by his own account, gave little credit to this report, 
not only because he believed there was no such mine in nature 
as the one described, but because he considered Raleigh as a 
man of desperate fortune, whose business it was by any means 
to procure his freedom, and reinstate himself in credit and 
authority '. Thinking, however, that he had undergone suffi- 
cient punishment, James ordered him to be released from the 
Tower ; and when the hopes held out to the nation had induced 
multitudes to adopt his views, the king gave him permission to 
pursue the projected enterprise, and invested him with authority 
over his fellow-adventurers ; but being still diffident of his inten- 
tions, he refused to grant him a pardon, that he might have some 
check upon his future conduct *. 

The preparations made, in consequence of this commission, 
alarmed Gondomar, the Spanish ambassador ; and although 
Raleigh protested the innocence of his intentions, and James 
declared that he had prohibited all invasion of the settlements 
of his Catholic majesty, that minister sent to his court intelli- 
gence of the expedition, and stated his apprehensions from it. 
Twelve armed vessels, he justly concluded, could not be fitted 
out without some purpose of hostility ; and as Spain was then 
the only European power that had possessions in that part of 
America to which this fleet was destined, orders were given by 
the court of Madrid for fortifying all its settlements on or near 
the coast of Guiana. 

It soon appeared that this precaution was not unnecessary. 
Though Raleigh's commission empowered him only to settle on 
a coast possessed by savage and barbarous inhabitants, he steered 
his course directly for the river Oronoco, where he knew there 
was a Spanish town named St. Thomas ; and, without any pro- 
vocation, sent a detachment under his son, and his old associate 
captain Keymis, who had accompanied him on his former voyage, 
to dislodge the Spaniards, and take possession of that town ; while 
he himself, with the larger vessels, guarded the mouth of the river, 



1 King James's Vindication, in the Harleian Miscellany, vol. iii. No. 2. 
Id. ibid. 



224- THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

and obstructed the relief of the place '. The Spaniards, apprised 
of this invasion, opposed the landing of the English, as they had 
foreseen. Young Raleigh was killed by a shot, while animating 
his followers ; Keymis, however, and his surviving companions, 
not dismayed by the unfortunate accident, took, plundered, and 
burned St. Thomas ; but found in it no booty adequate to their 
expectations *. 

It might have been expected that these bold adventurers, 
having overcome all opposition, would now have gone in quest 
of their grand object, the gold mine, with which Keymis was 
said to be as well acquainted as Raleigh. But, although that 
officer affirmed that he was within a few miles of the place, he 
refused, under the most absurd pretences, to carry his com- 
panions thither, or to take any effectual step for again finding it 
himself. Struck, as it should seem, with the atrocity of his 
conduct, and with his embarrassing situation, he immediately 
returned to Raleigh with the sorrowful news of his son's death, 
and the disappointment of his followers. The interview, it may 
be conjectured, was not the most agreeable that could have 
ensued between the parties. Under the strong agitation of 
mind which it occasioned, Keymis, keenly sensible to reproach, 
and foreseeing disgrace, if not an ignominious death, as the 
reward of his violence and imposture, retired into his cabin, and 
put an end to his life. 

The sequel of this delusive and pompous expedition it is still 
more painful to relate. The adventurers in general now con- 
cluded that they were deceived by Raleigh ; that the story of 
the mine had only been invented to afford him a pretext for pil- 
laging St. Thomas, the spoils of which, he hoped, would encou- 
rage his followers to proceed to the plunder of other Spanish 
settlements, that he expected to repair his ruined fortune by such 

1 These particulars may be distinctly collected from the king's Vindication and 
Raleigh's Apology. 

3 In apology for this violence it has been said that the Spaniards had built the 
town of St. Thomas in a country originally discovered by Raleigh, and therefore he 
had a right to dispossess them. If we admit that to be the case, Raleigh could 
never be excusable in making war without any commission empowering him so to 
do, much less in invading the Spanish settlements contrary to his commission. 
But the fact is otherwise : the Spaniards had frequently visited the coast of Guiana 
before Raleigh touched upon it. Even as early as the year 1499, Alonzo de Ojedo 
and Americus Vespucius had landed on different parts of that coast, and made some 
excursions up the country (Herrera, dec. i. lib. iv. cap. 1, 2); and the great 
Columbus himself had discovered the mouth of the Oronoco some years before. 
Between three and four hundred Spaniards are said to have been killed by Keymis 
and his party, at the sacking of St. Thomas. " This is the true mine .'" said young 
Raleigh, as he rushed on to the attack, " and none but fools looked for any other." 
Howell's Letters, vol. ii. 



LETT. ii. MODERN EUROPE. 225 

daring enterprises, trusting to the riches he should acquire for 
obtaining a pardon from James; or, if that prospect failed, in- 
tended to take refuge in some foreign country, where his wealth 
would secure him an asylum '. The inconsiderable booty gained 
in that town, however, discouraged his followers from embracing 
these splendid projects, though it appears that he had employed 
many artifices to engage them in his designs. Besides, they saw 
a palpable absurdity in a fleet, acting under the sanction of royal 
authority, committing depredations against the allies of the 
crown ; they therefore thought it safest, whatever might be their 
inclinations, or how great soever their disappointment, to return 
immediately to England, and carry their leader with them to 
answer for his conduct. 

On the examination of Raleigh and his companions, before the 
privy council, where the foregoing facts were brought to light, it 
appeared that the king's suspicions of his intentions had been 
well-grounded ; that, in defiance of his instructions, he had com- 
mitted hostilities against the subjects of the king of Spain, and 
had wilfully burned and destroyed a town belonging to that 
prince ; so that he might have been tried either by common law 
for this act of violence, or by martial law for breach of orders. 
But it was the opinion of the crown lawyers, as we learn from 
Bacon 2 , that as Raleigh still lay under an actual attainder for 
high treason, he could not be brought to a new trial for any 
other crime. James, therefore, in order to satisfy the court of 
Madrid, which was very clamorous on this occasion, signed the 
warrant for his execution under his former sentence. 

Raleigh's behaviour, since his return, had hitherto been be- 
neath the dignity of his character. He had counterfeited mad- 
ness and a variety of disorders, with a view of delaying his ex- 
amination, and procuring the means of escape. But, finding his 
fate inevitable, he now collected all his courage, and met death 
with the most heroic indifference. Feeling the edge of the axe 
with which he was to be beheaded, " It is a sharp remedy," said 
he, " but a sure one for all ills !" then calmly laid his head on 
the block, and received the fatal blow 3 . 

Of all the transactions of a reign distinguished by public dis- 
content, this was perhaps the most odious. Men of every class 
were filled with indignation against the court. Even such as 
acknowledged the justice of Raleigh's punishment, blamed the 

1 See the king's Vindication. 

2 See Original Letters, &c. published by Dr. Birch, p. 181. 

3 Franklin. 

VOL. II. Q 



2'>6 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

measure. They thought it cruel to execute a sentence, originally 
severe, and tacitly pardoned, which had been so long suspended ; 
and they considered it as mean and impolitic, even though a new 
trial had been instituted, to sacrifice to a concealed enemy of 
England the only man in the kingdom whose reputation was high 
for valour and military experience. 

Unhappily for James, the intimate connexions which he was 
endeavouring to form with Spain increased the public dissatisfac- 
tion. Gondomar, a man capable of the most artful flattery, and 
no stranger to the king's hereditary pride, had proposed a match 
between the prince of Wales and the second daughter of his 
Catholic majesty; and, to render the temptation irresistible to 
the English monarch, whose necessities were well known, he 
gave hopes of an immense fortune with the Spanish princess. 
Allured by the prospect of that alliance, James, it has been 
affirmed, was not only induced to bring Raleigh to the block, 
but to abandon his son-in-law the Palatine, and the Protestant 
interest in Germany, to the ambition of the house of Austria. 
The latter suspicion completed the odium occasioned by the 
former, and roused the attention of parliament. 

We have formerly had occasion to treat of the conduct and 
the misfortunes of Frederic, the elector Palatine, who was driven 
from Bohemia, and dispossessed of his hereditary dominions, by 

A. D. the power of the emperor, supported by the Spanish 

1620. branch of the house of Austria, in spite of all the efforts 
of the German Protestants and the Dutch l . The news of these 
disasters no sooner reached England than the voice of the nation 
was loud against the king's inactivity. People of all ranks were 
on fire to engage in the defence of the distressed Palatine, and 
rescue their Protestant brethren from the persecutions of the 
idolatrous Catholics, their implacable and cruel enemies. In this 
quarrel they would cheerfully have marched to the extremity of 
Europe, have inconsiderately plunged themselves into a chaos of 
German politics, and freely have expended the blood and trea- 
sure of the kingdom. They therefore regarded James's neutrality 
as a base desertion of the cause of God and of his holy religion ; 
without reflecting that their interference in the wars of the con- 
tinent, however agreeable to pious zeal, could not be justified on 
any sound maxims of policy. 

The king's ideas relative to this matter, were not more liberal 
than those of his subjects ; but happily, for once, they were more 

i See Part I. Letter LXXVI. 



LETT. ii. MODERN EUROPE. 227 

friendly to the welfare of the nation. Shocked at the revolt of a 
people against their prince, he refused, on that account, to patro* 
nise the Bohemian Protestants, or to bestow on his son-in-law 
the title of king 1 ; although he owned that he had not examined 
their pretensions, privileges, or constitution. To have withdrawn 
their allegiance from their sovereign, under any circumstances 
whatever, was, in his eyes, an enormous crime, and a sufficient 
reason <br withholding all support from them; as if subjects 
must be ever in the wrong, when they act in opposition to those 
who have acquired or assumed authority over them, how much 
soever that authority may have been abused ! 

That Spanish match is likewise allowed to have had some in- 
fluence upon the political sentiments of James, on this occasion. 
He nattered himself that, in consequence of his son's marriage 
with the infanta, and the close connexions it would form between 
England and Spain, besides other advantages, the restitution of 
the Palatinate might be procured from motives of mere friendship. 
The principal members of the house of commons, however, 
thought very differently : the projected marriage was the great 
object of their terror. They saw no good that could result from 
it, but were apprehensive of a multitude of evils, which, as the 
guardians of public liberty and general happiness, they thought 
it their duty to prevent. They accordingly framed a re- A. D. 
monstrance to the king, representing the enormous growth 1621 - 
of the Austrian power as dangerous to the liberties of Europe, 
and lamenting the rapid progress of the Catholic religion in 
England ; and they entreated his majesty instantly to take arms 
in defence of the Palatine: to turn his sword against Spain, 
whose treasures were the chief support of the Catholic interest 
over Europe ; and to exclude all hope of the toleration or re- 
establishment of popery in the kingdom, by entering into no 
negotiation for the marriage of his son Charles, but with a 
Protestant princess. Yet more effectually to extinguish that 
idolatrous worship, they requested that the fines and confisca- 
tions, to which the Catholics were subject by law, should be 
levied with the utmost rigour ; and that the children of such as 
refused to conform to the established worship should be taken 
from their parents, and committed to the care of Protestant 
divines and schoolmasters*. 

Without waiting for the offer of these instructions, which 

1 It was a very dangerous precedent, he said, against all Christian kings, to allow 
the transfer of a crown by the people. Franklin, p. 48. 
Rushworth, vol. i. 



228 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

militated against his favourite maxims of government, the enraged 
monarch wrote to the speaker of the house of commons, com- 
manding him to admonish the members in his majesty's name, 
not to presume to meddle with any thing that regarded his 
government, or with deep matters of state, as above their reach 
and capacity ; and especially not to touch on his son's marriage 
with a daughter of Spain, nor to attack the honour of that king, 
or any other of his friends and confederates. Consciousof their 
strength and popularity, the commons were rather roused than 
intimidated by this imperious letter. With a new remonstrance 
they returned the former, which had been withdrawn ; and main- 
tained, that they were entitled to interpose with their counsel in 
all matters of government ; and that a perfect freedom of speech, 
in their debates on public business, was their ancient and un- 
doubted right, and an inheritance transmitted to them from their 
ancestors *. 

The king's reply was keen and ready. He told the commons, 
that their remonstrance was more like a denunciation of war than 
an address of dutiful and loyal subjects : that their pretension 
to inquire into all state affairs, without exception, was a plenipo- 
tence to which none of their ancestors, even during the weakest 
reigns, had ever dared to aspire : and he closed his answer with 
the following memorable words, which discover a considerable 
share of political sagacity ; " Although we cannot allow of your 
style, in mentioning your ancient and undoubted right and in- 
heritance, but would rather have wished that ye had said, that your 
privileges were derived from the grace and permission of our an- 
cestors and us (for the most of them grew from precedents which 
show rather a toleration than inheritance) ; yet we are pleased 
to give you our royal assurance, that, as long as you contain 
yourselves within the limits of your duty, we will be as careful to 
maintain and preserve your lawful liberties and privileges as ever 
any of our predecessors were, nay, as to preserve our own royal 
prerogative V 

Alarmed at this dangerous insinuation, that their privileges 
were derived from royal favour, the commons framed a protest 
in which they opposed pretension to pretension, and declared, 
" that the liberties, franchises, privileges, and jurisdictions of 
parliament, were the ancient and undoubted birth-right and 
inheritance of the subjects of England, and that the arduous and 
urgent affairs concerning the king, state, and defence of the 

1 Rushworth, ubi sup. * Franklin. Rushworth. 



LETT. ii. MODERN EUROPE. 229 

realm, and of the church of England, and the maintenance and 
making of laws, and redress of grievances, which daily happened 
within this realm, were proper subjects, and matter of counsel or 
debate, in parliament : and that, in the handling and proceeding 
on these businesses, every member of the house of parliament had, 
and of right ought to have, freedom of speech to propound, treat, 
reason, and bring to conclusion the same V 

Thus, my dear Philip, was fully opened, between the king 
and parliament, the grand dispute concerning privilege and pre- 
rogative, which gave birth to the court and country parties, and 
which so long occupied the tongues, the pens, and even swords, 
of the most able and active men of the nation. Without enter- 
ing deeply into this dispute (of which you must make yourself 
master by consulting the controversial writers), or joining either 
party, it may be observed, that if our ancestors, from the violent 
invasion of William the Norman to the period of which we are 
treating, did not enjoy so perfect, or perhaps so extensive a 
system of liberty, as since the Revolution of 1688, they were at 
no time legally subject to the rule of an absolute sovereign ; and 
that, although the victorious arms and insidious policy of a 
foreign and hostile prince obliged them, in the hour of mis- 
fortune, to submit to his ambitious sway, and to the tyrannical 
laws which he afterwards thought proper to impose upon the 
nation, the spirit of liberty was never extinguished in the breasts 
of Englishmen. They still looked back, with admiration and 
regret, to their independent condition under their native princes, 
and to the freedom of their Saxon forefathers ; and, as soon as 
circumstances would permit, they compelled their princes, of the 
Norman line, to restore to them the most essential of their 
former laws, privileges, and immunities. These original rights, 
as we have seen, were repeatedly confirmed to them by charter ; 
and if they were also frequently violated by encroaching princes, 
those infractions ought never to be pleaded as precedents, every 
such violation being a flagrant act of injustice and perjury, as 
every king, by his coronation oath, was solemnly bound to main- 
tain the national charters. Nor did the people, keenly sensible 
of those injuries and insults, fail to avenge themselves, as often 
as it was in their power, on the invaders of their liberties, or to 
take new measures for their future security. 

So far we may speak with certainty. But, whether the com- 
mons were at first admitted into parliament through the indul- 

1 Rusliworth, vol. i. 



230 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

gence of the prince, or in consequence of an original right to sit 
there, and of what they claimed as their constitutional province, 
are points of greater intricacy and less moment. That subject, 
however, I have had occasion to consider in some former epistles 1 . 
It will, therefore, be sufficient here to observe, that the English 
government was never a mere monarchy ; that there was always 
a parliament or national assembly ; that the commons, or third 
estate, had very early, and as soon as they were of any political 
importance, a place in that assembly ; and that the privileges for 
which they now contended were necessary to enable them to act 
with dignity, or indeed in such a manner as to be useful to the 
community, either in their deliberative or legislative capacity. 

The subsequent transactions of this reign were neither 
numerous nor very important. They afford, however, a picture 
of the weakness and extravagance of human nature, and there- 
fore merit our attention, as observers of the manners, as well as 
of the policy of nations, and of the vices and follies no less than 
of the respectable qualities of men. 

The Spanish match was still the king's favourite object ; and 
A.D. he ordered lord Digby (afterward earl of Bristol), his 

1622. ambassador at the court of Madrid, to recommend and 
expedite that measure, while he softened at home the severity 
of the laws against popish recusants. The same religious motives 
which had hitherto disinclined the Spaniards to the marriage, now 
disposed them to promote it. They hoped to see the Catholic 
church freed from persecution, if not the ancient worship re- 
established in England, by means of the infanta ; and so full 
were they of this idea, that Bristol, a vigilant and discerning 
minister, assured his master not only that the Palatine would be 
restored to his dominions, but, what was still more agreeable to 
the needy monarch, that a dowry of two millions of pesos, or 
about five hundred thousand pounds sterling, would accompany 
the royal bride 2 . 

This alliance, however, was still odious to the English nation ; 
A.D. and Buckingham, jealous of the reputation of Bristol, 

1623. by a most absurd adventure contrived to ruin both him 
and the negotiation. To ingratiate himself with the prince of 
Wales, with whose candid turn of mind he was well acquainted, 
he represented to him the peculiar unhappiness of princes in 

1 See Part I. Lett. XXIV. XXXI. XXXIII. and XXXVI. 

2 Rushworth, vol. i. The marriage and restitution of the Palatinate, we are 
assured by the most undoubted testimony, were always considered by the court of 
Spain as inseparable. Parl. Hist. vol. vi. p. 66. Franklin, p. 71, 72. 



LETT. ii. MODERN EUROPE. 231 

commonly receiving to their arms an unknown bride one not 
endeared by sympathy, or obliged by services, wooed by treaties 
alone, and attached by no ties but those of political interest ! 
that it was in his power, by visiting Spain in person, to avoid 
all these inconveniences, and to lay such an obligation on the 
infanta, if he found her really worthy of his love, as could not 
fail to warm the coldest affections ; that his journey to Madrid, 
so conformable to the generous ideas of Spanish gallantry, would 
recommend him to the princess under the endearing character of a 
devoted lover and daring adventurer ; and, at the same time, would 
afford him a desirable opportunity of choosing for himself the com- 
panion of his future life, and the partner of his bed and throne 1 . 

These arguments made a deep impression on the affectionate 
temper of Charles. He obtained, in an unguarded hour, his 
father's consent to the Spanish journey ; and the two adven- 
turers departed, to the great uneasiness of James ; who, as soon 
as he had leisure for reflection, apprehended bad consequences 
from the unbridled spirit of Buckingham, and the youth and 
inexperience of his son. For a time, however, the affairs of the 
prince of Wales wore a very promising aspect at Madrid. Philip 
IV., one of the most magnificent monarchs that ever sat on the 
Spanish throne, paid Charles a visit immediately on his arrival, 
and expressed the utmost gratitude for the confidence reposed 
in him. He gave him a golden key, which opened all his apart- 
ments, that the prince might, without any introduction, have 
access to him at all hours. He took the left hand of him on 
every occasion and in every place, except in the apartments 
assigned to Charles ; a distinction founded on the most perfect 
principles of politeness : " For here," said Philip, " you are at 
home !" He was introduced into the palace with the same pomp 
and ceremony that attended the kings of Spain at their coronation. 
All the gaols were thrown open, and all the prisoners received 
their freedom, as if the most fortunate and honourable event had 
happened to the monarchy*. 

Independent of his enthusiastic gallantry towards the infanta, 
and the unparalleled confidence which he had placed in the 
honour of the Spanish nation by his romantic journey to Madrid, 
the decent reserve, and modest deportment of Charles endeared 
him to that grave and formal people, and inspired them with the 
most favourable ideas of his character ; while the bold manner, 
the unrestrained freedom of discourse, the sallies of passion, the 

1 Clarendon, vol. i. * Franklin, p. 74 Rushworth, vol. i. 



232 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

levity and licentiousness of Buckingham, entailed upon him the 
odium of the whole court. The grandees could not conceal 
their surprise, that such an unprincipled young man, who seemed 
to respect no laws, divine or human, should be allowed to obtrude 
himself into a negotiation, already almost conducted to a happy 
issue by so able a statesman as the earl of Bristol : and the 
ministry hinted a doubt of the sufficiency of his powers, as they 
had not been confirmed by the privy council of England, in 
order to prevent him from assuming the merit of the matri- 
monial treaty. He grossly insulted, and publicly quarrelled 
with, the duke d'Olivarez ; a circumstance that rendered him 
still more obnoxious to the Spanish courtiers, who contemplated 
with horror the infanta's future condition, in being exposed to 
the approaches of such a brutal man *. 

Sensible how much he was hated by the Spaniards, and 
dreading the influence which the court of Madrid would acquire 
in England, in consequence of the projected marriage, Bucking- 
ham resolved to poison the mind of the prince, and, if possible, 
prevent the nuptials from taking place : and he effected his 
purpose. But history has not informed us by what arguments 
he induced Charles to offer so heinous an affront to the Spanish 
nation, after such generous treatment, and to the infanta, whom 
he had gone so far to visit, and for whom he had hitherto ex- 
pressed the warmest attachment. Although we may conjecture, 
from his subsequent conduct, that they were of the political kind, 
we only know with certainty, that when the prince of Wales left 
Madrid, he was firmly determined to break off the treaty with 
Spain, notwithstanding all his professions to the contrary ; that 
when the duke arrived in England, he ascribed the failure of 
the negotiation solely to the insincerity and duplicity of the 
Spaniards ; that, by means of these false representations, to 
which the king and his son meanly gave their assent, he ingra- 
tiated himself with the popular party : and that the nation 
eagerly rushed into a war against the Spanish monarchy, to 
revenge insults which it had never sustained 2 . 

The situation of the earl of Bristol, at the court of Madrid, 
was now truly pitiable ; nor were the domestic concerns of that 
court a little distressing, or the English monarch's embarrass- 
ment small. To abandon a project which had for many years 
been the chief object of his wishes, and which he had now unex- 
pectedly conducted to so desirable a crisis, to be embroiled with 

1 Clarendon, vol. i. Rushworth, vol. i. * Id. ibid. 



LETT. ii. MODERN EUROPE. 233 

Spain, and lose two millions of pesos, were prospects by no 
means agreeable to the pacific temper and indigent condition of 
James : but finding his only son averse to a match which had 
always been odious to his people, and opposed by his parliament, 
he yielded to difficulties which he wanted courage or strength of 
mind to overcome. 

It was now the business of Charles and the duke to seek for 
pretences, by which they might give some appearance of justice 
to their intended breach of treaty. They accordingly employed 
many artifices, in order to delay or prevent the espousals : and 
all these proving ineffectual, Bristol at last received positive 
orders not to deliver the proxy which had been left in his hands, 
before security should be given for the full restitution of the Pala- 
tinate 1 . The king of Spain understood this language. He was 
acquainted with Buckingham's disgust, and had expected that 
the violent disposition and unbounded influence of that favourite 
would leave nothing unattempted to produce a rupture. Resolv- 
ing, however, to demonstrate to all Europe the sincerity of his 
intentions, and to throw the blame where it was due, he deli- 
vered into Bristol's hands a written promise, binding himself to 
procure the restoration of the elector Palatine. And when he 
found that this concession gave no satisfaction to the court of 
England, he ordered the infanta to lay aside the title of princess 
of Wales, which she had borne after the arrival of the dispensa- 
tion from Rome, and to drop the study of the English language ; 
commanding, at the same time, preparations for war to be made 
throughout his extensive dominions 2 . 

Bristol, who, during Charles's residence in Spain, had always 
opposed, though unsuccessfully, his own wise and well-tempered 
counsels to the impetuous measures suggested by Buckingham ; 
and who, even after the" prince's departure, had strenuously in- 
sisted on the sincerity of the Spaniards in the conduct of the 
treaty, as well as on the advantages which England must reap 
from the completion of it; was enraged to find his zealous 
labours rendered abortive by the levities and caprices of an 
insolent minion. But he was not surprised to hear that the 
favourite had afterward declared himself his open enemy, and 
had thrown out many injurious reflections against him, botli 
before the council and parliament. Conscious, however, of his 
own innocence, Bristol prepared to leave Madrid on the first 
order to that purpose ; although Philip, sorry that this minister's 

1 Rushworth, vol. i. Wilson. 2 Rushworth, vol. i. 



234 THE HISTORY OF FART n. 

enemies should have so far prevailed as to infuse prejudices into 
his master and his country against a servant who had so faith- 
fully discharged his duty to both, entreated him to fix his resi- 
dence in Spain, where he should enjoy all the advantages of rank 
and fortune, rather than expose himself to the rancorous malice 
of his rival, and the ungovernable fury of the English populace. 

The ambassador's reply was truly magnanimous. While he 
expressed the utmost gratitude for that princely offer, he thought 
himself obliged, he said, to decline it ; that nothing would more 
confirm all the calumnies of his enemies than remaining at Ma- 
drid ; and that the highest dignity in the Spanish monarchy 
would be but a poor compensation for the loss of that honour, 
which he must endanger by such exaltation. Charmed with 
this answer, Philip begged the earl at least to accept a present 
of ten thousand ducats, which might be requisite for his support, 
until he could dissipate the calumnies of his enemies ; observing 
at the same time, that his compliance might be for ever concealed 
from the knowledge both of his master and the public. " There 
is one person," replied the generous nobleman, " who must 
necessarily know it ; he is the earl of Bristol, who will certainly 
reveal it to the king of England 1 !" 

The king was unworthy of such a servant. The earl, on his 
return, was immediately committed to the Tower. In vain did 
he demand an opportunity of justifying himself, and of laying 
his whole conduct before his master. Buckingham and the 

A. D. prince of Wales were inexorable, unless he would ac- 

1624. knowledge his misconduct ; a proposal, which his high 
spirit rejected with disdain. After being released from confine- 
ment, he was therefore ordered to retire to his country-seat, and 
to abstain from all attendance in parliament 2 . 

In consequence of the rupture with" Spain, and the hostile 
disposition of the parliament, the king entered into a confederacy 
with the French and the Dutch, for repressing the ambition of 
the house of Austria, and recovering the Palatinate. A treaty 
of marriage was about the same time negotiated between the 
prince of Wales and Henrietta of France, sister to Louis XIII., 

1 Franklin, p. 86. 

* Rushworth, vol. i. James, perhaps, is more to be pitied than blamed for his 
ungenerous treatment of Bristol, after his return. Supported by the prince of 
Wales, as well as by the popular party in parliament, Buckingham exercised the 
most imperious despotism over the king, always timid, and now in the decline of 
life. Yet when the duke insisted on the earl's signing a confession of his miscon- 
duct, as the only means of regaining favour at court, James had the spirit and the 
equity to say, that it was " a horrible tyranny to make an innocent man declare 
himself guilty." 



LETT. ii. MODERN EUROPE. 2.35 

an accomplished princess, whom Charles had seen and admired 
in his way to Madrid, and who retained, during his whole life, 
a dangerous ascendancy over him, by means of his too tender 
and affectionate heart 1 . 

This match was highly agreeable to James ; who, although well 
acquainted with the antipathy of his subjects to any alliance 
with Catholics, persevered in a romantic opinion, suggested by 
hereditary pride, that his son would be degraded by receiving 
into his bed a princess of less than royal extraction 2 . He did 
not live, however, to witness the celebration of the nup- Mar. 27. 
tials ; but died in the fifty-ninth year of his age, soon 1623 - 
after the armament under count Mansfield had put to sea for the 
recovery of the Palatinate 3 . 

That James was contemptible as a monarch must perhaps be 
allowed : but that he was so as a man, can by no means be 
admitted. His disposition was friendly, his temper benevolent, 
and his humour gay. He possessed a considerable share of 
learning and abilities, but wanted that vigour of mind, and dig- 
nity of manner, which are essential to form a respectable sove- 
reign. His spirit, rather than his understanding, was weak ; 
and perhaps only the loftiness of his pretensions, contrasted with 
the smallness of his kingly power, could have exposed him to 
ridicule, notwithstanding the ungracefulness of his person, and 
the gross familiarity of his conversation. His turn of mind 
inclined him to promote the arts, both useful and ornamental ; 
and that peace which he loved, and so timidly courted, was 
favourable to industry and commerce. It may therefore be 
confidently affirmed, that in no preceding period of the English 
monarchy was there a more sensible increase of all the advantages 
which distinguish a flourishing people, than during the reign of 
this despised prince. 

Of seven children, born to him by Anne of Denmark, James 



1 A secret passion for this princess had perhaps induced Charles, unknown to 
himself, to listen to the arguments of Buckingham, for breaking off the Spanish 
match ; and if the duke had discovered that passion, he would not fail to make use 
of it for accomplishing his purpose. Such a supposition forms the best apology for 
Charles's conduct in regard to the infanta. 

2 Rushworth, vol. i. 

3 The troops under Mansfield's command embarked at Dover ; but, sailing over 
to Calais, he found that no orders had been sent from court for their admission. 
After waiting in vain for such orders, he sailed towards Zealand, where the troops 
were likewise detained, as proper measures had not been taken for their debarka- 
tion. Meanwhile a pestilential distemper had broken out among the English sol- 
diers, so long cooped up in narrow vessels. One half of the men died while on 
board ; and the other half, weakened by sickness, appeared too feeble a body to 
march into the Palatinate. Rushworth, vol. i. Franklin, p. 104. 



236 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

left only one son, Charles I., and one daughter, Elizabeth, the 
unfortunate wife of the elector Palatine. We must carry for- 
ward the history of our own island, my dear Philip, to the catas- 
trophe of Charles, before we return to the affairs of the continent. 



LETTER III. 

Continuation of the History of England, from the Accession of 
Charles I. to the Assassination of the Duke of Buckingham, in 
1628. 

A. D. As Charles and the duke of Buckingham, by breaking 
1625. o ff the Spanish match, and engaging the nation in a war 
for the recovery of the Palatinate, had acquired the favour of the 
popular party in the house of commons, the young king was eager 
to meet the representatives of his people, that he might have an 
opportunity of showing himself to them in his new character, and 
of receiving a testimony of their dutiful attachment. Thus con- 
fident of the affection of his subjects, and not doubting that the 
parliament would afford him a liberal and voluntary supply, he 
employed no intrigue to influence the votes of the members. In 
his speech from the throne he slightly mentioned the exigencies 
of the state, but would not suffer the officers of the crown, who 
had seats in the house, to name or solicit any particular sum ; he 
left the whole to the generosity of the commons. But the 
commons had no generosity for Charles. Never was prince 
more deceived by placing confidence in any body of men. 
Though they knew that he was burthened with a large debt, 
contracted by his father ; that he was engaged in a difficult and 
expensive war with the whole house of Austria ; that this war 
was the result of their own importunate solicitations and en- 
treaties ; and that they had solemnly engaged to yield the 
necessary supplies for the support of it ; in order to answer all 
these great and important ends, and demonstrate their affection 
to their young sovereign, they granted him only two subsidies, 
amounting to about a hundred and twelve thousand pounds *. 
The causes of this excessive parsimony deserve to be traced. 

1 Cabala, p. 224. 



LETT. in. MODERN EUROPE. 237 

It is in vain to say, that, as war, during the feudal times, was 
supported by men, not money, the commons were not yet ac- 
customed to open their purses. As the heads of the country 
party, sir Edward Coke, sir Edwin Sandys, sir Robert Philips, 
sir Francis Seymour, sir Dudley Digges, sir John Elliot, sir 
Thomas Wentworth, Mr. Selden, and Mr. Pym, were men of 
great talents and enlarged views, they must have been sensible, 
that the feudal militia being now laid aside, naval and military 
enterprises could not be conducted without money. We must 
therefore look deeper for the motives of this cruel mockery of 
their young king, on his first appearance in parliament, and 
when his necessities, and the honour, if not the interest of the 
nation, seemed to call for the most liberal supply. 

These enlightened patriots, animated with a warm love of 
liberty, saw with regret a too extensive authority exercised by 
the crown ; and regardless of former precedents, were determined 
to seize the opportunity which the present crisis might afford 
them of restraining the royal prerogative within more reason- 
able bounds, and securing the privileges of the people by more 
firm arid precise barriers than the constitution had hitherto pro- 
vided for them. They accordingly resolved to grant no supplies 
to their necessitous prince, without extorting proportional con- 
cessions in favour of civil liberty. And how ungenerous soever 
such a conduct might seem, they conceived that it was fully 
justified by the beneficent end they had in view. The means 
were regular and constitutional. To grant or refuse supplies, 
was the undoubted privilege of the commons ; and as all human 
governments, especially those of a mixed kind, are in continual 
fluctuation, it was, in their opinion, as natural and allowable for 
popular assemblies to take advantage of favourable conjunctures, 
in order to secure the rights of the subject, as for sovereigns to 
make use of such occasions for the extension of the royal autho- 
rity. 

Besides these general arguments, the commons had reasons 
of a particular and personal nature, which induced them to be 
sparing in their aids to the crown. Though Buckingham, in 
order to screen himself from the resentment of James, who was 
enraged at his breaking off the Spanish match, had affected 
popularity, and entered into cabals with the puritans, they were 
always doubtful of his sincerity. Now, secure of the confidence 
of Charles, he had realized their suspicions, by abandoning them ; 
and was, on that account, the distinguished object of their 
hatred, as well as of their fears. They saw with terror and con- 



238 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

cern, the whole power of administration grasped by his ambitious 
hand ; while he governed his master more absolutely than he 
had influenced even the late king, and possessed in his single 
person, the most considerable offices of the state. The rest were 
chiefly occupied by his numerous flatterers and dependents, 
whom his violent temper prompted him to raise suddenly to the 
highest point of elevation, and to throw down, on the least oc- 
casion of displeasure, with equal impetuosity and violence. Dis- 
gusted with the failure of the expedition under Mansfield, the 
commons were of opinion, that such ministers were not to be 
trusted with the management of a war, how laudable soever its 
object ; for, allowing, what was very improbable, that success 
should attend their measures, the event was not less to be 
dreaded. A conquering army, in the hands of unprincipled men, 
might prove as dangerous to freedom as an invasion from a foreign 
enemy. Religion, at least, would be exposed to the utmost 
peril ; religion, already insulted by the appearance of popish 
priests in their vestments, and the relaxation of the laws against 
recusants, in consequence of the alliance with France 1 , at a time 
when the peace of many an honest mind was disturbed by being 
obliged to conform to the more decent ceremonies of the church 
of England, and when many a bold heart trembled at the sight 
of a surplice. 

Influenced by these reasonings, however justifiable the com- 
mons might think their parsimony, it appeared in a very different 
light to Charles. He at first considered it as the offspring of 
spleen against Buckingham, and, as such, ungetierous and cruel ; 
but when he perceived that it proceeded from a purpose of 
abridging his prerogative, which he thought already too limited, 
he regarded that purpose as highly criminal. As he cherished 
very lofty ideas of monarchical power, an attempt to circumscribe 
his authority seemed to him little less than a conspiracy against 
the throne. As the plague at that time raged in London, he 
re-assembled the parliament at Oxford ; and laying aside that 
delicacy which he had hitherto observed, he endeavoured to 
draw from the commons a more liberal supply, by making them 
fully acquainted with the state of his affairs, with the debts of 
the crown, the expenses of the war, the steps he had taken, and 
the engagements into which he had entered for conducting it. 
But all his arguments and entreaties were fruitless; the com- 

1 A chapel at Somerset-house had been built for the queen and her family, with 
conveniences adjoining for Capuchin friars, who had permission to walk abroad, in 
their religious habits. Rushworth, vol. i. 



LETT. in. MODERN EUROPE. 239 

mons remained inexorable. They obstinately refused any 
farther assistance ; though it was known that a fleet and army 
were lying at Portsmouth in want of pay and provisions, and 
that Buckingham and the treasurer of the navy had advanced, on 
their own credit, near a hundred thousand pounds for the sea 
service 1 . They answered him only by vexatious petitions and 
complaints of grievances. 

Enraged at such obstinacy, Charles dissolved the par- Aug. 
liament, and attempted to raise money by other means. 12 - 
He had recourse to the old expedient of forcing a loan from the 
subject. For this purpose privy seals were issued ; and, by sums 
so raised, he was enabled, though with difficulty, to equip his 
fleet. It consisted of eighty sail, including transports and some 
Dutch ships, and carried an army of ten thousand men. The 
chief command was entrusted to the viscount Wimbledon, lately 
sir Edward Cecil, one of Buckingham's creatures. He sailed 
directly for Cadiz, and found the bay full of Spanish ships of 
great value ; yet these, through misconduct, were suffered to 
escape. The troops were landed, and a fort was taken. But 
that being found of small consequence, and an epidemical disease 
having broken out among the soldiers and sailors, occasioned by 
the immoderate use of new wine, "Wimbledon re-embarked his 
forces ; and after cruising off Cape St. Vincent, but without suc- 
cess, in hopes of intercepting the Spanish plate-fleet, he returned 
to England with his sickly crew, to the great dissatisfaction of 
the nation 2 . 

The failure of an enterprise from which he expected so much 
treasure obliged Charles again to call a parliament, and A. D. 
lay his necessities before the commons. They immediately I 626 - 
voted him three subsidies and three fifteenths, and afterward 
added one subsidy : yet the sum was still very inadequate to the 
exigencies of the state, and little fitted to promote the ambitious 
views of the young king. But the scantiness of this supply 
was not the most mortifying circumstance attending it. The 
commons, in the first instance, only voted it ; and reserved, to 
the end of the session, the power of giving that vote the sanction 
of a law. In the mean time, under colour of redressing griev- 
ances, they proceeded in regulating and controlling every part of 
government; and it required no deep penetration to perceive, 
that, if the king obstructed their measures, or refused compliance 



Parliamentary Hist. vol. vi. p. 390. 
Rush worth, vol. L Franklin, p. 13C. 



240 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

with their demands, he must expect no aid from parliament. 
Though Charles expressed great displeasure at this conditional 
mode of supply, as well as at the political inquiries of the com- 
mons, his pressing wants obliged him to submit, and wait with 
patience the issue of their deliberations *. 

In order to strike at the root of all their grievances, the com- 
mons took a step little expected by the king or his minister. 
They proceeded to impeach the duke of Buckingham, who had 
long been odious to the nation, and became more so every day 
by his arrogant behaviour, by the uncontrolled ascendancy 
which he maintained over his master, and the pernicious counsels 
which he was supposed to have dictated. The union of many 
offices in his person, his acceptance of extensive grants from the 
crown, and the influence which he had used for procuring many 
titles of honour for his kindred the chief articles of accusation 
exhibited against him might perhaps be considered as griev- 
ances, and might justly inspire with resentment such as thought 
they had a right to share in the honours and employments of the 
state, but could not, in the eye of the law, be considered as suffi- 
cient grounds for an impeachment. Charles, therefore, thinking 
that the duke's whole guilt consisted in being his friend and 
favourite, rashly resolved to support him at all hazards, regard- 
less of the fate of the additional supply, or the clamours of the 
public 2 . 

The lord-keeper, in the king's name, desired the commons not 
to meddle with his minister and servant ; and a message was also 
sent to them, that, if they did not speedily furnish his majesty 
with supplies, he would be obliged to try NEW COUNSELS. They 
went on, however, with their impeachment of the duke ; though 
sir John Elliot and sir Dudley Digges, two of the members who 
had been employed to conduct it, were sent to the Tower. And 
the majority of the house, after this insult, declared they would 
proceed no farther upon business until they were righted in 
their privileges ; and Charles, ever ready to adopt violent coun- 
sels, but wanting firmness to persevere in them, finding he had 
acted with too much precipitancy, ordered the members to be 
set at liberty *. Thus irritated but not intimidated, by a prince 
who had discovered his weakness and imprudence, the commons, 
regardless of the public necessities, continued their inquiries into 
the conduct of Buckingham ; but not being able to fix any 



1 Parl. Hist. vol. vi. 2 Franklin, p. 198. Rushworth, vol. 

3 Rushworth, vol. i. 



LETT. in. MODERN EUROPE. 241 

crime upon him, that could be legally brought under the de- 
nomination of high treason, they drew up a petition for removing 
him from his majesty's person and councils, as an unwise and 
dangerous minister 1 . 

From the affectionate and respectful style of that petition we 
may almost presume, that, if Charles had complied with the re- 
quest of the commons, by renouncing all future connexion with 
the duke, a good understanding might yet have been established 
between the king and parliament, and all the horrors of civil war 
prevented ; for, if the pretensions of the commons afterwards 
exceeded the line of the constitution, these extravagant preten- 
sions were roused by the arbitrary proceedings of the crown, 
which excited a hatred to royal authority, and a desire of recri- 
mination, which at last proved fatal to the monarchy. It may 
indeed be urged, on the other side, that the arbitrary proceed- 
ings of the crown were occasioned by the obstinacy of the par- 
liament ; that Charles had no desire of oppressing his subjects, 
how high soever his ideas of prerogative might be ; and would 
never have attempted any unconstitutional measure, if the com- 
mons had furnished him with the necessary and reasonable 
supplies. Both parties were therefore to blame, and perhaps 
equally ; yet I am inclined to believe that the commons were 
sincere, when they made this solemn declaration to the king, at 
the close of a remonstrance that followed their petition : 

" We profess, in the presence of Almighty God, the searcher 
of all hearts, that you are as highly esteemed and beloved as ever 
any of your predecessors were !" And, after entreating him to 
dismiss Buckingham from his presence, they thus apologise for 
their parsimony : " We protest to your majesty and to the 
whole world, that, until this great person be removed from 
intermeddling with the affairs of state, we are out of hope of 
any good success : and do fear that any money we shall or can 
give, will, through his misemployment, be turned rather to the 
prejudice of this your kingdom than otherwise, as, by lamentable 
experience, we have found in those large supplies formerly and 
lately given. But no sooner shall we receive redress and relief 
in this, which, of all others, is our most insupportable grievance, 
but we shall forthwith proceed to accomplish your majesty's own 
desire for supply ; and likewise, with all cheerfulness, apply 
ourselves to the perfecting of divers other great things, such as 
we think no one parliament in one age can parallel, tending to 

1 Parl. Hist. voL vii. 
VOL. II. R 



242 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

the stability, wealth, strength, and honour, of this your kingdom, 
and the support of your friends and allies abroad 1 ." 

Enraged at this second attempt to deprive him of his minister 
and favourite, Charles paid no regard to the prayer of the com- 
mons, or to his loss of supply, the necessary consequence of 
denying it, but immediately prepared to dissolve the parliament, 
in order to avoid any farther importunity on a subject so un- 
grateful to his ear. "What idea," said he, "must all mankind 
entertain of my honour, should I sacrifice my innocent friend to 
pecuniary considerations ?" But, even if this friend and servant 
had been more innocent, and more able, than we find him to 
have been, it was the king's duty, as well as his interest, to dis- 
miss his minister from all public employments, at the request of 
the representative body of his subjects. For, as the commons 
very justly observed in their remonstrance, " the relations be- 
tween a sovereign and his people do far transcend, and are more 
prevalent and binding than any relation of a master towards his 
servant; and consequently, to hear and satisfy the just and 
necessary desires of his people is more honourable to a prince 
than any expressions of grace to a servant *." 

Instead of listening to such respectful arguments, Charles, by 
persevering in his support of Buckingham, involved himself, in 
the opinion of the nation, in all his favourite's crimes, whether 
real or imputed. Among these was a charge of having applied 
to the late king's side, without the knowledge of his physicians, 
a plaster, which was supposed to have been the cause of his 
death ; an accusation which, if Charles had believed it to be just, 
would have loosened all the ties of affection to Buckingham, and 
which he would have prosecuted to the utmost. Yet were there 
people wicked enough to suppose, from the king's blind attach- 
ment to the duke, that he had been privy to such an atrocious 
crime. His adherence to this worthless man was indeed so 
strong as to exceed all belief. When the house of peers, whose 
compliant behaviour surely entitled them to some influence with 

June him, requested that he would let the parliament sit a little 

15. longer, he hastily replied, " Not a moment longer 3 !" and 
instantly closed the sessions by a dissolution. 

In this alarming crisis of his affairs, as he did not choose to 
resign his minister, the only rational course which Charles could 
pursue was immediately to conclude a peace with Spain ; and, by 
that prudent measure, to render himself as independent as pos- 

1 Parl. Hist, vol. vii. 2 Id. Ibid. Sanderson's Life of Charles I. 



LETT. HI. MODERN EUROPE. 243 

sible of the parliament, which seemed determined to take advan- 
tage of his necessities, in order to abridge his authority. Nothing 
could be more easy, more consistent with national interest, or 
more agreeable to his own wish ; but the violent and impetuous 
Buckingham, inflamed with a desire of revenge for injuries which 
he himself had committed, and animated with a love of glory, 
which he wanted talents to acquire, persuaded his too facile master 
to continue the war, though he had not been able to procure him 
the constitutional means of supporting it. Those new counsels, 
which Charles had mentioned to the parliament, were therefore 
now to be tried, in order to supply his exigencies : and so high 
an idea had he conceived of kingly power, and so contemptible 
an opinion of the rights of national assemblies, that if he had 
possessed a military force on which he could have depended, there 
is reason to believe he would at once have laid aside all reserve, 
and have attempted to govern without any regard to parliamentary 
privileges *. But, being destitute of such a force, he was obliged 
to cover his violences under the sanction of ancient precedents, 
collected from all the tyrannical reigns since the Norman con- 
quest. 

The people, however, were too keen-sighted not to perceive 
that examples can never alter the nature of injustice. They 
therefore complained loudly of the benevolences and loans which 
were extorted from them under various forms ; and these com- 
plaints were increased by a commission, which was openly issued 
for compounding with popish recusants, and dispensing, for a 
sum of money, with the penal laws enacted against them *. 
While the nation was in this dissatisfied humour, intelligence 
arrived of the defeat of the Protestants in Germany, in whose 
army were about five thousand English, by the imperial forces. 
A general loan from the subject was now exacted, equal to the 
four subsidies and three fifteenths voted by the last parliament ; 
and many respectable persons were thrown into prison for 
refusing to pay their assessments. Most of them patiently sub- 
mitted to confinement, or applied by petition to the king, who 
generally released them. Five gentlemen alone, namely, sir 
Thomas Darnel, sir John Corbet, sir Walter Earl, sir John 
Heveningham, and sir Edward Hampden, had resolution enough 
to demand their release, not as a favour from the prince, but as 
their right by the laws of their country 3 . 

1 This is the opinion of Mr. Hume, who will not be suspected of traducing the 
character of Charles. 

1 Kuslnvonh, vol. i. * Id. ibid. 

R 2 



244 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

On examination it was found that these gentlemen had been 
arbitrarily committed by the king and council, without the alle- 
gation of any cause for such commitment. The question was 
brought to a solemn trial in the court of King's Bench ; and in 
the course of the debates it appeared incontestibly to the nation, 
that our ancestors had been so jealous of personal liberty as to 
secure it against absolute power in the prince, not only by an 
article in the GREAT CHARTER itself, the sacred basis of the 
laws and constitution, but by six statutes besides '. As there 

A.D. were many precedents, however, of the violation of those 

1627. statutes, the judges, obsequious to the court, refused to 
release the prisoners, or to admit them to bail *. 

The cry was now loud that the nation was reduced to slavery. 
The liberty of the subject was violated for refusing to submit to 
an illegal imposition ! Nor was this the only arbitrary measure 
of which the people had reason to complain. The troops that 
had returned from the fruitless expedition against Cadiz were 
dispersed over the kingdom, and billeted upon private families, 
contrary to established customs, which required that they should 
be quartered at inns and public-houses. And all persons of sub- 
stance, who had refused or delayed the loan, were sure to be 
loaded with a disproportionate number of these disorderly guests ; 
while people of inferior condition, who had manifested an incom- 
pliant spirit, were pressed into the sea or land service 3 . Every 
one, in a word, seemed to feel the public grievances, and to exe- 
crate the oppressive spirit of administration, though passive obe- 
dience was strongly recommended from the pulpit ; and the crimes 
and outrages, committed by the soldiers, contributed to increase 
the general discontent. 

In the midst of these alarming dissatisfactions and increasing 
difficulties, when baffled in every attempt against the dominions 
of the two branches of the house of Austria, and embroiled with 
his own subjects, what was the surprise of mankind to see Charles, 
as if he had not yet a sufficient number of enemies, engage in a 
war against France ! Unable to account for so extraordinary a 
measure, historians have generally ascribed it to an amorous 
quarrel between cardinal Richelieu and the duke of Buckingham, 
on account of a rival passion for the queen of France, and the 
encouragement which the duke had received, when employed to 
bring over the princess Henrietta, which induced him to project 

1 25 Edw. III. cap. iv. 28 Edw. III. cap. iii. 37 Edw. III. cap. xviii. 38 Edw. 
III. cap. ix. 42 Edw. III. cap. iii. 1 Rich. II. cap. xii. 
1 Rushworth, vol. i. Id. ibid. 



LETT. in. MODERN EUROPE. 245 

a new embassy to that court, as I have formerly had occasion to 
relate 1 . But however that might be, Buckingham had other 
reasons for involving his master in a new war with France. 

One of the articles of impeachment against the duke, and that 
which had excited the greatest odium, was the sending of some 
English ships to assist the French king in subduing his Protestant 
subjects. To this impolitic and inhuman measure Buckingham 
had been seduced by a promise, that as soon as the Huguenots 
were reduced, Louis would take an active part in the war against 
the house of Austria. But afterward finding himself deceived 
by Richelieu, who had nothing in view but the aggrandisement 
of the French monarchy, he procured a peace for the Huguenots, 
and engaged to secure its performance. That peace, however, 
was not observed, as Richelieu was intent on the ruin of the 
Protestant party in France. Such an event, it was readily fore- 
seen, would render France more formidable to England than 
the whole house of Austria. Besides, if Charles and Bucking- 
ham should supinely behold the ruin of the Huguenots accom- 
plished, such conduct would increase the popular discontents, 
and render the breach between the king and the parliament 
irreparable. It was therefore resolved, as the only means of 
recovering any degree of credit with the people, and of curbing 
at the same time the power of an ambitious rival, to undertake 
the defence of the French Protestants. 

A negotiation was accordingly adjusted with Soubise, who was 
at that time in London, and an armament was fitted out under 
the command of the duke of Buckingham, the most unpopular 
man in the kingdom, and utterly unacquainted with naval or 
military service. The fate of the expedition was such as might 
have been expected from his management : but, as I before 
stated the chief particulars 2 , I shall not trouble you with a 
repetition. 

The public grievances were now so great, that an insurrection 
was to be apprehended. The people were not only loaded with 
illegal taxes, but their commerce, which had been injured by the 
Spanish, was nearly ruined by the French war; while the glory 
of the nation was tarnished by unsuccessful enterprises, and its 
safety threatened by the forces of two powerful monarchies. At 
such a season, Charles and Buckingham must have dreaded above 
all things, the calling of a parliament ; yet the improvidence of 
the ministry, the necessity of supply, and the danger of forcing 

1 Part I. Lett LXXVI. * See the Letter last referred to. 



246 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

another loan, obliged them to have recourse to that expedient. 

In order to wipe off, if possible, the popular odium from the duke, 

it was represented as his motion ; and still farther to dispose the 

A.D. commons to co-operate with the minister, warrants were 

1628. S cnt to all parts of the kingdom, for the relief of those 

gentlemen who had been confined on account of refusing to 

contribute towards the late loan. Their number amounted to 

seventy-eight, and many of them were elected members of the 

new parliament 1 . 

When the commons assembled, the court perceived that they 
Mar. were men of the same independent spirit with their pre- 
!7- decessors, and so opulent that their property was com- 
puted to surpass three times that of the house of peers 2 . But 
although enraged at the violations of public liberty, at personal 
injuries, and the extreme folly with which public measures 
were conducted, to the disgrace, and even danger of the nation, 
they entered upon business with no less temper and decorum than 
vigour and ability. From a knowledge of the king's political 
opinions, as well as from his speech at their meeting, in which 
he told them, " that if they did not do their duty, in contributing 
to the relief of the public necessities, he must use those other 
means which God had put into his hands," they foresaw, that if 
any pretence should be afforded, he would immediately dissolve 
the parliament, and think himself thenceforth justified in violat- 
ing, in a manner still more open, all the ancient forms of the 
constitution. But the decency which the popular leaders had 
prescribed to themselves, in order to avoid the calamities of civil 
war, which must have been the immediate consequence of a new 
breach between the king and parliament, did not prevent them 
from taking into consideration the grievances under which the 
nation had lately laboured the billeting of soldiers, the im- 
posing of arbitrary taxes, the imprisoning of those who refused 
to comply, and the refusal of bail on a writ of habeas corpus. 
Nor did they fail to express themselves with a proper degree of 
indignation on these subjects. 

" This is the great council of the kingdom," said sir Francis 
Seymour, who opened the debate ; " and here, if not here alone, 
his majesty may see, as in a true glass, the state of the kingdom. 
We are called hither by his majesty's writs, in order to give him 
faithful counsel ; such as may stand with his honour ; and this 
we must do without flattery. We are also sent hither by the 

1 Rushworth, vol. i. 2 Rushworth, vol. i. Par/. Hist. 



LETT. in. MODERN EUROPE. 247 

people, in order to deliver their just grievances ; and this we 
must do without fear. Let us not act like Cambyses' judges, 
who, when questioned by their prince concerning some illegal 
measures, replied, though there is a written law, the Persian 
kings may do what they list ! This was a base flattery, fitter for 
our own reproof than imitation ; and as fear, so flattery taketh 
away the judgment. For my part, I shall shun both, and speak 
my mind with as much duty as any man to his majesty, without 
neglecting the public. But how can we express affection, while 
we retain our fears ; or speak of giving, till we know whether we 
have any thing left to give ? For if his majesty may be persuaded 
to take what he will, what occasion have we to give ? That this 
hath been done, appears by the billeting of soldiers, a thing no 
wise advantageous to the king's service, and a burthen to the 
commonwealth : by the imprisonment of gentlemen for refusing 
the loan, yet who, if they had done the contrary from fear, had 
been as blameable as the projectors of that oppressive measure. 
And to countenance these proceedings, hath it not been preached, 
or rather prated, in the pulpit, that all we have is the king's by 
Divine right?" 

" I have read," said sir Robert Philips, " of a custom among 
the old Romans, that once every year they held a solemn festival, 
during which their slaves had liberty, without exception, to 
speak what they would, in order to ease their afflicted minds ; 
and that, on the conclusion of the festival, they returned to their 
former abject condition. This may, with some resemblance and 
distinction, well set forth our present state. After the lapse of 
some time, and the grievous sufferings of many violent oppres- 
sions, we have now, as those slaves had, a day of liberty of 
speech ; but we shall not, I trust, be hereafter slaves, for we are 
BORN FREE ! Yet what illegal burdens our estates and persons 
have groaned under, my heart yearns to think, my tongue falters 
to utter. 

" The grievances by which we are oppressed," continued he, 
" I draw under two heads ; acts of power against law, and the 
judgments of lawyers against our liberty." He then mentioned 
three illegal judgments passed within his memory : that by which 
the Scots, born after the accession of James I., were admitted to 
all the privileges of English subjects * ; that by which the new 

1 He pays the Scots a handsome compliment, at the same time that he blames the 
act : " a nation," says he, " which I heartily love for their singular good zeal in 
our religion, and their/ree spirit, to preserve liberty far beyond any of us." Part. 
Hist. vol. vii. 



248 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

impositions had been warranted ; and that by which arbitrary 
imprisonments were authorized. After this enumeration, he 
thus proceeded : 

" I can live, although another, who has no right, be put to 
live along with me ; nay, I can live, though burthened with 
impositions beyond what at present I bear ; but to have my 
liberty, which is the soul of my life, taken from me by power ; 
to have my person pent up in a gaol, without remedy by law, 
and to be so adjudged O improvident ancestors ! O unwise 
forefathers ! to be so curious in providing for the quiet possession 
of our lands, and the liberties of parliament, and at the same 
time so negligent of our personal liberty ; to let us lie in prison, 
and that during pleasure, without remedy or redress ! If this 
be law, why do we talk of liberties ? why trouble ourselves with 
disputes about a constitution, franchises, property in goods, and 
the like ? What may any man call his own, if not the liberty of 
his person ? 

" I am weary," added he, " of treading these ways, and there- 
fore conclude to select a committee, in order to frame a petition 
to his majesty for redress of our grievances." The same subject 
was pursued by sir Thomas Wentworth, who exclaimed, " We 
must vindicate ! What ? New things ? No ; our ancient, legal, 
and vital liberties, by re-enforcing the laws enacted by our an- 
cestors ; by setting such a stamp upon them, that no licentious 
spirit shall dare henceforth to invade them V 

The commons accordingly proceeded to frame a PETITION of 
RIGHT, as they chose to call it ; indicating by this name, that it 
contained a corroboration or explanation of the ancient constitu- 
tion, not any infringement of royal prerogative, or acquisition of 
new liberties. And Charles, finding that his threats had neither 
awed them into submission, nor provoked them to indecent 
freedom of speech, thought fit to send a conciliatory message, 
intimating that he esteemed the grievances of the house his own, 
and stood not on precedence in point of honour. He therefore 
desired, that the same committee which was appointed for the 
redress of grievances might also undertake the business of supply. 
Pleased with this concession, the commons voted him five sub- 
sidies, with which, though much inferior to his wants, he seemed 
to be satisfied ; and declared, with tears of affection in his eyes, 
" that he liked parliaments at first; though, lately, he knew not 
how, he had gotten a distaste of them, but was now where he 

1 Rushworth, vol. i. Parl. Hist. vol. vii. 



LETT. HI. MODERN EUROPE. 249 

was before ; he loved them, and should rejoice to meet his people 
again V 

When Charles made this declaration, he was not fully ac- 
quainted with the extent of the Petition of Right, and therefore 
afterwards attempted to qualify or evade it ; but as it was inti- 
mately connected with the vote of supply, which was altogether 
conditional, he was at last constrained to give his solemn June 
sanction to the bill. This reluctance to a ratification of ^ 
the rights of the people deprived his assent of all claim to merit 
in the eyes of the commons. They justly considered it as the 
effect of necessity, not complaisance, and became even more sus- 
picious of the king's designs against the constitution. They 
therefore proceeded to require the redress of many inferior 
grievances not mentioned in their petition, which provided only 
against forced loans, benevolences, taxes without consent of par- 
liament, arbitrary imprisonment, the billeting of soldiers, and 
martial law ; and they took into consideration the duties of 
tonnage and poundage, which had not yet been granted by par- 
liament. To levy these duties without their consent, they 
affirmed, was a palpable violation of the ancient liberties of the 
people, and an open infringement of the Petition of Right, in 
which those liberties were so lately confirmed 2 . Alarmed at such 
an unexpected attack upon his prerogative, Charles prorogued 
the parliament, to prevent the presentation of a remonstrance, 
which the house had prepared on the subject *. 



1 Part. Hist. vol. vii. 2 Rushworth, vol. i. 

* Journ. 26 June, 1628. Nothing tends more to excuse, if not to justify, the 
extreme rigour of the commons against Charles, than his open encouragement of 
such principles as are altogether incompatible with a limited government. Dr. 
Mainwaring had preached a sermon, which the commons found, upon inquiry, to be 
printed by special command of the king; and this sermon, when examined, was 
observed to contain doctrines subversive of all civil liberty. It taught, that, although 
property was commonly lodged in the subject, yet all property was transferred to 
the sovereign whenever any exigency required supply ; that the consent of the par- 
liament was not necessary for the imposition of taxes ; and that the Divine laws 
required compliance with every demand, how irregular soever, which the prince 
should make upon his people. (Rushworth, vol. i. Parl. Hist, viii.) For these doc- 
trines the commons impeached Mainwaring ; and the sentence pronounced against 
him by the peers imported, that he should be imprisoned during the pleasure of the 
house, be fined in the sum of one thousand pounds, make submission and acknow- 
ledgment for his offence, be suspended during three years, be incapable of holding 
any ecclesiastical dignity or secular office, and that his book should be called in, and 
burned. But no sooner was the session ended, than this man, so justly obnoxious 
to both houses of parliament and to the whole nation, received a pardon, was pro- 
moted to a living of considerable value, and raised, some years after, to the see of 
St. Asaph. Charles's arbitrary principles were not, like those of his father, merely 
speculative. Among other grievances, which seemed to require redress, the com- 
mons applied for cancelling a commission granted to the principal officers of the 
crown, by which they were empowered to meet, and to concert among themselves 
the methods of levying money by impositions or otherwise, " where form and eir- 



250 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

In the hopes of conciliating the affections of the public, by 
making a popular use of the supply which had been granted to 
him, as well as recovering the reputation of his arms, Charles 
turned his eyes, during the recess of parliament, toward the dis- 
tressed Protestants in France. Rochelle was now closely be- 
sieged by land ; and the royalists were preparing, by a mole, to 
cut off all communication with it by sea. To the relief of that 
place the earl of Denbigh was dispatched, with ten ships of the 
line, and fifty transports and victuallers ; but by an unaccount- 
able complication of cowardice and incapacity, if not treachery, 
he returned without even affording the besieged a supply of pro- 
visions. To wipe off this disgrace, the duke of Buckingham, 
whom we have already seen make so despicable a figure as a 
commander, repaired to Portsmouth, where he had prepared a 
considerable fleet and army, in the hope again of displaying his 
prowess on the coast of France, and defeating the ambitious 
designs of Richelieu, his competitor in love, in politics, and even 
in war. 

But this enterprise was obstructed, and the relief of Rochelle 
prevented, by one stroke of a desperate enthusiast, named Felton, 
who had served under Buckingham as a lieutenant in his 
former expedition. Disgusted at the refusal of a company, on 
the death of his captain, who was killed on the retreat from the 
Isle of Rhe, Felton had retired from the army. While private 
resentment was boiling in his breast, he met with a recent 
remonstrance of the commons, in which the man whom he hated 
was represented as the cause of all the grievances under which 
the nation groaned, more especially of those relating to religion. 
Naturally vindictive, gloomy, and enthusiastical, he was led to 
suppose that he should do an acceptable service to Heaven, at 
the same time that he gratified the impulse of his own envenomed 
heart, if he should dispatch this enemy of God and his country. 
Full of his purpose, he hastened to Portsmouth at the same time 
with the duke, and watched for an opportunity of perpetrating 
the bloody deed. 

Such an occasion soon offered. While Buckingham was en- 
gaged in conversation with Soubise and other French gentlemen 
relative to the state of Rochelle, a difference of sentiment arose, 
which produced from the foreigners some violent gesticulations, 



cumstances" as expressed in the commission, " must be dispensed with rather than 
the substance be lost or hazarded." This, in a word, was a scheme for finding expe- 
dients which might raise the prerogative to the greatest height, and render the par- 
liament wholly unnecessary. 



LETT. HI. MODERN EUROPE. 251 

and vehement exertions of voice, but nothing that could be 
seriously considered as an insult. Scarcely was this conversation 
ended, when the duke, turning round to speak to sir Aug. 
Thomas Fryar, was stabbed in the breast with a knife. 23 - 
" The villain has killed me !" cried he, and pulling out the 
knife, expired without uttering another word. Nobody had 
seen the stab given ; but every one concluded that the murder 
had been committed by the French gentlemen, the violence of 
whose voices and gestures had been remarked, while their words 
were not understood by the by-standers : and, in the first trans- 
ports of revengeful rage, they would instantly have been put to 
death by the duke's attendants, if some men of temper and 
judgment had not interposed, though by no means convinced 
of their innocence. 

A hat was soon found among the crowd, in the inside of which 
was sewed a paper containing part of the late violent remon- 
strance of the commons, with a short prayer or ejaculation. It 
was immediately concluded that this hat belonged to the assassin ; 
but who he might be no one could conjecture, as the writing did 
not discover his name, and it was supposed that he had fled far 
enough not to be found without a hat, the only circumstance that 
could lead to a discovery. In the midst of this anxious desire of 
finding the murderer, a man without a hat was seen walking 
very composedly by the door near which the sanguinary deed had 
been perpetrated. " Here," exclaimed one of the company, " is 
the fellow who killed the duke!" and on hearing a general cry, 
" Where is he ?" Felton firmly answered, " Here I am !" He 
cheerfully exposed his breast to the drawn swords of the duke's 
officers, being desirous of falling a sacrifice to their fury, in order 
to avoid a public execution ; and he persisted in denying that he 
had any accomplice 1 . 

The king received the news of the duke's fate with so little 
emotion, that his courtiers concluded he was secretly not dis- 
pleased at the death of the minister so generally odious to the 
nation. But this seeming indifference proceeded only from the 
gravity and composure of Charles's mind ; he being attached as 
much as ever to that worthless favourite, for whose friends, during 
his whole life, he retained an affection, and a prejudice against 
his enemies. He even urged that Felton should be put to the 
torture, in order to obtain a confession of his supposed accom- 
plices ; and was much chagrined when the judges declared the 

1 Clarendon, vol. i. 



252 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

practice to be unlawful, and opposed on the same ground the 
gratification of his request, that the criminal's right hand might 
be cut off before the execution of the sentence of death l . 

Public cares contributed to divert the mind of Charles from 
private griefs. The projected mole being finished, Rochelle 
was more closely blockaded ; yet the inhabitants, though pressed 
with the utmost rigours of famine, still refused to submit, in 
hopes of succour from England. On the death of Buckingham, 
the command of the fleet and army destined for their relief was 
given to the earl of Lindsey ; who, on his arrival before Ro- 
chelle, made attempts to break through the mole, and force his 
way into the harbour. But that stupendous monument of 
Richelieu's genius was now fortified in such a manner as to ren- 
der the design impracticable ; and the wretched inhabitants, see- 
ing all prospect of assistance cut off, were obliged to surrender 
in view of the English fleet. 



LETTER IV. 

History of England and Scotland) from the Assassination of the 
Duke of Buckingham to the Execution of the Earl of Str afford, 
in 1641. 

The failure of the expedition for the relief of Rochelle, and 
the ruin of the Protestant cause in France, the immediate con- 
sequence of it, contributed much to increase the discontents 
of the English nation, and to diminish the authority of the 
Jan. 20, king. On the meeting of parliament, the commons com- 
1629. plained of many grievances ; and, to obtain a redress of 
these, they resumed their claim to the right of granting tonnage 
and poundage. This duty, in more ancient times, had commonly 
been a temporary grant of the parliament 2 ; but, since the reign 
of Henry V., it had been conferred on every king during life. 
Each prince had claimed it from the moment of his accession ; 
and it had been usually voted by the first parliament of each 
reign. Charles, during the short interval which passed between 
his accession and first parliament, had followed the example of 
his predecessors. Nor was any fault found with him for so 

1 Rushworth, vol. i. Whitelocke, p. 11. J Rushworth, vol. i. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 25,1 

doing. But the commons, when assembled, instead of granting 
this duty for the king's life, voted it only for a year * ; a cir- 
cumstance which proves beyond controversy, that they had 
seriously formed a plan of reducing the king to a state of depend- 
ence. The peers, who perceived the purpose of the lower 
house, and saw that the duty of poundage was now more neces- 
sary than ever to supply the growing necessities of the crown, 
rejected the bill. The parliament was soon after dissolved, 
without any other steps being taken in the business by either 
party ; and Charles continued to levy the duty, and the people 
to pay it, in conformity with ancient usage. The subject, how- 
ever, was so fully agitated by the succeeding parliament, that 
every one began to question the legality of levying tonnage and 
poundage without the consent of the representatives of the 
people. Charles, not yet sufficiently tamed to compliance, 
boldly asserted his prerogative ; and the commons, engaged in 
procuring redress of more pernicious grievances, had little leisure 
to attend to the infringement of so disputable a privilege. But 
no sooner had they obtained the king's assent to the Petition of 
Right, which afforded a remedy against the renewal of their most 
weighty grievances, than they took this matter into serious con- 
sideration. The king had obstructed their proceedings, by dis- 
solving the parliament; but being now again assembled, they 
showed their intention of extorting from the crown very large 
concessions, in return for the duty on tonnage and poundage. 

Charles, who had foreseen these pretensions, took care very 
early to inform the parliament, " That he had not taken the 
duties of tonnage and poundage as pertaining to his hereditary 
prerogative ; but that it ever had been, and still was, his mean- 
ing to enjoy them as a gift of his people ; that he pretended not 
to justify himself for what he had hitherto levied, by any right 
which he assumed, but only by the necessity of the case 2 ." This 
concession, it has been remarked, might have satisfied the 
commons, had they been influenced by no other motive than 
that of ascertaining their own powers and privileges. But they 
had higher views ; and insisted, as an indispensable preliminary, 
that the king should, for a time, entirely desist from levying the 
duties in question, after which they would discuss the propriety 
of restoring such revenue to the crown. 

The proud spirit of Charles could not submit to a, rigour that 
had never been exercised against any of his predecessors. Be- 

1 Journ. July 5, 1625. J Rushworth, vol. i. Part. Hist. vol. viii. 



254 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

sides, he was afraid that the commons might renew their former 
project of making this revenue only temporary, and thereby 
reduce him to perpetual dependence. He did not, however, 
immediately break with them on their delay of granting him the 
contested duties ; but when, instead of listening to his earnest 
solicitations for supply, they proceeded to carry their scrutiny 
into his management of religion, his indignation was roused, and 
March, he dissolved the parliament, with a determined resolu- 
20- tion never to call another, unless he should see indica- 
tions of a more compliant disposition in the nation 1 ." 

The commons, on this occasion, behaved with great boldness. 
On the first intimation of the king's design from the speaker, 
who immediately left the chair, they pushed him back into it ; 
and two members held him there, until a short remonstrance was 
framed, and passed by acclamation rather than by vote. In that 
remonstrance all who should seek to extend or introduce popery 
or Arminianism (lately imported from Holland 1 ) were declared 

1 It is not at all surprising, that Charles should be enraged at this attempt of 
the commons to encroach on his ecclesiastical jurisdiction, or that they should be 
desirous of abridging it, as it was almost the only dangerous prerogative of the 
crown against which the Petition of Right had not planted a barrier. When the 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction over England was wrested from the see of Rome, the 
people had readily submitted to a jurisdiction no less arbitrary in the prince. Thus 
the king obtained a large addition of prerogative, being invested with the most 
absolute power in all affairs relative to the government of the church, and the 
conscience of the subject. 

The high-commission court, or supreme ecclesiastical tribunal, was immediately 
under the direction of the crown. A conformity of religion was demanded over the 
whole kingdom ; and every refusal of the established ceremonies was liable to be 
punished by this court with deprivation, fines, confiscation, and imprisonment. Nor 
were the judges of the high-commission court obliged to proceed by legal informa- 
tion : rumour and suspicion were deemed sufficient grounds. They were invested 
with inquisitorial powers, which were often exercised with unfeeling rigour, even 
during the reign of Elizabeth. Greater liberty in ecclesiastical affairs was both 
demanded and allowed during the reign of James; but Charles, whose religion had 
a strong tincture of superstition, required a rigid conformity to the ancient ceremo- 
nies. Hence originated the struggle which the commons had hitherto maintained 
against the ecclesiastical authority of Charles, and the effort they made in this ses- 
sion to show, that it must be subordinate to the power that created it, and the abuse 
of it liable to be corrected and farther limited by the resolutions of parliament. 
Sanderson's Life of Charles I. Heylin's Life of Laud. 

* See Part I. Lett. LXXVI. The difference between the Arminian doctrines 
and those of the established religion related chiefly to the tenets of predestination 
and absolute decrees, which had been embraced by the first reformers, and were 
still maintained in all their rigour by the puritans. The Arminians, by asserting 
the freedom of the human will, and diffusing other rational opinions, had rendered 
themselves obnoxious to those violent enthusiasts. Their number in England was 
yet small, but, by the indulgence of James and Charles, some of that sect had 
obtained the highest preferments in the church. Laud, Neile, Montague, and other 
bishops, the chief supporters of episcopal government, were all supposed to be 
tainted with Arminianism. The same men and their disciples, in return for the 
favour shown to them by the court, were the strenuous preachers of passive obe- 
dience, and an unconditional submission to princes. Hence arose the animosity of 
the commons against a sect, whose theological tenets contain nothing inimical to 
civil liberty. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 255 

enemies to the commonwealth. All who should advise the 
levying of tonnage and poundage without consent of parliament 
were brought under the same description ; and every merchant 
who should voluntarily pay these duties, not being granted by 
parliament, was to be reputed a betrayer of the liberties of 
England, and an enemy to his country l . 

The discontents of the nation now rose higher than ever, on 
account of this violent breach between the king and parliament : 
and Charles's subsequent proceedings were ill calculated to ap- 
pease them. He ordered those popular leaders, who had been 
most active in the late tumult in the house of commons, to be 
taken into custody. Some of them were fined, and condemned 
to find sureties for their good behaviour. But these severities 
served only to show more conspicuously the king's disregard of 
the privileges of parliament, and to procure a great stock of 
popularity for the sufferers, who unanimously refused to find the 
sureties demanded, or even to express their sorrow for having 
offended their sovereign 2 ; so desirous were they of prolonging 
their meritorious distress ! 

In the midst of these difficulties, it was impossible for any 
prince to conduct with vigour the operations of war. Sensible 
of this, Charles submitted to necessity and concluded a A.D. 
peace with France and Spain. The situation of his affairs 163 - 
did not entitle him to demand from Louis any conditions for the 
Huguenots, or from Philip any stipulation in favour of the elec- 
tor Palatine ; yet he obtained from the latter a promise of his 
good offices toward the restoration of that unfortunate prince 3 . 
Thus was lost, through her internal dissensions, the happiest 
opportunity that England ever enjoyed of humbling the house of 
Bourbon by means of its Protestant subjects, or of dismembering 
the Spanish monarchy by the assistance of France, and acquiring 
a permanent superiority over both. 

A cautious neutrality was henceforth the study of Charles, 
who had neither leisure nor inclination to interest himself far- 
ther in foreign affairs ; happy in relinquishing every ambitious 
project, had he been able to recover the affections of his people 
and the confidence of his parliament ! But unfortunately, though 
possessed of many amiable and respectable qualities, both as a 
king and as a man 4 , and though he now adopted more moderate 

1 Par/. Hist. vol. viii. 

2 Whitelocke, p. 13. Rushworth, vol. i. Kennet, vol. iii. 

3 Hushworth, vol. ii. 

* He was an affectionate husband, an indulgent father, a gentle master and a 
firm friend. His manner and address, though perhaps rather too stately, corre- 



256 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

counsels than during the administration of Buckingham, he was 
never able to attain those desirable ends ; a great degree of 
jealous mistrust remained. The causes and the consequences of 
this want of confidence it must now be our business to trace. 

The high idea that Charles entertained of his own authority, 
not only made him incapable of yielding to that bold spirit of 
liberty which had diffused itself amongst his subjects, but in- 
duced him to continue an invasion of their constitutional rights, 
whilst he thought himself only engaged in the defence of his 
own. He considered every petition of the commons as an at- 
tempt to encroach on his prerogative ; and, even when he granted 
their requests, he disgusted them by his ungracious reluctance ; 
he complied without obliging. His concessions were not re- 
ceived as marks of royal kindness, as indications of justice or 
generosity, but as so many sacrifices to necessity. The repre- 
sentatives of the people saw themselves, when assembled, re- 
garded merely in the light of imposers of taxes ; and therefore 
resolved to make use of the power of withholding supplies, in 
order to convince the king of their political consequence, as well 
as to obtain a ratification of their ancient rights. The royal 
authority was likewise too high, in ecclesiastical matters, for a 
limited government, being altogether absolute : the parliament 
had discovered an inclination to restrain it; the king had re- 
sented the affront by a dissolution ; and thus was produced an 
incurable jealousy between the parties. 

Other causes conspired to increase the jealousy of the nation 
in regard to religion. Charles, ever strongly attached to his 
queen, had favoured her with his whole friendship and confidence 
after the death of Buckingham. Her sense and spirit entitled 
her to share his counsels, while her beauty justified his excessive 
fondness: but, as her disposition was warm and violent, she 
sometimes precipitated him into rash measures ; and her religion, 
to which she was much devoted, induced her to procure for the 
Catholics such indulgences as gave general dissatisfaction, and 
increased the odium against the court. Nor was this all. Laud, 
bishop of London, had acquired great influence over the king, 
and directed him in all ecclesiastical, and even in many civil 
affairs. Though a man of learning and virtue, he was a super- 
stitious bigot, eagerly desirous of exalting the priesthood, and of 



sponded well with his natural gravity and reserve. He was not deficient in political 
knowledge ; he possessed great moderation of temper j his taste, in all the fine arts, 
was excellent ; and his learning and literary talents were much beyond what are 
common to princes. Clarendon. Sanderson. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 257 

imposing on the obstinate puritans, by the most rigorous mea- 
sures, new ceremonies and observances, unknown to the church 
of England ; and that too at a time when the ancient ceremonies, 
to which men had been accustomed, and which had been hallowed 
by the practice of the reformers, could with difficulty be re- 
tained in divine service. Yet this man, who, in the prosecution 
of his holy enterprise, overlooked all human considerations, and 
the heat and indiscretion of whose temper made him neglect the 
plainest dictates of prudence, was raised by Charles to the see of 
Canterbury, and invested with uncontrolled authority over the 
consciences of the people. 

Not only such of the clergy as neglected to observe every 
superstitious ceremony enjoined by Laud and his brethren were 
suspended, and deprived of their benefices by the high-commission 
court ; but even oaths were imposed on churchwardens, binding 
them to inform against any one who acted in repugnance to the 
ecclesiastical canons ; and all who did not conform to the new 
mode of worship were treated with the utmost rigour. The 
religion which the archbishop endeavoured to establish differed 
Very little from that of the church of Rome. The puritans there- 
fore regarded him as the forerunner of Antichrist 1 . 

Nor were the puritans singular in this opinion. The daughter 
of the earl of Devonshire, having embraced the Catholic faith, 
was asked by Laud her reason for changing her religion : " It is 
chiefly," answered she, " because I hate to travel in a crowd." 
The meaning of these words being demanded, she replied, " I 
perceive your grace and many others are making haste to Rome ; 
and therefore to prevent my being jostled, I have gone before 
you." In a word, Laud's chief objection to popery seems to 
have been the supremacy of the holy see, to which he did not 
wish to subject his metropolitan power. For although he him- 
self tells us, " that when a cardinal's hat was offered to him by 
the pope, something dwelt within him which would not suffer 
his compliance, till Rome should be other than it is," the genius 
of his religion appears to have been the same with the Romish. 
The same profound respect was exacted by him to the sacerdotal 
character ; the same submission was required to the creeds and 
decrees of councils ; the same pomp and ceremony were affected 
in worship ; and the same superstitious respect to days, postures, 
meats, and vestments 2 . 

As a specimen of the new ceremonies, to which Laud sacrificed 

1 Rushworth, vol. ii. * Rushworth, vol. ii. Hume, vol. vi. 

VOL. II. S 



258 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

the peace of the kingdom, it will be sufficient to relate those 
which he employed in the consecration of St. Catharine's church. 
The church had been rebuilt by the parishioners, and profanely 
used for some time without the ceremony of a new consecration 
a circumstance which, coming to the ear of Laud, while he 
was bishop of London, filled him with horror, and induced him 
to suspend it from all divine service, until he had performed that 
holy office. On his approach to the west door of the church, a 
loud voice cried out, " Open, open, ye everlasting doors ; that 
the King of Glory may come in." The doors of the church 
instantly flew open ; the bishop entered ; and falling on his 
knees, with his eyes lifted up, and his arms expanded, he ex- 
claimed, in a solemn tone, " This place is holy ! the ground is 
holy ! in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. I pro- 
nounce it holy !" Then going to the chancel, he several times 
took up some dust from the floor, and threw it in the air. 
When he approached the communion-table, he bowed frequently 
toward it. On returning, he and his attendants went round the 
church, in a kind of procession, repeating the hundredth psalm ; 
and then said a form of prayer, concluding with these words" ; 
" We consecrate this church, and separate it unto THEE, as holy 
ground, not to be profaned to common uses." Standing near 
the communion-table, he now denounced imprecations on all 
who should pollute that holy place, by musters of soldiers, 
keeping in it profane law-courts, or carrying burthens through 
it. At the conclusion of every curse, he bowed toward the east, 
and cried, " Let all the people say, Amen !" When the impre- 
cations were ended, he poured out blessings on all who had con- 
tributed to the erection of that sacred and beautiful edifice, and 
on those who had given, or should hereafter give to it, any 
chalices, plate, ornaments, or utensils. At the close of every 
benediction, he bowed toward the east, and cried, " Let all the 
people say, Amen !" 

These ceremonies were followed by a sermon ; after which the 
bishop thus administered the sacrament. As he approached the 
communion-table he made many low reverences, and coming up 
to that side of the table where the bread and wine were placed, he 
bowed seven times. After reading many prayers, he approached 
the sacramental elements, and gently lifted up the corner of the 
napkin in which the bread was placed. When he beheld the 
bread, he suddenly let fall the napkin, fell back a step or two, 
and bowed three times toward the bread, then drew near again, 
opened the napkin, and bowed as before. He next took hold of 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 259 

the cup, which was filled with wine ; then let it go, fell back, 
and bowed thrice toward it. He again approached, and lifting 
up the cover, peeped into the cup ; but on seeing the wine, he 
let fall the cover, and bowed as before. He then received the 
sacrament, and administered it to others ; and the fabric being 
now supposed sufficiently holy, the solemnity of the consecration 
was concluded with many formal prayers '. The same pious 
farce was repeated at the consecration of the church of St. Giles 
in the Fields, and on other occasions of a like nature, notwith- 
standing the scandal occasioned by the first exhibition 1 . Oppo- 
sition and general odium served only to increase the bishop's zeal 
for such superstitious mummeries, which were openly counte- 
nanced by the court. 

In return for the king's indulgence to the church, Laud and 
his followers took care, on every occasion, to magnify the royal 
authority, and made no scruple to treat with contempt all pre- 
tensions to a free and limited government. By these flatteries, 
and his original prepossessions, Charles was led to consider 
himself as the supreme magistrate, to whom heaven, by his birth- 
right, had committed the care of his people ; whose duty it was 
to provide for their security and happiness, both spiritual and 
temporal, and who was invested with ample discretionary powers 
for that purpose. When the observance of an ancient law or 
custom was consistent with the present convenience of govern- 
ment, he judged it prudent to follow that rule, as the easiest, 
safest, and what would procure the most prompt and willing 
obedience ; but when a change of circumstances, especially if 
derived from the obstinacy of the people, seemed to require a 
new plan of administration, it was his opinion that national 
privileges ought to yield to supreme power, and that no order of 
men in the state could be warranted in opposing the will of the 
sovereign, when directed to the public good. 

Charles, however, did not rest the support of that absolute 
dominion, which he thought he had a right to establish over the 
souls and bodies of his subjects, merely on the declamations of 
churchmen, or the intrigues of courtiers. He had recourse to 
that policy, which has often been so successfully pursued in later 
times, of employing the honours and offices of the crown to 
draw off the parliamentary leaders from opposition, and to engage 
them in the defence of that authority which they shared, by 



1 Rushworth, vol. ii. Hume, vol. vi. 
3 Heylin's Life of Laud, p. 212. et seq. 

s 2 



260 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

becoming members of administration. The king was not wholly 
disappointed in this first attempt to divide the force of the 
country party. Sir Thomas Wentworth, a popular member of 
great abilities, whom he created earl of Strafford, became a firm 
pillar to the throne. Other parliamentary leaders were also 
drawn over to the court. Sir Dudley Digges was created master 
of the rolls ; Mr. Noy, attorney- general ; and Mr. Littleton, 
solicitor-general '. 

But the effect of this new political manoeuvre was by no 
means such as might have been expected from it, or what some- 
times attended similar measures in subsequent days a tempo- 
rary reconciliation between the parties. The views of the king 
and parliament were so repugnant to each other, that the leaders 
whom he had gained, though men of eminent talents and irre- 
proachable character, lost all credit with their party from the 
moment of their defection. They were even pursued as traitors, 
with implacable hatred and resentment ; and the king was so far 
from acquiring popularity by employing them, that he lost still 
farther, by that expedient, the confidence of the nation. It was 
considered as an insidious attempt to turn the emoluments of 
the state against itself, and the honours of the crown against the 
constitution ; to unnerve, by corruption, the arm of liberty ; 
and by means of apostate patriots, the most terrible instruments 
of tyranny, to complete the despotism of the prince and the 
slavery of the people. 

These apprehensions were not altogether without foundation. 
As Charles had formed a resolution no more to assemble the 
commons, and even published a proclamation to that purpose, he 
was obliged to raise money for the support of government, either 
by the revival of obsolete laws, or by violations of the rights of 
the subject. Tonnage and poundage continued to be levied, 
according to the former arbitrary impositions ; new imposts 
were even laid on several kinds of merchandise ; and the officers 
of the customs received orders from the council to enter into any 
house, warehouse, or cellar, to search any trunk or chest, and 
break any bulk whatever, in default of payment of such duties 2 . 
The oppressive method of raising money by monopolies was 
revived ; the odious expedient of compounding with popish 
recusants became a regular part of the revenue ; several arbitrary 
taxes were imposed ; and in order to facilitate these exactions, 
and repress the rising spirit of liberty, many severe sentences 

1 Whitelocke, p. 13. > Rushworth, vol. ii. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 261 

were passed in the star-chamber and high-commission courts. 
Some persons were fined, others imprisoned ; and those who 
publicly arraigned the measures of the court were condemned to 
stand in the pillory ! . 

For eight years had Charles supported his government by 
arbitrary impositions, levied by means no less arbitrary, before 
he met with any vigorous opposition. At length John A. D. 
Hampden, a private gentleman, had the courage to set 163 7- 
the crown at defiance, and make a bold stand in defence of the 
laws and the liberties of his country. Among other taxes, that 
of ship-money had been revived, and levied on the whole 
kingdom. This tax, intended for the support of the royal navy, 
and in itself moderate and equitable, was only exceptionable 
by being imposed without the consent of parliament ; and to 
discourage all opposition on that account, the king had proposed 
as a question to the judges, " Whether, in cases of necessity, 
he might not, for the defence of the kingdom, impose such a 
tax ; and whether he was not the sole judge of that necessity ?" 
The compliant judges answered in the affirmative, and the tax 
was generally paid. But Hampden, regardless of the opinion of 
the judges and the example of others, resolved to hazard the issue 
of a suit, rather than tamely submit to the illegal imposition ; 
and although only rated at twenty shillings, to risk the whole 
indignation of royalty 2 . 

This important cause was heard before the twelve judges in 
the Exchequer-chamber. The pleadings lasted twelve days, 
and the nation regarded with the utmost anxiety every circum- 
stance of the trial. The issue might easily have been foreseen 
from the former opinion of the heads of the law ; but it was not 
on that account considered as less momentous, or expected with 
less impatience. 

In most national questions much may be said on both sides : 
but on the present occasion, no legal argument of any weight 
was adduced by the crown-lawyers, though men of profound 
abilities; a strong presumption that none such existed. They 
only pleaded precedent and necessity. The precedents, when 
examined, were found to be by no means applicable to the case, 
and the necessity was denied. " England," said Hampden's 
counsel, " enjoys a profound peace with all her neighbours ; 
and what farther secures her tranquillity, all her neighbours 



1 Clarendon, vol. i. Rushworth, vol. ii. 

2 Rushworth, vol. ii. VVhitelocke. 



262 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

are engaged in furious and bloody wars among themselves. The 
very writs which are issued for the levying of ship-money, con. 
tradict the idea of necessity : they assert only that the seas are 
infested by pirates : a slight and temporary inconvenience, which 
may well wait a legal supply from parliament. And as to the 
pretension, that the king is the sole judge of the necessity, what 
is this, but to subject all the privileges, and all the property of 
the nation, to his arbitrary will and pleasure ? For the plea of 
voluntary necessity will warrant any other taxation as well as 
that of ship-money. And if such maxims and practices prevail, 
where is national liberty ? What authority is left to the Great 
Charter, that palladium of the constitution ? Or what to the 
Petition of Right, so lately enacted by the concurrence of the 
whole legislature 1 ?" 

The prejudiced or prostituted judges, notwithstanding these 
powerful arguments, gave sentence in favour of the crown. Yet 
Hampden obtained, by this trial, the end which he had pro- 
posed to himself. National questions were canvassed in every 
company ; and the people, if not roused to active opposition, 
were at least awakened to a sense of the danger to which their 
liberties were exposed. " Slavish principles," it was said, " con- 
curred with illegal practices ; ecclesiastical tyranny gave aid to 
civil usurpation ; iniquitous taxes were supported by arbitrary 
punishments ; and all the privileges of the nation, transmitted 
through so many ages, secured by so many laws, and purchased 
by the blood of so many heroes and patriots, now lay prostrate 
at the foot of the throne. What though the personal character 
of the king, amidst all his misguided counsels, might merit indul- 
gence, or even praise, he was but one man ; and the privileges 
of the people, the inheritance of millions, were too valuable to 
be sacrificed to his prejudices and mistakes*." 

While the minds of men underwent this fermentation in 
England, a more dangerous spirit made its appearance in Scot- 
land. We have already had occasion to trace the steps taken 
by James for introducing episcopacy into that kingdom. The 
same policy was pursued by his son Charles ; who, in 1633, had 
paid a visit to his native country, and made a violent attempt to 
get his authority there acknowledged in ecclesiastical matters. 
He obtained an act of parliament vesting him with such authority; 
but as that act was known to have been extorted by the influence 
and importunity of the sovereign, contrary to the sentiments 

1 State Trial*, vol. v. ' Hume, vol. vi. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 263 

even of those who gave it their suffrage, it served only to inflame 
the jealousy, and rouse the resentment of the nation 1 . 

Nor will this opposition excite surprise, if we consider, that 
the ecclesiastical government, in Scotland, was believed to be 
totally independent of the civil. Christ, not the king, was 
regarded as the head of the church ; consequently, no act of 
parliament, nothing but the consent of the church itself, under 
the supposed illuminations of its Invisible Superior, could be 
sufficient ground for the introduction of any change in religious 
worship or discipline. But in direct contradiction to these old 
presbyterian maxims, James had introduced into Scotland the 
court of high-commission, at a time when its authority was too 
grievous to be patiently borne in England ; and now, by an 
extorted act of parliament, Charles openly discovered his inten- 
tion of overturning the national religion, and of enforcing con- 
formity to a new mode of worship, by means of this arbitrary 
tribunal. 

The Scots could easily discover the nature of the religion 
which the king wished to introduce.- The jurisdictions of pres- 
byteries, synods, and other democratical courts, were already in 
a manner abolished; and the general assembly itself had not 
been summoned for two years past. It was evident that Charles, 
ambitious to complete the work so unwisely begun by his father, 
was resolved, in conjunction with the bishops, to govern the 
church of Scotland by the same absolute authority which he 
enjoyed in England, and to render the ecclesiastical government 
of all his kingdoms regular and uniform. But the ardour of 
reformation was not yet sufficiently abated, among the Scots, to 
admit such a change. They were still under the influence of 
the wildest enthusiasm, which, concurring with certain political 
considerations, not only obstructed Charles's favourite scheme 
of uniformity, but eventually ruined his authority in both 
kingdoms. 

This prince, from the natural piety or superstition of his 
temper, was slavishly attached to churchmen ; and as it is 
natural for all men to persuade themselves that their interest 
coincides with their inclination, he had laid it down as a poli- 
tical canon, that to increase the power and civil influence of 
the ecclesiastical order was the first duty of his government. He 
considered the episcopal clergy as the most faithful servants of 
the crown, and the great promoters of loyalty among the people. 

1 Burnet's Hist, of his own Times, vol. i. 



264- THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

In consequence of this idea, some of the Scottish prelates were 
raised to the highest offices of the state ; and an attempt was 
made to revive the first institution of the College of Justice, and 
to share equally between the clergy and laity the whole judicial 
authority, as before the Reformation \ These innovations dis- 
gusted the high-minded nobility, who frequently found them- 
selves insulted by the upstart bishops, while they had the 
mortification to see themselves inferior in official importance 
and courtly favour. Selfishness completed that jealousy which 
ambition had begun. The Scottish nobles perceived that the 
king was preparing to deprive them (in behalf of the clergy) of 
those church-lands which they had so largely shared at the Re- 
formation, and therefore took part with the people and the 
presbyterian preachers, in opposing the plan of episcopacy, and 
spreading wide the alarm of popery 2 . 

Meanwhile Charles and his dignified ecclesiastics were zeal- 
ously employed in framing canons and a liturgy for the use of 
a people who held both in abhorrence. The canons, which were 
promulgated in 1635, though received by the nation without 
much clamour or opposition, occasioned much inward appre- 
hension and discontent. They were indeed of a very arbitrary 
and offensive nature, and highly grievous to a people jealous of 
their civil and religious liberties. They asserted, that the king's 
authority was absolute and unlimited ; and they ordained, among 
many other things odious to presbyterian ears, that the clergy 
should not pray extemporaneously, but by the printed form 
prescribed in the liturgy ; that no one should officiate as school- 
master without a licence from the bishop of the diocese ; nor 
any person be admitted into holy orders, or allowed to per- 
form any ecclesiastical function, without first subscribing those 
canons 3 . 

Even men of moderate principles, who could regard these 
ordinances with a degree of indifference, were filled with indig- 
nation at seeing a whole body of ecclesiastical laws established 
without any previous consent either of church or state. They 
dreaded a like despotism in civil government : yet a seeming 
July 23, submission was paid to the king's authority, until the 

1637. reading of the liturgy. It was chiefly copied from that 
of England, and consequently was little exceptionable in itself. 
But this seemingly favourable circumstance was no recommen- 



1 Guthrie's Memoirs. a Burnet's Hist, of his own Times, vol. i. 

3 Fuller's Church Hist. Burnet's Mem. of the House of Hamilton. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 265 

elation to the Scots, who, proud of the purity of their worship, 
thought the English church still retained a strong mixture of 
Romish pollution. They therefore represented the new liturgy 
as a species of mass, though with less show and embroidery ; 
and when in the cathedral church of St. Giles, the dean of 
Edinburgh, arrayed in his surplice, opened the book and began 
the service, the meaner part of the audience, but especially the 
women, raised a dreadful clamour, clapping their hands and 
exclaiming, " A pope ! a pope ! Antichrist ! stone him ! stone 
him !'' And the tumult was so great, that it was found impos- 
sible to proceed with the service, until the most turbulent of 
the rioters were turned out of the church by the civil magistrates. 
The bishop, who had attempted in vain to appease them, was in 
danger, on his return from the cathedral, of falling a victim to 
their fury 1 . 

Though this tumult appeared to have been conducted only by 
persons of low condition, the sense of the nation was well known ; 
so that it was not thought advisable to hazard a new insult by a 
second attempt to read the liturgy. But as the king, contrary 
to all the maxims of sound policy, and even of common sense, 
remained inflexible in his purpose of imposing such a mode of 
worship on his Scottish subjects, new tumults arose ; and the 
people flocked from every part of the kingdom to Edinburgh, to 
counteract the obnoxious measure. Men of all ranks joined in 
petitions against the liturgy ; the pulpits resounded with vehe- 
ment declamations against Antichrist ; and the populace, who 
had first opposed the new service, were ingeniously compared 
by the preachers to Balaam's ass, an animal stupid in itself, but 
whose mouth the Lord had opened, to the admiration of the 
whole world 2 . Fanaticism, in a word, mingling with faction, and 
private interest with the spirit of liberty, produced symptoms of 
the most dangerous insurrection ; yet Charles, as if under the 
influence of a blind fatality, though fully informed of the dis- 
orders in Scotland, obstinately refused to desist from his under- 
taking, notwithstanding the representations of his ablest ministers 
and most faithful servants in that kingdom. 

But what renders this obstinacy still more inexcusable, and 
makes the king's conduct appear altogether inexplicable, is, that 
while he was endeavouring to recover a great part of the pro- 
perty of Scotland, as the church lands, from powerful nobles, by 



1 King's Declaration. Rushworth, vol. ii. Burnet's Mem. 

2 King's Declaration. 



266 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

no means willing to relinquish them, and was attempting to pro- 
duce very serious changes in the civil and ecclesiastical constitu- 
tion of that realm, he raised no forces to carry his violent designs 
into execution ! The Scots saw the weakness of his administra- 
tion, at the same time that they had reason to complain of the 
rigour : and on the appearance of a proclamation, containing a 
pardon for all past offences, and exhorting them peaceably to 
submit to the liturgy, they entered into a civil and religious con- 
vention, generally known by the name of the COVENANT, which 
proved an effectual barrier against all regal encroachments. 

In this convention were comprehended all orders of men in the 
state, divided into different tables or classes ; one table consist- 
ing of nobility, another of gentry, a third of clergy, and a fourth 

A.D. of burgesses. In the hands of commissioners, chosen 

1638. from these four tables, the whole authority of the king- 
dom was placed. The articles of their covenant consisted, first 
of a renunciation of popery, signed by the late king in his youth : 
then followed a bond of union, by which the subscribers obliged 
themselves to resist innovations in religion, and to defend each 
other against all violence and oppression. And as every thing 
was pretended to be done by the covenanters for the glory of 
God, the honour of the king, and the advantage of their country, 
people of all ranks, without distinction of age or sex, crowded to 
subscribe the covenant. Even the king's ministers and council- 
lors were seized with the general phrensy l . 

Charles, who now began to apprehend the consequences of such 
a powerful combination, dispatched the marquis of Hamilton 
into Scotland, with authority to treat with the covenanters. He 
offered to suspend the canons and liturgy, until they could be 
received in a fair and legal way ; and so model the court of high- 
commission, that it should no longer give offence. But he 
required in return for these concessions a renunciation of the 
covenant. The chief malcontents, finding themselves seconded 
by the zeal of the greater part of the nation, replied, " that they 
would sooner renounce their baptism than the covenant !" and 
the ministers invited the commissioner to subscribe it, telling 
him " with what peace and comfort it had filled the hearts of all 
God's people *." 

Hamilton returned to London ; made another fruitless journey 
to Edinburgh, with new concessions ; returned a second time to 



1 Rushworth, vol. ii. Burnet's Mem. King's Declaration. 
* King's Declaration. Rushworth, vol. ii. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 267 

London ; and was soon sent back with concessions yet more 
ample. Charles now consented utterly to abolish the canons, the 
liturgy, and the court of high-commission ; but he would not 
agree to abolish episcopacy, which he thought as essential to the 
very being of a Christian church, as his Scottish subjects deemed 
it incompatible with that sacred institution. This narrowness of 
mind, which we must pity rather than condemn, proved the ruin 
of the negotiation. The king had empowered Hamilton, how- 
ever, to propose the summoning of the general assembly of the 
church, and the parliament, by which every grievance might be 
redressed; an offer which was readily embraced by the cove- 
nanters, who were well assured of their superior influence in 
both. 

The first object that engaged the attention of the general 
assembly, where, besides a vast multitude of the populace, the 
most considerable of the Scottish nobility and gentry were pre- 
sent, was an act for the utter abolition of episcopacy. The 
bishops sent a protest, declining the authority of the assembly ; 
and the commissioner dissolved it, in his majesty's name, after 
declaring it illegally constituted. But this measure, though 
unforeseen, was little regarded : the members continued to sit, 
and finished their business. All the acts of assembly since the 
accession of James VI. to the crown of England, were declared 
null and void, as being procured by the arbitrary influence of 
the sovereign ; and the acts of parliament which affected eccle- 
siastical affairs were considered, on the same account, as of no 
authority l . Thus episcopacy, the court of high-commission, the 
canons, and the liturgy were abolished, and declared unlawful. 
Every thing, in a word, which, during a long course of A. D. 
years, James and Charles had been labouring with such 1639. 
care and policy to rear, was thrown at once to the ground ; and 
the covenant, so obnoxious to the crown and hierarchy, was 
ordered, under pain of excommunication, to be signed by every 
one*. 

After having taken these bold steps, it became necessary for 
the Scottish malcontents to maintain their religious opinions by 
military force ; especially as they had good reason to believe, 
that however just their resolutions might appear to themselves, 
they would not be assented to by the king. Although they did 
not despair of supernatural assistance, they thought it would be 



1 King's Declaration. Burnet's Mem. Rushworth, vol. ii. 
* King's Declaration. 



268 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

imprudent to slight the arm of flesh. Their measures, dictated 
by vigour and ability, were indeed alike distinguished by their 
wisdom and promptitude ; and such as might have been ex- 
pected from a regularly established commonwealth, rather than a 
tumultuous convention. The whole kingdom being in a manner 
engaged in the covenant, men of talents soon acquired that 
ascendancy to which their natural superiority entitled them, and 
which their family interest or their character enabled them to 
maintain. The earl of Argyle, well calculated to make a figure 
during such a turbulent period, took the lead ; and the earls of 
Rothes, Cassilis, Montrose, Lothian, with the lords Lindsay, 
Loudon, Tester, and Balmerino, distinguished themselves in the 
cause. Many Scottish officers, who had acquired reputation in 
Germany during the religious wars, but particularly under 
Gustavus Adolphus, were invited over to assist their country in 
her present necessity. And the chief command was intrusted 
to Lesley, earl of Leven, an officer of experience and ability. 
Forces were regularly enlisted and disciplined ; arms were im- 
ported from foreign countries ; some of the royal castles were 
seized ; and the whole country, except a small part, where the 
marquis of Huntley still supported the royal authority, was 
reduced under the power of the covenanters '. 

Charles, whose affection to his native kingdom was strong, but 
whose attachment to the hierarchy was yet stronger, hastened 
his military preparations for subduing the refractory spirit of the 
Scots, and re-establishing episcopacy. A respectable fleet with 
five thousand soldiers on board, was intrusted to the marquis of 
Hamilton, who had orders to sail for the Frith of Forth, and 
attempt to divide the forces of the covenanters ; and eighteen 
thousand foot and three thousand horse were put under the 
command of the earl of Arundel. The earl of Essex was ap- 
pointed lieutenant-general, and the earl of Holland general of 
the horse. The king himself joined the army, and summoned all 
the peers of England to attend him. Many of them repaired to 
the camp, which had more the appearance of a splendid court 
than of a military armament. With part of this pompous rather 
than formidable force, Charles arrived at York, while Essex 
advanced and took possession of Berwick*. 

The opposite army was as numerous as that of the king, but 
inferior in cavalry. The officers, however, had more experi- 



1 May's Hist, of the Par!, of England. Burnet's Mem. 
1 Clarendon, vol. i. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 269 

ence ; and the soldiers, though newly raised, and but indiffer- 
ently armed, were animated by the strongest motive that can 
stimulate men to action zeal for the preservation of their civil 
and religious liberties. Yet so prudent were their leaders, who 
wished to avoid hostilities, that they immediately sent submissive 
messages, and craved leave to be permitted to treat with the 
king. It was now a very difficult matter for Charles to deter- 
mine how to act. He was sensible that while the force of the 
covenanters remained unbroken, their spirits high, and their 
ardour unabated, no reasonable terms could be expected from 
them ; and should he submit to their pretensions, not only pre- 
lacy must be sacrificed to their fanaticism, but regal authority 
itself would become a mere shadow in Scotland. On the other 
hand, the consequences of a defeat, while Scotland was yet in 
arms, and England dissatisfied, were too dreadful to permit him 
to hazard a battle ; the utter loss of his authority, in both king- 
doms, was to be feared. Besides, had he been inclined to rely 
on the bravery of his English subjects, they discovered no 
inclination to act offensively against the Scots, whose necessity of 
rising they pitied, and whose independent spirit they admired. 
The sympathy of civil and religious grievances had subdued all 
national animosity in their hearts. 

It seemed, however, essential for the king's safety that he 
should take a decided part ; that he should either confide in the 
valour and generosity of the English nation, and attempt to 
bring the Scots under submission ; or openly and candidly grant 
the covenanters such conditions as would exclude all future cause 
of complaint, and render rebellion inexcusable. Unfortunately 
in deliberating between these resolutions, Charles embraced 
neither ; but concluded a sudden pacification, in which it was 
stipulated, that he should withdraw his fleet and army ; that the 
Scots, within eight-and-forty hours, should dismiss their forces ; 
that the forts taken by the covenanters should be restored, the 
royal authority acknowledged, and the general assembly and par- 
liament summoned, in order to compose all differences l . 

The consequences were such as might have been expected 
from so injudicious a negotiation. The pretensions of the Scots 
agreed so ill with the concessions which the king was willing to 
make, that their parliament was prorogued, when proceeding to 
ratify some obnoxious acts of assembly ; and the war was re- 

1 Rush worth, vol. iii. 



270 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

newed, with great advantages on the side of the covenanters. 
Charles's necessities had obliged him to disband his forces imme- 
diately after the unmeaning pacification ; and from the unwil- 
lingness of the English to engage in the quarrel, it was impossible 
to assemble a new army without great expense, as well as loss of 
time. The more provident covenanters, who foresaw the pro- 
bability of their being again obliged to support their pretensions 
by arms, were careful, in dismissing their troops, to take such 
measures as made it easy for them to collect their strength. The 
officers had orders to be ready on the first summons, and the 
soldiers were warned not to think the nation secure from an 
English invasion. Pious zeal rendered both watchful; and no 
sooner was the trumpet sounded by their spiritual and temporal 
leaders, than all ranks of men repaired to their military stations, 
and cheerfully took the field once more, in defence of their civil 
and religious liberties 1 . 

The king at length collected a military force ; but he soon 
discovered that his greatest difficulty yet remained ; his revenues 
were insufficient to support his troops. How to proceed in such 
an emergency, was a question not easy to be determined. After 
the many irregular methods of taxation which had been tried, 
A.D. and the multiplied disgusts thereby given to the puri- 
1640. tanical party, as well as by the management of religion, 
little could be expected from an English parliament ; yet to that 
humiliating expedient the proud spirit of Charles was obliged to 
stoop, as the only means of obtaining a supply ; and after a con- 
temptuous intermission of eleven years, to summon the great 
council of the nation, and throw himself on the generosity of his 
insulted commons. The chief members, as might have been ex- 
pected, insisted that the redress of grievances should be taken 
into consideration before they entered on the business of supply. 
They affirmed, that this was conformable to the ancient usage of 
parliament, and founded on a jealousy inherent in the constitu- 
tion; that the necessity pleaded was purely ministerial, not 
national ; for if the same grievances under which England 
laboured, had pushed the Scots to extremities, was it incumbent 
on the English to forge their own chains by imposing chains on 
their neighbours ? Disgusted with these reasonings, and finding 
his friends in the house outnumbered by his enemies, Charles, by 
the advice of archbishop Laud and the marquis of Hamilton, 

1 Clarendon, vol. i. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 271 

formed and executed the desperate resolution of dissolving the 
parliament 1 . The marquis is supposed to have been secretly a 
friend to the covenanters. 

Thus disappointed of parliamentary aid, the king, in order to 
satisfy his urgent wants, was obliged to have recourse to a 
method of supply which must have been very grating to a 
generous mind. Beside laying a heavy hand upon the clergy, 
he was under the necessity of borrowing large sums from his 
ministers and courtiers ; and so much was he beloved by them, 
that the loan greatly exceeded his expectation. They subscribed 
above three hundred thousand pounds in a few days. By these 
means, he was enabled to send to the northward about nineteen 
thousand foot and two thousand horse. The earl of Northum- 
berland acted as commander-in-chief ; the earl of Strafford, as 
lieutenant-general ; and lord Conway as general of the horse*. 

The troops of the covenanters, though more numerous, were 
sooner ready, and had marched to the borders of England, in 
consequence of a letter forged by lord Saville, in the name of six 
English noblemen, inviting the Scots to assist their neighbours 
in procuring a redress of their grievances 3 . But notwithstanding 
their force, and this encouragement, they still preserved the most 
submissive language ; and entered England, as they declared, 
with no other view than to gain access to the king's person, and 
lay their humble petition at his royal feet. They were opposed 
in their march, at Newburn-upon-Tyne, by a detachment of four 
thousand five hundred men, under lord Conway, who seemed 
resolute to dispute with them the passage of the river. The 
Scots, after entreating liberty to pass unmolested, attacked their 
opponents with great bravery ; killed above fifty of them, and 
chased the rest from their ground. In consequence of this un- 
expected advantage, the English troops were seized with a panic ; 
the forces at Newcastle fled immediately to Durham; and not 
thinking themselves safe even there, retreated with precipitation 
into Yorkshire*. 

The victorious covenanters took possession of Newcastle with- 
out offering any violence to the persons or property of the in- 
habitants. They not only observed the most exact discipline, 
but persevered so far in maintaining the appearance of an amicable 



1 Clarendon, vol. i. Burnet's Mem. 

2 Rushworth, vol. iii. 

8 Nalson's Collections, vol. ii. Burnet's Hist. vol. i. 

4 This panic was chieHy occasioned by an unexpected discharge of artillery. 
Burnet's Hist. vol. i. 



272 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

disposition toward England, that they even paid for their pro- 
visions : and they sent messengers to the king, who was then at 
York, to renew their protestations of loyalty and submission, 
and to beg forgiveness for the unavoidable effusion of the blood 
of his English subjects. Charles understood the hypocritical 
insult; but his circumstances did not permit him to resent it. 
His people were highly dissatisfied ; the troops were discouraged, 
the treasury was exhausted, the revenue anticipated ; and every 
expedient for supply that ingenuity could suggest had been tried 
to the utmost. In this extremity, as the least of two evils, 
the king agreed to a treaty, in order to prevent the 'Scots from 
advancing upon him : and named sixteen English noblemen, 
who met with eleven Scottish deputies at Rippon. The result 
of their deliberations was a cessation of arms : in consequence 
of which the Scots were to be allowed, for their maintenance, 
eight hundred and fifty pounds a-day, during their stay in 
England *. 

It is worthy of remark, that the earl of Strafford, who had 
succeeded Northumberland in the command of the army, and 
who possessed greater vigour of mind than the king or any of 
the council, advised Charles to put all to the hazard of a battle, 
rather than submit to such unworthy terms as were likely to be 
imposed upon him ; " for should your majesty even be defeated, 
nothing worse can befall you," observed his lordship, " than 
what from your inactivity you will certainly feel*." These pro- 
phetic words seemed to have been dictated by the most infallible 
of all inspiration, that intuitive discernment of a penetrating 
genius, habituated to the contemplation of human affairs, which 
enables it to look into futurity. 

The causes of disgust which had, for above thirty years, been 
multiplying in England, had now reached their height ; and 
Charles, in despair of being able to stem the torrent, at last re- 
solved to yield to it. He therefore, in compliance with a number 

Nov. of petitions, and the general wish of his subjects, again 
3 - assembled the parliament. Many exorbitant claims, he 
was sensible, would be made, and must be complied with. But 
he little expected that great and decisive blow, which on the 
meeting of parliament was aimed at his authority, by the com- 
mons, in the person of his minister, the earl of Strafford ; for as 
such that nobleman was considered, both on account of the credit 
which he possessed with the king, and of his own extensive and 

1 Clarendon, vol. i. Rushworth, vol. iii. * Nalson, vol. ii. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 273 

vigorous capacity. Not unacquainted with the load of popular 
prejudices under which he laboured, Strafford would gladly have 
declined attendance in parliament; and begged permission to 
withdraw himself to his government of Ireland, being then lord- 
lieutenant, or at least to remain at the head of the army in 
Yorkshire. But the king, judging his presence and counsel 
necessary at such a crisis, assured him, that not a hair of his 
head should be touched by the parliament 1 . So confident was 
Charles still of his own authority, though it was ready to expire, 
and so lofty were his ideas of the majesty of kings ! 

The commons thought less respectfully of it. No sooner was 
Strafford's arrival known, than a concerted attack was made upon 
him by Mr. Pym, who, after enumerating all the grievances 
under which the nation laboured, inferred, that a deliberate plan 
had been formed under the reign of a pious and virtuous king, 
for changing totally the frame of government, and subverting the 
ancient laws and liberties of the kingdom. " We must inquire," 
added he, " from what fountain these waters of bitterness flow ; 
and though doubtless many evil counsellors will be found to 
have contributed their endeavours, yet there is one who claims 
the guilty pre-eminence : HE is the earl of Strafford, lieutenant 
of Ireland, and president of the council of York ; a man who, in 
the memory of many present, appeared in this house as an earnest 
vindicator of the laws, and a most zealous assertor and champion 
of the liberties of the people. But it is long since he turned from 
these good affections ; and according to the custom of apostates 
he is become the greatest enemy to the liberties of his country, 
and the greatest promoter of tyranny, that any age hath ever 
produced V 

This political apostasy of Strafford seems, indeed, to have 
been his chief crime with the popular leaders, not to be expiated 
but with his blood. Pym was seconded in his charge by sir 
John Hotham, sir John Clotworthy, and others; and after 
several hours spent in bitter invectives against the supposed 
criminal (the doors being locked to prevent a discovery of the 
concerted purpose), it was moved, that the earl should be ac- 
cused of high treason. The motion was received with general 
approbation ; the impeachment was voted ; Mr. Pym was ordered 
to communicate it to the lords, most of the members attended 
him, and Strafford, who had just entered the house of peers, 
and intended, it is said, the same day to have impeached some 

1 Whitelocke. * Par/. Hist. vol. ix. Clarendon, voL L 

VOL. II. T 



274 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

popular members of both houses, for holding a treasonable 
correspondence with the Scots, was suddenly ordered into cus- 
tody, with many symptoms of prejudice in his judges as well as 
his accusers 1 . 

Elate with their success, the popular leaders ventured also to 
impeach archbishop Laud, the lord-keeper Finch, and secretary 
"Windebank 2 . The two last made their escape beyond sea, 
before they could be taken into custody ; the primate was com- 
mitted. From traitors the commons proceeded to the prosecu- 
tion of delinquents : a term expressive of a degree and species 
of guilt not exactly known or ascertained, but which, by the in- 
terpretation then put upon it, exposed to punishment not only 
the king's ministers and counsellors, but many of the nobility, 
gentry, and clergy : all, indeed, however warranted by precedent 
or proclamation, who had acted without the authority of the 
statute-law of the land *. 

The commons, prosecuting their bold career, declared the 
sanction of the two houses of parliament, as well as of the king, 
necessary to the confirmation of ecclesiastical canons ; expelled 
from their house all monopolists ; and appointed committees to 
inquire into all the violations of law and liberty, of which any 
complaint had been made. From the reports of these com- 
mittees, the house daily passed votes which mortified and 
astonished the court, at the same time that they animated and 
inflamed the nation. Ship-money was declared illegal and 
arbitrary ; the sentence against Hampden was cancelled ; com- 
positions for knighthood were stigmatised ; the extension of the 
forest laws condemned ; patents for monopolies annulled ; and 
almost all the measures which had been adopted for some years 
past were treated with reproach and obloquy *. 

All moderate men were now of opinion, that a design was 
formed to subvert the monarchy s ; and the church was in no less 

1 Clarendon, vol. i. 

2 Grimstone, a popular member, called sir Francis Windebank, who was one of 
Laud's creatures, " the very pander and broker to the whore of Babylon !" (Rush- 
worth, vol. v.) Nothing can show in a stronger light the illiberal way of thinking, 
and the narrow prejudice of the times, than the use of such expressions in the house 
on so great an occasion. 

3 Clarendon, vol. L 

4 Nalson, vol. i. Clarendon, vol. i. Rushworth, vol. iii. 

s " You have taken the whole machine of government in pieces," said Charles, 
in a speech to the parliament, " a practice frequent with skilful artists, when they 
desire to clear the wheels of any rust which might have grown upon them. The 
engine," continued he, " may be restored to its former use and motions, provided 
it be put up entire, so as not a pin of it be wanting." But this was far from being 
the intention of the commons. The machine, they thought, with some reason, was 
encumbered with many wheels and springs, which counteracted its operations, and 
destroyed its utility. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 275 

danger. While the harangues of the members, now first pub- 
lished and dispersed, kept alive the discontents against the king's 
administration, the pulpits, delivered over to puritanical preachers 
and lecturers, whom the commons arbitrarily settled in all the 
considerable churches, resounded with faction and fanaticism. 
The popular leaders, in order to maintain that high authority 
which they had acquired, and inspire confidence into their friends 
as well as to overawe their opponents, judged it requisite still to 
delay the departure of the Scots ; and the chaplains to their com- 
missioners began openly to use the presbyterian form of worship, 
which had not hitherto been tolerated in England, and with 
such amazing success in London, that multitudes crowded not 
only into the church assigned to them, but such as could not 
there find room clung to the doors or windows, in hopes of catch- 
ing at least the distant murmur, or some broken phrases of the 
spiritual rhetoric 1 . 

This was the most effectual method of paying court to the 
zealous covenanters. To spread the presbyterian discipline and 
worship throughout England, and to establish that faith on the 
ruins of episcopacy, would have given greater satisfaction to their 
godly hearts than the temporal conquest of the kingdom ; and 
the hour was approaching when that pleasure was to be theirs. 
The puritanical party among the commons, emboldened by their 
success in civil matters, began openly to profess their tenets, 
and to make furious attacks on the established religion. Every 
day produced some vehement harangue against the usurpations 
of the bishops ; and so highly disgusted were all the lovers of 
liberty at the political doctrines propagated by the clergy, that 
no distinction for a time appeared between such as desired only 
to repress the exorbitancies of the hierarchy, and such as wished 
to annihilate episcopal jurisdiction 2 . 

Encouraged by these favourable appearances, petitions against 
the established church were framed in different parts of the 
kingdom ; and the epithet of the ignorant or scandalous priest- 
hood was commonly applied to all churchmen, although the 
episcopal clergy in England during that age seem to have been 
sufficiently learned and exemplary. An address against episco- 
pacy was presented by twelve clergymen of the committee of 
religion, said to be signed by seven hundred puritanical minis- 
ters. But the petition which made the greatest noise was that 

1 Clarendon, vol. i. * Hume, vol. vi. 

T2 



276 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

from the city of London, for a total alteration of church govern- 
ment, to which sixteen thousand names were annexed 1 . 

The popular leaders, notwithstanding these indications of a 
fanatical disposition in the people, and though generally disaf- 
fected to episcopacy, resolved to proceed with caution, and over- 
turn the hierarchy by degrees. With this view, they intro- 
duced a bill prohibiting all clergymen from the exercise of any 
civil office. The bishops were consequently to be deprived of 
their seats in the house of peers ; a measure very acceptable to 
the zealous friends of liberty, who had observed with regret the 
devoted subserviency of the ecclesiastical order to the will of the 
monarch. 

A.D. Charles, who had remained passive during all the vio- 
1641. lent proceedings of the present parliament, was now 
roused by the danger that threatened his favourite episcopacy ; 
which was, indeed, the great pillar of the throne. He sent for 
the members of both houses to Whitehall, and told them, that 
he intended to reform all innovations in church and state, and 
to reduce matters of religion and government to what they were 
in the purest times of Elizabeth *. " But some men," said he, 
" encouraged by the sitting of this parliament, more maliciously 
than ignorantly, put no difference between reformation and alter- 
ation of government. Though I am for the former," added he, 
" I cannot give way to the latter. I will not say that bishops 
may not have overstretched their spiritual power, or encroached 
upon the temporal ; which if you find, correct and reform the 
abuse, according to the wisdom of former times : and so far I 
am with you. Nay, farther ; if, upon serious debate, you shall 
show me, that bishops have some temporal authority inconve- 
nient to the state, and not necessary to the church for the sup- 
port of episcopacy, I shall not be unwilling to persuade them 
to lay it down. Yet by this you must understand that I cannot 
consent to the taking away of their voice in parliament ; a privi- 
lege which they anciently enjoyed under so many of my prede- 
cessors, even before the Conquest, and ever since, and which I 
conceive I am bound to maintain as one of the fundamental in- 
stitutions of this kingdom V 

1 Clarendon, vol. i. 

1 If the majority of the commons, or at least of the leading men among them, had 
not been inclined to the total overthrow of the church and monarchy, a fair oppor- 
tunity was here afforded them of effecting a thorough reconciliation of parties, by a 
temperate reformation of civil and ecclesiastical abuses. 

3 Parl. Hist. vol. ix. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 277 

The king, however, was soon freed from all immediate appre- 
hensions on this subject by the peers, a great majority of whom 
rejected the bill. But the puritan members of the other house, 
to show how little they were discouraged, brought in a bill for 
the abolition of episcopacy ; and although they thought proper 
to let it rest for a while, their purpose was not the less sincere. 
Other affairs demanded their present attention. They procured 
the royal sanction to a bill, declaring it unlawful to levy the 
duties of tonnage and poundage without consent of parliament ; 
after which they resolved by another act, to prevent the dis- 
continuance of parliaments above three years. Though by this 
measure, and its concomitants, some of the noblest and most 
valuable privileges of the crown were retrenched, such a law was 
indispensably necessary for completing a regular plan of law and 
liberty. " Let no man," said the spirited and artful Digby, who 
knew well the importance of the bill, "object any derogation 
from the king's prerogative by it. His honour, his power, will 
be as conspicuous in commanding that a parliament shall assem- 
ble every third year, as in commanding a parliament to be called 
this or that year. There is more majesty in ordaining primary 
and universal causes than in actuating subordinate effects. In 
chasing ill ministers," added he emphatically, " we do but dis- 
sipate clouds that may gather again: but in voting this bill, 
we shall perpetuate our sun, our sovereign, in his vertical, 
his noon-day lustre 1 ." Charles, finding that nothing less would 
satisfy his parliament and people, gave his reluctant assent to 
the bill. 

The victory of the commons was now complete ; and had they 
used it with moderation, the members of this parliament would 
have merited the praise of all sincere lovers of their country, as 
well as of the enthusiasts of liberty. Nor would their subsequent 
abolition of the arbitrary courts of star-chamber and high com- 
mission, so grievous to the nation, be imputed to them as cause of 
blame. But their cruel persecution of the earl of Strafford, and 
their subsequent encroachments upon the king's authority, which 
involved the three kingdoms in all the horrors of civil war, must 
render their patriotism very questionable in the opinion of every 
dispassionate man. Their unjustifiable encroachments on the 
authority of Charles we shall afterwards have occasion to con- 
sider ; here we must examine the progress of their vengeance 
against his minister, whose high reputation, for experience and 

1 Parl. Hist. vol. ix. 



278 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

capacity, made them regard his death as their only security for 
success in their farther attacks upon the throne. 

In consequence of this idea, the impeachment of Straiford had 
been pushed on with the utmost vigour. After he had been 
sent to the Tower, a select committee of both houses received 
orders to prepare a charge against him, with authority to exa- 
mine all witnesses, to call for every paper, and to use all the 
modes of scrutiny, in regard to any part of the earl's behaviour 
or conduct * : and (as Mr. Hume remarks), after so general and 
unbounded an inquisition, exercised by such powerful and im- 
placable enemies, a man who had acted in a variety of public 
stations must have been very cautious, or very innocent, not to 
afford, during the whole course of his proceedings, some matter 
of accusation against him. Nothing, however, was found against 
the prisoner that could properly be brought under the descrip- 
tion of treason ; a crime which the laws of England had defined 
with the most scrupulous exactness, in order to protect the sub- 
ject against the violence of the king and his ministers. Aware 
of this, the commons attempted to prove that he had " endea- 
voured to subvert the fundamental laws of the kingdom 2 :" and 
as the statute of treason made no mention of such a species of 
guilt, they invented a kind of accumulative or constructive 
evidence, by which many actions, either totally innocent in 
themselves, or criminal in an inferior degree, should, when 
united, amount to treason, and subject the person to the highest 
penalties inflicted by the law ; the king and parliament, as they 
asserted, having power to determine what is treason, and what 
is not. They accordingly voted that the facts proved against the 
earl, taken collectively, were treasonable 8 . 

Strafford defended himself with firmness and ability. After 
pleading to each particular article of the charge, he brought the 
whole together, in order to repel the imputation of treason. 
" Where," said he, " has this species of guilt been so long con- 
cealed ? Where has this fire been so long buried, during so 
many centuries, that no smoke should appear, till it burst out 
at once to consume me and my children ? It were better to 

1 Clarendon, vol. i. 

a Rushworth, vol. iv. 

3 Rushworth, vol. iv. As a proof how far the popular leaders were hurried 
away by their vindictive passions, it will be sufficient to quote the speech of Mr. 
St. John, who affirmed that Straffonl had no title to plead law, because he had 
endeavoured to destroy the law. " It is true," said he, " we give law to hares and 
deer, for they are beasts of chase ; but it was never accounted cruel or unfair to 
destroy foxes and wolves, wherever they can be found ; for they are beasts of prey !" 
Clarendon, vol. i. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 279 

live under no law at all, and, by the maxims of cautious pru- 
dence, to conform ourselves the best we can to the arbitrary will 
of a master, than fancy we have a law on which we can rely, 
and find at last that this law shall inflict a punishment precedent 
to the promulgation, and try us by maxims unheard of till the 
very moment of prosecution. If I sail on the Thames, and split 
my vessel on an anchor ; in case there be no buoy to give me 
warning, the party shall pay the damages : but if the anchor be 
marked out, then is the striking on it at my own peril. Where 
is the mark set upon this crime ? where the token by which I 
should discover it? It has lain concealed under water; and no 
human prudence, no human innocence, could teach me to avoid 
it, or save me from the destruction with which I am at present 
threatened. 

" It is now full two hundred and eighty years since treasons 
were defined ; and so long has it been since any man was 
touched to this extent, upon this crime, before myself. We 
have lived, my lords, happy to ourselves at home ; we have lived 
gloriously abroad to the world : let us be content with what our 
fathers left ; let not our ambition carry us to be more learned 
than they were, in these killing and destructive arts. Great 
wisdom it will be in your lordships, and just providence for 
yourselves, for your posterity, for the whole kingdom, to cast 
from you, into the fire, these bloody and mysterious volumes of 
arbitrary and constructive treasons, as the primitive Christians 
did their books of curious arts, and betake yourselves to the plain 
letter of the statute, which tells you where the crime is, and 
points out to you the path by which you may avoid it. 

" Let us not, to our own destruction, awake those sleeping 
lions, by rattling up a company of old records, which have lain 
for so many ages by the wall, forgotten and neglected. To all 
my afflictions add not this, my lords, the most severe of any ; 
that I for my own sins, not for my treasons, be the means of 
introducing a precedent so pernicious to the laws and liberties 
of my native country. These gentlemen at the bar, however, 
say they speak for the commonwealth, and they may believe so ; 
yet, under favour, it is I who, in this particular, speak for the 
commonwealth. Precedents, like those which are endeavoured 
to be established against me, must draw along with them such 
inconveniences and miseries, that in a few years, the kingdom 
will be in the condition expressed in the statute of Henry IV. 
no man shall know by what rule to govern his words or actions. 

" Impose not, my lords, difficulties insurmountable upon 



280 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

ministers of state, nor disable them from serving with cheerful- 
ness their king and country. If you examine them, and under 
such severe penalties, by every grain, by every little weight, the 
scrutiny will be intolerable ; the public affairs of the kingdom 
must be left waste : for no wise man, who has any honour or 
fortune to lose, will ever engage himself in such dreadful, such 
unknown perils. 

" My lords, I have now troubled your lordships too long ; a 
great deal longer than I should have done, were it not for the 
interest of these dear pledges, which a saint in heaven has left 
me. I should be loth" here his grief deprived him of utterance. 
He let fall a tear, pointed to his children, who were placed near 
him, and thus proceeded : " "What I forfeit for myself is a 
trifle ; but that my indiscretion should forfeit for them, I con- 
fess, wounds me very deeply. You will be pleased to pardon my 
infirmity" again dropping a tear. " Something I should have 
added, but find I shall not be able, and therefore shall leave it. 
And now, my lords, 1 thank God I have been, by his good bless- 
ing, sufficiently instructed in the extreme vanity of all temporary 
enjoyments, compared to the importance of our eternal duration ; 
and so, my lords, even so, with all humility, and with all tran- 
quillity of mind, I submit clearly and freely to your judgment ; 
and whether that righteous doom shall be life or death, I shall 
repose myself, full of gratitude and confidence, in the arms of the 
great Author of my existence V 

Certainly, says Whitelocke, never any man acted such a part, 
on such a theatre, with more wisdom, constancy, and eloquence, 
with greater reason, judgment, and temper, and with a better 
grace in all his words and gestures, than did this great and ex- 
cellent person : and he moved the hearts of all his auditors, some 
few excepted, to remorse and pity 2 . It is truly remarkable, 
that the historian who makes these candid and liberal observa- 
tions, was himself chairman of that committee which conducted 
the impeachment against this unfortunate nobleman ! 

The accusation and defence lasted eighteen days ; and Strafford 
behaved with so much modesty and humility, as well as firmness 
and vigour, that the commons, though aided by all the weight of 
authority, would have found it impossible to obtain a sentence 
against him, if the peers had not been over-awed by the tumul- 
tuous populace. Reports were every day spread of the most 
alarming plots and conspiracies ; and about six thousand men, 

1 Rushworth, vol. iv. Mem. p. 43. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 281 

armed with swords and cudgels, flocked from the city, and sur- 
rounded the two houses of parliament. When any of the lords 
passed, the cry for justice against Strafford resounded in their 
ears; and such as were suspected of friendship for that obnoxious 
minister, were menaced with the vengeance of the furious mul- 
titude 1 . Intimidated by these threats, only forty-five, out of 
about eighty peers who had constantly attended this important 
trial, were present when the bill of attainder was brought into 
the house, and nineteen of that number had the courage to vote 
against it 2 ; a strong presumption that if no danger had been 
apprehended, it would have been rejected by a considerable 
majority. 

Popular violence having thus far triumphed, it was next 
employed to extort the king's consent. Crowds of people be- 
sieged Whitehall, and seconded their demand of justice on the 
minister, with the loudest clamours, and most open threatenings 
against the monarch. Rumours of plots and conspiracies against 
the parliament were anew circulated ; invasions and insurrections 
were apprehended ; and the whole nation was raised into 
such a ferment, as seemed to portend some great and immediate 
convulsion. On whichever side the king turned his eyes, he 
saw no resource or security, except in submitting to the will of 
the populace. His courtiers, consulting their own personal 
safety, and perhaps their interest, more than their master's 
honour, advised him to pass the bill of attainder ; the pusillani- 
mous judges, when consulted, declared it legal; and the queen, 
who formerly bore no good-will toward Strafford, alarmed at the 
appearance of so frightful a danger, as that to which the royal 
family must be exposed by protecting him, now became an 
importunate solicitor for his death. She hoped, if the people 
were gratified in this demand, that their discontents would 
finally subside ; and that, by such a measure, she should acquire 
a more absolute ascendancy over the king, as well as some credit 
with the popular party. Bishop Juxon alone, in this trying 
extremity, had honesty or courage to offer an opinion worthy of 
his prince : he advised him, if he did not think the prisoner 
criminal, by no means to give his assent to the bill* . 

1 Clarendon, vol. i. * Whitelocke, p. 43. 

3 Clarendon, vol. i. This opinion has been cavilled at. " A king of England," 
it has been said, " ought never to interpose his private opinion against the other 
parts of the legislature." If so, the royal assent is a matter of mere form ; and 
perhaps in most cases it ought to be so. But in the present instance, the king 
was surely the best judge, whether Strafford, as a minister, had advised the subver- 
sion of the constitution ; or, as an officer, had exceeded the extent of his coinmis- 



281 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

While Charles was struggling between virtue and necessity, 
he received a letter from Strafford, entreating him, for the sake 
of public peace, to put an end to the innocent life of his unhappy 
servant, and thus to quiet the tumultuous people, by granting 
them that request for which they were so clamorous. " In 
this," added he, " my consent will more acquit you to God, than 
all the world can do besides : to a willing man there is no 
injury 1 . And as, by God's grace, I forgive all the world, with 
a calmness and meekness of infinite contentment to my dis- 
lodging soul, so to you, sir, I can resign the life of this world 
with all imaginable cheerfulness in the just acknowledgment of 
your exceeding favours 2 ." 

This illustrious effort of disinterestedness, worthy of the noble 
mind of Strafford, and equal to any instance of generosity re- 
corded in the annals of mankind, was ill rewarded by Charles ; 
who, after a little more hesitation, as if his scruples had been 
merely of the religious kind, granted a commission to four 
noblemen to give the royal assent, in his name, to the bill. 
These commissioners were empowered, at the same time, to 
give assent to a bill, that the parliament then sitting should not 
be dissolved, prorogued, or adjourned, without the consent of the 
majority of the members 8 ; a bill of yet more fatal consequence 
to his authority than the other, as it rendered the power of 
his enemies perpetual, as well as uncontrollable. But, in the 
moment of remorse for assenting to the bill of attainder, by 
which he deemed himself an accomplice in the murder of his 
friend, this enormous concession appears to have escaped his 
penetration, and to have been considered comparatively as a 
trivial point. 

The king might still have saved his minister, by granting him 
a reprieve ; but that was not thought advisable, while the minds 
of men were in such agitation. He sent, however, by the hands 
of the prince of Wales, a letter addressed to the peers, in which 
he entreated them to confer with the commons about a mitiga- 
tion of the prisoner's sentence, or at least to procure some delay. 
Both requests were rejected; and Strafford, finding his fate 
inevitable, prepared to meet death with the same dignity with 

sion ; and if he was blameable in neither capacity, Charles was bound, both in 
honour and conscience, to withhold his assent from the bill. The royal assent is 
not, at present, necessary to bills of attainder, the jealousy of our constitution 
having cut off that among other dangerous prerogatives. 

1 It appears that the king had sent a letter to Strafford during his confinement, 
in which he assured him, upon the word of a king, that he should not suffer in 
life, honour, or fortune. StraforcTs Letters, vol. ii. 

a Clarendon, vol. i. Rushworth, vol. v. Id. ibid. 



LETT. iv. MODERN EUROPE. 283 

which he had lived. In those awful moments of approaching 
dissolution, though neither cheered by that ray of popular im- 
mortality which beams upon the soul of the expiring patriot, 
nor consoled by the affectionate sorrow of the spectators, his 
erect mind found resources within itself; and supported by the 
sentiment of conscious integrity, maintained its unbroken resolu- 
tion amidst the terrors of death and the triumphant exultations 
of his vindictive enemies. His discourse, and also his deport- 
ment on the scaffold, discovered equal composure and courage. 
" The shedding of innocent blood," said he, " as a propitiatory 
sacrifice, is a bad omen, I fear, of the intended reformation of 
the state." And on preparing himself for the block, he made 
this memorable declaration : " I thank God I am no way afraid 
of death, nor daunted with any terrors ; but do as cheerfully lay 
down my head at this time, as ever I did when going to repose !" 
He accordingly submitted to his doom, and was beheaded at 
one blow 1 . 

Thus, my dear Philip, perished, in the forty-ninth May 
year of his age, Thomas Wentworth, earl of Strafford, 12- 
the last great prop of royalty in the turbulent reign of Charles I. 
His character has been severely handled by our zealous re- 
publican writers ; but by none of them has it been so completely 
mangled as by a furious female, who will allow him neither virtue 
nor talents. But his abilities as a statesman, and his unshaken 
attachment to his master, you will readily perceive, were the 
chief causes of his ruin ; and in the future proceedings of that 
parliament, to whose resentment he fell a sacrifice, you will find 
the best apology for his administration. A certain degree of 
vigour (and more perhaps than Strafford exerted) was necessary 
to preserve the church and monarchy from the ravages of those 
civil and religious enthusiasts, who soon overturned both. 

The immediately subsequent proceedings of the commons, 
however, though inroads on the royal prerogative, were by no 
means reprehensible. They brought in a bill, which was unani- 
mously passed by both houses, for the suppression of the star- 
chamber and high-commission courts, so odious to all the lovers 
of liberty. By the same bill, the jurisdiction of the privy council 
was regulated, and its authority abridged. Charles, after some hesi- 
tation, gave his assent to this statute, which produced a salutary 
change in our constitution. Several other arbitrary courts were 
abolished ; and the king, at the request of his parliament, instead 

1 Rushworth, vol. v. 



284, THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

of patents during pleasure, gave all the judges patents during 
their good behaviour 1 ; an advance of the utmost importance 
toward the impartial administration of justice, and the exclusion 
of the influence of the crown from the ordinary courts of law. 
*In a word, if the commons had proceeded no farther, they 
would have deserved the praise of all the friends of freedom ; 
and even the iniquity of Strafford's attainder, their most blame- 
able measure, would have been lost amidst the blaze of their 
beneficial provisions and necessary regulations, which had gene- 
rally a reference to posterity. But like all political bodies which 
had rapidly acquired power, having gone so far, they did not 
know where to stop ; but advanced insensibly from one grada- 
tion to another, till they usurped the whole authority of the 
state. 

Of these usurpations and their consequences, 1 shall hereafter 
take notice ; now observing, that the parliament, after sending 
home the Scots, and disbanding the English army, put a tempo- 
rary stop to its proceedings ; and that Charles paid a visit to 
North Britain, with a view of settling the government to the 
satisfaction of the covenanters. 



LETTER V. 

History of Great Britain and Ireland, from the Execution of the 
Earl of Strafford, to the Beginning of the Great Rebellion, 
in 1642. 

WHEN Charles arrived in Scotland, he found his subjects of 
that kingdom elate with the success of their military expedition. 
Besides the large pay voted them for lying in good quarters at 
Newcastle, as long as the popular leaders had occasion for them, 
the English parliament had conferred on them a present of three 
hundred thousand pounds for their brotherly assistance 2 . They 
were declared, in the articles of pacification, to have been ever 
good subjects; and their hostile irruptions were approved, as 
enterprises calculated and intended for his majesty's honour and 



> Clarendon, vol. i. Whitelocke, p. 4?. May, p. 10?. 
a Nalson, vol. ii. 



LETT. v. MODERN EUROPE. 285 

advantage! To carry yet farther the triumph over the king, 
these articles, containing terms so ignominious to him, were 
ordered, by a parliamentary vote, to be read in all churches on 
a day of thanksgiving appointed for the national pacification *. 

People in such a humour were not likely to be satisfied wiljh 
trifling concessions. The Scottish parliament began with 
abolishing the Lords of Articles ; who, from their constitution, 
were supposed to be entirely devoted to the court, and without 
whose consent no motion could be made ; a circumstance pecu- 
liarly grievous in the northern legislature, where the peers and 
commons formed only one house. A law was likewise passed 
for triennial parliaments, and it was ordained, that the last act 
of every parliament should appoint the time and place for hold- 
ing the ensuing one. So far all perhaps was laudable ; but sub- 
jects who encroach on the authority of their prince never know 
where to draw the line. In their rage for redressing grievances, 
they invaded the most essential branches of royal prerogative. 
The king was in a manner dethroned in Scotland, by an article 
which declared, that no member of the privy council (in whose 
hands, during the king's absence, the whole administration was 
vested), no officer of state, and none of the judges, should be ap- 
pointed but by the advice and approbation of parliament *. 

To these encroachments Charles quietly submitted, in order 
to satisfy his Scottish subjects, and was preparing to return to 
England in hopes of completing a similar plan of pacification, 
when he received intelligence that a bloody rebellion had broken 
out in Ireland, accompanied with circumstances of cruelty and 
devastation which fill the soul with horror. Surrounded by 
melancholy incidents and humiliating demands, nature and for- 
tune, no less than faction and fanaticism, seemed to have con- 
spired the ruin of this unhappy prince. 

The conduct of James I., with regard to the affairs of Ireland, 
was truly politic ; and the same plan of administration was pur- 
sued by Charles ; namely, to reconcile the turbulent natives to 
the authority of law, by the regular distribution of justice, and 
to cure them of that sloth and barbarism to which they had 
ever been addicted, by introducing arts and industry among 
them. For these salutary purposes, and also to secure the do- 
minion of Ireland to the crown of England, great numbers of 
British subjects had been carried over to that island, and colonies 
planted in different parts of it ; so that, after a peace of nearly 

1 Rushwortli, vol. v. * Burnet's Mem. of the House of Hamilton. 



286 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

forty years, the inveterate quarrels between the two nations not 
only seemed to be obliterated, but the country in general wore 
a less savage aspect. 

To the tranquillity, as well as the prosperity of Ireland, the 
vigorous government of the earl of Strafford had contributed not 
a little. During his administration, agriculture had made great 
advances, by means of the English and Scottish plantations ; the 
shipping of the kingdom had been doubled ; the customs trebled 
upon the same rates ; and manufactures introduced and pro- 
moted 1 . But soon after that minister had fallen a victim to 
popular fury, dignified with the forms of justice, the pleasing 
scene was overcast; and Charles found the parliament of that 
kingdom as high in its pretensions as those of England and 
Scotland, and as ready to rise in its encroachments in proportion 
to his concessions. The court of high commission was voted 
to be a grievance ; martial law was abolished ; the jurisdiction of 
the council annihilated, and proclamations and acts of state de- 
clared of no authority *. 

The English colonists, who were the chief movers of these 
measures, did not perceive, in their rage for liberty, the danger 
of weakening the authority of government, in a country where 
the Protestants scarcely formed the sixth part of the inhabitants, 
and where two-thirds of the natives were still in a state of wild 
barbarity. The opportunity, however, thus afforded to them, 
did not escape the discernment of the old Irish. They observed 
with pleasure every impolitic step, and determined on a general 
revolt, in order to free their country from the dominion of 
foreigners, and their religion from the insults of profane here- 
tics. In this resolution they were encouraged by Roger More, 
who was distinguished among them by his valour and abilities. 

More maintained a close correspondence with lord Macguire 
and sir Phelim O'Neal, the most powerful of the old Irish chief- 
tains ; and he took every opportunity of representing to his 
countrymen, that the king's authority in Britain was reduced 
to so low an ebb, that he could not exert himself with any 
vigour, in maintaining the English dominion over Ireland ; that 
the Catholics in the Irish house of commons, assisted by the 
Protestants, had so diminished the royal prerogative, and the 
power of the lord lieutenant, as to facilitate the conducting of 



1 Warwick's Memoirs, p. 115. Rushworth, vol. iv. Nalson, vol. ii. Strafford 
may be said to have given a beginning to the linen manufacture in Ireland, now 
the great staple of that country. 

Id. Ibid. 



LETT. v. MODERN EUROPE. 287 

any conspiracy that should be formed ; that the Scots, in having 
so successfully thrown off dependence on the crown of England, 
and taken the government into their own hands, had set an 
example to the Irish, who had much greater grievances to com- 
plain of; that the English planters, who had expelled them 
from their ancient possessions, were but a handful in compari- 
son with the original inhabitants ; that they lived in the most 
supine security, interspersed with their numerous enemies, and 
trusting to the protection of a small army, which was itself scat- 
tered in inconsiderable divisions throughout the kingdom ; that 
a body of eight thousand men, raised and disciplined by govern- 
ment, in order to suppress the rebellion in Scotland, were now 
thrown loose, and ready for any daring or desperate enterprise 1 ; 
that although the Catholics had hitherto, from the moderation 
of their indulgent prince, enjoyed in some measure the exercise 
of their religion, they must expect that the government would 
thenceforth be conducted by other maxims and other principles ; 
that the puritanical leaders of the parliament, having at last 
subdued the sovereign, would doubtless extend their ambitious 
views and fanatical politics to Ireland, as soon as they had con- 
solidated their authority, and make the Catholics in that king- 
dom feel the same furious persecution to which their brethren in 
England were already exposed ; that a people, taking arms to 
rescue their native country from the dominion of foreign invaders, 
could at no time be considered as rebels : still less could the 
Irish be regarded as such during the present disorders, when 
royal authority, to which alone they could owe any obedience, 
was in a manner usurped by a set of desperate heretics, from 
whom they could expect no favour or indulgence, but might 
apprehend every violence and severity 2 . 

Influenced by these considerations, all the heads of the native 
Irish engaged in the conspiracy ; and it was not doubted that 
the old planters (or the English of the Pale, as they were called), 
being all Catholics, would afterwards join in an attempt to 



1 The English commons entertained the greatest apprehensions on account of 
this army, the officers of which were Protestants, but the private men Catholics ; 
and importuned the king with solicitations till he agreed to disband it. Nor would 
they consent to his augmenting the standing army to five thousand men ; a number 
which he judged necessary to retain Ireland in obedience. They even frustrated 
an agreement, which he had made with the Spanish ambassador, to have the former 
troops transported into Flanders, and enlisted in his master's service ; Charles 
thinking it dangerous that eight thousand men, accustomed to idleness, and trained 
to the use of arms, should he dispersed among a people so turbulent and predatory 
as the Irish. Clarendon, vol. i. Rushworth, vol. v. Dugdale, p. 57. 

* Sir John Temple's History of the Irish Rebellion. 



288 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

restore their religion to its ancient splendour, or at least to 
secure for it legal toleration. The beginning of winter was 
fixed for the commencement of this revolt, that there might be 
greater difficulty in transporting forces from England : and the 
plan was, that sir Phelim O'Neal and his confederates should, 
on one day, attack all the provincial English settlements ; while 
lord Macguire and Roger More, on the same day, should sur- 
prise the castle of Dublin. 

A concurrence of favourable circumstances seemed to have 
rendered the success of this undertaking infallible. The Irish 
Catholics discovered such a propensity to revolt, that it was not 
thought necessary to trust the secret to many persons ; and the 
appointed day approached without any discovery having been 
made to government. The earl of Leicester, whom the king 
had appointed lord-lieutenant, remained in London ; and the 
two chief justices, sir William Parsons and sir John Borlase, 
were men of slender abilities. The attempt upon the castle of 
Dublin, however, was defeated by one O'Conolly, who betrayed 
the conspiracy to Parsons. More escaped, Macguire was taken ; 
and Mac-Mahon, another of the conspirators, also being seized, 
discovered to the justices the project of a general insurrection, 
and increased the terror and consternation of the Protestants '. 

But this intelligence, though it saved Dublin, was obtained 
too late to enable the government to prevent the intended rebel- 

Oct. Hon. O'Neal and his associates immediately took arms 

23- in Ulster. Forty years had now elapsed since the native 
Irish had been driven from their properties, and forced to seek 
refuge in the mountains, while foreigners seized on their farms 
and proclaimed themselves mortal enemies, both of the nation, 
and of the religion of the old proprietors. The first opportunity 
of redress and vengeance was eagerly embraced ; a peasantry ren- 
dered infuriate by unmerited wrongs, and further stimulated by 
that bigotry which is the offspring of ignorance, rushed from 
their fastnesses, and drove the astonished settlers from the lands 
they had long cultivated in tranquillity*. Dublin was soon 
filled with miserable crowds, driven from their farms, who spread 
the most alarming reports of the cruelty and severity of the 
insurgents. The war was, on both sides, conducted with ruth- 
less barbarity ; but the massacres perpetrated both by the insur- 
gents and the royalists have been scandalously exaggerated: 
after a very careful examination of all the evidence, we are per- 

1 Sir John Temple. Rushworth, vol. v. 2 Id. Ibid. 



LETT. v. MODERN EUROPE. 289 

suaded that the number killed by O'Neal's mob did not exceed 
five thousand, and that at least an equal number were sacrificed 
in retaliation, by the partisans of government 1 . The great 
majority of Irish gentry invariably made every exertion to re- 
strain the ferocity of their followers ; but the officers employed 
to suppress the revolt, both by precept and example, recom- 
mended cruelty and extermination 2 . 

The lords justices of Ireland at this calamitous period were 
the devoted servants of the parliament ; they knew that the 
king's suspected attachment to popery was the chief cause of his 
unpopularity in England, they therefore declared that the Irish 
insurrection was undertaken for the purpose of massacring all 
Protestants, and they insinuated that the king had secretly 
encouraged such an atrocious design 3 . One calumny was just as 
untrue as the other ; the Irish took up arms to obtain protection 
for their persons, security for their property, and toleration for 
their religion ; they offered instant submission if these terms 
were secured, and proffered their assistance to the royal cause 
in England. On every subsequent occasion, when attempts 
were made to conclude a treaty, the Irish lords invariably 
proposed an article for the punishment of all murders and 
all massacres committed in violation of articles of capitula- 
tion ; and this article was as invariably rejected by their oppo- 
nents. The undisguised determination of the lords justices and 
the English parliament to exterminate popery, compelled the 
Catholic lords of the pale to join the Ulster insurgents. This 
they did with extreme reluctance; for these descendants of the first 
English colonists were not yet reconciled to the native Irish. 

So far was Charles from encouraging the insurrection, that he 
not only issued a proclamation denouncing their rebellion, but 
commanded an army to be forthwith levied for its suppression. 
The unhappy monarch seems from the first to have foreseen the 
fatal effects that it would produce on his own fortunes. He was 
not ignorant that his own breach of a solemn promise respecting 
the "graces" or laws for the security of property had been 
among the chief causes of the insurrection 4 , but he clearly saw 
that the time was past when justice might be done to Ireland 
without giving offence to England. At the same moment 
Charles opened a negotiation with the Irish confederates, and 
applied for aid to his Scottish subjects ; the refusal of the lords 



1 Warner. Report of Cromwell's Commissioners. * Borlase. 

3 Temple. Clarendon. * Strafford's Letters. 

VOL. II. U 



290 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

justices to publish the royal amnesty rendered the treaty ineffec- 
tual, and Charles urgently pressed the Scots to join him in 
maintaining the cause of their Protestant brethren in Ireland. 
But the zeal of the Scots, as is usual among religious sects, was 
extremely feeble, when neither stimulated by a sense of interest 
nor by apprehensions of danger. They therefore resolved to 
make an advantageous bargain for the succours they should send 
to Ireland ; and as the English commons, with whom they were 
already closely connected, could alone fulfil any article that might 
be agreed on, they sent commissioners to London, to treat with 
that order of the state, to which the sovereign authority was 
really transferred *. 

Thus disappointed in his expectation of aid from the Scots, 
and sensible of his own inability to subdue the Irish rebels, 
Charles was obliged to have recourse to the English parliament, 
to whose care and wisdom he imprudently declared he was willing 
to commit the conduct and prosecution of the war. The com- 
mons, who possessed alone the power of supply, and who had 
aggrandized themselves by the difficulties and distresses of the 
crown, seemed to consider it as a peculiar happiness, that the 
rebellion in Ireland had succeeded, at so critical a period, to the 
pacification of Scotland. They immediately took advantage of 
the expression by which the king committed to them the care of 
that island : and to this usurpation, the boldest they had yet 
made, Charles was obliged to submit, both because of his utter 
inability to resist, and lest he should expose himself still more to 
the infamous reproach with which he was already loaded by the 
puritans, of countenancing the Irish rebellion. 

The commons, however, who had projected farther innovations 
at home, took no steps towards suppressing the insurrection in 
Ireland, but such as also tended to give them the superiority in 
those commotions which they foresaw would soon be excited in 
England. They levied money under colour of the Irish expedi- 
tion, but reserved it for enterprises that more nearly concerned 
them: they took arms from the king's magazines, under the 
same pretext, but kept them with a secret intention of employ- 
ing them against himself. Whatever law they deemed necessary 
for their own aggrandizement was voted, under pretence of 
enabling them to recover Ireland ; and if Charles withheld the 
royal assent, his refusal was imputed to those pernicious counsels 
which had at first excited the popish conspiracy in that kingdom, 

1 Rushworth, vol. v. 



LETT. v. MODERN EUROPE. 291 

and which still threatened total destruction to the Protestant 
interest throughout his dominions l . And so great was the con- 
fidence of the people in those hypocritical zealots, whose votes 
breathed nothing but death and destruction to the rebels, that, 
although no forces were sent to Ireland, and very little money 
was remitted during the deepest distress of the Protestants, the 
fault was never imputed to the parliament ! 

The commons in the mean time were employed in framing that 
famous remonstrance, which was soon after followed by such 
extraordinary consequences. It was not, as usual, addressed to 
the king, but was a declared appeal to the people. Besides gross 
falsehoods and malignant insinuations, it contained an enumera- 
tion of every unpopular measure which Charles had embraced, 
from the commencement of his reign to the calling of the parlia- 
ment that framed it, accompanied with many jealous prognostics 
of future grievances : and the acrimony of the style was equal to 
the harshness of the matter. 

A performance so full of gall, and so obviously intended to 
excite general dissatisfaction, after the ample concessions made 
by the crown, was not only regarded by all discerning men as a 
signal for farther attacks upon the royal prerogative, but as a 
certain indication of the approaching abolition of monarchical 
government in England. The opposition to the remonstrance, 
in the house of commons, was therefore very great. The debate 
upon it was warmly managed for above fourteen hours; and it 
was at last voted only by a small majority, seemingly in conse- 
quence of the weariness of the king's party, consisting chiefly of 
elderly men, many of whom had retired*. It was not sent up to 
the house of peers. 

No sooner was the remonstrance of the commons published, 
than the king sent forth an answer to it. Sensible of the disad- 
vantages under which he laboured in this contest, he contented 
himself with observing, that even during the period so much 
complained of, the people had enjoyed not only a greater share 
of happiness and prosperity than neighbouring countries could 
boast, but than England itself had enjoyed during times esteemed 
the most fortunate. He mentioned the great concessions made 
by the crown, protested his sincerity in the reformed religion, 
and reprobated the infamous libels every where dispersed against 
his person, government, and the established church. " If, not- 



1 Clarendon, vol. ii. 

2 llushworth, vol. v. Nalson, vol. ii. Whitelockc, p. 49. Dugdale, p. 71. 

u 2 



292 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

withstanding these grants," added he, "any malignant party shall 
take heart, and be willing to sacrifice the peace and happiness of 
their country to their own sinister ends and ambition, under 
whatever pretence of religion and conscience ; if they shall en- 
deavour to lessen my reputation and interest, and to weaken my 
lawful power and authority; if they shall attempt by discoun- 
tenancing the present laws, to loosen the bands of government, 
that disorder and confusion may break in upon us ; I doubt not 
that God, in his good time, will discover them to me, and that 
the wisdom and courage of my high court of parliament will join 
with me in their suppression and punishment V 

But the ears of the people were too much prejudiced against 
the king to listen patiently to any thing that he could offer in his 
own vindication ; so that the commons proceeded in their usurpa- 
tions upon the church and monarchy, and made their purpose of 
subverting both every day more evident. They had lately accused 
thirteen bishops of high crimes and misdemeanours, for enacting 
canons without consent of parliament, though no other method 
had ever been practised since the foundation of the government ; 
and they now insisted that the peers, upon this general accusa- 
tion, should sequester those bishops from their seats in parlia- 
ment, and commit them to prison. But the majority of the 
peers, who plainly foresaw the depression of the nobility as a 
necessary consequence of the farther encroachments of the com- 
mons, paid little regard to such an unreasonable request. En- 
raged at this and other checks, the popular leaders openly told 
the lords, that they themselves were the representative body of 
the whole kingdom, and that the peers were merely individuals 
who held their seats in a particular capacity ; and therefore, " if 
their lordships would not consent to the passing of acts necessary 
for the preservation of the people, the commons must join such 
of the lords as were more sensible of the danger, and represent 
the matter to his majesty 2 ." 

This was a plain avowal of the democratical principles that 
began now to be propagated among the people, and which had 
long prevailed in the house of commons, as well as a bold at- 
tempt to form a party among the lords. And the tide of popu- 
larity seized many of the peers, and hurried them into a devia- 
tion from the established maxims of civil policy. Of these the 
most considerable were the earls of Essex and Northumberland, 
lord Kimbolton, and lord Say and Sele ; men who, sensible that 

1 Nalson, vol. ii. 2 Clarendon, vol. ii. 



LETT. v. MODERN EUROPE. 293 

their credit was high with the nation, rashly ventured to encou- 
rage an enthusiastic spirit, which they soon found they wanted 
power to regulate or control. 

The majority of the nobles, however, still took shelter under 
the throne ; and the commons, in order to procure a majority in 
the upper house, again had recourse to the populace. Amidst 
the greatest security, they affected continual fears of destruction 
to themselves and the nation 1 : they even ordered halberts to 
be brought into the hall where they assembled ; and thus armed 
themselves against those desperate conspiracies, with which they 
pretended they were hourly threatened, and the feigned discove- 
ries of which were industriously propagated among the credulous 
people. Multitudes flocked to "Westminster, and insulted the 
bishops, and such of the peers as adhered to the crown. The 
lords voted a declaration against these tumults, and sent it to the 
lower house ; but the commons refused their concurrence ; and 
to make their pleasure further known, they ordered several 
seditious apprentices, who had been committed to prison, to be 
set at liberty 2 . 

Thus encouraged, the populace crowded about Whitehall, and 
insulted and threatened the king and the royal family. Such 
audacious behaviour roused the young gentlemen of the inns of 
court, who, with some reduced officers, undertook the defence 
of their sovereign ; and between them and the populace passed 
frequent skirmishes, which rarely ended without bloodshed. 
These gentlemen, by way of reproach, gave the fanatical insulters 
of majesty the name of ROUNDHEADS, on account of their short 
cropped hair, while the rabble called their more polished oppo- 
nents, by reason of their being chiefly mounted on horseback, 
CAVALIERS ; names which became famous during the civil war 
that followed, and which contributed not a little to inflame the 
animosity between the parties, during the prelude to that contest, 
by affording the factious an opportunity to rendezvous under 
them, and signalize their mutual hatred, by the reproachful ideas 
that were affixed to them by each party, no less than by the 
political distinctions which they marked. 

The Cavaliers, who affected a liberal way of thinking, as well 
as a gaiety and freedom of manners inconsistent with puritanical 
ideas, were represented by the Roundheads as a set of aban- 
doned profligates, equally destitute of religion and morals ; the 
devoted tools of the court, and zealous abettors of arbitrary 

1 Journ. 16th and 30th of Nov. 1641. f Nalson, vol. ii. 



294 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

power. The Cavaliers, on the other hand, regarded the Round- 
heads as a gloomy, narrow-minded, fanatical herd, determined 
enemies to kingly power, and to all distinction of ranks in society. 
But in these characters, drawn by the passions of the two par- 
ties, we must not expect impartiality; both are certainly over- 
charged. The Cavaliers were in general sincere friends to 
liberty and the English constitution ; nor were republican and 
levelling principles by any means general at first among the 
Roundheads, though they came at last to predominate. It 
must however be admitted, that the Cavaliers, in order to show 
their contempt of puritanical austerity, often carried their con- 
vivial humour to an indecent excess ; and that the gloomy tem- 
per and religious extravagances of the Roundheads afforded an 
ample field for the raillery of their facetious adversaries. 

In consequence of these distinctions, and the tumults that 
accompanied them, the bishops, being easily known by their 
habits, and exposed to the most dangerous insults from the 
enraged sectaries, to whom they had long been obnoxious, were 
deterred from attending their duty in parliament. They, there- 
fore, imprudently protested against all laws, votes, and resolu- 
tions, as null and void, which should pass during their forced 
and involuntary absence. The lords, incensed at this passionate 
step, desired a conference with the commons on the subject. 
The opportunity was eagerly seized by the lower house ; an im- 
peachment of treason was sent up against twelve of the bishops, 
as endeavouring to subvert the fundamental laws, and invalidate 
the authority of the legislature ; and they were immediately 
ordered into confinement 1 . 

The king, who had hastily approved the protest of the 
bishops, was soon after hurried into a greater indiscretion ; an 
indiscretion which may be considered as the immediate cause 
of the civil war that ensued, and to which, or some similar 
violence, the popular leaders had long wished to provoke him 
by their intemperate language. They at last succeeded beyond 
their most sanguine hopes. Enraged to find that all his con- 
cessions only served to increase the demands of the commons ; 
that the people, who, on his return from Scotland, had received 
him with expressions of duty and affection, were again roused 
to sedition ; that the blackest calumnies were propagated against 
him, and a method of address adopted, not only unsuitable to a 
great prince, but which a private gentleman could not bear with- 

1 Rushworth, vol. v. Clarendon, vol. ii. 



LETT. v. MODERN EUROPE. 295 

out resentment ; he began to suspect that his government wanted 
vigour, and to ascribe these unexampled acts of insolence to his 
own facility of temper. In this opinion he was encouraged by the 
queen and the courtiers, who were continually reproaching him 
with indolence, and entreating him to display the majesty of a 
sovereign; before which, as they fondly imagined, the daring 
usurpations of his subjects would shrink 1 . 

Charles, ever ready to adopt violent counsels, and take A.D. 
advice from those who were inferior to himself in capacity, 1642 - 
gave way to these arguments, and ordered the attorney-general 
to enter an accusation of high-treason against lord Kimbolton 
(afterward earl of Manchester) and five commoners ; namely, sir 
Arthur Haselrig, Holies, Hampden, Pym, and Strode. The 
chief articles of impeachment were, that they had traitorously 
laboured to subvert the fundamental laws and government of the 
kingdom, and to deprive the king of his regal power ; had endea- 
voured, by many foul aspersions on his majesty and his govern- 
ment, to alienate the affections of his people, and invited and 
encouraged an hostile army to invade the kingdom ; had employed 
force and terror to draw the parliament to their side ; had raised 
and countenanced tumults, and even levied war against their 
sovereign 2 . 

That so bold a measure should have been embraced at such a 
crisis, was matter of surprise to all men, and of sincere regret to 
the real friends of the constitution ; more especially, as it did 
not appear that the members accused were more criminal than 
the body of the commons, except perhaps by the exertion of 
superior abilities. But whatever might be their guilt, it was 
evident, that while the upper house was scarcely able to main- 
tain its independence, it would never be permitted by the popu- 
lace, had it even possessed courage and inclination, to pass a 
sentence which must totally subdue the lower house ; these five 
members being the very heads of the popular party, and the 
chief promoters of their ambitious projects. 

The astonishment excited by this measure was soon, however, 
transferred to attempts more bold and precipitant. A serjeant- 
at-arms was sent to the house of commons, to demand, in the 
king's name, the five uncourtly members. He returned without 
any positive answer ; and messengers were employed to arrest 
them wherever they might be found. The house voted this 
conduct to be a breach of privilege, and commanded every one 

1 Clarendon, vol. ii. * Whitelocke, p. 53. Rushwortb, vol. v. 



296 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

to defend the liberty of the members. Irritated at so much 

Jan. opposition, the king went to the house of commons, in 
5 - hopes of surprising the accused persons ; but they, having 
private intelligence of his resolution, had withdrawn before he 
entered 1 . 

His embarrassment, on this discovery, may be more easily 
conceived than described. Sensible of his imprudence when too 
late, and ashamed of the situation in which he found himself, 
" I assure you, on the word of a king," he said, " I never did 
intend any force, but shall proceed against these men in a fair 
and legal way ; for I never meant any other. And now, since 
I see I cannot do what I came for, I think this no unfit occasion 
to repeat what I have said formerly ; that whatever I have done 
in favour and to the good of my subjects, I do intend to maintain 
it." The commons were in the utmost disorder during his stay ; 
and when he was departing, some members cried aloud, " Privi- 
lege ! privilege * !" 

The house adjourned to the next day ; and the accused mem- 
bers, to intimate the greater apprehension of personal danger, 
removed into the city the same evening. The citizens were in 
arms the whole night ; and some incendiaries, or people actuated 
by their own fanatical fears, ran from gate to gate crying that 
the cavaliers, with the king at their head, were coming to burn 
the city. In order to show how little occasion there was for any 
such alarm, and what confidence he placed in the citizens, 
Charles went the next morning to Guildhall, attended only by 
three or four noblemen, and endeavoured to conciliate the affec- 
tions of the lord-mayor and common-council. He had accused 
some men, he said, of high-treason ; and as he intended to pro- 
ceed against them in a legal way, he hoped they would not meet 
with protection in the city. The citizens, however, showed no 
inclination to give them up: and the king left the hall little 
better satisfied than with his visit to the house of commons*. 
In passing through the streets, he had the mortification to hear 
the insulting cry, " Privilege of parliament !" resound from every 
quarter; and one of the populace, more daring than the rest, 
saluted him with the words employed by the mutinous Israelites, 
when they abandoned Rehoboam, their rash sovereign : " To 
your tents, O Israel 4 ." 

When the commons met, they affected the utmost terror and 



i Whitelocke, p. 51. Rushworth, vol. v. Whitelocke. 

3 Clarendon, vol. ii. * Rushworth, vol. v. 



LETT. v. MODERN EUROPE. 297 

dismay : and after voting that they would not sit in the same 
place until they had obtained satisfaction for the unparalleled 
breach of privilege committed by the king, and had a guard 
appointed for their security, they adjourned for some days. In 
the mean time a committee was ordered to sit in the metropolis, 
and inquire into every circumstance attending the king's entry 
into the house of commons; from all which was inferred an 
intention of offering violence to the parliament, by seizing even 
in that house his supposed adversaries, and murdering all who 
should make resistance. They met again, confirmed the votes 
of the committee, and hastily adjourned, as if exposed to the 
most imminent danger. This practice they frequently repeated ; 
and when, by these affected panics, they had filled the minds of 
the people with the most dreadful apprehensions, and inflamed 
them with enthusiastic rage against the court, the accused mem- 
bers were conducted by the city militia in a kind of military 
triumph, to Westminster, in order to resume their seats in the 
house ; the populace, as they passed Whitehall by land and 
water, frequently asking, with insulting shouts, " What is be- 
come of the king and his cavaliers 1 ?" 

Apprehensive of danger from the furious multitude, Charles 
had retired to Hampton Court, where, overwhelmed with grief 
and shame for his misconduct, he had leisure to reflect on the 
fatal measures into which he had been hurried. He saw himself 
involved in a situation the most distressing, entirely by his own 
precipitancy and indiscretion ; and how to extricate himself with 
honour he could not discover ; his friends were discouraged, his 
enemies triumphant, and the people seemed ripe for rebellion. 
Without submission his ruin appeared to be inevitable ; but to 
make submission to subjects, was what his kingly pride could not 
bear ; yet to that humiliating expedient, which in his present 
circumstances seemed to be the most advisable, he at last had 
recourse. In successive messages to the commons, he told them, 
that he would desist from his prosecution of the accused mem- 
bers ; that he would grant them a pardon ; that he would concur 
in any law that should acquit or secure them ; that he would 
make reparation to the house for the breach of privilege, of which 
he acknowledged they had reason to complain ; and he declared 
that, for the future, he would be as careful of the privileges of 
parliament as of his own crown and life *. 

This was yielding too far ; but the uneasy mind is naturally 

1 Whitelocke. Dugdale. J Dugdale, p. 84. Rushworth, voL v. 



298 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

carried from one extreme to another, in attempting to repair its 
errors. 

If the king's violence rendered him hateful, his unreserved 
submission made him contemptible to the commons. They 
thought he could now deny them nothing, and therefore refused 
to accept any concessions for the breach of privilege, unless he 
would discover his advisers in that illegal measure. But Charles, 
whose honour as a gentleman was sacred and inviolable, had still 
sufficient spirit to reject with disdain a condition which would 
have rendered him for ever despicable, and unworthy of all friend- 
ship or confidence. He had already shown to the nation, had 
the nation not been blinded with fanaticism, that if he had 
violated the rights of parliament, which was still a question with 
many ', he was willing to make every possible reparation, and 
yield any satisfaction not inconsistent with the integrity of his 
moral character. 

The commons continued to declaim against the violation of 
parliamentary privileges, and to inflame the discontents of the 
people. For this purpose they had recourse to the old expe- 
dient of petitioning, so flattering to human pride ! as it affords 
the meanest member of the community an opportunity of in- 
structing the highest, and of feeling his own consequence, in the 
right of offering such instructions. A petition from Bucking- 
hamshire was presented to the house by six thousand men, who 
promised to live and die in defence of the privileges of parlia- 
ment. One of the like nature was presented from the city of 
London ; and petitions were delivered from many other places ; 
even a petition from the apprentices was graciously received, 
and one from the porters was encouraged. The beggars, and even 
the women, were seized with the same rage. A brewer's wife, 
followed by many thousands of her sex, brought a petition to 
the house ; in which they expressed their terrors of papists and 

1 No maxim in law, it was said, is more established, or more generally allowed, 
than that privilege of parliament extends not to treason, felony, or breach of peace ; 
that it was never pretended by any one, that the hall where the parliament assem- 
bles is an inviolable sanctuary ; that if the commons complained of the affront 
offered them by an attempt to arrest their members in their very presence, the 
blame must lie entirely upon themselves, who had refused compliance with the 
king's message, when he peacefully demanded these members ; that the sovereign 
is the great executor of the laws ; and that his presence was here legally employed, 
both in order to prevent opposition, and to protect the house against those insults 
which their disobedience had merited. (Howell's Inspection into ttie Carriage of 
the late Long Parliament. Hume, chap. Iv.) But whatever might be urged in 
favour of the legality of Charles's attempt to seize the accused members, no one 
pretended to vindicate the prudence either of that or the accusation. To impeach 
the heads of a faction during the full tide of its power, was indeed attempting to 
fetter the waves. 



LETT. v. MODERN EUROPE. 299 

prelates, rapes and massacres, and claimed a right equal to that 
of the men in communicating their sense of the public danger, 
since Christ had died for them as well as for the other sex. The 
apprentices were loud in the praise of liberty, and bold in their 
threats against arbitrary power. The porters complained of the 
decay of trade, and desired that justice might be done upon 
oifenders, according to the atrocity of their crimes ; and they 
added, " that if such remedies were any longer suspended, they 
would be forced to extremities not fit to be named." The 
beggars, as a remedy for public miseries, proposed, " that those 
noble worthies of the house of peers, who concurred with the 
happy votes of the commons, might separate themselves from 
the rest, and sit and vote as one entire body 1 ." This language, 
which could not be misunderstood, was evidently dictated by the 
commons themselves. 

While these inflammatory petitions were received with the 
warmest expressions of approbation, all petitions which favoured 
the church or monarchy were discountenanced, and those inter- 
ested in them were imprisoned and prosecuted as delinquents. 
In a word, by the present fury of the people, as by an inundation, 
was swept away all opposition in both houses, and every rampart 
of royal authority was laid level with the ground. The king, as 
appeared from the votes on the remonstrance, had a strong party 
in the lower house ; and in the house of peers he had a great 
majority, even after the bishops were chased away. But 
now, when the populace were ready to execute, on the least 
hint, the will of their leaders, it was not safe for any member to 
approach either house, who pretended to oppose the general 
torrent. 

Thus possessed of an undisputed majority in both houses, the 
popular leaders, who well knew the importance of such a favour- 
able moment, pursued their victory with vigour and dispatch. 
The bills sent up by the commons, and which had hitherto been 
rejected by the peers, were now passed, and presented for the 
royal sanction : namely, a bill empowering the parliament to im- 
press men into the service under pretence of suppressing the 
rebellion in Ireland, and the long-contested bill for depriving the 
bishops of the privilege of voting in the house of lords. The 
king's authority was reduced to so low an ebb, that a refusal 
would have been both hazardous and ineffectual : and the queen, 

1 Clarendon, vol. ii. Rushworth, vol. v. 



300 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

being secretly threatened with an impeachment, prevailed on 
her husband speedily to pass those bills, in hopes of appeasing 
the rage of the multitude, until she could make her escape to 
Holland 1 . 

But these important concessions, like all the former, served 
only as a foundation for more important demands. Encouraged 
by the facility of the king's disposition, the commons regarded 
the smallest relaxation in their invasion of royal authority as 
highly impolitic at such a crisis. They were fully sensible, that 
the monarchical government would regain some part of its former 
dignity, as soon as the present storm should subside, in spite of 
all their recent limitations ; yet that it would not be safe to 
attempt the entire abolition of an authority to which the nation 
had been so long accustomed, before they were in possession of 
the sword which alone could guard their usurped power, or 
ensure their personal safety against the rising indignation of their 
insulted sovereign. To this point, therefore, they directed all 
their views. They conferred the government of Hull, where was 
a large magazine of arms, on sir John Hotham ; they sent orders 
to Goring, governor of Portsmouth, to obey no commands but 
such as he should receive from the parliament ; and they obliged 
the king to displace sir John Byron, a man of unexceptionable 
character, and bestow the government of the Tower on sir 
John Conyers, in whom alone, they said, they could place confi- 
dence*. 

These were bold steps; but a bolder measure was deemed 
necessary by the commons before they could accomplish the 
ruin of royal authority : and that was, the acquisition of the 
command of the militia, which would at once give them the 
whole power of the sword, there being at that time no regular 
troops in England, except those which the commons themselves 
had levied for suppressing the Irish rebellion. With this view 
they brought in a bill, by the express terms of which the lord- 
lieutenants of counties, or principal officers of the militia, who 
were all named in it, were to be accountable, not to the king, 
but to the parliament. Charles here ventured to put a stop to 
his concessions, though he durst not hazard a flat denial. He 
only requested, that the military authority should be allowed 
to remain in the crown : and if that should be admitted, he 
promised to bestow commissions, but revocable at pleasure, on 

1 Clarendon, vol. ii. 2 Rushworth, vol. v. 



LETT. v. MODERN EUROPE. 301 

the very persons named in the bill. But the commons, whose 
object was nothing less than sovereignty, imperiously replied, 
that the dangers and distempers of the nation were such as could 
endure no longer delay; and unless the king should speedily 
comply with their demands, a regard for the safety of prince and 
people would urgently require a disposal of the militia by the 
authority of both houses. 

But what was more extraordinary than all this, while the 
commons thus menaced the king with their power, they in- 
vited him to fix his residence in London, where they knew he 
would be entirely at their mercy. " I am so much amazed at 
this message," said Charles, in his prompt reply, " that I know 
not what to answer. You speak of jealousies and fears ! Lay 
your hands on your hearts, and ask yourselves, whether I may 
not likewise be disturbed with fears and jealousies ; and if so, I 
assure you that this message has nothing lessened them. As to 
the militia, I thought so much of it before I gave that answer, 
and am so much assured that the answer is agreeable to what, 
in justice or reason, you can ask, or I in honour grant, that I 
shall not alter it in any point. For my residence near you, I 
wish it might be safe and honourable, and that I had no cause 
to absent myself from Whitehall : ask yourselves whether I have 
not. What would you have ? Have I denied to pass any bill 
for the ease and security of my subjects ? I do not ask what ye 
have done for me. Have any of my people been transported 
with fears and apprehensions ? I offer as free and general a 
pardon as yourselves can devise. All this considered, there is a 
judgment of heaven upon this nation, if these distractions con- 
tinue. God so deal with me and mine, as my thoughts and in- 
tentions are upright for the maintenance of the true Protestant 
profession, and for the observance and preservation of the laws ; 
and I hope God will bless and assist those laws for my preser- 
vation 1 ." 

The firmness of this reply surprised the commons, but did not 
discourage them from prosecuting their ambitious aims. They 
had gone too far to retract ; they therefore voted, that those who 
advised his majesty's answer were enemies to the state, and mis- 
chievous projectors against the safety of the nation ; that this 
denial was of such dangerous consequence, that if his majesty 
should persist in it, it would hazard the peace and tranquillity 

1 Rushworth, vol. i. 



302 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

of all his kingdoms, unless some speedy remedy should be applied 
by the wisdom and authority of parliament ; and that such of 
the subjects as had put themselves in a posture of defence, 
against the common danger, had done nothing but what was 
justifiable, and approved by the house. And in order to induce 
the people to second these usurpations, by arming themselves 
more generally, extraordinary panics were spread throughout the 
nation, by rumours of intended massacres and invasions. 

Alarmed at these threatening appearances, and not without 
apprehensions that force might be employed to extort his assent 
to the militia bill, the king thought it prudent to remove to a 
greater distance from London. Accompanied by the prince of 
Wales and the duke of York, he retired beyond the Humber, 
and made the city of York, for a time, the seat of his court. 
The queen had already taken refuge in Holland. There she re- 
sided with her daughter Mary, who had been given in marriage 
to William II. prince of Orange. 

In the northern parts of his kingdom, where the church and 
monarchy were still respected, Charles found himself of more 
consequence than in the capital or its neighbourhood, where the 
fury of fanaticism predominated. The marks of attachment 
shown him at York exceeded his fondest expectation. The 
pi-incipal nobility and gentry, from all quarters of England, 
either personally or by letters, expressed their duty toward him, 
and exhorted him to save them from that democratical tyranny 
with which they were menaced. 

Finding himself supported by so considerable a body of his 
subjects, the king began to assume a firmer tone, and to retort 
with spirit the accusations of the commons. As he persisted in 
refusing the militia-bill, they had framed an ordinance, in 
which, by the sole authority of the two houses of parliament, 
they had named lieutenants for all the counties, and conferred 
on them the command of the whole military force of the 
kingdom. He issued proclamations against this violent pro- 
cedure ; and declared, that as he had formed a resolution strictly 
to observe the laws himself, he was determined that every one 
should yield a like obedience. The commons, on their part, 
were neither destitute of vigour nor of address. In order to 
cover their usurped authority with a kind of veil, and to con- 
found in the minds of the people the ideas of duty and allegiance, 
they, in all their commands, bound the persons to whom they 
were directed, to obey the orders of his majesty, signified by 



LETT. v. MODERN EUROPE. 303 

both houses of parliament 1 . Thus, by an unusual distinction 
between the office and the person of the king, they employed the 
royal name to the subversion of royal authority ! 

The chief object of both parties being the acquisition of the 
favour of the people, each was desirous to throw on the other the 
odium of involving the nation in civil discord. With this view, 
a variety of memorials, remonstrances, and declarations, were 
dispersed. In the war of the pen, the royalists were supposed 
to have greatly the advantage. The king's memorials were 
chiefly composed by himself and lord Falkland, who had accepted 
the office of secretary of state, and whose virtues and talents 
were of the most amiable and exalted kind. In these papers 
Charles endeavoured to clear up the principles of the consti- 
tution ; to mark the boundaries of the powers intrusted by law to 
the several orders in the state ; to show what great improvements 
the whole political system had received from his late concessions ; 
to demonstrate his entire confidence in his people ; and to 
point out the ungrateful returns which had been made to that 
confidence and those concessions. The parliament, on the other 
hand, exaggerated all his unpopular measures ; and attempted to 
prove, that their whole proceedings were necessary for the pre- 
servation of religion and liberty 3 . 

But whatever advantage either side might gain by these 
writings, both were sensible that the sword must ultimately de- 
cide the dispute : and they began to prepare accordingly. The 
troops which had been raised under pretence of the Irish rebel- 
lion, were now openly enlisted by the parliament for its own 
purposes, and the command of them given to the earl of Essex. 
Nor were new levies neglected. No less than four thousand 
men are said to have been enlisted in London in one day*. And 
the parliament having issued orders that loans of money and 
plate might be furnished, for maintaining their forces, such vast 
quantities of plate were brought to their treasuries, that they 
could hardly find room to stow it. Even the women gave up 
their ornaments, to support the cause of the godly against the 
malignants*. 

Very different was the king's situation. His preparations 
were far from being so forward as those of the parliament. To 
recover the confidence of his people, and remove all jealousy of 
violent counsels, he had resolved that the usurpations and illegal 



1 Rushworth, vol. v. Id. ibid. 

3 Vicar's God in the Mount. ' Whitelocke. Dugdale. 



304 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

pretensions of the commons should be evident to the whole 
world. This he considered as of more importance to his in- 
terest than the collecting of magazines or the assembling of 
armies. But had he even been otherwise disposed, he would 
have found many difficulties to encounter ; for although he was 
attended by a splendid train of nobility, and by a numerous 
body of gentlemen of great landed property, supplies could not 
be raised without a connexion with the monied men, who were 
chiefly attached to the parliament, which had seized his revenues 
since the beginning of the contest concerning the militia bill. 
Yet he was not altogether unprepared. The queen, by disposing 
of the crown jewels, had been enabled to purchase a cargo of 
arms and ammunition in Holland. Part of these had arrived 
safe ; and Charles, finding that the urgent necessities of his situ- 
ation would no longer admit delay, prepared himself for defence, 
and roused his adherents to arms, with a spirit, activity, and ad- 
dress, that alike surprised his friends and his enemies. The 
resources of his genius on this, as on all other occasions, seemed 
to increase in proportion to the obstacles that arose. He never 
appeared so great as when plunged in distress or surrounded 
with perils. 

The commons however, conscious of their superiority in force, 
and determined to take advantage of it, yet desirous to preserve 
the appearance of a pacific disposition, proposed conditions on 
which they were willing to come to an agreement, but to which 
they knew the king would not submit. Their demands, con- 
tained in nineteen propositions, amounted to a total abolition of 
monarchical government, and would have involved in ruin the 
whole royal party. They required, that no man should remain 
in the privy council who had not the approbation of parliament ; 
that no deed of the sovereign should have validity unless it 
should be sanctioned by the majority of the council; that all 
the principal officers of state and chief judges should be chosen 
with consent of parliament, and enjoy their offices during life ; 
that none of the royal family should marry without the same 
consent ; that the laws should be executed against Catholics ; 
that the votes of popish lords should be excluded ; that the re- 
formation of the liturgy and church-government should take 
place, according to the advice of the two houses ; that the late 
ordinance with regard to the military force be submitted to ; 
that the justice of parliament should pass upon all delinquents, 
a general pardon be granted for all past offences (with such ex- 
ceptions as should be advised by parliament), the forts and castles 



LETT. v. MODERN EUROPE. 305 

be disposed of by consent of parliament, and no peers be made 
but with the concurrence of both houses *. 

" Should I grant these demands," said Charles, in his animated 
reply, " you may wait on me bareheaded ; I may have my hand 
kissed ; the title of majesty may be continued to me ; and the 
King's Authority, signified by both Houses, may still be the style 
of your commands : I may have swords and maces carried before 
me, and please myself with the sight of a crown and sceptre 
(though even these twigs would not long flourish, when the stock 
upon which they grew should be dead) ; but, as to true and real 
power I should remain but the outside, but the picture, but the 
sign of a king*." He accordingly resolved to support his au- 
thority by arms; war, at any disadvantage, being esteemed 
preferable, by himself and all his counsellors, to so ignominious a 
peace. Collecting therefore some forces, and advancing . 
southward, he erected the royal standard at Nottingham. 

This being considered as the open signal of discord and civil 
war throughout the kingdom, the abettors of the adverse parties 
began now more distinctly to separate themselves: and when 
two names so sacred in the English constitution, as those of 
KING and PARLIAMENT, were placed in opposition to each 
other, it is no wonder that the people were divided in their 
choice, and agitated with the most violent animosities. 

The greater part of the nobility, and the gentlemen of ancient 
families, fearing a total confusion of ranks from the fury of the 
populace, attached themselves to the throne, from which they 
derived their lustre, and to which it was again communicated. 
Proud of their birth, of their consequence in the state, and of 
the loyalty and virtue of their ancestors, they zealously adhered 
to the cause of their sovereign ; which was also supported by 
most men of a liberal education, or a liberal way of thinking, and 
by all who wished well to the church and monarchy. On the 
other hand, as the veneration for the commons was extreme 
throughout the kingdom, and the aversion to the hierarchy 
general, the city of London, and most of the great corporations, 
took part with the parliament, and adopted with ardour those 
principles of freedom, on which that assembly had originally 
founded its pretensions, and under colour of maintaining which it 
had taken up arms. Beside these corporations, many families 
that had lately been enriched by commerce, seeing with envious 
eyes superior homage paid to the nobility and elder gentry, 

1 Rush worth, voL v. May, book ii. 'Id. ibid. 

VOL. II. X 



306 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

eagerly undertook the exaltation of a power, under whose domi- 
nion they hoped to acquire rank and distinction l . 

Thus determined in their choice, both parties, putting a close 
to argument, referred the justice of their cause to the decision 
of the sword. 



LETTER VI. 

Account of the Progress of the War between the Royalists and 
the Parliamentarians, to the battle of Naseby, in 1645. 

No contest ever seemed more unequal, my dear Philip, than 
A. D. that between Charles and his parliament when the sword 
1642. W as first drawn. Almost every advantage was on the 
side of the latter. The parliamentarians being in possession of 
the legal means of supply, and of all the sea-ports except New- 
castle, the customs yielded them a certain and considerable 
sum ; and all contributions, loans, and impositions, were more 
easily raised by the cities which possessed the ready money, and 
were also chiefly in their hands, than they could be by the 
nobility and gentry, who adhered to the king. The seamen natu- 
rally followed the disposition of the ports to which they be- 
longed; and the earl of Northumberland, lord high admiral, 
having engaged in the cause of the commons, had named, at 
their desire, the earl of Warwick as his lieutenant. Warwick 
at once established his authority in the fleet, and kept the entire 
dominion of the sea in the hands of the demagogues. They 
were likewise in possession of all the magazines of arms and 
ammunition in the kingdom, and had intercepted part of the 
stores which the queen had purchased in Holland. 

The king's only hope of counterbalancing so many advantages 
on the part of his adversaries, arose from the supposed supe- 
riority of his adherents in mental and personal qualities. More 
courage and enterprise were expected from the generous and 
lofty spirit of the ancient nobility and gentry than from the 
base-born vulgar. Nor was it doubted that their tenants, whom 
they levied and armed at their own expense, would greatly sur- 

1 Clarendon, vol. iii. 



LETT. vi. MODERN EUROPE. 307 

pass in valour and force the sedentary and enervated inhabitants 
of cities. But in making this comparison, the mysterious and 
elevating influence of the double enthusiasm of religion and 
liberty was forgotten a kind of holy fury, arising from appre- 
hensions of danger, and a confidence in supernatural aid, which, 
accompanied with supposed illuminations, inspires the daring 
fanatic with the most romantic bravery, and enables him to per- 
form such acts of prowess as transcend the common standard of 
humanity, confirm him in his belief of divine assistance, impel 
him to future exertions, and render his valour irresistible, when 
directed against those whom he regards as the enemies of God 
and of his country. 

With the power of this enthusiastic energy in animating the 
most grovelling minds, Charles had unhappily too much reason 
to become acquainted, during his struggle for dominion, and to 
learn, from fatal experience in many a hard-fought field, that it 
was not inferior in efficacy even to the courage connected with 
greatness of soul or infused by nobility of birth. At present he 
had a contemptible idea of his parliamentary foes, considered 
as individuals; but their numbers, their resources, and their 
military preparations, were sufficient to fill him with the most 
awful apprehensions. He declared, however, against all ad- 
vances toward an accommodation. " I have nothing left but 
my honour," said he ; " and this last possession I am firmly 
resolved to preserve, and rather to perish than yield any farther 
to the pretensions of my enemies 1 ." But he was induced, by 
the earnest solicitations of his friends, to relax in his purpose ; 
and in order to gain time, as well as to manifest a pacific dispo- 
sition, to send ambassadors to the parliament with offers of 
treaty, before he began hostilities. 

The conduct of the parliament justified Charles's opinion. 
Both houses replied, " that they could not treat with the king 
until he should take down his standard, and recal his proclama- 
tions," in which the members supposed themselves to be declared 
traitors; and when, by a second message, he offered to recal 
those proclamations, they desired him to dismiss his forces, to 
reside with his parliament, and to give up the delinquents to 
justice 2 ; or, in other words, to abandon himself and his friends 
to the mercy of his enemies. 

Hoping that the people were now fully convinced of the in- 
solence of the parliament, and its repugnance to peace, the king 

1 Clarendon, vol. iii. 2 Rushwortb, vol. v. 



308 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

made vigorous preparations for war. Aware, however, that he 
was not yet able to oppose the parliamentary army, he left Not- 
tingham, and retired, by slow marches, first to Derby, and after- 
ward to Shrewsbury. At Wellington, in that neighbourhood, 
he collected his forces, and made the following declaration before 
the whole arniy : " I do promise, in the presence of Almighty 
God, and as I hope for his blessing and protection, that I will, 
to the utmost of my power, defend and maintain the true re- 
formed Protestant religion, established in the Church of Eng- 
land ; and, by the grace of God, in the same will live and die. 
I desire that the laws may ever be the measure of my govern- 
ment, and that the liberty and property of the subject may be 
preserved by them with the same care as my own just right ; 
and if it please God, by his blessing on this army, raised for my 
necessary defence, to preserve me from the present rebellion, I 
do solemnly and faithfully promise, in the sight of God, to 
maintain the just privileges and freedom of parliament, and to 
govern, to the utmost of my power, by the known statutes and 
customs of the kingdom ; and, particularly, to observe inviolably 
the laws to which I have given my consent this parliament. 
Meanwhile, if this emergency, and the great necessity to which 
I am driven, beget any violation of law, I hope it will be 
imputed, by God and man, to the authors of this war; not to 
me, who have so earnestly laboured to preserve the peace of the 
kingdom 1 ." 

This declaration, which was considered as a sacred engage- 
ment on the part of the king, was received with the warmest 
expressions of approbation and gratitude by the generous train 
of nobility and gentry by whom he was attended ; and who, in 
the hope of his submitting to a legal and limited government, 
had alone been induced to take the field, with a resolution of 
sacrificing their lives and fortunes in his defence. They were, in 
general, no less animated by the spirit of liberty than that of 
loyalty, and held in contempt the high monarchical principles. 

Charles was received at Shrewsbury with marks of duty and 
affection ; and before he left that town, he found himself at the 
head of ten thousand men. With these he resolved to give 
battle immediately to the army of the parliament, as he heard 
that it was daily augmented with recruits from London. The 

Oct. two armies met on Edgehill, near Keinton in Warwick- 

2 s - shire. The earl of Lindsey was general of the royal 

1 Clarendon, vol. iii. 



LETT. vi. MODERN EUROPE. 309 

forces : prince Rupert, son of the unfortunate elector Palatine, 
commanded the horse ; sir Jacob Astley the foot ; sir Arthur 
Aston the dragoons ; sir John Heydon the artillery ; and lord 
Bernard Stuart was at the head of a troop of guards, whose 
estates, according to the computation of lord Clarendon, were 
equal in value to those of all the members who, at the com- 
mencement of hostilities, voted against the king in both houses 
of parliament. The earl of Essex drew up his army with judg- 
ment ; but in consequence of the desertion of a troop of horse, 
under sir Faithful Fortescue, and a furious charge from prince 
Rupert, his whole left wing of cavalry soon gave way. Nor 
did better fortune attend the right wing, which was also broken 
and put to flight. The victory would now have completely 
devolved to the royalists, had not the king's body of reserve, 
commanded by sir John Byron, heedlessly joined in the pursuit. 
The advantage afforded by this imprudence being perceived by 
sir William Balfour, who commanded the parliamentarian re- 
serve, he immediately wheeled about upon the king's infantry, 
now unsupported by horse, and made great havoc among them. 
The earl of Lindsey was mortally wounded and taken prisoner ; 
and his son, lord Willoughby, in endeavouring to rescue him, 
fell likewise into the enemy's hands. Sir Edward Verney, who 
carried the royal ensign, was killed ; the standard was taken, 
and the king himself was in danger. The standard was after- 
wards recovered by the valour of captain John Smith ; but the 
situation of affairs was not changed. Every thing, on the re- 
turn of Rupert from the pursuit, wore the aspect of a defeat 
rather than a complete victory, which he thought had been 
gained. His troops were too much fatigued to renew the 
charge, and the enemy did not provoke him to it, though both 
parties faced each other for some time. All night they lay on 
their arms, and drew off in the morning by a kind of mutual 
consent, neither side having spirit for a fresh action. About 
three thousand men were found dead on the field; and the loss 
of the two armies, from comparing opposite accounts, appears to 
have been nearly equal. The troops of both parties suffered 
much by cold during the night after the engagement 1 . 

Though this first battle was so indecisive, that the parliament 
claimed the victory as well as the king, it was of considerable 
service to the royal cause. Charles immediately reduced Ban- 
bury, and afterwards advanced to Reading, the governor and 

1 May, book iii. Clarendon, vol. iii. 



310 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

garrison of which, on the approach of a detachment of royalists, 
had fled with precipitation to London. The capital was struck 
with terror, and the parliament voted an address for a treaty ; 
but as no cessation of hostilities had been agreed on, the king 
continued to advance, and took possession of Brentford. By 
this time Essex had reached London, and the declining season 
put a stop to further operations 1 . 

During the winter, the king and parliament were employed 
in real preparations for war, but in seeming advances towards 

A.D. peace. Oxford, where the king resided, was chosen as 

1643. the place of treaty. Thither the parliament sent its 
requisitions by the earl of Northumberland and four members of 
the lower house, who acted as commissioners. They abated 
somewhat of those extravagant demands they had formerly 
made; but their claims were still too high to admit an amic- 
able accommodation, unless the king had been willing to re- 
nounce the most essential branches of his prerogative. Besides 
other humiliating articles, they required him, in express terms, 
to abolish episcopacy; a demand which before they had only 
insinuated. They insisted that he should submit to the punish- 
ment of his most faithful servants; and they desired him to 
acquiesce in their settlement of the militia, and to confer on 
their adherents the entire power of the sword 2 . The negotia- 
tion, as may be naturally supposed, served only for a time to 
amuse both parties. 

Meanwhile each county was divided within itself, as were also 
each town and almost each family ; and the most violent convul- 
sions shook the whole kingdom. Continual efforts were made 
by both parties, after the ordinary season of action was over. 
The earl of Newcastle, who commanded for the king in York- 
shire, gained several advantages over the parliamentary forces, 
and established the royal authority in the northern counties. 
About the same time sir William Waller, who began to dis- 
tinguish himself among the generals of the parliament, defeated 
lord Herbert near Gloucester, and took the city of Hereford. 
On the other side, sir Ralph Hopton made himself master of 
Launceston, and reduced all Cornwall to peace and obedience 
under the king 3 . 

In the spring Reading was besieged, and taken by the earl 
of Essex. Being joined soon after by the forces under sir Wil- 
liam Waller, the earl marched towards Oxford, with a view of 

1 Whitelocke, p. 60. 2 Clarendon, vol. iiL Rushworth, voL vi. 

3 Clarendon, vol. iii. 



LETT. vi. MODERN EUROPE. 311 

attacking the king, who was supposed to be in great distress for 
want of ammunition. But Charles, informed of his design, and 
of the loose disposition of his forces, dispatched prince Rupert 
with a party of horse to annoy them ; and that gallant leader, 
who was perfectly fitted for such a service, falling suddenly upon 
the dispersed bodies, routed two regiments of cavalry and one of 
infantry, and carried his ravages almost to the general's quarters 
at Thame. Essex took the alarm, and dispatched part of his 
cavalry in pursuit of the prince. They were joined by a regi- 
ment of infantry, under the famous John Hampden, who had 
acted as colonel from the beginning of the civil war, and distin- 
guished himself no less in the field than in the senate. In 
Chalgrave field they overtook the royalists, who were loaded 
with booty. The prince wheeled about, however, and charged 
them with such impetuosity, that they were obliged to save 
themselves by flight, after having lost some of their best officers ; 
and among the rest, the much-valued and much-dreaded 
Hampden, who was mortally wounded, and died soon after in 
great agonies '. He is said to have received his wound by the 
bursting of one of his own pistols. 

The royal cause was supported with equal spirit in the western 
counties. The king's adherents in Cornwall, notwithstanding 
their early successes, had been obliged to enter into a convention 
of neutrality with the parliamentary party in Devonshire. This 
neutrality lasted during the winter, but was broken in the spring, 
by the authority of the parliament ; and the earl of Stamford 
having assembled an army of near seven thousand men, well 
supplied with money, ammunition, and provisions, entered Corn- 
wall, and advanced upon the royalists, who were not half his 
number, and were oppressed by every kind of necessity. He 
encamped on the top of a hill, near Stratton, and detached sir 
George Chudleigh with twelve hundred horse to surprise Bod- 
min. The Cornish royalists, commanded by the principal men 
of the county, seized this opportunity of extricating themselves, 
by one vigorous effort, from all the dangers and difficulties with 
which they were surrounded. They boldly advanced May 
up the hill on which Stamford was encamped, in four 16 - 
different divisions ; and after an obstinate struggle, still pressing 
onward, all met upon the plain at the top, where they embraced 
with great joy, and signalised their victory with loud shouts 
and mutual congratulations 3 . 

1 Warwick's .Memoirs. 2 Rushwortli, vol. vi. Clarendon, vol. iii. 



312 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

The king now sent the marquis of Hertford, and prince 
Maurice, brother to prince Rupert, with a reinforcement of 
cavalry into Cornwall. Being joined by the Cornish army, they 
soon over -ran the county of Devon, and advancing into Somerset- 
shire, began to reduce it also to obedience. In the mean time, 
the parliament having supplied sir William Waller, in whom 
they had great confidence, with a complete army, dispatched him 
into the same county, to check the progress of the royalists, and 
retrieve their affairs in that quarter. After some skirmishes, in 
which the royalists had the advantage, the two armies met at 
Lansdown-hill, which Waller had fortified. There a pitched 

July battle was fought, with great loss on both sides, and 
5 - without any decisive advantage ; for although the king's 
troops, after a fierce engagement, gained the summit of the hill, 
and beat the enemy from their ground, the fugitives took 
refuge behind a stone wall, where they maintained their post 
till night, and then retired to Bath, under cover of the dark- 
ness \ 

Hertford and Maurice, disappointed of the success they had 
promised themselves, attempted to march eastward, and join the 
king at Oxford. But Waller hung on their rear, and harassed 
their army until they reached the Devises. There, being con- 
siderably reinforced, he so much surpassed the royalists in 
number, that they durst no longer continue their march, or ex- 
pose themselves to the hazard of a battle. It was therefore 
resolved, that the marquis and the prince should proceed with 
the cavalry, and procuring a reinforcement from the royal army, 
should hasten back to the relief of their friends. 

Waller was now so confident of success, that he thought only 
of the number and quality of the prisoners whom he should take. 
But the king, even before the arrival of Hertford and Maurice, 
informed of the difficulties to which his western troops were re- 
duced, had dispatched a body of cavalry to their relief, under 
lord Wilmot. To prevent the intended junction, Waller drew 

July up his army on Roundway-down ; and Wilmot, in hopes 

13- of being supported by the infantry at the Devises, did not 

decline the combat. Waller's cavalry, after a smart action, were 

totally routed, and he himself fled with a few horse to Bristol ; 

while the victorious Wilmot, joined by the Cornish infantry, 



1 Rushworth, vol. vi. Clarendon, vol. iii. This battle would have been more 
favourable to the royalists, had not Waller been reinforced with 500 cavalry from 
London, completely covered with cuirasses and other defensive armour. These 
cuirassiers were generally found to be irresistible. 



LETT. vi. MODERN EUROPE. 313 

attacked the enemy's foot with great impetuosity, and slew or 
captured almost the whole body 1 . 

This important victory, preceded by so many other successes, 
struck great dismay into the parliament, and gave an alarm to 
their grand army, still commanded by the earl of Essex. Farther 
discouraged by hearing that the queen had landed in Yorkshire, 
with ammunition and artillery, and had brought to the king from 
the North, a reinforcement of three thousand foot and fifteen 
hundred horse, Essex left Thame and Aylesbury, where he had 
for some time remained, and retired to the neighbourhood of 
London. Freed from this principal enemy, the king sent his 
main army westward, under prince Rupert ; and by the junction 
of that army with the Cornish royalists, a formidable force was 
composed ; a force respectable from numbers, but still more from 
valour and reputation. 

In hopes of profiting by the consternation into which Waller's 
defeat and the retreat of Essex had thrown the parliamentary 
party, prince Rupert resolved to undertake an enterprise worthy 
of the army with which he was entrusted. He accordingly ad- 
vanced towards Bristol, the second city in the kingdom for riches 
and magnitude. The place was in a good posture of defence, 
and had a garrison of three thousand five hundred men, well sup- 
plied with ammunition and provisions ; but as the fortifications 
were found to be not perfectly regular, it was resolved in a coun- 
cil of war to proceed by assault, though little provision had been 
made for such an operation. The Cornish men, in three divisions, 
attacked the west side with a courage which nothing could re- 
press, or for a time resist ; but so great was the disadvantage of 
ground, and so brave the defence of the garrison, that although 
the middle division had already mounted the walls in spite of all 
opposition, the assailants were in the end repulsed with consi- 
derable slaughter, and with the loss of many gallant officers. 
On the east side, where the approach was less difficult, prince 
Rupert had better success. After an obstinate struggle, a 
lodgment was made within the enemy's works ; and Nathaniel 
Fiennes, the governor (son of lord Say, one of the paiiia- July 
mentary leaders), surrendered the place by capitulation. 26. 
He and his garrison were allowed to march out with their arms 
and baggage, but without their colours 2 . 

The reduction of Bristol was a severe blow to the power of 
the parliament; and if the king, who soon after appeared in the 

1 Clarendon, vol. iii. Rushworth, vol. vi. 2 Id. ibid. 



314 THE HISTORY OF PART H. 

camp, had boldly marched to London, before the fears of the 
people had time to subside, as he was advised by the more 
daring spirits, the war might in all probability have been finished 
equally to his honour and advantage. But this undertaking was 
judged too hazardous, on account of the number and force of the 
London militia; and Gloucester seemed to present to Charles 
an easier, and yet an important acquisition. It would put the 
whole course of the Severn under his command, open a com- 
munication between Wales and the Western counties, and con- 
tribute to free one half of the kingdom from the dominion of the 
enemy 1 . 

These were the king's reasons for undertaking the siege of 
Gloucester in preference to any other enterprise. Before he left 
Bristol, however, he sent prince Maurice with a detachment into 
Devonshire : and in order to show that he was not intoxicated 
with good fortune, or provoked to aspire at a total victory over 
the parliament, he published a manifesto, in which he renewed 
the solemn protestation he had formerly made at the head of his 
army, and expressed his earnest desire of making peace, as soon 
as the constitution should be re-established 2 . 

Before this manifesto was issued, a bold attempt had been 
made to restore peace to the kingdom, by the celebrated Edmund 
Waller, so well known as a poet, and who was no less distin- 
guished as an orator. He still continued to attend his duty in 
parliament, and had exerted all his eloquence in opposing those 
violent counsels by which the commons were governed ; and in 
order to catch the attention of the house, he had often, in his 
harangues, employed the keenest satire and invective. But 
finding all opposition within doors fruitless, he conceived the 
idea of forming a party without, which might oblige the parlia- 
ment to accept reasonable conditions. Having sounded the earl 
of Northumberland, and other eminent persons, whose confidence 
he enjoyed, he was encouraged to open his scheme to Tomkins, 
his brother-in-law, and to Chaloner, the intimate friend of Tom- 
kins. By these gentlemen, whose connexions lay chiefly in the 
city, he was informed that an abhorrence of the war there pre- 
vailed among all men of sense and moderation. It therefore 
seemed not impracticable, that a combination might be formed 
between the peers and citizens, to refuse payment of the illegal 
and oppressive taxes imposed by the parliament without the 
royal assent. But while this scheme was in agitation, it was 

1 May, book iii. Whitelocke, p. 69. 8 Whitelocke. May. 



LETT. vi. MODERN EUROPE. 315 

disclosed to Pym by a servant who had overheard the conversa- 
tion of the projectors. Waller, Tomkins, and Chaloner were 
immediately seized, tried by a court-martial and condemned. 
Tomkins and Chaloner were executed on gibbets erected before 
their own doors; but "Waller saved his life by counterfeiting 
sorrow and remorse, bribing the puritanical clergy, and paying a 
fine of ten thousand pounds l . 

The discovery of this project, and the severity exercised against 
the persons concerned in it, could not fail to increase the autho- 
rity of the parliament ; yet so great was the consternation occa- 
sioned by the progress of the king's arms, the taking of Bristol, 
and the siege of Gloucester, that the cry for peace was renewed, 
and with more violence than ever. A multitude of women, with 
a petition for that purpose, crowded about the house of commons, 
and were so clamorous, that orders were given for dispersing 
them : and a troop of horse being employed in that service, 
several of the women were killed or wounded. Many* of the 
popular noblemen had deserted the parliament, and gone to 
Oxford. The earl of Northumberland retired to his country 
seat ; and Essex himself, extremely dissatisfied, exhorted the par- 
liament to think of peace. The house of lords sent down terms 
of accommodation, more moderate than any that had hitherto 
been offered : a vote was even passed, by a majority of the com- 
mons, that these proposals should be transmitted to the king. 
But this pleasing prospect was soon darkened. The zealous 
republicans took the alarm : a petition against peace was framed 
in the city, and presented to the parliament by Pennington, the 
factious lord-mayor. The pulpits thundered their anathemas 
against malignants ; rumours of popish conspiracies were spread ; 
and the majority being again turned towards the violent side, all 
thoughts of pacification were banished, and every preparation 
made for war, and for the immediate relief of Gloucester 2 . 

That city was defended by a numerous garrison, and by a mul- 
titude of fanatical inhabitants, zealous for the crown of martyr- 
dom. Massey, the governor, was a soldier of fortune, and by his 
courage and ability had much retarded the advances of the 
king's army. Though no enthusiast himself, he well knew how 
to employ to advantage that enthusiastic spirit which prevailed 
among- the soldiers and citizens. By continued sallies, he mo- 
lested the royalists in their trenches ; he gained sudden advan- 
tages over them : and he repressed their ardour, by disputing 

1 Rushworth, vol. vi. Clarendon, vol. iii. * Rusliworth, vol. vi. 



316 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

every inch of ground. The garrison, however, was reduced to 
extremity, when Essex, advancing to its relief with a well ap- 
pointed army of fourteen thousand men, obliged the king to 
raise the siege, and threw into the city a supply of ammunition 
and provisions 1 . 

Chagrined at the miscarriage of his favourite enterprise, and 
determined to intercept Essex in his return, the king, by hasty 
marches, took possession of Newbury before the arrival of the 
parliamentary army. An action was now unavoidable ; and the 

Sept. earl, aware of his inferiority in cavalry, drew up his 
2- forces on an eminence near the town. The battle was 
begun by the royalists, and both parties fought with alertness and 
courage. The cavalry of the parliamentary general were several 
times broken by those of the king ; but his infantry maintained 
their ground ; and, beside keeping up a constant fire, they pre- 
sented an invincible rampart of pikes against all the furious 
shocks of prince Rupert, and those gallant troops of gentlemen 
of which the royal cavalry was chiefly composed. Night at last 
put an end to the combat, and left the victory undecided. The 
next morning Essex pursued his march ; and although his rear 
was severely harassed by prince Rupert, he reached London 
without losing either his cannon or baggage. The king followed 
him ; and taking possession of Reading, there established a 
garrison, to be a kind of curb upon the capital 2 . 

Though the king's loss in this battle was not very considerable 
with respect to numbers, his cause suffered greatly by the death 
of some gallant noblemen. Beside the earls of Sunderland and 
Caernarvon, who had served their royal master with courage and 
ability in the field, fell Lucius Carey, viscount Falkland, no less 
eminent in the cabinet; the object of universal admiration while 
living, and of regret when dead. Devoted to the pursuits of 
learning, and fond of polite society, he had abstracted himself 
from politics till the assembling of the present parliament ; when, 
deeming it criminal longer to remain inactive, he stood foremost 
in all attacks upon the high prerogatives of the crown, and dis- 
played, with a bold freedom, that warm love of liberty and mas- 
culine eloquence, which he had imbibed from the sublime writers 
of antiquity. But no sooner did he perceive the purpose of the 
popular leaders, than tempering the ardour of his zeal, he attached 
himself to his sovereign ; and convinced that regal authority was 
already sufficiently reduced, he embraced the defence of the limited 

1 Clarendon, vol. iii. 2 Rushworth, vol. vi. Clarendon, voL iii. 



LETT. vi. MODERN EUROPE 317 

powers that remained to it, and which he thought necessary to 
the support of the English constitution. Still anxious for the 
liberties of his country, he seems to have dreaded the decisive 
success even of the royal party ; and the word PEACE was often 
heard to break from his lips, accompanied with a sigh. Though 
naturally of a gay and cheerful disposition, he became, from the 
commencement of the civil war, silent and melancholy, neglecting 
even a decent attention to his person ; but on the morning of the 
battle of Newbury, as if he had foreseen his fate, he dressed him- 
self with neatness and elegance, that the enemy, as he said, might 
not find his body in a slovenly condition. " I am weary of the 
times," added he, " and foresee much misery to my country ; 
but believe I shall be out of it before night 1 ." 

The shock which both armies had received in this action dis- 
couraged them from a second trial of strength before the close 
of the campaign ; and they soon retired into winter quarters. 
There we must leave them for a time, and take a view of the pro- 
gress of the war in other parts of the kingdom, and of the measures 
pursued by each party for acquiring a superiority. 

In the northern counties, during the summer, the marquis of 
Newcastle, by his extensive influence, had raised a considerable 
force for the king ; and high hopes were entertained of success 
from the known loyalty and abilities of that nobleman. But in 
opposition to him appeared two men, on whom the fortune of the 
war was finally to depend, and who began about this time to be 
distinguished by their valour and military talents ; namely, sir 
Thomas Fairfax, and Oliver Cromwell. The former, son of lord 
Fairfax, put to flight a party of royalists at Wakefield, and the 
latter obtained a victory over another party at Gainsborough. 
But the total rout of lord Fairfax, at Atherton, more than ba- 
lanced both those defeats ; and the marquis, with about fifteen 
thousand men, sat down before Hull, into which the elder Fair- 
fax had thrown himself with the remnant of his broken force 2 . 

After having carried on the attack of Hull for some time with- 
out effect, the marquis was repelled by an unexpected sally of the 
garrison, and suffered so much in the action, that he thought 



1 Whitelocke, p. 70. Clarendon, vol. iii. 

2 Lord Fairfax was appointed governor of this place in the room of sir John 
Hotham, who repenting of his engagements with the parliamentary party, had en- 
tered with his son into a correspondence with the marquis of Newcastle, and expressed 
an intention of delivering Hull into his hands for the king. Their purpose being 
discovered, the two Hothams were arrested, and sent prisoners to London ; where, 
without any regard to their former services, they fell victims to the severity of the 
parliament. Rushworth, vol. vi. 



318 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

proper to raise the siege. About the same time, the earl of 
Manchester, having formed a junction with Cromwell and young 
Fairfax, obtained a considerable advantage over the royalists at 
Horn Castle 1 . But notwithstanding these misfortunes, the 
royal party still retained great interest in the northern counties : 
and had not Yorkshire been kept in awe by the garrison of Hull, 
a junction of the northern and southern armies might have been 
effected, and the king would perhaps have been enabled to ter- 
minate the war with the campaign. 

The prospect was now very different. Alarmed at the rapid 
progress of the king's forces, during the early part of the summer, 
the English parliament had sent commissioners to Edinburgh, 
with ample powers to treat of a nearer union and confederacy 
with the Scottish nation. 

The Scots, who, not satisfied with having accomplished the 
restoration of the presbyterian religion in their own country, 
still indulged an ardent passion for propagating that system in 
the neighbouring kingdom, declared themselves ready to assist 
their brethren of England ; and proposed, that the two nations 
should enter into a covenant for the extirpation of prelacy, and a 
more intimate union of the English and Scottish parliaments. 
By the address of the younger sir Henry Vane, who took the 
lead among the English commissioners, was accordingly framed 
at Edinburgh a compact called the SOLEMN LEAGUE AND 
COVENANT. 

A copy of this covenant was transmitted to the two houses 
of parliament at Westminster, where it was received without 
opposition ; and after being subscribed by the lords, the com- 
mons, and an assembly of divines, it was ordered to be received 
by all who lived under their authority. The subscribers, besides 
engaging to defend each other against all opponents, bound them- 
selves to endeavour the extirpation of popery and prelacy, super- 
stition, heresy, schism, and profaneness ; to maintain the rights 
and privileges of parliament, and defend his majesty's person 
and authority ; to discover and bring to justice all incendiaries 
and malignants ; to humble themselves for their sins, amend their 
lives, and vie with each other in the great work of reformation 2 . 

> Warwick. Walker. 

* Whitelocke, p. 73. Rush worth, vol. vi. Clarendon, vol. iii. The subscribers 
to the covenant vowed also to preserve the reformed religion established in the 
church of Scotland ; but by the artifice of sir Henry Vane, no declaration more 
explicit was made with respect to England and Ireland, than that these kingdoms 
should be reformed according to the word of God, and the example of the purest 
churches. The Scottish zealots, when prelacy was abolished, deemed these expressions 



LETT. vi. MODERN EUROPE. 319 

The Scots exulted in the thought of being the happy instru- 
ments of extending what they believed to be the only true reli- 
gion, and of dissipating that profound darkness in which they 
supposed all other nations to be involved. The general assembly 
applauded the pious league, and every one was ordered by the 
convention of estates to swear to the covenant, under penalty of 
confiscation : besides what farther punishment it should please 
the parliament to inflict on the disobedient as enemies of God, 
the king, and the kingdom ! Inflamed with holy zeal, and de- 
termined that the sword should carry conviction to all refractory 
minds, the Scottish covenanters now prepared themselves with 
vigour for military service. A hundred thousand pounds, 
remitted from England, enabled them to complete their levies ; 
and having added to their other forces a body of troops which 
they had recalled from Ireland, they were soon ready to enter 
England with an army of twenty thousand men l . 

In order to secure himself against this gathering tempest, 
which he foresaw it would be impossible to dispel, the king 
turned his eye toward Ireland. The English parliament, to 
whose care the suppression of the Irish rebellion was committed, 
had never taken any effectual measures for that purpose ; yet 
the remaining Protestants, joined with some new adventurers, 
under sir William St. Leger, sir Frederic Hamilton, and other 
leaders, had in several encounters put the Catholics to flight, 
and returned in triumph to Dublin. The rebels had been 
obliged to raise the siege of Drogheda, in spite of their most 
vigorous efforts. The marquis of Ormond, then lord-lieutenant, 
had obtained two victories over them, and had relieved the forts 
that were besieged or blockaded in different parts of the king- 
dom. But the Irish Catholics, in their wild rage against the 
British planters, having laid waste the whole cultivated part of 
the country, the victorious Protestants were in want of the most 
common necessaries of life ; and as the king had it not in his 
power to send them either money or provisions, he resolved to 
embrace an expedient which would enable them to provide for 
their own support, and at the same time contribute to the ad- 



quite free from ambiguity, considering their own mode of worship as the only one 
which corresponded in any degree to such a description. But Vane had other 
views. That able politician, even while he employed his great talents in over- 
reaching the Presbyterians, and secretly laughed at their simplicity as well as their 
fanaticism, had blindly devoted himself to more wild and dangerous opinions, which 
he hoped to diffuse and establish. 
1 Clarendon, vol. iii. 



320 THE HISTORY OF PART n. 

vancement of his affairs in England. He gave orders to the 
lord-lieutenant and the chief-justices, who were entirely in his 
interest, to conclude a truce for one year with the council of 
the confederate lords at Kilkenny, and afterwards to transport 
part of the Protestant army to Britain 1 . 

The parliament, ever ready to censure the king's measures, 

did not let slip so favourable an opportunity of reproaching him 

with favouring the Irish papists. They exclaimed loudly against 

the truce, affirming that England must justly dread the divine 

vengeance for tolerating antichristian idolatry, under pretence of 

civil contracts and political expediency 2 . The forces brought 

from Ireland, though the cause of so much odium, were of little 

service to the royal party. Being put under the command of 

lord Byron, they besieged and took some fortresses in North 

Wales and in Cheshire ; but a stop was soon put to their career. 

Elate with success, and entertaining the most profound contempt 

for the parliamentary forces, they sat down before Nantwich in 

the depth of winter. This was the only place that now adhered 

to the parliament in Cheshire or its neighbourhood. Sir Thomas 

A. D. Fairfax, alarmed at the progress of the royalists in this 

1644. quarter, assembled in Yorkshire an army of four thou- 

Jan. sand men ; and having joined sir William Brereton, 

ZZ' suddenly attacked Byron's camp. The swelling of the 

river Wever by a thaw had divided one part of the royal army 

from the other, and a rout and dispersion of the whole ensued 3 . 

The invasion from Scotland, in favour of the parliament, was 
attended with more momentous consequences. The Scottish 
army under the command of the earl of Leven, having sum- 
moned the town of Newcastle without effect, passed the Tyne, 
and faced the marquis of Newcastle; who lay at Durham with 
an army of fourteen thousand men. The marquis did not de- 
cline the challenge ; but before any action took place, he received 
intelligence of the return of sir Thomas Fairfax, with his vic- 
torious forces, from Cheshire. Afraid of being enclosed between 
two armies, he retreated to York ; and Leven having joined 
lord Fairfax, they invested that city. The earl of Manchester 

1 Carte's Life of Ormond, vol. iii. Rushworth, vol. vi. Some Irish Catholics 
came over with the Protestants, and joined the royal army, where they continued 
the same cruelties and disorders to which they had been accustomed (Whitelocke, 
p. 78) ; and the parliament voted that no quarter, in any action, should ever be 
given to them. But prince Rupert, by severe retaliation, soon put a stop to this 
inhumanity. Rushworth, vol. vi. 

3 Id. ibid. 3 j d< ibid< 



LETT. vi. MODERN EUROPE. 321 

arrived soon after with an accession of force ; and York, though 
vigorously defended by the marquis of Newcastle, was so closely 
besieged by the combined armies, and reduced to such extremity, 
that the parliamentary generals nattered themselves with the 
hope of a speedy conquest. 

So important a siege roused the spirit of prince Rupert. By 
exerting himself vigorously in Lancashire and Cheshire, he 
collected a considerable army, and hastened to the relief of York. 
The Scottish and parliamentary generals raised the siege on his 
approach, and drew up their forces on Marston-moor, where 
they proposed to give battle to the royalists. Prince Rupert 
entered the town by another quarter, and safely joined his forces 
to those of Newcastle, by interposing the river Ouse between 
him and the enemy. Having so successfully effected his pur- 
pose, the prince ought to have remained satisfied with his good 
fortune. The marquis was sensible of it, and endeavoured, by 
many arguments, to persuade him to decline a battle ; especially 
as the Scottish and English armies were at variance, and would 
probably soon separate of their own accord, while a few days 
would bring him a reinforcement of ten thousand men. 

That violent partisan, however, whose martial disposition was 
not sufficiently tempered with prudence, or softened by complai- 
sance, treated this advice with contempt ; and without deigning 
to consult the marquis, who had long been the chief prop of the 
royal cause in the North, he imperiously issued orders for battle, 
and led out the army to Marston-moor. The marquis July 
refused to take any share in the command, but behaved 2 - 
gallantly as a volunteer. Fifty thousand British combatants 
were, on this occasion, led to mutual slaughter. The numbers 
on each side were nearly equal, and victory continued long 
undecided. At length lieutenant-general Cromwell, having 
broken the right wing of the royalists, led by prince Rupert, 
returned from the pursuit, and terminated a contest which be- 
fore seemed doubtful. Sir Charles Lucas, who commanded the 
left wing of the royalists, and who had put the right wing of the 
parliamentarian army to flight, being ignorant of the fortune of 
the day in other quarters, was surprised to see that he must 
renew, with this bold leader, the combat for victory. Nor was 
Cromwell a little disappointed to find that the battle was yet 
to be gained. The second engagement was no less furious than 
the first. All the hostile passions that can inflame civil or 
religious discord were awakened in the breasts of the two par- 
ties; but after the utmost efforts of mutual courage, success 

VOL. II. Y 



322 THE HISTORY OF PART 11. 

turned wholly to the side of the parliament. The king's artillery 
and stores were taken, and his army pushed off the field l . 

The loss of this battle was, in itself, a severe blow to the royal 
cause, and its consequences were still more fatal than could have 
been expected. The marquis of Newcastle, enraged to find all 
his labours rendered abortive by one act of temerity, and dis- 
gusted at the prospect of renewing the desperate struggle, imme- 
diately left the kingdom in despair, and continued abroad till the 
Restoration 2 . Prince Rupert, with the utmost precipitation, 
drew off the remains of his army, and retired to Lancashire, 
instead of throwing himself into York, and waiting his majesty's 
orders ; so that Glenham, the lieutenant-governor, was in a few 
days obliged to surrender that city 3 . Lord Fairfax, fixing his 
residence in York, established his government over the neigh- 
bouring country ; while the Scottish army marched northward, 
in order to join the earl of Calendar, and having formed that 
junction, laid siege to Newcastle, which, after holding out two 
months, was taken by assault*. 

The king's affairs in the South, though not less dangerous or 
critical, were conducted with greater ability and success. The 
parliament had made extraordinary exertions in that quarter. 
Two armies, of ten thousand men each, were completed with all 
possible speed, and the commanders received orders to march 
toward Oxford, and attempt by one enterprise to put an end to 
the war. Leaving a strong garrison in Oxford, the king passed 
with dexterity between the two armies, and marched toward 
Winchester. Essex gave orders to Waller to follow him, and 
watch his motions, while he himself marched to the West in 
quest of prince Maurice. But the king eluding the vigilance of 
Waller, returned suddenly to Oxford ; and having reinforced 
his army from that garrison, marched out in quest of his pursuer. 



1 Clarendon, vol. v. Rushworth, vol. vi. Whitelocke, p. 89. 

* This nobleman, who was considered as the ornament of the court, and of his 
order, had been engaged, contrary to the natural bent of his disposition, by a high 
sense of honour and personal regard for his master, to take part in these military 
transactions. He disregarded the dangers of war ; but its anxieties and fatigues 
were oppressive to his natural indolence of temper. Liberal, polite, courteous, and 
humane, he brought a great accession of fr