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Blood Passover by Ariel Toaff

Posted on August 4, 2013by theendofziondotcom

BLOOD PASSOVER
by Ariel Toaff
[TRANSLATION INTO ENGLISH COMPLETE TEXT]
REVISION DATE SEPT. 14, 2007
ROSH HOSHANA, NIGHTFALL (5768)
Candia = Venetian Crete
Serenissima = the city of Venice
Veneto = region northeast of Venice
Mestre = closest mainland city to Venice
Podest = magistrate
Ratisbona = Regensburg, Germany
Salamoncino, Simonino, Simoncino = diminutives of Solomon, Simon.
Avogaria di Comun = similar to district prosecutors office
We have semi-Italianized the names of certain German Jews living in Italy. Ex.: Samuele da Nuremberg. This is to distinguish them
from Germans living in Germany, ex.: Andrea of Rinn.
ON THE TRANSLATION :
Prof. Toaff writes with a very large vocabulary, using many words from the Veneziano and Veneto dialects.
His sources include not only the modern derivative literature in English, French, Italian, French and German, but the original
documentation in Hebrew, Yiddish, Latin and medieval Italian, sometimes a thousand years old.
He does not translate or italicize the medieval Latin or Italian in his footnotes. These are sometimes in a mixture of languages as well.
In most cases, the material contained in the footnotes is simply paraphrased in the text. Where we have attempted to translate this
material, it appears in [in square brackets]. All translators notes are in [square brackets].
Ex.: Chi cerca dove non deve, trovar qualcosa che non gli piace. [He who looks where he shouldnt, will find something he will not
like]. [Sicilian proverb].
We will continue to translate the Latin in the footnotes and will issue periodic updates and revisions, all bearing the latest revision date.
Our aim is to produce an absolutely perfect complete translation, including the Latin where it is of any interest.
If these texts disappear from one site, they will reappear someplace else. Just search for it. This is a long-term project.
The present translation retains the original footnote numeration, but places the footnotes at the end of each chapter, instead of lumping
them together at the end of the book. To our knowledge, no legal action has been taken against people posting this material on the
Internet. In rare cases, letters have been received demanding that the text be removed. Thats all. If youre worried, just check and see
whether the on-line Italian texts are still there.
ON THE TEXT:
Prof. Toaff has since partially recanted, and now maintains that:
- yes, Jews are a corrupting and disruptive element in society;
- yes, Jews lend money at 40% and seem to do little else;
- yes, Jews buy and sell justice with huge bribes;
- yes, Jews pull off all sorts of fraudulent bankruptcies and swindles;
- yes, Jews resort to poisoning and assassination when thwarted;
- yes, Jews are obsessed with hatred for Christians and the Christian religion;
- yes, Jews kidnapped and castrated Christian boys on a large scale and sold them into slavery in Islamic Spain for centuries;
- yes, Jews used [and still use?] human blood in all sorts of quack remedies, despite the Biblical prohibition, even for minor complaints;
- yes, Jews used [and still use?] Christian human blood in their matzoh balls at Passover;
- yes, Jews used [and still use?] Christian human blood in their wine at Passover;

- yes, the blood had to be from Christian boys no more than 7 years of age;
- yes, the blood had [has?] to be certified kosher by a rabbi;
- yes, there was [is?] a large and profitable trade in fake blood products and animal blood, which was [are?] unsuitable to the purpose;
- yes, Christians tried to sell the blood of Christian boys to Jews, but were rejected because the Jews feared it was animal blood; but no,
no Christian boys were ever killed to obtain the blood. Never, never! Or hardly ever. It all came from voluntary donors!
Anybody having read the book will simply laugh.
The only saving clause is that these charges are made against Ashkenazi Jews only. It would be interesting to see how much filthy
Sephardic linen the Ashkenazi could air in public if they so chose.
ON THE TITLE
It makes little practical difference, but we feel that the title Blood Passover is preferable to Bloody Passover, for several reasons.
The title is, after all, Pasque di Sangue, not Pasque Sanguinose.
A recipiente di sangue would be a blood receptacle, something intrinsically intended to receive and hold blood, a recipient
inextricably bound up with blood by its very nature, by design, as its essence (like those tubes they use when you have a blood test).
There is a clear identification between the two nouns, A=B.
A recipiente sanguinoso, a bloody receptacle, would be simply a recipient, of any nature whatever, which had merely become soiled
or smeared with blood for some reason, the blood being something fortuitous, accidental, and foreign to its essential nature (for
example, if someone hit you in the mouth with an ashtray); wash the blood off, and it is no longer a bloody receptacle.
We believe that it was Prof. Toaffs intention to coin a phrase, like blood money. It is obvious that blood money implies far more than
simply bloody money: it is something specific, something very distinct; a very narrow meaning.
ON THE LATIN
It is obvious that this is not correct classical Latin, nor is it standard medieval Latin, as written by someone trained in literature.
This is the ugly jargon of Venetian notaries, cram-packed with Italian and Venetian words and saids, afore-mentioneds, abovementioneds, afore-saids, and all the rest of it.
In Venetian, ordinary words which appear to be the same as Italian often have radically different meanings. We believe that this may be
reflected in some of the Latin given here. This would account for some of the astonishing translation errors into Latin.
It is obvious that medieval Latin had evolved to such an extant as to become for all practical purposes an entirely different language in
certain regions and among certain classes of people, almost like Venetian itself.
We have done our best with this material, but to do it justice would require a level of erudition on a level with Prof. Toaffs own. If you
show it to your Latin teacher he will simply tell you that it is not correct and will either fail to understand it easily or will mistranslate it
very badly, unless he has the full context.
Prof. Toaff is that great rarity in the modern world: a sincere and disinterested lover of truth. It is obvious that he loves all this detail for
its own sake, although at times it is hard to tell where he is headed with some of it.
It is to Prof. Toaff himself that the present humble and inadequate, but entirely disinterested effort, is sincerely dedicated. Indeed, we
look forward to reading some of Prof. Toaffs other books.
We feel that Blood Passover is a masterpiece of literature and a masterpiece of history, which deserves to be widely read, not flushed
down the Memory Hole in some sort of International ADL Police State.
Translated by Gian Marco Lucchese and Pietro Gianetti, 2007

[front cover]

ARIEL TOAFF
BLOOD PASSOVER
EUROPEAN JEWS AND RITUAL MURDER
[back cover]
BLOOD PASSOVER
This book courageously faces one of the most controversial topics in the history of the Jews of Europe, one which has always served as a
war-horse of anti-Semitism: the accusation, leveled against the Jews for centuries, of abducting and killing Christian children to use
their blood in Jewish Passover rites. Where Italy is concerned, nearly all the ritual murder trials were held in the north-eastern regions,
characterized by large settlements of German-origin Jews (Ashkenazim). The most famous case of this kind occurred in Trent, Italy, in
1475, as a result of which many local Jews were indicted and sentenced to death for the murder of the boy who was to become known as
Simon of Trent, and was venerated as a Saint for several centuries, until only a few decades ago. An unprejudiced rereading of the
original trial records, however, together with the records of several other trials, viewed within the overall European context and
supplemented by an exact knowledge of the relevant Hebrew texts, throws new light on the ritual and therapeutic significance of blood
in Jewish culture, leading the author of the present study to the reluctant conclusion that, particularly where Ashkenazi Jewry was
concerned, the Blood Libel accusation was not always an invention.
ARIEL TOAFF
Professor of Medieval and Renaissance History at Bar-Ilan University in Israel, Toaff has written Wine and Bread: A Jewish Community
in the Middle Ages (1989; translated into English and French), Jewish Monsters: The Imaginary Jew from the Middle Ages to the Early
Modern Age (1996) and Eating Jewish Style. Jewish Cooking in Italy from the Renaissance to the Modern Age (2000).

TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE 7
I. AT VENICE WITH HOLY ROMAN EMPEROR FRIEDRICH III (1469) 17
II. SALAMONCINO DA PIOVE DI SACCO, PREDATORY FINANCIER 35
III. ASHER, THE BEARDED JEW (1475) 45
IV. PORTOBUFFOL, VOLPEDO, ARENA PO, MAROSTICA, RINN 61
V. FROM ENDINGEN TO REGENSBORN: RITUAL HOMICIDES OR GRIMMS FAIRY TALES? 75
VI. MAGICAL AND THERAPEUTIC USES OF BLOOD 93
VII. CRUCIFIXION AND RITUAL CANNIBALISM: FROM NORWICH TO FULDA 111
VIII. DISTANT PRECEDENTS AND THE SAGA OF PURIM 125
IX. SACRIFICE AND CIRCUMCISION: THE MEANING OF PESACH 137
X. BLOOD, LEPROSY AND INFANTICIDE IN THE HAGGADAH 153
XI. DINNER AND INVECTIVE: THE SEDER AND THE CURSES 163
XII. THE MEMORIAL OF THE PASSION 173
XIII. TO DIE AND KILL FOR THE LOVE OF GOD 189
XIV. DOING THE FIG: RITUAL AND OBSCENE GESTURES 197
XV. ISRAELS FINAL DEFIANCE 209

NOTES 225
DOCUMENTARY APPENDIX 307
BIBLIOGRAPHY 325
INDEX OF NAMES 349
INDEX OF PLACES 363
p. 7]
PREFACE
Ritual homicide trials are a difficult knot to unravel. Most researchers simply set out in search of more or less convincing confirmation
of previously developed theories of which the researcher himself appears firmly convinced. The significance of any information failing to
fit the preconceived picture is often minimized, and sometimes passed over entirely in silence. Oddly, in this type of research, that which
is to be proven is simply taken for granted to begin with. There is a clear perception that any other attitude would involve hazards and
repercussions which are to be avoided at all costs.
There is no doubt that the uniformity of the defendants confessions, contradicted only by variants and incongruities generally relating
to details of secondary importance, was assumed by the judges and so-called public opinion to constitute proof that the Jews,
characterized by their great mobility and widespread dispersion, practiced horrible, murderous rituals in hatred of the Christian
religion. The stereotype of ritual murder, like that of profanation of the Host and cannibal sacrifice, was present in their minds from the
outset, suggesting to both judges and inquisitors alike the possibility of extorting symmetrical, harmonious and significant confessions,
triggering a chain reaction of denunciations, veritable and proper manhunts and indiscriminate massacres.
While attempts have been made, in certain cases, to reconstruct the ideological mechanisms and underlying theological and
mythological beliefs, with their theological and mythological justifications, which rendered the persecution of the Jews possible as the
practitioners of outrageous and blood-thirsty rituals, particularly in the German-speaking countries of Europe, little or nothing has been
done to investigate the beliefs of
p. 8]
the men and women accused or who accused themselves of ritual crucifixion, desecration of the host, haematophagy [eating of
blood products] and cannibalism.
On the other hand if an exception be made for the first sensational case of ritual crucifixion, which occurred in Norwich, England, in
1146, or the equally well-known blood libel case at Trent, Italy, in 1475 the trial records and transcripts (usually referred to under
the generic term historical documentation) constitute, in actual fact, very poor and often purely circumstantial evidence, highly
condensed in form and very sparse in detail, totally insufficient for research purposes. Perhaps for this very same reason, that which is
missing is often artificially added, assumed or formulated as a hypothesis, in the absence of any explicit probative evidence one way or
another (i.e., in the desired direction); in the meantime, the entire matter is immersed in a tinted bath, from which the emerging image
is superficial at best, enveloped in a cloud of mystery, with all the related paraphernalia from a distant past, and must remain forever
incomprehensible to researchers intent on examining these problems through the application of anachronistic interpretive categories.
These efforts obviously unreliable are generally performed in good faith. Or, more exactly, almost always in good faith.
Thus, in Anglo-Saxon (British and American) historical-anthropological research on Jews and ritual murder (from Joshua Trachtenberg
to Ronnie Po-Chia Hsia), magic and witchcraft traditionally feature among the favorite aspects under examination. This approach, for a
variety of reasons, is enjoying an extraordinary rebirth at the present time (1). But that which seems to obtain a high degree of
popularity at the moment is not necessarily convincing to meticulous scholars, not content with superficial and impressionistic
responses.
Nearly all the studies on Jews and the so-called blood libel accusation to date have concentrated almost exclusively on persecutions
and persecutors; on the ideologies and presumed motives of those same persecutors: their hatred of Jews; their political and/or
religious cynicism; their xenophobic and racist rancor; their contempt for minorities. Little or no attention has been paid to the attitudes
of the persecuted Jews themselves and their underlying patterns of ideological behavior even when they confessed themselves guilty of
the specific accusations brought against them. Even less attention has been paid to the behavioral patterns and attitudes of these same
Jews; nor have these matters been considered worthy even of interest, attention or serious investigation. On the contrary: these

behavioral patterns and attitudes have simply been incontrovertibly dismissed as non-existent as invented out of whole cloth by the
sick minds of anti-Semites and fanatical, obtusely dogmatic Christians.
Nevertheless, although difficult to digest, these actions, once their authenticity is demonstrated or even supposed as possible,
p. 9]
should be the object of serious study by reputable scholars. The condemnation, or, alternatively, the aberrant justification of these
rituals cannot be imposed upon researchers as the sole, and banal, options. Scholars must be permitted the possibility of attempting
serious research on the actual, or presumed, religious, theological and historical motivations of the Jewish protagonists themselves.
Blind excuses are just as worthless as blindly dogmatic condemnation: neither can demonstrate anything other than that which already
existed in the mind of the observer to begin with. It is precisely the possibility of evading any clear, precise and unambiguous definition
of the reality of ritual child murders rooted in religious faith which has facilitated the intentional or involuntary blindness of Christian
and Jewish scholars alike, both pro- and anti-Jewish.
Any additional example of the two-dimensional flattening of Jewish history, viewed exclusively as the history of religious or political
anti-Semitism at all times, must necessarily be regretted. When one-way questions presuppose one-way answers; when the
stereotype of anti-Semitism hovers menacingly over any objective approach to the difficult problem of historical research in relation to
Jews, any research ends up by losing a large part of its value.
All such research is thus transformed, by the very nature of things, into a guided tour conducted against a fictitious and unreal
background, in a virtual reality show intended to produce the desired reaction, which has naturally been decided upon in advance (2).
As stressed above, it is simply not permissible to ignore the mental attitudes of the Jews who were tried, tortured and executed for ritual
murder, or persecuted on the same charge. At some point, we must ask ourselves whether the confessions of the defendants constitute
exact records of actual events, or merely the reflection of beliefs forming part of a symbolic, mythical and magical context which must be
reconstructed to be understood. In other words: do these confessions reflect merely the beliefs of Gentile judges, clergy and populace,
with their private phobias and obsessions, or, on the contrary, of the defendants themselves? Untangling the knot is not an easy or
pleasant task; but perhaps it is not entirely impossible.
In the first place, therefore, we must investigate the mental attitudes of the Jews themselves, in the tragic drama of ritual sacrifice,
together with the accompanying religious beliefs and superstitious and magical elements. Due attention must be paid to the admissions
which made historical and local context, identifiable within a succession of German-speaking territories on both sides of the Alps,
throughout the long period from the First Crusade to the twilight of the Middle Ages. In substance, we should investigate the possible
presence of
p. 10]
Jewish beliefs relating to ritual child murders, linked to the feast of Passover, while attempting to reconstitute the significance of any
such beliefs. The trial records, particularly the minutely detailed reports relating to the death of Little Simon of Trent, cannot be
dismissed on the assumption that all such records represent simply the specific deformation of beliefs held by the judges, who are
alleged to have collected detailed but manipulated confessions by means of force and violence to ensure that all such confessions
conformed to the anti-Jewish theories already in circulation at the time.
A careful reading of the trial records, in both form and substance, recall too many features of the conceptual realities, rituals, liturgical
practices and mental attitudes typical of, and exclusive to, one distinct, particular Jewish world features which can in no way be
attributed to suggestion on the part of judges or prelates to be ignored. Only a frank analysis of these elements can make any valid,
new and original contribution to the reconstruction of beliefs relating to child sacrifice held by the alleged Jewish perpetrators
themselves whether real or imagined in addition to attitudes based on the unshakeable faith in their redemption and ultimate
vengeance against the Gentiles, emerging from blood and suffering, which can only be understood in this context.
In this Jewish-Germanic world, in continual movement, profound currents of popular magic had, over time, distorted the basic
framework of Jewish religious law, changing its forms and meanings. It is in these mutations in the Jewish tradition which are, so to
speak, authoritative that the theological justifications of the commemoration [in mockery of the Passion of Christ] is to be sought,
which, in addition to its celebration in the liturgical rite, was also intended to revive, in action, vengeance against a hated enemy
continually reincarnated throughout the long history of Israel (the Pharaoh, Amalek, Edom, Haman, Jesus). Paradoxically, in this
process, which is complex and anything but uniform, elements typical of Christian culture may be observed to rebound sometimes
inverted, unconsciously but constantly within Jewish beliefs, mutating in turn, and assuming new forms and meanings. These beliefs,
in the end, became symbolically abnormal, distorted by a Judaism profoundly permeated by the underlying elements and characteristic
features of an adversarial and detested religion, unintentionally imposed by the same implacable Christian persecutor.

We must therefore decide whether or not the alleged confessions relating to the crucifixion of children the evening before Passover;
the testimonies relating to the utilization of Christian blood in the celebration of the feast of the Passover, represent, in actual fact, mere
myths, i.e., beliefs and ideologies dating far back
p. 11]
in time; or actual ritual practices, i.e., events which actually occurred, in reality, and were actually celebrated, in prescribed and
consolidated forms, with their more or less fixed baggage of formulae and anathemas, accompanying the magical practices and
superstitions which formed an integral part of the mentality of the Jews themselves.
In any case, I repeat, we should avoid the easy short-cut of considering these trials and testimonies only as projections extorted from
the accused by torture and other coercive methods, both psychological and physical of the stereotypes, superstitions, fears and beliefs
of the judges and populace. Such a method would trigger a process inevitably leading to the dismissal of these same testimonies as
valueless documents with little basis in reality, except as indications of the obsessions of a Christian society which saw, in the Jew,
merely a distorted mirror image of its own defects. This task appears to have seemed absolutely prohibitive to many scholars, even
famous ones, well-educated men of good will, having concerned themselves with this difficult topic.
First, Gavin Lanmuir, who, starting from the facts of Norwich, England, considers the crucifixion and ritual haemotophagia, which
appear in two different phases of history, as simply the cultivated and interested inventions of ecclesiastical groups, denying the Jews
any role at all except a merely passive one, devoid of responsibility (3).
Lanmuir was later followed by Willehad Paul Eckert, Diego Qualiglioni, Wolfgang Treue and Ronnie Po-Chia Hsia, who, although
examining the phenomenon of ritual child murder from different points of view, intelligently and competently, starting with the late
Middle Ages, paying particular attention to the Trent trial documentation, considered it all tout court and often a priori a baseless libel,
an expression of hostility on the part of the Christian majority against the Jewish minority (4).
According to the point of view adopted by these researchers, the inquisitors interrogation methods and tortures served no purpose
other than to orchestrate a completely harmonious confession of guilt, i.e., of adherence to a truth already existing in the minds of the
inquisitors. The use of leading questions and a variety of stratagems, including, in particular, refined torture, were intended to force the
defendants to admit that the victim had indeed been kidnapped and tortured according to Jewish ritual, and finally killed in hatred of
the Christian faith. The confessions are said to be obviously unbelievable, since the murders were allegedly committed to permit the
ritual use of Christian blood, in violation of the Biblical prohibition against the ingestion
p. 12]
of blood, a prohibition scrupulously observed by all Jews. As to torture, it is best to recall that its use in the municipalities of northern
Italy, at least from the beginning of the 13th century, was regulated, not only by tractate, but by statute as well. As an instrument for
determining the truth, torture was permitted in the presence of serious and well-justified clues in cases in which it was considered truly
necessary by the podest [magistrate] and judges. All confessions extorted in this manner, to be considered valid, had to be corroborated
by the inquisitor, later, under normal conditions, i.e., in the absence of physical pain or even the threat of renewed torture (5). These
procedures, while unacceptable in our eyes today, were therefore in fact normal, and seem to have been observed in the case of the Trent
trials.
Israel Yuval, following in the footsteps of Cecil Roths stimulating pioneering study (6), is more critical and seems more open-minded.
Yuval stresses the link between the blood libel accusation and the phenomenon of the mass suicides and child murders among the
German Jewish communities during the First Crusade. The picture which emerges is one of Ashkenazi Jewrys hostile and virulent
reaction against surrounding Christian society, a reaction finding expression, not only in liturgical invective, but above all, in the
conviction that the Jews themselves were capable of compelling God to wreak bloody revenge against their Christian persecutors, thus
bringing redemption closer (7). More recently, Yuval very relevantly demonstrated that the Ashkenazi responses to ritual murder
accusations were surprisingly weak.
These responses, whenever they were recorded, contained not the slightest rejection of the probative evidence; rather, they consisted of
a mere tu quoque of the accusation against Christians: Nor are you, yourselves, exempt from guilt of ritual cannibalism (8). As Yuval
wrote, David Malkiel had already noted the manner in which phenomenal prominence was given to the scene, described in a secondary
Midrash even in the illustrations of the Passover Haggadah of the German Jewish communities, to the scene, of the Pharaoh taking a
health-giving bath in the blood of cruelly massacred Jewish children (9). The message, which cast not the slightest doubt upon the
magical, therapeutic effectiveness of childrens blood, seemed intended to turn the accusation around. It is not we Jews, or, if you wish,
not just we Jews, who have committed such actions; the enemies of Israel in history have been guilty of these things as well, in which
case it was Jewish children who were the innocent victims.

Any showing that these murders, celebrated in the Passover ritual, represented, not just myths, i.e., more or less consistently
widespread, consistent religious beliefs,
p. 13]
but, rather, actual rites, pertaining to organized groups and forms of worship which were actually practiced, requires a respect for due
methodological prudence. The existence of this phenomenon, once it is unequivocally proven, must be viewed within its historical,
religious and social context, not to mention the geographical environment in which it is presumably said to have found expression, with
all the related and peculiar characteristics which cannot be replicated elsewhere. In other words, we must attempt to search for the
heterogenous elements and particular historical-religious experiences which are alleged to have made the killing of Christian children
for ritualistic purposes appear plausible, during a certain period, within a certain geographical area (i.e., the German-speaking regions
of trans-Alpine and Cisalpine Italy and Germany, or wherever there were strong ethnic elements of German Jewish origin, any time
between the Middle Ages and the early modern era), as the expression of collective adjustment of Jewish groups and a presumed desire
on the part of God in this sense, or as the irrational instrument of pressure to reinforce that desire [on the part of God], as well as in the
mass suicides and child murders for the love of God, during the First Crusade.
In this research, we should not be surprised to find customs and traditions linked to experiences which did not exist elsewhere:
experiences which were to prove more deeply rooted than the standards of religious law itself, although diametrically opposed in
practice, accompanied by all the appropriate and necessary formal and textual justifications. Action and reaction: instinctive, visceral,
virulent, in which children, innocent and unaware, became the victims of Gods love and vengeance. The blood of children, bathing the
altars of a God considered to be in need of guidance, sometimes, of impatient compulsion, impelling Him to protect and to punish.
At the same time, we must keep in mind that, in the German-speaking Jewish communities, the phenomenon, where it took root, was
generally limited to groups in which popular tradition, which had, over time, distorted, evaded or replaced the ritual standards of Jewish
halakhah , in addition to deeply-rooted customs saturated with magical and alchemical elements, all combined to form a deadly cocktail
when mixed with violent and aggressive religious fundamentalism. There can be no doubt, it seems to me, that, that, once the tradition
became widespread, the stereotypical image of Jewish ritual child murder continued inevitably to take its own course, out of pure
momentum. Thus, the Jews were accused of every child murder, much more often wrongly than rightly, especially if discovered in the
springtime. In this sense, Cardinal Lorenzo Ganganelli, later Pope Clement XIV,
p. 14]
was correct in his famous report, in both his justifications and his distinctions (10).
The records of the ritual murder trials should be examined with great care and with all due caution. In connection with the witchcraft
trials, Carlo Ginzburg pointed out that the defendants (or victims), in a show trial of this type,
ended up by losing all sense of their own cultural identity, as a result of the acceptance, in whole or in part, by violence or apparently
out of spontaneous free choice, of the hostile stereotype imposed by their persecutors [i.e., a sort of Medieval Stockholm Effect].
Anyone who fails to conform by simply repeating the results of these findings of historical violence must seek to work upon the rare
cases in which the documentation is not just formally set forth in question and answer form; in which, therefore, one may find
fragments relatively immune from distortions of the culture which the persecution was intent upon blotting out (11).
The Trent trials are a priceless document of this very kind. The trial records especially, the cracks and rifts in the overall structure
permitting the researcher to distinguish and differentiate, in substance, not just in form, between the information provided by the
accused and the stereotypes imposed by the inquisitors are dazzlingly clear. This fact cannot be glossed over or distorted by means of
preliminary categorizations of an ideological or polemical nature, intended to invalidate those very distinctions. In many cases,
everything the defendants said was incomprehensible to the judges often, because their speech was full of Hebraic ritual and liturgical
formulae pronounced with a heavy German accent, unique to the German Jewish community, which not even Italian Jews could
understand (12); in other cases, because their speech referred to mental concepts of an ideological nature totally alien to everything
Christian. It is obvious that neither the formulae nor the language can be dismissed as merely the astute fabrications and artificial
suggestions of the judges in these trials. Dismissing them as worthless, as invented out of whole cloth, as the spontaneous fantasies of
defendants terrorized by torture and projected to satisfy the demands of their inquisitors, cannot be imposed as the compulsory starting
point, the prerequisite, for valid research, least of all for the present paper. Any conclusion, of any nature whatsoever, must be duly
demonstrated after a strict evaluation and verification of all the underlying evidence sine ira et studio, using all available sources capable
of confirming or invalidating that evidence in a persuasive and cogent manner.
p. 15]

The present paper could not have been written without the advice, criticism, meetings and discussions with Dani Nissim, a long-time
friend, who, in addition to his great experience as a bibliographer and bibliophile, made available to me his profound knowledge of the
history of the Jewish community of the Veneto region, and of Padua in particular. The conclusions of this work are nevertheless mine
alone, and I have no doubt that that the above named persons would very largely disagree with them. I have engaged in lengthy
discussions of the chapters on the Jews of Venice with Reiny Mueller, over the course of which I was given highly useful suggestions and
priceless advice. Thanks are also due to the following persons for their assistance in the retrieval of the archival and literary
documentation; for their encouragement and criticism, to Diego Quaglioni; Gian Maria Varanini; Rachele Scuro; Miriam Davide; Elliot
Horowitz; Judith Dishon; Boris Kotlerman and Ita
Dreyfus.
Grateful thanks are also due to those of my students who participated actively in my seminars on the topic, held at the Department of
Jewish History at Bar-Ilan University (2001-2002 and 2005-2006), during which I presented the provisional results of my research.
First and foremost, however, I wish to thank Ugo Berti, who persuaded me to undertake this difficult task, giving me the courage to
overcome the many foreseeable obstacles which stood in the way.

NOTES TO PREFACE
1) J. Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition. A Study in Folk Religion, Philadelphia (Pa.), 1939; Id., The DeviI and the Jews,
Philadelphia (Pa.), 1961; R. Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder. Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany, New Haven (Conn.)
London, 1988.
2) For example, the recent volume by S. Buttaroni and S. Musial, Ritual Murder. Legend in European History, Crakow Nuremberg
Frankfurt, 2003, opens with a preamble which is, in its way, conclusive: It is important to state from the very beginning that Jewish
ritual murder never took place. Today proving such theories wrong is not the goal of scientific research (p. 12).
3) See, in particular, G.L. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, Berkeley Los Angeles (Calif.) Oxford, 1990, containing his
major contributions in this field, reached in the previous years.
4) W.P. Eckert, Il beato Simonino negli Atti del processo di Trento contro gli ebrei, in Studi Trentini di Scienze Storiche, XLIV
(1965), pp. 193-221; Id., Aus den Akten des Trienter Judenprozesses, in P. Wilpert, Judentum im Mittelalter, Berlin, 1966, pp. 238-336;
D. Quaglioni, I processi contro gli ebrei di Trento (1475-1478), in Materiali di lavoro, 1988, nos. 1-4, pp. 131-142; Id. Il processo di
Trento nel 1475 , in M. Luzzati, LInquisizione e gli ebrei in Italia, Bari, 1994, pp. 19-34; W. Treue, Ritualmord und Hostienschndung,
Untersuchungen zur Judenfeindschaft in Deuschland in Mittelalter and in der frhen Neuzeit , Berlin, 1989; R. Po-Chia Hsia, Trent
1475. A Ritual Murder Trial , New Haven (Conn.), 1992.
5) In this regard, see E. Maffeis recent Dal reato alla sentenza. Il processo criminale in et communale, Rome, 2005, pp. 98-101.
6) C. Roth, Feast of Purim and the Origins of the Blood Accusations, in Speculum, VIII (1933), pp. 520-526.
7) I.J. Yuval, Vengeance and Damnation, Blood and Defamation. From Jewish Martyrdom to Blood Libel Accusations, in Zion, LVIII
(1993), pp. 33-90 (in Hebrew); Id., Two Nations in Your Womb Perceptions of Jews and Christians, Tel Aviv, 2000 (in Hebrew).
8) Id. They Tell Lies. You Ate the Man. Jewish Reactions to Ritual Murder Accusations, in A. Sapir Abulafia, Religious Violence
Between Christians and Jews. Medieval Roots, Modern Perspectives , Basingstoke, 2002, pp. 86-106.
9) D.J. Malkiel, Infanticide in Passover Iconography, in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, LVI (1993), pp. 85-99.
10) C. Roth, The Ritual Murder Libel and the Jews. The Report by Cardinal Lorenzo Ganganelli (Pope Clement XIV), London, 1935. The
Ganganelli Report was recently republished by M. Introvigne, Cattolici, antisemitismo e sangue. Il mito dellomicidio rituale , 2004.
11) C. Ginzburg, Storia notturna. Una decifrazione del sabba, Turin, 1989, p. XXVII.
12) The expressions in Hebrew (ritual and liturgical) appearing in these depositions can usually be reconstructed with precision, fitting
easily into the context of the ideological and religious discourse of the world of Ashkenazi Jewry to which these Jews belonged. There is,

therefore, no question of any Satanic language redolent of witchcraft, or pseudo-language invented by judges to demonize the Jews, as
suggested by many writers (A. Esposito and D. Quaglioni, Processi contro gli ebrei di Trento, 1475-1478, I: I processi di 1475, Padua,
1990: The introduction into the depositions of the Jews of curses against Christians and their religion, rendered into transliterated
Hebrew, more often in pseudo-Hebrew, then translated into Italian, is thought to have had the function of stressing the ritual nature of
the infanticide on the one hand, and of creating a thick fog of mystery on the religious practices of the Jews and conveying the
impression of an obscure witchcraft-like and Satanic rite).

p. 16]
[Illustration]
[CAPTION OF MAP: RITUAL HOMICIDE ACCUSATIONS IN THE 15TH CENTURY]
p. 17]
CHAPTER ONE
AT VENICE WITH HOLY ROMAN EMPEROR FRIEDRICH III (1469)
It was in February of 1469 that Holy Roman Emperor Friedrich III, traveling from Rome, made his solemn entrance at Venice with a
long retinue for which that which was to be his third and last official visit to the city which he so loved and admired (1). It was to be his
first visit to the City of Venice since his triumphant reception immediately following his coronation as Holy Roman Emperor by the Pope
in Rome in 1452 (2).
As was customary on these magnificent occasions, Friedrich spent entire days in diplomatic meetings and in receiving the official visits
of ambassadors, and in conferring diplomas, stipends and privileges of all sorts upon beneficiaries selected from long lists of names
prepared by his officials, as dictated by imperial interests and his own. In those days, intriguers, wheeler-dealers and adventurers
attached to the monarchs court, or who thought they were, toiled with a calculated industriousness to intercede in favor of various
persons seeking official ratification of their own professional and economic success; of priests, patricians and academics bent upon
crowning their own cursus honorum through the attainment of some precious imperial investment, or those of a variety of ethnic and
religious communities intent on achieving confirmation of their ancient or recent privileges, not to mention merchants and intriguers
intent on covering up affairs of dubious honesty and scraping up advantages for themselves during the solemn visit (3).
Friedrich was known as a fanatical and often naive collector of relics of all types. It is not therefore surprising that the objectives of his
trip to Venice should have included a passionate and unrestrained hunt for relics, hawked about in abundance by wheeler-dealers and
impertinent intermediaries at high prices, a fact noted with malicious humor by Michele Colli, a salt superintendent, in a report sent
from Venice to the Duke of Milan, in which he cast doubt on Friedrichs alleged competence
p. 18]
where relics were concerned. According to the Milanese official, the Emperor, in this type of business, which he presumed to carry out
directly and without regard to price, was a sucker to be plucked assiduously, adding, to add to the ridicule, half-seriously half facetiously,
that certain Greeks sold him dead bones including the tail of the ass that brought Christ to Bethlehem (4).
On this occasion, some supposed relics of Saint Vigilius found their way to Venice in the hands of a loving and faithful subject of
Friedrich, Giovanni Hinderbach, a famous humanist and man of the Church who had traveled from Trent to the City of the Lagoons, not
only to present the Emperor with the highly-valued relics, but above all as an act of gratitude, on the occasion of his receipt of his much
sought-after investiture of the temporality of the episcopate of Trent. Again, it was Colli who informed the Duke of Milan that His
Illustrious Majesty invested the Bishop of Trent with a thousand temporal solemnities and celebrations (5). But Hinderbach was not
the only person to have undertaken the uncomfortable journey from Trent to Venice during the German Emperors distinguished
presence in the city.
Tobias da Magdeburg was an obscure Jewish herb alchemist who, after traveling down from his native Saxony and finding exile among
the mountains of the region of Trent, practiced the art of medicine and surgery with some success, at least on the local market. A few
years later, he was to meet Hinderbach under much unhappier circumstances, under indictment for participation in the cruel ritual

murder of Little Simon and admitting his guilt, he was to meet a cruel death at the stake, accompanied by the confiscation of all his
goods (6).
Maestro Tobias appears to have been acting in accordance with other motives during the Emperors official visit to Venice, particularly,
the possibility of meeting large groups of German Jews arriving from the other side of the Alps along with Friedrichs baggage train,
many of whom Tobias looked forward to seeing again after years of involuntary separation. There was no shortage of German Jews at
Venice in February of 1469: disciplined, humble, but totally self-absorbed and self-interested.
In his depositions before the judge of Trent in 1475,Tobias was not exaggerating when, after recalling his own presence in the city during
His Most Serene Highnesss visit to Venice, he stressed that many Jewish merchants, in crossing the Alpine barrier, had actually
traveled from the German territories to the City of the Lagoons for the purpose of acquiring a wide variety of high-priced goods without
paying taxes or duty of any kind, passing them off
p. 19]
as goods owned by the Emperor, in whose baggage train they were said to have found their way back to Germany. This astute and bold
stratagem was well worth the physical and economic cost of the difficult trip to the city of the Doges (7).
But Tobiass presence in Venice was not due to any mere nostalgia for the people among whom he had been born and grew up. As a
physician, and as a Jewish physician in particular, he knew that the Emperor, during his visit, would, as he was normally accustomed to
do, grant doctoral degrees in medicine to a swarm of more or less highly recommended candidates, including a few Jews. In fact, it was
during that same February of 1469 that Friedrich granted a license permitting the College of Physicians of San Luca, an institution of
higher learning teaching students of various origins not just Venetians to confer the insignia of Imperial Authority upon eight
medical degrees per year (8). Enea Silvio Piccolomini, later Pope Pius II, recalled the manner in which Friedrich graduated a swarm of
medical students during his second visit to Italy.
The number of Jews on the Emperors lists of candidates remains unknown. Nor do we know who filed the petitions to inscribe these
Jewish candidates, or the methods used, or the reasons for doing so. We only know that many Jewish physicians, of various origins, in
addition to Tobias, a resident of Trent, were in Venice during the Emperors visit, attracted by an opportunity of obtaining some much
sought-after title from Emperor Friedrich in person; nor do we know how many of them had already spent considerable periods of time
in the City of the Lagoons in search of fame and fortune (9). Among them were the Jews Mosch Rapp, Lazzaro (10) and the betterknown Omobono (Simcha Bunem or Bunim), keeper of the pharmacy della Vecchia at San Cassian, with a house at San Stae, only a
few steps from the Albergo dei Bresciani (magister Homobon, Jewish physician, at the Speziaria de la Vechia at San Cassian, with his
house near San Stae, not far from the Casa de Bressani, at Venice) (11). Accompanying them was the physician Mois da Rodi, whose
presence is attested to with certainty in 1473 (12), but who probably arrived in Venice even earlier, and Maestro Theodoro (Todros),
Jewish physician, who reached Venice in 1469 with Friedrich (13).
The best-known of all, however, was, without doubt, the rabbi and barber surgeon Jehudah messer Leon, certainly a product of
Ashkenazi Jewish environment, if his origins at Montecchio in the Vicentino region are indeed a fact (14). This same Leon, who resided
in Venice starting in 1469 at the earliest, where his son David was born, was officially granted his degree in medicine
p. 20]
during the Emperors visit, although formally the diploma was only signed a few days later by the imperial notary at Pordenone (but still
in the month of February) (15). Similarly, years later, in August of 1489, the Emperor, still at Pordenone, is said to have granted a
doctorate in medicine to two Jewish candidates, both of them from Sicily and belonging to the Azeni family at Palermo, David di Aronne
and Salomone di Mos (16).
The petitions of the Jews to the Emperor, who had always been highly esteemed for his benevolent attitude, filed during his stay in
Venice during the winter of 1469, were submitted by an ambassador admitted to Friedrichs presence for that particular occasion. The
occasion was described as follows, early in the 16th Century, with some satisfaction although with undoubted exaggeration, by the
chronicler Elia Capsalia, rabbi of Candia, who had studied medicine at the Talmudic academy of Padua:
The Emperor (Friedrich III) was very favorable to the Jews. During his visit to Venice (in 1469), when his vassals and subjects
presented him with (gastronomic) gifts, he never refused to eat them before his servants and functionaries had tasted them first, as is
the custom among emperors. Whenever the Jews brought him gifts of this kind, Friedrich never hesitated to eat any of the dishes
immediately, saying that he had complete faith in the loyalty and honesty of his Jewish subjects.

Later, Frederic, traveling from Venice, went to Padua to gain an impression of that city. On that occasion, the Serenissima prepared a
carriage for him and placed it on the city walls: the horses pulled the carriage from which the Emperor admired the entire city. This was
done so that he might easily verify the thickness and solidity of the walls (of Padua). Friedrich signed a pact with Venice and remained
its faithful ally for the entire time he lived (17).
In all probability, the ambassadorship of the Jews conferring with Friedrich III as described by Capsali was headed by David
Mavrogonato (in Italian, Maurogonato), an adventurer and not overly-scrupulous businessman in the service of the Republic of Venice,
a person of enormous financial resources and great influence, a native of Candia who was often sent on hazardous missions to the lands
of the Aegean and the Great Turk, where he was to run many risks and die a cruel death; on the other hand, he was certainly capable of
procuring sumptuous stipends and profitable privileges for himself (18).
p. 21]
Maestro Tobias da Magdeburg, the humble physician from Trent, had seen Mavrogonato at Venice during the days of the imperial visit,
although he did not know Mavrogonatos name. He had observed Mavrogonato with respect and reverential fear; he knew
approximately where he lived, although he did not know the exact address; but he was well aware that he would never have been able to
approach Mavrogonato without undergoing the suspicious appraisal of Mavrogonatos bodyguards. Perhaps Tobias thought that
Mavrogonatos recommendation would help get him, Tobias, included in the list of people enjoying the Emperors favor, or those about
to receive a Doctorate, but he was unable, or did not dare, to ask for it. The personage and appearance of Mavrogonato nevertheless
remained imprinted in his memory after many years; in 1475, in speaking to the judges at Trent, he envisioned Mavrogonato as follows,
erroneously imagining that he might be still alive:
He might have been forty four or forty five years old; he wore his hair long and wore a black beard, like the Greeks. He wore a black
cloak that came down to his feet, and covered his head with a black cap. In substance, he dressed like the Greeks (19).
But who was David Mavrogonato really? An ambiguous and mysterious character, Mavrogonato appeared in Venice in 1461 on his own
initiative to reveal a conspiracy being hatched on the island of Candia against the Serenissima. The Council of Ten did not hesitate to
take the Jewish merchant into its service and send him back to Candia on a secret mission to spy on the conspirators and report them to
the Venetian authorities, after gathering the evidence required for their arrest (20). Mavrogonato carried out the mission to perfection,
although his tireless commitment finally ended by blowing his cover, rendering continued residence on his native island impossible,
since, as he claimed, both Greeks and Jews pointed him out with their fingers, considering him a vile informer, or malshin in Jewish
juridical terminology, a term with lethal penal implications (21). We also know that Mose Capsali, rabbi at Constantinople, had
threatened Mavrogonato with excommunication at the request of the Jews of Candia (22).
The privileges requested early in his career by Mavrogonato in return for services rendered were granted without delay and with
expressions of profound gratitude by the Council of Ten in December of 1463. These rights, which extended to his sons Jacob and Elia
and his descendents in perpetuity included, among other things, exemption from the wearing of the distinctive sign required of the
Jews, and authorization
p. 22]
to move about armed wherever he wished. He was not, however, granted the privilege, odd in appearance, but perfectly consistent with
the type of persons with whom he had to deal, of striking two names off the list of banned wanted by the Serenissima for the crime of
homicide(23) . Mavrogonato, Judeus de Creta et mercator in Venetiis, knew full well who might have benefited from such a clause, and
had very definite ideas about certain people condemned in absentia who might thus have been permitted to return in the territories
under Venetian domination. At this point, the entrepreneurial Jew from Candia, a permanent resident of Venice since the beginning of
1464, traveling frequently and easily, supervising his goods and entering and leaving the port en route for Candia and Constantinople,
was officially a spy in the service of the Republic and at its disposal for other, more or less hazardous, secret missions.
In effect, Mavrogonato is thought to have been sent to Candia and Constantinople at least four times, in 1465, the next year, in 1468 and
in 1470, during the first Venetian-Turkish War (24). It is possible that, in 1468, on the eve of Friedrichs imperial visit to Venice,
Mavrogonato may have accompanied a vessel, loaded with goods owned by himself, from Candia to the Venetian landing place. In June
of 1465, a decree signed by the Council of Ten officially admitted that Mavrogonato had been sent to the capital of the Great Turk to spy
on the enemy; in 1466, he was referred to the Jew from Crete, called David, called upon by Venice to participate in the peace
negotiations with the Sultan Mahomet II (25).
David Mavrogonato died as mysteriously as he had lived, probably during his fourth mission. On 18 December 1470, the Doge of Venice,
writing to the Duke of Crete, mentioned the death of his secret agent, but without providing any details as to the circumstances of his

death (26) . Mavrogonato may have accepted the dangerous assignment of plotting the Great Turks assassination in one way or another,
and may for some reason have failed in the mission, meeting an unexpected death in the process. Other, later, clues are also thought to
point in this direction.
Among the requests filed by Mavrogonato with the Council of Ten after his first secret mission to Candia in the years 1461-1462, was that
of being permitted to avail himself of a body guard, assigned to his personal defense (that you might deign to grant him the privilege
[...] of keeping [...] some person near him for the safety of his person, so that no violence or ignominy may be done to him by some
villain or other evil person).
p. 23]
Once his petition had been accepted by the Venetian legal authorities in February 1464, the merchant from Candia made haste to
appoint a person originally described as a sort of bodyguard, but referred to in the document as Mavrogonatos associate, a
designation quite distinct in scope as well as quality. This bodyguard, or associate, was to share in almost all the privileges granted by
the city of Venice to Mavrogonato, including that of being authorized to engage in business of any kind, on a basis of equality with
Venetian merchants, and being permitted to move about the city and territory wearing the black hat of a Christian gentlemen instead of
the crocus-colored beret of the Jews (for this reason, Mavrogonato, in Venice and its domains, was known as Maurobareti) (27).
Mavrogonato was an experienced and rich businessman, but not a muscular street fighter or expert in the martial arts; these latter
services were to be provided by a man bearing the name of Salomone da Piove di Sacco, known throughout Venice and the entire Veneto
region as a banker, merchant and rough-and-ready financier, as bold as he was unscrupulous (28). Starting in 1464 and continuing
thereafter, Mavrogonato is thought to have entrusted his affairs to Salomone da Piove di Sacco during his enforced and prolonged
absences from Venice, including the management of his lordly dwelling at San Cassian and his joint interest in commercial ventures
undertaken on the maritime routes to the great markets of the Levant.
Finally, Mavrogonato is also believed to have entrusted Salomone da Piove with some of his own precious secrets as a diplomatic spy in
the pay of Venice. On the eve of his first, risky trip to Constantinople in June 1465, David Mavrogonato informed the Council of Ten that
he had indeed confirmed Salomone as his business agent at Venice due to the complete faith which I have in him (29).
Salomones ancestors had arrived in Italy in the last part of the 14th century from the Rhine region in Germany, perhaps from the same
important seat of the archbishop of Cologne. The family had gradually extended its offshoots from Cividale del Friuli, where Maruccio
(Mordekhai) and Fays Salamones father and grandfather respectively had operated in the local money market, to Padua, where, in
the mid-15th century, the same Salomone managed the bank of San Lorenzo in the city district of the same name (30).
Salomone and his clan formed part of a migratory flow extending to all regions of northern Italy since the very late 14th century,
involving the massive transalpine migration of entire German-speaking communities, both Christians and Jews,
p. 24]
from the Rhineland, Bavaria and upper and lower Austria, Franconia and Alsace, the Krnten, Styria and Thringen, Slovenia, Bohemia
and Moravia, Silesia, Swabia and Saxony, Westphalia, Wrttemburg in the Palatinate, Brandenburg, Baden, Worms, Regensburg and
Spira. A heterogenous German-speaking population, made up of rich and poor, entrepreneurs and artisans, financiers and scoundrels,
men of religion, adventurers and rascals, traveling from the transalpine territories via the mountain crossings in a process of long
duration, towards the lagoons of Venice, as well as the cities and lesser centers of the terra firma of the Veneto region (31).
This was a large-scale phenomenon containing a large Jewish component which had already come to the fore in the regions of northern
Italy, in consequence of the persecutions following the Black Death in the mid-14th century as well as sporadically during the century
before.
Ashkenazi, i.e., German, Jewish communities of diverse numerical consistency formed in a myriad of localities, large and small, from
Pavia to Cremona, from Bassano to Treviso, from Cividale to Gorizia and Trieste, from Udine and Pordenone to Conegliano, from Feltre
and Vicenza to Rovigo, from Lendinara to Badia Polesine, from Padua and Verona to Mestre (32). Here they stayed, a stones throw from
Venice, an enterprising Jewish community of considerable economic weight, whose members came mostly from Nuremberg and the
adjacent areas. In 1382, a few Jews from Mestre obtained authorization to move to Venice to practice money-lending, but were expelled
a few years later, in 1397, for failing to comply with the conditions under which the government of Venice had admitted them to the city
(33).
The Serenissima thus returned to its traditional policy of refusing to grant permanent residence to Jews on the banks of the Great Canal,
except under exceptional circumstances and for periods of short duration. This policy, frequently quite contrary to actual practice,

witnessed Jews crowding the streets of certain city districts during the day and remaining there in great numbers even after dark, lodged
in houses and inns, sometimes for long periods of time. There was no shortage of Jews in Venice: mostly physicians, influential
merchants and bankers, having established themselves more or less permanently at Venice. The numerical consistency of this
community, heterogenous in professions but more or less homogenous in ethnic origin, originating from the transalpine Germanspeaking territories, has, until today, been considered
p. 25]
from an unjustly simplistic point of view. Beginning in the second half of the 15th century, they tended to gather in one particular
strategic area, a sheltered location in the international market at Rialto, the node of the great trading systems linking the city of Venice,
by land and sea, to the centers of the plains of the Po River valley and the German-speaking regions which constituted a constant point
of economic, social and religious reference, towards which the eyes of these Ashkenazi Jews continued to be directed (34). These areas
included the districts of San Cassian, where a kosher butchers shop soon opened, preparing meat according to the Jewish custom, Sant
Agostino, San Polo and Santa Maria Mater Domini. At San Polo, they probably also attended the German-rite synagogue, authorized by
the Venetian government in 1464 to serve the Jews who reside in the capital or who meet there to carry on their businesses, with a
decree which nevertheless limited their liturgical collective meetings to the participation of ten adults of the male sex (35).
Moreover, the Jewish community at Venice, like the others of more or less distant Ashkenazi origin to be seen in the more immediate
and smaller centers of northern Italy, formed part of a German-Jewish koin, consisting of German-speaking Jews on both sides of the
Alps, linked by liturgical usages and similar customs, sharing the same history, often marked by events both tragic and invariably
mythologized, as well as by the same attitude of harsh hostility to the arrogant Christianity of surrounding society, the same religious
texts of reference, the same rabbinical hierarchies, produced by the Ashkenazi Talmudic academies to whose authority they intended to
submit, and the same family structures (36). These communities made up a homogenous entity from the social and religious point of
view, which might be called supranational, in which the Jews of Pavia identified themselves with those from Regensburg, the Jews from
Treviso with the Jews of Nuremberg, and the Jews of Trent with those from Cologne and Prague, but certainly not with those from
Rome, Florence, or Bologna.
Relations with the Italian Jews who often lived alongside them, where such relations existed, were markedly fortuitous, based on
contingent common needs of an economic nature, and the common perception of being viewed as identical by the surrounding Christian
environment.
Many of these Ashkenazi Jews did not speak Italian, and if or when they did speak it, it was difficult to understand them due to the
heavy German inflection of their pronunciation and the many Germanic and Yiddish terms with which their phrases were cram-packed.
Not only the Hebrew language,
p. 26]
but the common liturgical usage of German and Italian Jews, was pronounced in a radically different way, so that the two groups
considered it impossible to pray together (37). It is not therefore surprising that Italian Jews were not on terms of much familiarity with
German Jews.
Despite their close proximity, they had little knowledge of them, distrusted their aggressive economic audacity, which generally had little
respect for the nations laws, and dissented from their religious orthodoxy, which they considered exaggerated and depressing.
Sometimes, rightly or wrongly, they feared them.
The Italian Jewish koin, i.e, of distant Roman origin (Jews active in the money trade only moved from Rome to seek permanent
residence in the municipalities of central and northern Italy starting in the second half of the 13th century), lived side with the German
Jewish koin, of more recent origin, but without assimilating, without merging and without being influenced, except to a minor and
quite secondary degree. They were distant brothers, even if they were not brothers who hate and fear each other.
The first group of Roman Jews, i.e., Jews of Italian origin, flowing into the centers of the plane of the Po from their preceding seats in
the Patrimonio of San Pietro, in Umbria, in the Marca dAncona, in the Lazio and in Campagna to carry on the authorized money trade,
i.e., regulated by permits, did not reach these regions simultaneously with the arrival in those regions of the German transalpine Jews,
active in the same profession. They in fact preceded them by several decades. The first Jewish money lenders at Padua and Lonigo, in
the Vicentino region, were Italians, and initially settled there between 1360 and 1370. Jews of German origin only reached the region in
consistent numbers at a later time, at the end of the century, and, in particular, at the beginning of the 15th century (38). A comparison
of the clauses of the permits granted to the German Jews compared to those granted to the Italian Jews, often active in the same areas,
reveals obvious traces of profound differences in religious usage and mentalities, sediments of particular and diverse historical

experiences. The attitudes and ceremonial components, the fears and mistrust, the sense and dimension of life, the relations with the
surrounding Christian society of these German Jews, immersed in the new Italian reality in which they felt profoundly foreign, remained
influenced and marked by their experiences in the Germanic world from which they originated, and which they had only left physically.
The principal concern of these immigrants seemed to be, understandably, that of ensuring their physical safety
p. 27]
and the protection of their property against the dangers represented by a surrounding society which considered them treacherous and
potentially hostile. Almost obsessively, the chapters of the permits repeatedly mention the exemplary punishments to be threatened to
anyone causing damaging or injury to the Jews, or subjecting them to trouble or vexations. The permit granted by the municipality of
Venzone to the money lender Benedetto of Regensburg in 1444 contained the condition that wet nurses and Christian personnel in the
service of the Jews were not to be molested or offended, nor could they be made to work on Sunday or the feast days of the Christian
calendars (39). The transalpine Jews were particularly sensitive to the possibility of being falsely accused and, in consequence, of
suffering from legal proceedings and expropriations, as shown by their preceding experience in the German territories, the scars of
which they still bore. In 1414, Salomone da Nuremberg and his companions requested and obtained a concession from the government
of Trieste stating that, if Jews accused of any crime or offense before the judges of that city would not be subjected to torture to extort
confessions without at least four citizen witnesses, trustworthy and of good reputation, against them (40).
The permits signed by the municipalities of Lombardy and Triveneto with the Ashkenazi Jews were characterized by a constant concern
that they be guaranteed the freedom to observe their religious ritual and ceremonial standards with zealous scrupulousness. The
religious clauses inserted in the chapters were more detailed in this sense than those found in the contemporary permits granted to
Jewish money lenders of Italian origin, undoubtedly an indication of greater adherence to the observation of religious precepts on the
part of the Ashkenazi community than the Italian one. It was significant in this regard that the appearance of the clause relating to the
undisturbed provision of kosher meat, i.e., meat butchered according to ritual law, appears for the first time in the permits granted to
German Jews at the end of the 14th century (from Pavia in 1387 to Udine in 1389, from Pordenone in 1399 to Treviso in 1401),
approximately twenty years before this made its initial appearance, certainly in imitation of, and under the influenced by, the Ashkenazi
prototype, in the permits of the Italian Jews
(41) .
The religious clauses inserted in the permits of the German Jews include, in addition to the right to supply themselves with kosher meat
to observe their festivities freely, the right not to be compelled to violate the standards of Hebraic law in the exercise of
p. 28]
their lending activities or having to appear in court on Saturday or the feast days of the Hebraic calendar. The same clauses furthermore
permitted the safeguarding of the other Jewish alimentary norms, such as the supervised preparation of the wine, cheeses and bread (a
clause usually missing from the permits granted to Italian Jews); the right to attend synagogue (Pavia 1387); to use a piece of land as a
cemetery and to permit Jewish women to take regular baths of purification, after the end of their menstrual periods, in the city baths on
particular days set aside for them (Pordenone, 1452) (42).
But the most characteristic clause, absolutely generalized in the permits of Jews of German origin, but significantly absent from the
permits of the Italian Jews, was that referring to protection against forced conversions to Christianity. In particular, the Ashkenazi
appeared obsessed with the possibility that their children might be kidnapped, subjected to violence or swindled with snares and tricks
to drag them to the baptismal font. That this possibility was anything but remote seemed obvious to anyone having experienced this type
of traumatic experience at first hand on the banks of the Rhine or the Main. Permits issued in Friulia, Lombardy and Veneto granted to
German money lenders, as early as the end of the 14th century, explicitly prohibited friars and priests of any order from proselytizing
among Jewish children not yet having reached their 13th birthday (43). In 1403, Ulrich III, bishop of Bressanone, granted the Jews of
the Tyrol protection from any possible ecclesiastical claims to a right of forced conversion of Jewish children. This protection could, and
did, include the dangers represented by baptized Jews, zealous and implacable in plotting the ruin of the Jewish communities from
which they originated (44). In 1395, Mina da Aydelbach, representing the Jewish families of German origin residing in Gemona, first
stopping place on the main road to the lagoons of Venice after the mountain crossing of Tarvisio, obtained, in the initial clauses of their
permits explicitly provided for the immediate removal from the city of so-called Jews turned Christian, who were said to constitute
elements of scandal and disturbance (45).

The die was already cast between the Italian and German Jews, settled in the lands beyond the River Po, by the mid-15th century. With a
few exceptions, the piazza was henceforth solidly in the hands of Yiddish-speaking Jews who, in the best of cases, badly mangled Italian
(46). In former times, they had crossed the Alps fearfully and almost on tip-toe, in search of sufficiently modest and desirable dwellings
p. 29]
so as to live and survive comfortably, but they also, when need arose, proved themselves enterprising in financial matters, courageous
and even bold in their commercial undertakings, nonchalant and often arrogant and impudent in their relations with the government,
only obeying the law when it was strictly necessary or too dangerous to do otherwise. Victory was now theirs, and it was because of these
same bankers and merchants that many of them had been able to accumulate huge sums of capital in a relatively short lapse of time,
such as to bear no comparison with the fortunes possessed by Christian mercantile families and patricians who were both more
distinguished and of higher rank.
The chronology is relatively precise. In 1455, all Italian Jews active in the money trade were expelled from Padua and compelled to shut
down their banks, while the Teutonic Jews, divided from, and now entirely separate from, the Italian Jews, gained the upper hand in
the local money market [Padua], the most important in the terra firma of the Veneto region, as early as ten years before. At Verona, all
lending banks owned by Italian Jews had already been closed in 1447, while, in 1445, the permits of the Jewish bankers of Vicenza were
not renewed (47) . With the Italian Jewish banks shut down in all the principal centers of the Veneto region, a few district lending banks,
few in number but of great economic potential, particularly because of the higher interest rates charged by them in comparison to the
rates formerly charged by banks controlled Italian Jews, remained open to serve the needs of the clientele in the cities and in the
countryside (48). These were the banks of Soave and Villafranca in the district of Verona, Mestre for Venice, and Este, Composampiero
and, above all, Piove di Sacco in the Padua district (49).
The forced and almost simultaneous dismantling of the Jewish banks of Padua, Verona and Vicenza led, as an immediate consequence,
to the almost total extinction of the Hebraic community of Roman origin, which was compelled, for the most part, to flow into the
centers on the nearer side of the Po; on the other hand, however, it allowed other money lenders, from Treviso and the territories of
Friulia, who took over the assets and management of the few remaining lending banks, to make extraordinary fortunes. As we have seen,
these banks benefited from an extremely broad catchment area and could rely on a numerous and heterogenous clientele. Their
economic success was therefore guaranteed and proved to be exceptional in scope. The lucky few bankers remaining on the piazza were
almost all Ashkenazi, the same Jews who had hastened or more or less directly procured the financial ruin of the Italian Jews. The
p. 30]
most prominent among them was, in the end, Salomone di Marcuccio, owner of the Banco di Piove di Sacco and, after 1464, David
Mavrogno da Candias official business associate, with a more or less official residence at Venice (50).
Rich and influential, Salomone, although not a man of great culture, was not averse to sponsorship ventures, in which field he
established himself with flare and good taste. At Piove, where the local community was practically one of his fiefdoms, in 1465, he
became associated with the German printer Meshullam Cusi, whose presence at Padua is attested to in the same year. Cusi undertook
the initial printing of one of the first Hebraic cunabulae, certainly one of the most important and monumental, at Piove, towards the end
of 1473. This was a classic ritualistic code, Arbaa Turim, a work of the German rabbi Yaakov b. Asher (1270 circa 1340), whose family
originated from Cologne but had carried on its activities for the most part at Barcelona in Catalunya, and later at Toledo in Castille.
The four volumes, printed on Cusis presses with great care and heedless of cost, were completed in July 1475 and constituted one of the
most splendid and elegant examples of Hebraic printing (51). Certain copies of great beauty were printed on parchment and intended for
a highly sophisticated readership, particularly from the economic point of view, one of the most important of whom was to be Salomone
di Piove. The printing costs linked to the supplies of machinery, type, materials and labor, were to fluctuate between seven hundred and
one thousand ducats, a large sum which Cusi might not have had available, without the direct or indirect joint involvement of the Jewish
banker di Piove.
We believe that consideration should be given to the possibility that Salmone may have also undertaken another artistic-literary
undertaking of great importance, at proportional economic cost. The precious miniatures of the so-called Rothschild Miscellanea, one
of the most sumptuous and famous of all Jewish legal codes, were executed in the decade between 1470 and 1480, probably in Leonardo
Bellinis workshop at Venice. The artistic decoration of the manuscript cost almost one thousand ducats, a sum equivalent to half the
taxes paid by the entire Jewish community of the Duchy of Milan during the same period (52). Salomone may well have been the only
Jewish sponsor living more or less permanently in the city of the lagoons able to make
p. 31]

an investment of such magnitude without difficulty. For purposes of comparison, we know that in 1473, Salomone, still active on the
piazza of Venice, together with one of his sons, Marcuccio, his first born, was able to pay a gigantic sum, equal to 300 ducats in cash and
another 360 in credits, intended for the restoration of the perimeter wall of the old Arsenal (53).
Between 1468 and 1469, in view of Emperor Friedrichs forthcoming visit to Venice, Salomone hosted a plenary meeting at Piove of the
German rabbis of the Jewish community of northern Italy, presided over by their most authoritative exponent, the jurist Yoseph Colon,
then active in the community of Mestre (54). The petitions said to have been presented by the Jewish ambassadorship to the solemn and
magnificent Emperor during the anticipated audience described by Rabbi Elia Capsali di Candia in his chronicles may have been drawn
up on that occasion.
During the summer of 1470, David Mavrogonato set sail from Venice to return to Candia for what was to be his last mission. He had long
since prudently avoided reappearing on his native island. He was probably accompanied on this voyage by Salomone di Piove himself,
who, at the end of June, left his son Salamoncino with a power of attorney for the purpose of collecting a huge loan from the bank
Soranzo at Venice, a transaction which he would normally have conducted directly (55). As we know, this was a voyage from which
Mavrogonato is thought never to have returned alive, meeting with his tragic demise a few weeks later, certainly before September of
that year. From that time onwards, Mavrogonatos name and memory were to be systematically omitted from all documents signed by
his former associate, Salomone da Piove, as well as by Salamones sons, although reference to the privileges obtained by the influential
merchant from Candia appears to have become an established custom. This is not surprising and cannot be merely accidental. Salomone
certainly knew the truth about that last voyage to Constantinople in which Mavrogonato is believed to have met with unexpected death.
Did Salamone know too much? Did he wish to forget, or rather, cause others to forget, that he had been with him on that tragic maritime
voyage? What is certain is that Salomone da Piove was close to David Mavrogonato until the end. Perhaps too close.
It is not therefore surprising to learn that, at around this same time, Salomone personally took over a bold project, perhaps planned
beforehand by his associate and collaborator from Candia,
p. 32]
to take the life of the Great Turk, thus doing the government of Venice a great favor (56). To provide for the assassination of Mahomet
II, the nonchalant financier informed the Council of Ten that he had sent a Jewish doctor named Valco, whose Italian name was
probably derived from the well-known family of doctors, natives of Worms, called Wallach, Wallich or Welbush, to Constantinople, at
his expense (57) .
Salamon, as appears in the books of Your Majesties the Council of Ten, due to his wish to do a great ourselves and all of Christianity a
great service by attempting to take the life of the Great Turk, chose, at his expense, sent for a Maestro Valco, a Jewish doctor, whom he
sent with his own money (58).
Even before that, we know that the Venetian authorities had been glad to avail themselves of the services of a Jewish barber-surgeon,
Jacob da Gaeta, the Sultans personal physician, an expert spy and double agent, greedy for gain and treacherous, with whom
Mavrogonato had maintained frequent contacts (59). It also appears that Maestro Jacob had reached Venice in secrecy, together with
Gaeta, on the same vessel from Ragusa, in very late 1468, on the eve of the imperial visit and the Venetian congress of Jewish physicians,
held on that occasion (60).
Maestro Valco, paid by Salomone, moved to Constantinople, and went quickly to work, but apparently with little result. Mahomet II was
still alive and kicking when the Jewish banker from Piove finally died, between the end of 1475 and the very early part of the following
year. But Salamone was occupied with certain other matters, much more serious and more disagreeable then merely taking the life of
the Great Turk during that period, which was to prove fraught with danger for all the Jewish communities of northern Italy. The Trent
trials of the Jews accused of little Simons martyrdom had ended with the condemnation and execution of the principal defendants, who
were burnt at the stake or decapitated in June of 1475. Other defendants, including the women of the small community, were waiting to
learn their final fate, after which the trial proceedings were suspended in April by order of Sigismundo IV, Count of Tyrol, and were then
newly interrupted the following July by order of Pope Sixtus IV after a brief recommencement, requested by several parties for purposes
of intervening in the affair. The Pope then personally sent a special commissioner to Trent, the Dominican, Battista de Giudici, bishop
of Ventimiglia, with the task of investigating and
p. 33]
reporting on the facts. De Giudici, who had initially taken up lodgings at Trent, later moved to the nearby, but more secure, seat of
Rovereto, in territory belonging to Venice, where they met with the lawyers, all of top rate importance, whom the Jews of Padua had

decided to make available to the defendants (61). Salomone da Piove played a prominent role in the affair, requesting the Pope to
appoint an apostolic inquisitor and probably meeting Battista de Giudici at Padua, on de Giudicis way to Trent (62).
In accordance with de Giudici, with whom he maintained intense epistolary relations, as well as through another Jew from Piove,
belonging to the Cusi family of typographers, having strategically moved, to Rovereto, Salomone provided a safe conduct to a Paduan
Jew, a native of Regensburg, and sent him to Innsbruck with the mission of pleading the cause of the Trent defendants still in prison,
before Sigismundo, Count of Tyrol, and, if possible, obtaining their release. Salomone Frstungar, his agent on this delicate mission, was
an unscrupulous intriguer who camouflaged himself by dressing, not as a Jew, but in the German-style, with a short overcoat and a cap
on his head, returned from Tyrol disappointed and empty-handed. His bitter failure was also an indication of the failure of the efforts of
all the German-origin Jewish communities from the Veneto region to avoid the tragic consequences of the Trent affair for the
defendants who were still alive (63). Salomone da Piove is said to have died shortly afterwards (64).
The leadership of this conspicuous group, committed, as always, to avoiding the political and financial effects and repercussions of the
Trent trials on their Jewish brethren, thus passed into the hands of Manno di Aberlino (Mandele ben Abrahim) of Vincenza, maximum
exponent of the influential Ashkenazim community of Pavia (65). A prestigious banker with vast financial resources, he had been
appointed collector of Jewish taxes to the Lombard communities by the Duke of Milan in 1469. Manno was related to Salomone da
Piove, whose first-born son Marcuccio had married one of his brother Angelos daughters (66). Manno was to meet Salomone da Piove
at fairly frequent intervals at Venice, where he had more or less officially opened a money lending shop, of secondary importance
compared to the great bank at Padua but still of strategic importance (67).
When Salomone Frstungar, just recovering from the setback at Innsbruck, thirsting for revenge or just to reshuffle the cards, took to
considering murdering the captain of the guards of the podest of Trent
p. 34]
[IMAGE]
[Letter in Hebrew sent by the banker Manno (Mandele) of Pavia to the physician Omobono Bonim of Venice, March 1476 (State Archive
of Trent, Archivio Principesco Vescovile, S.L., 69, 68).]
and even bishop Hinderbach himself, hiring an assassin for the task, a person above suspicion, a priest named Paolo da Novara, the
industrious Manno offered to finance the bold initiative, without regard to cost (68). Manno asked the priest, Paolo da Novara, who was
probably contacted through his brother Bartolomeo, a druggist at Piove di Sacco (69), to poison the persons responsible for the Trent
trial and to obtain the arsenic required to do so from the Venetian physician Omobono (Bunim), owner of the della Vecchia pharmacy
at San Cassian, who is also believed to have issued instructions on how to use the arsenic. As a reward, Paolo was to receive four
hundred ducats, half of it immediately, and the other two hundred to be withdrawn over the counter a Mannos bank at Venice (70). But
the conspiracy, the most prominent members of which were all Jews from Pavia, Padua, Novara, Soncino, Parma, Piacenza, Modena,
Brescia, Bassano, Rovereto, Riva and Venice, failed miserably, with the arrest and confession of the fanciful and avaricious priest (71).

NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE


1) Cfr. P. Ghinzoni, Federico III Imperatore a Venezia (dal 19 febbraio 1469), in Archivio Veneto, n.s., XIX (1889), no. 37, pp. 133-144.
2) On the Roman coronation of Friedrich III in 1452 see, recently, Ph. Braunstein, Lvnement et la memoire: regards privs, rapports
officiels sur le couronnement romain de Federic III , in La circulation de nouvelles au Moyen Age, Socit des Historiens Mdievistes
de lEnseignement Suprieur Public, Publications de la Sorbonne, Ecole Franaise, Roma, C. (1994), pp. 219-229. Friedrich was had also
been in Venice in 1436, returning from a pilgrimage. The imperial retinue in 1452 was particularly numerous, as shown by the Cronaca
di Zorzi Dolfin, cited by Marin Sanudo ([...] con bocche 1.500 a spexa della Signoria e a Trivixo erano cavalli 1.200 che lo aspettavono;
la spexa era al giorno ducati 1000 per dodici giorni [with 1,500 mouths to feed at His Lordships expense and 1,200 horses at Treviso
waiting for him; the expenses amounted to 1,000 ducats per day]. The dance in the hall of the Greater Council was held cum infinite
donne della terra, 250) [with infinite numbers of ladies from the mainland, 250]. For this passage from the Cronaca del Dolfin, see
the Biblioteca Marciana, Venice, Italian manuscripts, cl. VII, cod. 794 (8503), c. 310r. See also Marin Sanudo, Le vite dei dogi (14231474). I: 1423-1457, by A. Caracciolo Aric, Venice, 1999, pp. 471-473. During his visit to Venice in 1469, where li fo fatti grandissimi
apparati [where great displays of magnificence were prepared for him], Friedrichs retinue was reduced and consisted of eight
hundred dignitaries. Friedrich, on this third visit, was sumptuously received at the Palazzo Ducale et, venendo a veder Rialto, errano
sopra li banchi posti assaissimi ducati et do garzoni picholi in camixa con una palla per uno in mano, che luno et laltro si butavono li

ditti ducati, si come si butta formento [and, when he came to see the Rialto, large quantities of gold ducats had been placed on stands
in a high place, where two little boys in shirt sleeves, each with a paddle in his hand, were tossing the ducats about, as if they were
grain]. (see Marin Sanudo, Le vite dei dogi. II: 1457- 1474 , Venice, 2004, pp. 109-111).
3) On this visit, and probably on the preceding visit in 1452 as well, it seems that some Venetian patricians were awarded the rank of
knight by Friedrich (Sanudo, Le vite dei dogi, cit., vol. II, p. 109: li fo fatto festa in sala del Gran Conseio [...] et sopra il soler lo
Imperador fece alchuni zentilomeni cavalieri) [The Emperor was greeted in the Greater Council with great pomp and ceremony []
and on the terrace he dubbed several gentlemen knights].
4) On Michele Collis report to the Duke of Milan cfr Ghinzoni, Federico III imperatore a Venezia, cit., p. 151. See also D. Rando, Dai
margini la memoria. Johannes Hinderbach (1418-1486) , Bologna, 2003, pp. 345-346. Michele Colli was probably a member of the
entourage of Andrea Colli, Milanese ambassador at Venice, of whom he was a relative.
5) Cfr. Rando, Dai margini la memoria, cit., p. 346. In 1452, Hinderbach had taken advantage of Friedrichs stay at Padua, on the way to
Rome, where he was to be crowned Emperor, to obtain his own doctorate in a solemn ceremony, held in the cathedral, in the presence of
large numbers of prelates, noblemen and academics, quo actu nullus numquam insignior habitus, cui tot et tanti principes et nobiles
interfuissent [in which act there was never anything more magnificent, there were so many princes and noblemen there] (cfr. V. von
Hofmann-Wellenhof, Leben und Schriften des Doctor Johannes Hinderbach, Bischofs von Trent, 1465-1486, in Zeitschrift des
Ferdinandeums fr Tirol und Vorarlberg, s. 3, XXXVII, 1893, pp. 259-262).
6) For the text of the depositions of Tobias of Magdeburg before the Trent judges during the 1475 trials for the death of Simon, son of
Andrea Lomferdorm, see A. Esposito and D. Quaglioni, Processi contro gli ebrei di Trento, 1475-1478. I: I processi del 1475, Padua,
1990, pp. 307-348. See also G. Divinas argument in Storia del beato Simone da Trento, Trent, 1902, vol. II, pp. 8-12; pp. 45-47.
Quaglioni (Orta est disputatio super matheria promotionis inter doctores . Lammissione degli ebrei al dottorato, in Micrologus.
Natura, scienza e societ medievali, IX, 2001 [Gli ebrei e le scienze], pp. 249-267) examines in detail the deposition of the physician
Tobias at the Trent trial, whose confession was extorted con torture raffinatissime che conducono linquisito in punto di morte [with
exceedingly refined methods of torture which practically kill the person under investigation], but he nonetheless considers it a
document rich in details of indubitable truthfulness.
7) Tempore quo Serenissimus Imperator erat Venetiis, modo possunt esse VI vel VII anni, ipse Thobias reperit se Venetiis [...] et dicit
quod tunc erat ibi magna multitudo Iudeorum, qui tunc venerant Venetiis post Serenissimum Imperatorem, causa emenda merces, ad
finem ut non haberent causam solvendi gabellas pro mercibus predictis, quia illas tales mercea postea mittebant cum preparamentis seu
caribus prefati Serenissimi Imperatoris, dicendo quod erant bona prefati Domini Imperatoris [Approximately: During the Emperors
stay at Venice, perhaps about 6 or 7 years ago, this Tobias found himself at Venice, too [[ and he said that there were great multitudes
of Jews there, who followed the Emperor to Venice to sell goods, since they didnt have to pay any duty on those goods, because they
took the goods with them in the Emperors baggage train, saying they belonged to the Emperor:] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi,
cit., vol. I, pp. 328-329).
8) The privilege granted by Friedrich to the Board is dated 16 February 1469 (cfr. R. Palmer, The Studio of Venice and its Graduates in
the Sixteenth Century , Triest-Padua, 1983, p. 58). With regards to the imperial visit to Italy in 1452, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, in his
Historia Australis reported that multos [doctores Federicus] in Italia promovit, quibus aurum pro scientia fuit (cfr. M.J. Wenninger,
Zur Promotion jdischer rzte duch Kaiser Friedrich III , in Aschkenas, no. 2, p. 419). The Diario Ferrarese reports that Friedrich III,
visiting Ferrara in 1452 after the Roman coronation, was received in a solemn ceremony by the Marchese Borso dEste and the bishop of
Ferrara, con tutta la chierexia et multi doctori ferraresi [with the whole hierarchy and many learned men from Ferrara], cit., in R.
Bonfil, Rabbis and Jewish Communities in Renaissance Italy , Oxford, 1990, p. 87.
9) In this regard, see D. Nissims recent publication, Un minian di ebrei ashkenaziti a Venezia negli anni 1465-1480, in Italia, XIV
(2004), pp. 41-47.
10) On Mose Rapa (Moshe Rapp), whose documentary evidence dates back to 1475, cfr. Hebraische Bibliographie, VI (1863), footnote
p. 67. On Raspe and the other physician Lazzaro, recorded at Venice in December 1465, see also I. Munz, Die Jdischen rzte im
Mittelalter, Frankfurt A.M., 1922.
11) On Maestro Omobono and his involvement in the Trent trials, see Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, p. 169. For
other information relating to him cfr. D. Carpi, Lindividuo e la colletivit. Saggi di storia degli ebrei a Padova e nel Veneto nelleta del
Rinascimento , Florence, 2002, pp. 221-224. Carpi reports that Leone, son of the magistri Hominisboni medici ebrei de Veneciis
[Omobono, the master Jewish doctor from Venice], in 1471 had had a certain Marco di Salomone Ungar incarcerated at Padua for
debt. Omobono lived appresso la Casa dei Bresciani and G. Tassini (Curiosit veneziane, Venice, 1863, pp. 96-97), notes in this regard

that alcuni paesi della Repubblica, come Brescia, godevano il diritto di tenere in Venezia particolare alberghi colloggetto di alloggiare i
propri nunzi, con landare del tempo transformate in communi osterie e taverne [a few regions of the Republic, such as Brescia,
enjoyed the right to keep private inns in Venice for the purpose of loding their own nuncios, and in time these inns became transformed
into ordinary eating houses and taverns]. For the correspondence of the name Omobono or Bonomo with Simcha Bunem o Bunim
among the Ashkenazi Jews, see V. Colorni, Judaica Minora, Saggi sulla storia dellebraismo italiano dallantichita allet moderna,
Milan, 1983, p. 787.
12) Cfr.P.C. Ioly Zorattini, Processi del S. Uffizio contro ebrei e giudaizzanti. I: 1548-1560, Florence, pp. 339-340.
13) Cfr. R. Sege, Cristiani novelli e medici ebrei a Venezia: storie di Inquisizione tra Quattro e Cinquecento, in M. Perani, Una manna
buona per Mantova . Man tov le-Man Tovah. Studi in onore di Vittore Colorni per il suo 92 compleanno, Florence, 2004, pp. 383-389.
14) In the ample bibliography on Jehudah messer Leon, see, in particular, D. Carpi, Notes on the Life of R. Judah Messer Leon, in E.
Toaff, Studi sullebraismo italiano in memoria di C. Roth , Rome, 1974, p. 37-62; V. Colorni, Note per la biblografia de alcuni dotti ebrei
vissuti a Mantova nel secolo XV , in Annuario di Studi Ebraici, I, (1935), pp. 169-182; M. Luzzati, Dottorati in medicina conferiti a
Firenze nel 1472 da Judah Messer Leon da Montecchio a Bonaventura da Terracina e ad Abramo da Montalcino , in Medicina e salute
nelle Marche dal Rinascimento allet napoleonica , in Atti e memorie, XCVII (1992), pp. 41-53. The hypothesis that Jehudah messer
Leon was a native of Montecchio Maggiore in the Vicentino is advanced by I. Rabbinowitz, The Book of the Honeycombs Flow by Judah
Messer Leon, Ithaca (N.Y.)-London, 1983, p. XX, and recently made by H. Tirosh-Rotschild, Between Worlds. The Life and Thought of
R. David b. Judah Messer Leon , Albany (N.Y.), 1991, p. 25, and by G. Busi, Il succo dei favi. Studi sullumanesimo ebraico, Bologna,
1992, p. 19.
15) The text of the imperial diploma granted to Jehudah messer Leon, dated 21 February 1469, and published in full by Carpi, Notes on
the Life of R . Judah Messer Leon, cit., pp. 59-60.
16) The imperial privileges granted to the two Jewish Sicilian physicians, dated 4 August 1489, the their text, has been published by
Wenninger (Zur Promotion jdischer rtzte, cit., pp. 413-424). Salomone Azeni was almost certainly identical with Salomone Siciliano,
active at Padua in the last decade of the Fifteenth Century (cfr. Carpi, LIndividuo e la collettivit, cit., pp. 222, 224).
17) E. Capsali, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, by A. Schmuelevitz, Sh. Simonsohn and M. Benayahu, Jerusalem, 1977, vol. II, p. 260. On this matter,
cfr Nissim, Un minian di ebrei ashkenaziti a Venezia, cit., pp. 42-43. On Capsalis work, see, recently, G. Corazzol, Sulla Cronaca dei
Sovrani di Venezia (Divre hayamim le-malke Wenestyah) di Rabbi Elia Capsali da Candia , in Studi Veneziani, XLVII (2004), pp.
313- 330.
18) On David Magrogonato, judeus de Creta et mercator in Venetiis [Jew from Crete and merchant at Venice], see, in particular, D.
Jacoby, David Mavrogonato of Candia. Fifteenth Century Jewish Merchant, Intercessor and Spy, in Tarbiz, XXXII (1964), pp. 388-402
(in Hebrew); Id., Un Agent juif au service de Venise. David Mavrogonato de Candie, in Thesaurismata. Bollettino dellIstituto Ellenico
di Studi Bizantini e Post-Bizantini, IX (1972), pp. 68-77, (republished in Id., Recherches sur la Mditeranne orientale du XIIe au XVe
sicle, London, 1979, pp. 68-96); M. Manoussacas, Le receuil de privilges de la famille juive Mavroganto de Crte (1464-1642), in
Byzantinische Forschungen, XII (1987), pp. 345-366; Carpi, LIndividuo e la colletivit, cit., pp. 41-43.
19) Et erat etatis annorum XL quatuor vel quinquaginta, cum capillis et barba nigra prolixa, more Greco, et indutus clamide nigro
usque ad pedes, cum caputio nigro in capite, dicens quod aliquando induebat se veste sicut portant Greci [He was about 40 or 50 years
old, with black hair and a long black beard, in the Greek style, and wore a black cap on his head, saying that he preferred to dress like a
Greek] , (cfr. Esposito e Quaglioni, Processi, cit., vol. I, p. 329). On the indubitable identification of the personage in question with
David Mavrogonato, see D. Nissim, Il legame tra I processi di Trento contro gli ebrei e la tipografia ebraica di Piova di Sacco del 1475, in
Annali dellIstituto Storico Italo-Germanico in Trento, XXV (1999), pp. 669-678.
20) Cfr Jacoby, Un agent juif, cit., pp. 69-70; Manoussacas, Le recueil de privilges, cit., p. 345.
21) Praedictus David [...] passus fuit et publicum odium, quod ipse in tota insual tam per Christianos quam per Judeos acquisisset, cum
jam digito mostraretur ab omnibus. [The aforementioned David [] became an object of public hatred, known to both Jews and
Christians all over the island, who pointed him out with their fingers]. This document, dated 29 December 1463, together with other
privileges granted Mavrogonato by Venice, is located in the Archivio di Stato di Venezia (henceforth: ASV), Inquisitorato agli Ebrei,
envelope 19, doc no. 3.

Late printed copies of these privileges, entitled Per David Mavrogonato contro Senseri Ordinari di Rialto e Stampa dellUniversit tutta
degli Ebrei di Venezia are located in the ASV, Inquisitorato agli Ebrei (envelopes 39 and 5 respectively). See also, in this regard,
Manoussacas, Le recueil de privilges, cit., p. 346.
22) Cfr. Jacoby, Un agent juif, cit., pp. 81-82.
23) Se degni concierderli chel porta segno del .O. per sua salude d chel possa portare Arme [...]. Item li sia concesso poder cavar de
Bando per puro omicidio do Persone solamente. [If he be deemed worthy to be granted the right to bear the insignia of the O. [O. =
possibly Uomo di bene, gentleman or Christian] for his health and to bear arms []; that he be granted the right to cause certain
persons wanted for homicide to be stricken from the list of banned persons]. This last clause appears in the printed document in the
ASV, Inquisitorato agli Ebrei, envelope 39, while it is missing from the manuscript text of the privileges (ibidem, envelope 19, doc no. 4).
24) Cfr. Jacoby, Un agent juif, cit., pp. 75-77.
25) Cfr. Manoussacas, Le recueuil de privilges, cit., p. 345. See also Sanudos comments on the year 1466: In questo mezo Vettor
Capello, Capetanio Zeneral nostro, haveno hautto pr via di quel David (Mavrogonato) hebreo il salvoconducto dal Signor turcho di poter
la Signoria mandarli uno ambassado [... per] veder i tratar qualche acordo [In this way, Vettor Capello, our Captain General, having
obtained through David (Mavrogonato) a safeconduct from the Great Turk to send an ambassador [to] attempt to reach some
agreement[], (Sanudo, Le vite dei dogi , cit., vol. II, pp. 88-89.
26) In a letter dated 18 December 1470 and addressed to the Duke of Crete, the Doge referred to Mavrogonatos death (qui denique
eundo in servitiis nostri admisit vitam) [who was furthermore acting in our service at the risk of his life], praising his loyalty to the
Republic (cfr. Jacoby, Un agent juif, cit., pp. 76-77).
27) Among the privileges granted on 2 July 1466 by the Consiglio dei Dieci to David Mavrogonato, his children and descendents, in
addition to his bodyguards, Andrea Cornaro also reported that of di non portar beretta giallo or altro segno, che portano li Hebrei nel
capello, ma portion il capello negro come li Christiani, per la qual cosa dalhora in qua detti Hebrei Mavrgonato si dicono Mauroberti
(recte: Maurobereti) per sopranome, che vuol dire baretta negra [of not wearing a yellow cap or other sign usually worn by Jews on
their hats, but to wear a black cap like the Christians, for which reason Mavrogonato was thereafter called by the last name of
Mauroberti, which means black cap] (cfr. Jacoby, Un agent juif, cit., p. 79).
28) David praedictus dixit et declaravit quod socius suus, signi non portandi et arma [ferendi], est Salamon qn. Marcu, cuius auxilio et
consilio usus fuit in praedictus et omnia (recte: circa) praedicta [the aforementioned David said and declared that Salomone, son of
the late Marcuccio, was his assistant and advisor in all the aforementioned activities, being entitled to carry a weapon to go about
without any insignia] (ASV, Inquisitorato algi Ebrei, envelope 39, Per David Maurogonato contro Senseri Ordinarj di Rialto, dated 1
February 1464 [1463 more veneto].
29) On 17 June 1465, David Mavrogonato announced to two representatives of the Consiglio dei Dieci quod relinquit pro eo et agendis
suis in Venetiis Salomonem de Plebisacci hebreum, quia de eo se confidet [that the Jew Salomone da Piove was acting on his behalf
and as his agent, since he had complete confidence in him]; (the document, published in the original by Manoussacas, is cited by Jacoby,
Un agent juif, cit., p. 74 and by Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., p. 42). The privileges granted by the authorities at Venice to
Salomone da Piove are indirectly confirmed by in a parte, approved by the Consiglio del Comune di Padova on 22 January 1467. In this,
the Paduan rulers claimed that they were applying the standards of the Statutes against Salomone (casum querelle seu accuse contra
Iudeum de Plebe) [because of the quarrels caused by his accusations against Salomone da Piove], notwithstanding the protection
which he enjoyed in Venice (Archivio di Stato di Padova [henceforth: ASP], Consiglio del Commune, Atti, 7, c. 202v).
30) On Salomone di Marcuccio da Piove di Sacco and his family, see D. Jacoby, New Evidence on Jewish Bankers in Venice and the
Venetian Terraferma (c. 1450-1550), in A. Toaff and Sh. Schwarzfuchs, The Mediterranean and the Jews. Banking, Finance and
International Trade (XVI-XVIII Centuries) , Ramat Gan, 1989, pp. 151-178; Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., pp. 27-60; D. Nissim,
I primordi della stampa ebraica nellItalia settentrionale. Piove di Sacco-Soncino (1469-1496), Soncino, 2004, pp. 90-13.
31) In this regard, see, among others, Ph. Braunstein, Le commerce du fer Venise au Xve sicle, in Studi Veneziani, VIII (1966), pp.
267-302; Le prt sur gage a Padoue et dans le Padouan au milieu du XVe sicle, in G. Cozzi, Gli ebrei e Venezia (secoli XIV-XVIII),
Milan,
1987, pp. 652-653; M. Toch, The Formation of a Diaspora. The Settlement of Jews in the Medieval German Reich, in Aschkenas, VII
(1997), no. 1, pp. 55-78. For an illustration of this phenomenon, see also L. Boeninger, La Regula bilingue della scuola dei calzolai
tedeschi a Venezia del 1383 , Venice, 2002.

32) Cfr. A. Toaff, Migrazioni di ebrei tedeschi attraverso i territori triestini e friulani fra XIV e XV secolo, in G. Todeschini and P.C. Ioly
Zorattini, Il mondo ebraico. Gli ebrei tra Italia-nord-orientale e Impero asburgico dal Medioevo allEt contemporanea, Pordenone,
1991, pp. 3-29; A. Toaff, Gli insediamenti ashkenaziti nellItalia settentrionale,in Storia dItalia. Annali. XI: Gli ebrei in Italia, tome I:
DallAlto Medioevo alleta dei ghetti , by C. Vivanti, Turin, 1996, pp. 153-171.
33) Cfr. R.C. Mueller, Les prteurs juifs de Venise au Moyen Age, in Annales ESC, XXX (1975), pp. 1277-1302; Id., The Jewish
Moneylenders of the Late Trecento Venise . A Revisitation, in Mediterranean Historical Review, X (1995), pp. 202-217.
34) Cfr. E. Concina, Parva Jerusalem, in E. Concina, U. Camerino and D. Calabri, La citt degli ebrei. Il ghetto di Venezia: architettura e
urbanistica , Venice, 1991, pp. 24-25.
35) Cfr. E. Ashtor, Gli inizi della communita ebraica a Venezia, in La Rassegna Mensile di Israel, XLIV (1978), pp. 700-701 (the essay
has been republished in U. Fortis, Venezia ebraica, Rome, 1982, 17-39). See also Nissim, Un minian di ebrei ashkenaziti a Venezia, cit.,
pp. 44-45.
36) Cfr. Toaff, Migrazioni di ebrei tedeschi, cit., pp. 7-8, 15-21; Id., Gli insediamenti ashkenaziti nellItalia settentrionale, cit., 157-159,
165-171.
37) Still at the beginnings of the Seventeenth century, Leon (Jehudah Arieh) da Modena, rabbi at Venice, observed, in this regard, that
nella pronuntia di essa lingua Hebrea sono talmente poi tra di loro differenti, che a pena sono intesi i Thedeschi da glItaliani [they
pronounce the Hebrew language so differently from Italian Jews can hardly understand the German ones]. (Leon da Modena, Historia
de gli riti hebraici, Paris, 1637, p. 36). An informative document in this regard is the inventory of good transported by an Ashkenazi Jew,
a native of one of the Jewish communities of northern Italy and traveling to Schwedt in the diocese of Brandenburg, not far from
Frankfurt am Oder, in the last quarter of the 15th Century, on his travels. The interesting list appears drawn up in Hebrew and Yiddish,
while the Italian terms are transcribed in Hebrew letters (cfr. A.K. Offenberg, How to Define Printing in Hebrew. A Fifteenth-Century
List of Goods of a Jewish Traveller and his Wife , in The Library, Oxford, VI s., XVI (1994), pp. 43-49).
38) Cfr. A. Toaff, Convergenze sul Veneto di banchiere ebrei romani e tedeschi nel tardo Medioevo, in Cozzi, Gli ebrei e Venezia, cit., pp.
595-613. See also Ph. Braunstein (ibidem, p. 690), which accepts my own conclusions as stated above.
39) Cfr. M. Lucchetta, Benedetto Jew of Ratisbona de fu maestro Josef banchiero pubblico di Venzone, Udine, 1971. See also M. Davide,
La communit ebraica nella Venzone del Quattrocento , in Ce fastu, LXXX (2004), pp. 167-186.
40) Cfr. M de Szombathely, Libro delle Riformazioni or Libro dei Consigli (1411-1429), Trieste, 1970, pp. 4-6.
41) Cfr. Toaff, Gli insediamenti ashkenaziti nellItalia settentrionale, cit., pp. 162-163.
42) Cfr. Id., Migrazioni di ebrei tedeschi, cit., pp. 11-14.
43) Cfr. Id., Gli insediamenti ashkenaziti nellItalia settentrionale, cit., pp. 160-161.
44) Cfr. A. Sinnacher, Beitrge zur Geschichte der bischflichen Kirche Saben und Brixen in Tryol, Brixen, 1826, pp. 3-21; R. Palme,
Sulla storia sociale e giuridica degli ebrei in Tirolo nel tardo Medievo e allinizio dellet moderna , in Materiali di Lavoro, 1988, nos. 14, 119- 130.
45) Cfr. L. Billiani, Dei Toscani ed ebrei prestatori di denaro a Gemona, Udine, 1895, pp. 123-126.
46) The most important (and perhaps not the only) exception seems to be that of Vicenza, in which the Italian (Roman) element gained
the upper hand over the Ashkenazi during the Fifteenth Century. See R. Scuro, Alcune notizie sulla presenza ebraica a Vicenza nel XV
secolo, in G.M. Varanini and R.C. Mueller Ebrei nella Terraferma veneta del Quattrocento, Florence, 2005, p. 106.
47) The processes and events which, in the mid-Fifteenth Century, led to the forced transfer of money lending in this zone from Italian
Jews to German Jews have been studied in many precise research papers. See, among others, Braunstein, Le prt sur gage a Padoue, cit.,
pp. 651- 669; G.M. Varanini, Appunti per la storia del prestito de dellinsediamento ebraico a Verona nel Quattrocento, in Cozzi, Gli
ebrei e Venezia, cit., pp. 615-628; G.M. Varanini, Il commune di Verona, Venezia e gli ebrei nel Quattrocento. Problemi e linee di ricerca,
in Id., Communi cittadini e stato regionale. Ricerche sulla Terraferma veneta nel Quattrocento, Verona, 1992, pp. 279-293; M. Nardello,

Il prestito ad sua a Vinceza e la vicenda delgi ebrei nei secoli XIV e XIV , in Odeo Olimpico, XIII-XIV (1977-1978), pp. 123-125; Carpi,
Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., pp. 34, 130-132; Scuro, Alcune notizie sulla presenza ebraica a Vicenza, cit., pp. 103-121.
48) See Braunsteins intelligent contributions in this regard, Le prt sur gage Padoue, cit., pp. 662-663.
49) It is significant that, on 12 January 1461, the Consiglio del Commune di Padova lamented the fact that, with the formal coverage of
the banks of Piove di Sacco, Monselice and Este, the Jewish money lenders continued to operate illegally on the market at Padua,
charging interest at rates over 40% (contra Statuta nonnulli Iudei per quamdam viam indirectam fenerari incipient in civitate Padue
hoc modo, videlicit quod in Padua accipiunt pignora et mutuant pecunias et postea fieri faciunt bulletinem per Iudeos fenerantes in
Montessellice vel Plebe aut in Este, fingendo quod Iudeus de Plebe aut de Montesselice vel de Este sit ille qui mutuet tales pecunias, cum
quibus Iudeis de ei habitantes Padue ses intelligunt cum lucro quadraginta pro centenario ut ultra). [notwithstanding the laws
stipulating that no Jew may lend at usury in the city of Padua, either directly or indirectly, particularly, that they accept collateral in
Padua and lend money at usury and then fabricate vouchers from Jewish money lenders at Piove or Montesselice or Este, pretending
that it is those Jews who are actually lending the money in Padua, thus making a profit of forty percent or more]. The rulers of Padua
protested before the Doge of Venice, objecting to the fact that Jewish money lenders had been granted the right to operate in this
manner thanks to letters patent issued in their favor by the authorities of Venice (quod sua Excelsitudo dignetur revocare dictas litteras
concessas prefatis Iudeis, quia, stantibus dictis litteris, dicti Iudei per hanc viam mutuabunt percunias sub uxuris; nam si mutuarent
publice et palam sicut facere soliti errant, non haberent nisi .XV pr centenario [may his Excellency deign to revoke the said letters
granted to the above mentioned Jews, because, being in the possession of such letters, these Jews are enabled to lend money at usury;
while if they did so publicly and openly as they usually do, they would not even earn 15 percent] ASP, Consiglio del Comune, Atti, 7., cc.
Cv-6r).
50) Salomone, in 1441, when he was still called da Cividale and not yet da Piove di Sacco, had set up banks at Verona and Soave,
transferring them to Padua in 1442 (cfr. A. Castaldini, Mondi paralleli. Ebrei e Cristiani nellItalia padana dal tardo Medioevo allEt
moderna, Florence, 2004, p. 59).
51) This is attested to by numerous studies by D. Nissim. Among others, particular attention should be paid to D. Nissim, Nel quinto
centenario delle prime stampe ebraiche (1475-1975) , in Atti e Memorie dellAcademia Patavina di Scienze, Lettere ed Arte, LXXXVI
(1975-1976), part III, pp. 43-52; Id., Spigolature di bibliografia ebraica, in A. Toaff, Studi sullebraismo italiano presentati ad Elio Toaff,
Rome, 1984; pp: 129-155; Id., I primordi della stampa ebraica nellItalia Settentrionale, cit. 52) The hypothesis, sustained by Nissim
(Famiglie Rapa e Rapaport nellItalia settentrionale, sec. XV-XVI. Con un appendice sullorigine della Miscellanea Rothschild , in A.
Piattelli and M. Silvera, Minhat Yehuda. Saggi sullebraismo italiano in memoria di Yehuda Nello Pavoncello , Rome, 2001, pp. 190-192),
is based on the studies of U. Bauer-Eberhardt (Die Rotschild Miscellanea in Jerusalem: Hauptwerke des Leonardo Bellini , in
Pantheon, XLII, 1984, pp. 229-237), expressing the opinion that the miniatures in Miscellanea Rotschild, currently preserved at the
Israel Museum of Jerusalem, were probably executed at Venice in Leonardo Bellinis workshop, and perhaps by the same master. But
see L. Mortara Ottolenghi, The Rotschild Miscellany MS 180/51 of the Israel Musem in Jerusalem. Jewish Patrons and Christian
Artists , in Hebrew Studies, British Library Occasional Papers, 13, London, 1991, pp. 149-161. In contrast to Bauer-Eberhardt and
Nissim, the illustrious Canadian scholar attributes the miniatures to the schools of two major Christian artists of Cremona, Bonifacio
Bembo and Cristoforo de Predis (circa 1460-1480), identifying the client as the Jew Furlano da Cremona, i.e., the banker Mose di
Consiglio Sacerdoti. According to Nissim, who believes that he has succeeded in identifying the client as Salomone di Marcuccio da
Piove, a resident of Venice; the reason why the latters name does not appear in the manuscript, where the name of the rabbi Mosh b.
Jekutiel Coen Rapa, his protg, does appear, could be explained by Salomones sudden and mysterious death, occurring in 1475, when
the code was not yet completed (written communication from D. Nissim dated 11 November 2004).
52) The hypothesis, sustained by Nissim (Famiglie Rapa e Rapaport nellItalia settentrionale, sec. XV-XVI. Con un appendice
sullorigine della Miscellanea Rothschild, in A. Piattelli and M. Silvera, Minhat Yehuda. Saggi sullebraismo italiano in memoria di
Yehuda NelloPavoncello, Rome, 2001, pp. 190-192), is based on the studies of U. Bauer-Eberhardt (Die Rotschild Miscellanea in
Jerusalem: Hauptwerke des Leonardo Bellini, in Pantheon, XLII, 1984, pp. 229-237), expressing the opinion that the miniatures in
Miscellanea Rotschild, currently preserved at the Israel Museum of Jerusalem, were probably executed at Venice in Leonardo Bellinis
workshop, and perhaps by the same master. But see L. Mortara Ottolenghi, The Rotschild Miscellany MS 180/51 of the Israel Musem in
Jerusalem. Jewish Patrons and Christian Artists, in Hebrew Studies, British Library Occasional Papers, 13, London, 1991, pp. 149-161.
In contrast to Bauer-Eberhardt and Nissim, the illustrious Canadian scholar attributes the miniatures to the schools of two major
Christian artists of Cremona, Bonifacio Bembo and Cristoforo de Predis (circa 1460-1480), identifying the client as the Jew Furlano da
Cremona, i.e., the banker Mose di Consiglio Sacerdoti.According to Nissim, who believes that he has succeeded in identifying the client
as Salomone di Marcuccio da Piove, a resident of Venice; the reason why the latters name does not appear in the manuscript, where the
name of the rabbi Mosh b. Jekutiel Coen Rapa, his protg, does appear, could be explained by Salomones sudden and mysterious
death, occurring in 1475, when the code was not yet completed (written communication from D. Nissim dated 11 November 2004).
53) Cfr. Segre, Cristiani novelli e medici ebrei a Venezia, cit., pp. 388-389.

54) Cfr. Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit, pp. 44-45.


55) Cfr. Ibidem, p. 39. It is important to note that on 25 March 1470, a few months before David Mavrogonatos last voyage, the
Serenissima charged Salomone da Piove with effecting, for his account, a loan of 100 ducats to Mavrogonato (David hebreo de
Candia). The money was to be used by the Candian government to pay the captain of the galleys of Alexandria (ASV, Collegio,
Notatorio, reg. 11, 68r). Venices intention was therefore that Mavrogonato should reach Candia, a location to which he never returned
probably for good reason after the first mission.
56) Salomone da Pioves plan emerges clearly from a petition sent by his son Salamoncino to the Consiglio dei Dieci of Venice dated 9
July 1477. On the Venetian conspiracy against Maometo II, see, F. Babinger, Jaacub-Pascha, ein Leibartzt Mehmeds II, Leben und
Schicksale des Maestro Jacopo aus Gaeta , in Rivista delgi Studi Orientali, XXVI (1951), pp. 87-113.
57) The famous family of Wallach di Worms, the members of which were, by medical tradition, has left us numerous numerous
testimonies, which are particularly far-reaching starting with the early Cinquecento. Cfr. Jewish Encyclopedia, New York-London, 19011906, s.v. Wallich (Wlk). The name Valk, Volk, Valke for Falco, Falcone is attested to in the Middle Ages among the Jews of Cologne,
Nuremberg and Frankfurt (cfr. A. Beider, A Dictionary of Ashkenazic Given Names, Bergenfield, N.J., 2001, p. 306).
58) Cfr. Babinger, Jaaqub-Pascha, cit., pp. 106-107.
59) Cfr. ibidem, pp. 90-106; B. Lewis, The Privilege Granted by Mehmed II to his Physician, in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and
African Studies, XIV (1952), pp. 550-563.
60) Cfr. Jacoby, Un agent juif, cit., pp. 76-77.
61) On these events, see Esposito and Qualiglioni, Processi, cit., vol. I, pp. 1-51. Among the defense attorneys acting for the Trent
defendants was Antonio Capodilista, one of the most illustrious jurists in Padua (cfr. ibidem, pp. 447-454).
62) Cfr. Nissim, I primordi della stampa ebraica nellItalia Settentrionale, cit., pp. 12-13.
63) Salomon [Frstungar] ivert ad Illustriss. Principem Ducem Austriae [...] et Salomon dixit res male succebat, quia persuasum erat
Illustriss. Principi quod deberet pati quod iustitia haberet suum locum et quod, si volebat quod justitia haberet suum locum, erat
necesse quod procedatur contra Judeos incarceratos, et hoc ut sciretur an praedicti Judaei incarcerati essent culpabiles vel inculpabiles,
et quod si reperirentur inculpabiles relaxarentur, et si culpabiles punirentur. Et quo ex ista ratione Illustriss. Princips noluerunt
mandare quod praedicti Judaei incarcerati relaxarentur. ["Salomon [Frstungar] turned to the Prince Duke of Autria [] and Salomon
said that things were going very badly, because the Illustrious Prince was convinced that justice should be done and that, if he wished
justice to be done, it was necessary to proceed against the imprisoned Jews, and a determination should be made as to their guilt or
innocence, and that if they were innocent, they should be released, and that if they were guilty they should be punished. And it was for
this reason that the Illustrious Prince did not wish to release the aforementioned Jews from prison]. Cfr. [Benedetto Bonelli],
Dissertazione apologetica sul martirio del beato Simone da Trent nellanno MCCCCLXXV dagli ebrei ucciso , Trent, Gianbattista Parone,
1747, p. 145. Bonellis research, although often invalidated by anti-Semitic prejudice in its conclusions, is always documented and
performed with scientific accuracy. See also Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento , cit., vol. II, pp. 77-94. Salomone [Frstungar]
could not be recognized as a Jew because he wore a jacket cut in the German manner and a short cloak and had a German-style cap on
his head (cfr. ibidem, pp. 92-93).
64) In 1476, in a document from Verona, Salamoncinos son is referred to as Salamoncinus quondam Salamonis de Plebe (cfr.
Varanini, Appunti per la storia del prestito , cit., p. 627).
65) On Manno di Aberlino (Mendele b. Abraham), banker at Pavia and one of the most important exponents of the Jewish community in
the Duchy of Milan, see Sh. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, Jerusalem, 1982, vol. II, pp. 486, no. 1144 and 534, no. 1267.
Manno da Pavias geneology has been reconstructed by Carpi (Notes on the Life of R. Judah Messer Leon, cit., p. 62). The Jews in the
Ashkenazi community of Northern Italy called Manno da Pavia uno de piu ricchi hebrei [one of the richest Jews].
66) Cfr. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, cit., vol. II, pp. 864-865, no. 2078.
67) In 1476, as shall see below, Manno offered to pay an assassin to kill the bishop of Trent, offering him a sum which would have had to
be paid to him in part out of the bank in Venice. Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, p. 167.

68) Dum ipse Presbyter Paulus esset Papiae, Man Judaeus ibi habibator dedid sibi Presbytero Paulo certas litteras, quas deferre
debebat Venetias et illas consignare cuidamn Omnibono Judaeo, quae litterae, prout Man dixit sibi Presbytero Paulo, continebant istud,
videlicet quod Man mittebat ipsum Presbyterum Paulum ad Omnibonum ut idem Omnibonus instrueret ipsum [...] de modo venenandi
praelibatum Reverendissimum D. Episcopum Tridentinum [Approximately: When Paolo the priest was in Padua, Manno the Jew, who
lived there, gave Paolo, the priest, certain letters which he was to take to Venice and deliver to a certain Omobono, a Jew. The letters
said that Manno was sending Paolo to Omobono and that Omobono was to instruct the priest [] on how best to poison the Most
Reverend Bishop of Trent]
(cfr. [Bonelli] Dissertazione apologetica, cit., pp. 146-147).
69) Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, p. 147.
70) The records of the Trent trials contain transcriptions, marred by many errors, of a letter in Hebrew, signed by Manno da Pavia and
addressed to Omobono in the month of March 1476 (all esperto medico Simcha Bunim Sal di Venezia). The letter had been
confiscated from the priest Paolo da Novara, who intended to visit Venice to meet the Jewish physician according to instructions
received. The letter carried information relating to the forthcoming payment of 90 ducats nelle mani della persona in oggetto [into
the hands of the person in object] (the beneficiary is a Christian), as part payment of an agreed sum. The message contains a covert
allusion to the delicate mission which the priest from Novara intended to undertake, and to Omobonos involvement in the conspiracy
against Hinderbach: Se il latore della presente lettera (sc. Paolo da Novara) ti parlara, prestagli ascolto e poi decidi secondo la tua
intelligenza [If the bearer of the present letter speaks to you, pay attention and then decide according to your intelligence] (Archivio
di Stato di Trento [henceforth: AST], Archivio Principesco Vescovile, s.l., 69, 68). Another letter, preserved in the same compendium,
but written in yiddish and dated 5 May 5236 (=1476) contains confirmation of the physician Omobono di Venezias major role within
Ashkenazi society of northern Italy and of the fear which he inspired among the Jews themselves: Sappiate, miei cari che Bunim
(Omobono) il medico ci ha portato un invito, che ci obbliga a recarci a Padova, perche e lui stesso a convocarsi tutti cola [...], ma qui,
grazie a Dio, non abbiamo paura di lui [Know, my dear friend Bunim (Omobono), the doctor has brought us an invitation, which
obliges us to go to Padua, because hes inviting us all there personally [] but here, thank God, we are not afraid of him].
71) On these events, see Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, pp. 146-177.

p. 35]
CHAPTER TWO
SALAMONCINO DA PIOVE DI SACCO, PREDATORY FINANCIER
Salamoncino da Piove had four sons and a daughter. His family, in addition to managing the (al Volto dei Negri) lending banks of
Piove di Sacco and Padua, had major joint interests in other banks operating in Verona, Ferrara, Montegnara, Soave, Monselice,
Cittadela, Bassano and Badia Polesine and was active in the textiles and precious stone trade. A secret and elite clientele, ranging from
the Sforza at Milan to the Soranzo of Venice (1), came to them for huge sums. Marcuccio, Salomones first-born son, when not operating
in Piove si Sacco and Padua (2), supported by his brothers, stayed at Venice to assist his father in the company set up with David
Mavrogonato, and to take over their functions when they accompanied the merchant from Candia in his maritime missions, which were
conducted more or less secretly. He was in the City of the Lagoons in the autumn of 1466, as well as in the first half of the following year;
thus, he was there in 1468, at the beginning of 1469, during the imperial visit of Friedrich III, and in 1473.
While Salomone was considered a bold and nonchalant businessman, his first-born, Marcuccio, and above all his other son,
Salamoncino, darkened his reputation, at least in this respect. Marcuccio was famous to all for his overbearing boastfulness. It was said
that, in that of Padua, he used to brag of his strength, real or presumed, with resounding threats: There is no Christian who would have
had the temerity to touch me with one finger, and would not have gotten a good hiding from a couple of well-armed ruffians (3).
Marcuccio, who lived at Padua facing the Parenzo or il Volto dei Negri at least until the end of the winter of 1473, made his appearance
as an officially approved money lender at Montagnana in 1475. He was still to be found in that financial center at the beginning of the
summer of 1494, when Bernardino da Feltre arrived there to preach. On that occasion, Marcuccio did not hesitate to strut about on the
piazza with a defiant air
p. 36]

where the violent and fiery Friar da Feltre was expected to preach. As a result, Marcuccio was soon recognized by a Christian who
insulted him, and the whole affair terminated in a sensational brawl, with a mutual exchange of fisticuffs, at the culmination of which
the infuriated Marcuccio unsheathed his dagger threateningly. It is not surprising that he was to find himself imprisoned in the prisons
of the Republic with relative frequency (4).
Marcuccio could nevertheless still count on the influential protection of the city of Venice, which protection he had inherited, together
with the privileges obtained by his father, Salomone da Piove. In April 1480, the Council of Ten declared him a fidelis noster civis [loyal
citizen] of Venice, under the terms of a law approved by the Serenissima at the end of 1463 on the protection of Jewish money lenders.
We know that his father chose to live in Venice during this same period, and it is not difficult to believe that this law was in some way the
product of some self-interested initiative (5).
But it was Salamoncino, his brother, who maintained uncontested primacy in this poorly regulated financial sector, where transactions
took place with the underworld and the law was only obeyed in those rare cases in which its defenders refused large bribes. Salamoncino
took over the management of the bank at Pivoe di Sacco after 1464, when his father took up a more or less stable residence at Venice for
the purpose of looking after Mavrogonatos interests, although as we shall see he seems to have taken up provisional residence at
Verona in the years 1470-1480 (6). In 1474, the Duke of Milan ordered an inquiry of Salamoncino and his suspected accomplices, all
accused of illegal purchasing and selling pearls, despite the legal provisions prohibiting Jews from engaging in this trade (7).
Salamoncino had already experienced serious legal problems. In 1472, two common criminals, Giovanni Antonio da Milano and
Abbondio da Como, were arrested in Venice under the accusation of importing large quantities of counterfeit silver coin from Ferrara
and selling it in Venice, earning large profits (8). This fraudulent trade was operated through a front operation, a butcher shop owned by
a certain Nicola Fugazzone, butcher at Venice, at San Cassian, and a Jewish intermediary, Zaccaria di Isacco, who had his provisional
residence in Venice, and was responsible to Salamoncino, money lender at Piove di Sacco (9). The police authorities succeeded in laying
their hands on all members of the gang, and they were tried before the judges of the Municipal Avogaria of Venice on 29 May 1472.
p. 37]
The two criminals, from Lombardy, Giovanni Antonio and Abbondio, were sentenced to the cruel amputation of the right hand, the loss
of an eye, a fine of fifty thousand ducats in gold each, and were banned in perpetuity from Venice and all the territories of the Republic
(10). The sentence was carried out publicly on the same day, in the usual place, the Piazza San Marco, between the columns of San
Marco and San Todaro, where the waters of the lagoon washed the pavement. The butcher, Nicola, and one accomplice, Lorenzo Paolo,
were condemned to one years imprisonment, and banned from Venice for eight years. Paolo was also fined one hundred ducats (11).
The intermediary, Zaccaria, considered Salamoncinos enforcer, was sentenced one years imprisonment, in addition the fine of two
hundred gold ducats. After serving the sentence, he is said to have been banned from Venice and its territories for eight years (12).
Salamoncino was obviously linked to the shady traffic at both ends: at Ferrara, where his family had a bank, and where the
counterfeiters operated, sending the counterfeit coins to Venice, via their couriers; and at Piove di Sacco, where Salamoncino usually
resided, and where the counterfeit coins were usually shipped before being distributed to retailers (13). Arrested and subjected to
torture, Salamoncino signed a confession and admitted that he had earned a profit of ten percent from the trade in counterfeit coin (14).
The Venetian judges sentenced him to six months imprisonment and the huge fine of three thousand gold ducats: two thousand payable
to the Arsenal, and the remaining one thousand payable to the Avogaria di Comun. Furthermore, the banker from Piove was banned for
ten years from Venice and the surrounding district, as well as from Padua and the territory of Padua. In the event of violation of the ban,
the penalty of another years imprisonment and a further fine of one thousand gold ducats was provided for (15). While, on the one
hand, Salamoncino may have more or less voluntarily submitted to the fine and perhaps to the imprisonment, at the same time, he is
thought to have found a way and it is not difficult to imagine how to evade the ban, at least in part. At the end of the year, he was
already active again at Soave and Verona; five years later as we shall see he firmly resumed management of the bank at Piove di
Sacco and the Volto di Negri bank at Padua (16).
The wolf had lost a few tufts of fur, but not his teeth. According to records written by the Paduan orator, Giolamo Campagnola, in 1480,
Salamoncino was then presumably resident at Verona, and once again found himself in prison, at the disposition of the Council of Ten,
p. 38]
under the accusation of selling clipped and counterfeit coin, a charge which he was able to evade in part by shifting the blame onto an
accomplice, a miserable brigand from Verona, who ended up at the stake (17).
Salamoninco da Piove, Salamoncinos father, was dead by the beginning of 1477. Maestro Valco, the Jewish physician who had received
the assignment obviously for pay of assassinating Mahomet II at the behest of the Serenissima, had, in the meantime, returned to

Venice, presumably to render account to his instigator of the progress of the plot. At Venice, or during the course of his voyage from
Constantinople, the physician had been informed that Salamoncino was no longer alive. Understandably anxious about the continued
existence of the mission, but, above all, because he feared for his pay, which had been promised by the now-deceased banker, Valco set
out to track down Salamoncino, returning rapidly to Piove di Sasso.
At first, Salamoncino was thunderstruck; but, then, examining his fathers records, he found clear evidence of the contract signed with
the homicidal physician in the past. As a practical and alert person, Salamoncino was immediately aware that Valco possessed the
necessary talents to carry out the hazardous mission of assassinating the Great Turk successfully. At the same time, he weighed all the
potential benefits to be derived from future relations with the government of Venice. At this point, Salamoncino did not hesitate to
assume responsibility for continuation of his fathers commitment from both the strategic and financial points of view. On 9 July 1477,
he officially informed the Council of Ten of his resolution to do so, making it to appear an act of disinterested devotion to the Republic.
Obviously, in 1470, Salamone da Piove, perhaps inheriting a project initially dreamed up by Mavrogonato, suggested that Maestro Valco
should carry out the plan to take the life of the Great Turk, by 1480 a period of ten years, believed sufficient for the task.
Salamoncino, rejoining the ranks of the conspiracy, ensured the city of Venice that the task would indeed be carried out during the
stipulated time period, and that, Mahomet II would meet the death he deserved, at Valcos hands, in less than two and one half years.
Maestro Valco, a Jewish physician [...] who returned and, finding the said Salamon (a Jew who kept the banco da Pieve) to be dead,
turned to Salamoncin, son of the said Salamon, and, having informed him of the matter, and Salamon, examining the books, found this
to be the case.
p. 39]
Not wishing to be a lesser servant of your most Illustrious Lordship than he who was my father, and having learned from the said
Maestro Valco, Jewish physician, of that which had happened to the person of the Great Turk [...], Salamonzin examined the said
Maestro Valco, and having witnessed his courage and intelligence and being convinced of his determination, being the slave and servant
of your Most Illustrious Lordship (18), as was his father, without costing your Most Illustrious Lordship one penny, offers to send the
said Maestro Valco, with all things requested by the said Valco, at Salamoncins own expense [...] and is certain that the said Maestro
Valco will kill the said Lord Turk by the end of 28 May, which matter will be to the glory of this Illustrious State and all Christianity
(19).
It goes without saying that Salamoncino was not entirely disinterested. In exchange for these services, because, in so doing, he acts in
danger of his life, which cannot be repaid with money, if the mission ended successfully, Salamoncino, following in Mavrogonatos
footsteps, asked Venice for a few privileges, including an annual provision of two thousand florins, the beneficiaries of which are said to
have included Salamoncino, Maestro Valco and their descendants in perpetuity, the entitlement of occupying themselves with some
branch of trade (request that the said Salamoncino and his brothers, with their descendants, be permitted to deal in trade in this
terrain, as any gentleman may do), a privilege generally prohibited to Jews, and to purchase real property at Venice and its dominions,
up to a total value of twenty five thousand ducats (20). Salamoncino, who was certainly not lacking in healthy doses of impudence, in
addition to an uncommon dose of greed, furthermore requested that he be permitted to open lending banks modeled on the example of
those operating at Mestre, and, in particular, one in the much-sought after piazza of the island of Murano (intending that one of these
locations be understood to refer to Murano). He finally requested that he enjoy immunity from any possible future bans issued by the
Venetian authorities against him personally or any member of his family (21).
The Council of Ten officially accepted Salamoncinos petitions, but on the condition that the granting of the privileges be subject to the
presentation of certain proof of the death of Mahomet II at the hands of Maestro Valco. But things turned out differently. In 1480,
Mahomet II was still alive, despite the efforts of Valco and Simoncino to bring about a contrary state of affairs, while Venice, concerned
with the pressure of the Turkish armies on its confines, had already signed a
p. 40]
peace treaty with the Sublime Porte a year before. The Sultan then terminated his earthly existence in 1481 in all probability, as the
result of perfectly natural causes. Salamoncinos financial plans and those of his family, linked to the ambitious plot, which had failed
miserably, therefore appeared definitely on the wane.
Either something or someone had moved the city of Venice to grant the benefits requested by Salamoncino, at least in part. In fact, we
know that the government of Padua, in 1495, under pressure from the weavers guild, had requested Venice to abrogate the privileges
enjoyed by Salamoncino and his family at Piove di Sacco and Padua (22). Even more interesting is the confirmation that, much later, in
1557, a certain Salamon, a Jew, a certain Marcuzio, known as da Muran, was called upon to testify in a trial held before the Holy
Office at Venice. This Salamon was certainly a descendant of Salamone da Piove or, to be more exact, a nephew of his son Giacobbe.

The fact that he was known as the Jew of Muran is an indication, not to be undervalued, in support of the hypothesis that the plan to
open a lending bank on the island of Murano, strongly desired by Salamoncino, had in some way succeeded, for reasons unknown to us
(23).
During the second half of the 15th century, the family of Salamone da Piove and the Camposampiero was experiencing the ups and
downs of the loan market sector at Padua, enjoying undisputed hegemony within the local Jewish community (24). It was in 1453,
precisely in the palace of Salomone di Marcuccio da Cividale (who is later believed to have become the famous Salomone da Piove), at
Padua, in the Santo Stefano district, that Salomone Levi had taken over the ownership of the bank of Camposampiero, thus initiating his
fortunate career as a high-ranking banker (25).
But the unforeseen and disagreeable presence of a certain someone constituted grounds for disturbance and concern. After the Jewish
banks of Padua were officially closed in 1455, a Swiss Jew appeared in the city in the early summer of 1464, not concealing his own
intentions and, above all, without having asked and obtained the implicit and apparently indispensable authorization of the powerful
bankers of Piove and Camposampiero. The Swiss Jew was Aronne di Jacob, a Jew from Wil, north of Zurich, a short distance from
Schaffhausen, on the Rhine, a village located at the boundary between the Swiss Confederation and Germany. Aronne had decided to
move to the strategic Venetian financial center in search of
p. 41]
money and fortune, dragging his two brothers, Vita and Benedetto, along with him (26). Furthermore, around 1471, just as other Jewish
bankers had already done in the district, in 1468, Aronne obtained authorization to carry on activity as approved lender at Padua, three
days in the week, ultimately freeing himself this de facto restriction. He thus began to operate the bank del Duomo with undeniable
success, despite the powerful cartel of his adversaries (27).
It should not surprise us that in the spring of 1472, an anonymous denunciation, easily attributable to the entourage of bankers of Piove
and Camposampiero, noted that Aronnes bank, against all the regulations, had kept its doors open on Sunday, in open violation of the
Christian religion (28). In the summer of 1473, Salomone da Piove, in a dispute with Mattia, lender of the Paduan bank of San Lorenzo,
appointed as arbiter a friend of the family, i.e., Jacob, the son of Salomone da Campsosampiero. Representing the adverse party was
Aronne, who did not bother to conceal his own enmity towards the powerful bankers of Piove and Camposampiero (29).
A few years later, in 1476, the Swiss Jew saw himself compelled to sell the two banks owned by him, the del Duomo bank at Padua and
the bank at Monselice, to Abramo di Bonaventura, a Jew of Ashkenazi origin from Ulm, Germany (30). Abramo hastened to fall in line
with the Paduan cartel of Jewish bankers, particularly, Jacob, Salomone di Padovas son, and Simone, Salomone da Camposampieros
son, who already controlled the two most important banks in the town center of Padua the al Volto dei Negri bank and the bank of
San Lorenzo since 1472. Exactly who formed of this powerful cartel emerges clearly from the negotiations between the Republic of
Venice and the Paduan Jewish bankers in 1486, including Jacob da Piove, Simone da Composampiero, Abramo da Ulm and Isacchetto
Finzi (31).
Aronne appears not to have been very successful in the difficult business of lending money at interest, both at Padua and Monselice.
Obstacles were placed in his way on many occasions, and it was a consolation to him that he had not been broken or killed. Aronne had
already restricted his activity to that of rag paper making as early as 1473 (32); a few years later, he attempted to invest the modest
sums he had been able to scrape together from the sale of his bank in a safe manner. Aronne, the Swiss Jew from Wil, had arrived at
Padua as an outsider, bold and without resources, at least in the eyes of Piove and Camposampiero. Salomone da Pioves
p. 42]
impatient and fiery sons had their pockets full and were waiting for Aronne to hit bottom.
In 1481, Salamoncino da Piove dreamed up a colossal swindle this time to the detriment of other Jews to rake in money by the
wheelbarrow full. In cahoots with David di Anselmo, known as David Schwab, he secretly decided to transfer the savings invested by
Paduan Jews in the Bank at Soave, to bank at Piove di Sacco, owned by David di Anselmo. These savings amounted to a huge sum, as
much as 1,500 ducats in gold, belonging to Paduan Jews, from the lower middle classes, mostly small investors and savers. The victims
of the inevitable, deliberate, collapse of the Banco di Soave included rabbis, students, widows and other poor people, among them the
unfortunate Aronne da Wil, who had deposited the money collected from the sale of his banks there in 1476. Aronne, acting on behalf of
the other victims of the fraud as well, had the Banco di Soave agent Jacob di Lazzaro arrested; this same agent was still in jail at the
end of 1485, when he finally succeeded in obtaining his release, after withdrawing part of the money earlier stolen via Salamoncinos
bank and returning it to Aronne (33). But he was obviously the smallest fish of the lot.

David Schwab went bankrupt with his pockets full, in an artful financial crash thought up in league with the negligent bankers of
Piove, who had gotten their hands on a notable slice of the money embezzled from the tills of the Banco di Soave. But Schwab was
pursued by a religious interdict (cherem), pregnant with consequences, handed down against him by Rabbi Anshel (Asher) Enschkin,
who had lost more than a thousand ducats entrusted to him for investment by persons of modest wealth. Enschkin publicly unmasked
Schwab, who had declared bankruptcy notwithstanding the fact that he still had all the money. The religious condemnation handed
down by Enschkin, was approved and subscribed by some of the most influential rabbis of Germany (34).
Nor did Aronne da Wil intend to stop attempting to bring an action directly against Salamoncino da Piove and his Paduan accomplices.
In the spring of 1481, the two contending parties, by common accord, decided to submit to the arbitration of two Jews of German origin,
residents of the region of Padua. The two arbitrators were the rabbis Isach Ingdam and Viviano da Vacheron, residents of the Duomo
and San Cancian districts, at Padua, respectively (35). Obviously the final award, expressed in accord with the legal system in use at
Venice, was far from satisfactory
p. 43]
to Salamoncino, who was, on several occasions during the following years, obliged to face his exasperating and implacable rival in court.
In the end, the Piove di Sacco banker lost his patience which he must not have possessed in excessive doses and decided to take the
law into his own hands, freeing himself from what he now considered an enemy to be eliminated.
In the winter of 1487, Salamoncino sent a hired killer to Venice, where Aronne was staying at that time, with the assignment of getting
rid of Aronne without a trace. In a night in January Isaia Teutonico, known as Salamoncinos servant and bodyguard, attacked the
impoverished Aronne from behind, just as Aronne was leaving the Jewish hospice at San Polo, before he could reach his son-in-laws
home, a few islands away. Aronne was struck on the head with an edged weapon and left to die, on the ground, in a pool of blood (36).
Aronne, despite a serious head wound and skull fracture, survived the attack, and later denounced his unknown aggressor. A reward was
immediately placed on the attackers head, and his identity was quite soon discovered by the police authorities (37). On 22 May 1488,
the would-be killer, Isaia, who had, in the meantime, prudently taken flight, was tried in absentia and banned in perpetuity from Venice
and its territories. If he was captured, he was to suffer a particularly cruel fate: dragged to the scene of the crime, he was to lose his right
hand, after which, with his own hand appended to his neck, he was to be conducted to the Piazza San Marco and publicly beheaded
between the two usual columns (38).
Once the attacker was identified, it was childs play for the Venetian city authorities to identify the instigator, the unscrupulous
businessman from Piove di Sacco, who had already served more than one term in the prisons of the Republic. Finding himself
unmasked, Salamoncino spontaneously appeared at the Public Prosecutors office, admitting to commissioning the crime and paying the
killer to commit it. He then excused himself by saying that the victim had never ceased importuning him, dragging him through one
long, exhausting judicial dispute after another until, driven to his wits end, he had decided to free himself from the intolerable nuisance
once and for all (39). Salamoncino got off with a relatively mild sentence, which is not surprising in view of the type of relationship
linking him, more or less obviously and officially, with the Venetian authorities. In the end, he was sentenced to six months imprison, in
commutation of which he would be banned from Venice
p. 44]
and its territories for four years, in addition to the payment of a fine of two hundred gold ducats, to be paid partly to the Hospital of
Piety (40) .
But Salamoncino was back at work as early as one year later, in 1489, managing his network of banks, at Piove di Sacco and Padua (41).
In 1495, the municipality of Padua petitioned the Republic of Venice to revoke the chapters of the loan granted to Salamoncino as well as
all related privileges (42). But Venice refused. As mentioned by Marin Sanudo in his Diaries, in 1499, Salamonsin de Piove de Sacho
was one of the Jewish bankers engaged in negotiations with Venice for the concession of the huge sum of fifteen thousand ducats, to be
pledged by the Republic in the Turkish matters, i.e., the war effort against the Sublime Porte (43). Salamoncino who had intended
to remain at Piove di Sacco at least until 1504, according to Sanudo was definitively expelled from the city of Venice one year later,
allowing the city to breathe one last sigh of relief. Salamoncinos memory, ambiguous and disturbing, was then lost in the mists of the
lagoons of Venice.

NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO

1.Cfr. D. Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit. Saggi di storia degli ebrei a Padova e nel Veneto nelleta del Rinascimento, Florence, 2002,
pp. 39, 48.
2. On the activities of Marcuccio at Padova and Piove di Sacco, cfr ibidem, pp. 45-50.
3. Girolamo Campagnola da Padova, in an unpublished oration, written after 1480 in celebration of the martyrdom of Simone da Trento
and of Sebastiano Novello at Portobuffol, recalled Marcuccios exasperating arrogance, at that time a money lender at Montagnana:
Quis Marcutio fratre (Salamoncini hebraeo), etiam carcere concluso, audacior et insolentior unquam fuit? Ille mihi ait: scias, velim,
Christiani nominis esse neminem, qui mihi digiti, ut ajunt, offensiunculam faciat, quin alteram duorum sibi lacertorum non reddam
[Approximately: Is there anybody more audacious and impudent than Marcuccio, the brother of Salmoncino the Jew, who spends half
his time in jail? He told me, look, no Christian would dare do me any offense, without getting a good beating from two of his
henchmen] (cfr. [Benedetto Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica sul martirio del beato Simone da Trento nellanno MCCCCLXXV dagli
ebrei ucciso, Trent, Grianbattista Parone, 1747, pp. 280-281).
4. On 27 February 1473 Marcuccio, at that time a resident of Padua, together with his brother Salomoninco and their father Salomone da
Piove, were denounced for calumny and embezzlement by a law student at the Studio (ASP, Notarile, Luca Talmazzo, 253, cc. 252r254r). On his long residence in Montagnara, documented since 1475, his activity as an approved money lender and the events linked to
the visit of Bernardino da Feltre, see, in particular, V. Meneghin, Bernardino da Feltre e I Monti di Piet, Vicenza, 1974, pp. 489-502.
5. ASV, Consiglio dei Dieci, Lettere, file 2 (1476-1483). The heads of the Consiglio called Marcuccio fidelis noster civis Marcuonus
(recte: Marcutius) ebreus quondam Salomonis de Plebesaccii [Marcuccio, loyal citizen of our city, (son of) the late Salamone di Plebe
di Sacco] , then a resident of Montagnana. The privileges Marcuccio enjoyed, and his father as well, constituted an extension of those
granted by Venice to David Mavrogonato and his family in the past. The Doge, in a letter to the rulers of Candia in 1532, referring to
Meir Mavrogonato, a descendent of David, recommended the application in his regard of the privileges which he enjoyed, essendo
trattato come li cittadini Venetiani nelle datiii et alter fattioni, et esento lui et figlioli dellangarie che fanno lHebrei, secondo la forma
delli soi privilegge [being treated like the citizens of Venice in all respects, and free of the annoyances suffered by Jews, according to
the manner of their privileges] (cfr. D. Jacoby, On the Status of Jews in the Venetian Colonies in the Middle Ages, in Zion, XXVIII,
1963, pp. 57-69 [in Hebrew].
6. On Salamoncinos mercantile and financial activity at Piove di Sacco, Padova and Verona, see D. Jocoby, New Evidence on Jewish
Bankers in Venice and the Venetian Terraferma (c. 1450-1550) , in A. Toaff and Sh. Schwarzfuchs, The Mediterranean and the Jews.
Banking, Finance and International Trade (XVI-XVIII Centuries), Ramat Gan, 1989, pp. 155-156; Capri, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit.,
pp. 54-58; G.M. Varanini, Appunti per la storia del prestito e dellinsediamento ebraico a Verona nel Quattrocento, in G. Cozzi, Gli ebrei
e Venezia (secoli XIV-XVIII), Milan, 1987, p. 621.
7. Cfr. Sh. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, Jerusalem, 1982, vol. I, p. 633, no. 1538. The document is dated: Lonate, 30
October 1474.
8. ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe, 3653 (II), cc. 8v-9r (29 May 1472). I wish to express my sincere thanks to Dr. Rachele Scuro for her
invaluable assistance in transcribing the documents and my friend Reiny Mueller of Venice for his archiving tips, which were always
illuminating. Joannes Antonius de Mediolano et Abundius de Cumis [...] confessi fuerunt se pluries conduxisse e Farraria Venetias
multam quantitatem monetarum argenti falsarum verum grossestos et grossones ad similitudinem stampe Dominii Nostri, quas
monetas scienter accipiebant a fabricatoribus illarum et illas, reductas Venetias, dispensabant diversis personis, a quibus habebant ad
incontrum ducatos auri et argenti cum certa sua utilitate. On the crisis of May 1472 and the monetary war being waged between
Venice and Milan, see, in particular, R.C. Mueller, Limperialismo monetario veneziano nel Quattrocento, in Societ et Storia, VIII
(1980), pp. 227-297 (292-294); Id., Guerra monetaria fra Venezia e Milano nel Quattrocento , in La Zecca di Milano, Records of the
Congress, Milan, May 1983, pp. 341-355.
9. ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe, 3653 (II), c. 9rv (29 May 1472): Nicolaus Fugaconus, becharius de Veneciis et socii quos processum
fuit [...] pro eo quod etiam ipse habuit commertium cum Abundio infrascripto, conductore monetarum falsum, a quo recepit satis
bonam quantitatem dictarum falsarum pecuniarium, cum utilitate .XIII pro centenario, et fuit medius ad faciendum quod Salamoncinus
supascriptus haberet de dictis monetis cum infrascripto Zacharia, etiam judeo [...] quod procedatur contra Nicolaus Fugaconus,
Laurentium Paulo et Zachariam iudeum qui, spiritu avaritie ducti, scienter acceptaverunt, cum certa utilitate, monetas argenti falsas ex
Ferraria Venetias conductas, illas dispensando pro bonis.
10. ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe, 3653 (II), cc. 8v-9r (29 May 1472): [...] quod Johannes Antonius infrasciptus hodie postprandium
hora solita conducatur in medio duarum colunnarum, ubi per ministrum iustitie sibi ascindatur manus dextera et eruatur unus oculus et
solvat ducatos quingentos auri [...] et postea banniatur perpetuo de Venetiis et de omnibus terris et locis Dominii Nostrii, tam a parte

terre quam maris [...] et quod iste Abondius hodie post prandium hora solita conducatur in medio duarum colunnarum, ubi per
ministrum iustitie ascindatur manus dextera eruatur unus oculus et solvat ducatos. Vc. Auri [...] et postea banniatur perpetuo de
Venetiis et de omnibus terris Dominii Nostri, tam a parte terre quam maris.
11. ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Rapse, 3653 (II), c. 9v: [...] quod iste Nicolaus Fugaconus compleat annum in carcere et deinde banniatur
per annos octo de Venetiis et districtu [...] et quod banchum becharie reservetur, et Laurentius Paulo compleat annum unum in carcere
et solvat ducatos centum Advocatoribus et deinde banniatur per annos octo de Venetiis et districtu.
12. ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe, 3653 (II), c. 9v: Zacharias iudeus quondam Isahac, hospes in Venetiis, compleat annum unum in
carcere et solvat ducatos ducentos auri [...] et deinde banniatur per annos octo de Venetiis et districtu.
13. Salomone di Marcuccio da Piove and his children were the proprietors of the Banco dei Carri on the town square of Ferrara in 1473
(cfr. P. Norsa, Una famiglia di banchieri: la famiglia Norsa, 1350-1950, Napoli, 1953, p. 15).
14. ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe, 3653 (II), c. 9r (c. 114r of the modern pencil numeration at the bottom of the page, 29 May 1472):
Salamoncinus Salamonis, hebreus de Prebesacci, contra quem fuit et est processum [...] quod spiritu avaritie ductus, non contentus de
usuris [...] scienter se inmiscuit in acceptando et dispensando de monetis falsis, cum utilitate ducatorum .x pro centenario, sicut ad
torturam confessum est.
15. The Trial contra Salamoncinum filium Salomonis fenetoris in Plebesacci concluded with the sentence quod iste Salamoncinus stet
menses sex in carceribus clausus, et solvat ducatis duomille nostro arsenatui et mille Advocatoribus nostris, qui dent quantum
accusatori, et non incipiat tempus carceris nisi cum integritate persolverit et deinde banniatur per annos decem de Venetiis et districtus
et Padua et territorio paduano, et si tempore banni contrafecerit stet anno in carcere et solvat ducatos mille et iterum remittatur ad
bannum et sic publicetur in schalis Rivoalti. Salomone, his father, being compelled to take over the management of the Banco di Piove
di Sacco, on 16 July 1472 conferred the position upon Moise di Elyakim de Alemannia for the duration of ten years (cfr Carpi,
Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., p. 40). Salomone, who is thought to have passed on to a better life before 1476, truly could not have
imagined that five years later, in 1477, Salamoncino would already have returned to Piove.
16. Cfr. Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., pp. 47, 55.
17. Fama est Salamoncinum hebreum, decem Virorum issu, in vinculis in presentarium detentum, cum adulterinae monetae majestatis
crimine alias damnatus esset. Ut se ab exitio per Christiani hominis pernicem liberaret, pauperem quendam Veronensem ad cudendam
monetam circumvenisse; ab eo postmodo accusatum flammarum subisse supplicium; utque alterum civem ab se furti crimine
accusatum in exilium compelleret, quidquid fide dignis testibus ostendere non valuit, magicis artibus conjectari, indiciarique curasse;
quibus corvum humanam emisse vocem, ipsumque furem nominasse fertur ([Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., pp. 280-281).
This quotation, together with the fact that the manuscript oration of Girolamo Campagnola is preserved at Verona, seems to confirm the
arguments put forth by Varanini (Appunti per la storia del prestito, cit., p. 621) that Salamoncino was residing in Verona more or less
permanently around 1470- 1480.
18. The expression may refer to the role of Hofsklaven, assigned to the Jews under the Germanic Empire.
19. Salamoncino da Pioves petition to the Consiglio dei Dieci, dated 9 July 1477, has been published in its entirety in F. Babinger,
Jaaqub- Pascha, ein Leibarzt Mehmeds II, Leben und Schicksale des Maestros Jacopo aus Gaeta , in Rivista degli Studi Orientali,
XXVI (1951), pp. 196-197. Similar privileges are said to have been requested by Salamoncinos brother, Fays, from Francesco II Gonzaga
in 1495 (cfr. E. Castelli, I banchi feneratizi ebraici nel mantovano, 1386-1808, Mantua, 1959, p. 215).
20. This would have had to have been in obvious derogation from the law of 1423, otherwise rigid relating to the landed property of the
Jews (cfr. R.C. Mueller, Les prteurs juifs de Venise au Moyen Age, in Annales ESC, XXX, 1975, p. 1302, no. 96).
21. Cfr. Jacoby, New Evidence on Jewish Bankers in Venice, cit., pp. 156-157; Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., pp. 54-55.
22. Cfr. Jacoby, New Evidence of Jewish Bankers in Venice, cit., pp. 156-157; Carpi, Lindividua e la collettivit, cit., p. 55.
23. Cfr. P.C. Ioly Zorattini, Processi del S. Uffizio contro ebrei e giudaizzanti. I: 1560-1560 , Florence, 1980, pp. 270-272.
24. Cfr. Jacoby, New Evidence on Jewish Bankers in Venice, cit., pp. 151-178; Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., pp. 27-110.

25. Cfr. Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., p. 61.


26. On 27 March 1466, Aronne di Jacob signed a postal service agreement with a porter from Padua, who was to look after his epistolary
relationships with his father-in-law and brother-in-law, both of them resident at Wil (Vil), in Switzerland (ASP, Notarile, Giacomo Bono,
216, c. 51r). As early in 1464 (14 June) Aronne was a resident of Padua, in the district of San Cancian, lending money at interest,
benefiting from the banking services at Piove di Sacco (ASP, Notarile, Francesco Giusto senior, 1591, c. 384r).
27. Cfr. D. Carpi, The Jews of Padua During the Renaissance (1369-1509), a doctoral thesis written in Jerusalem in 1967, p. 193. For the
money lending activity carried on by Aronne at Padua, probably without official approval, in the past years, see ASP, Notarile, Nicolo
Brutto, 3117, c. 414r (10 June 1465); Notarile, Giannantonio da Mirano, 2681, c. 214v (30 June 1466). Alessandro di Jacob was
associated with the three brothers, Aronne, Vita and Benedetto da Wil, in the affairs of the Banco del Duomo at Padua and the other
bank at Monselice, also under his ownership.
28. Cfr. Carip, The Jews of Padua, cit., p. 193.
29. On this controversy, see Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., p. 48. Aronne had already had a dispute with Salomone hebreus
fenerans in Plebe Sacci , but had in some way reached a settlement (dictus Aron et dictus Salomon, nolentes ire per litigia sed parcere
litibus et expensis, devenerunt ad compositionem). See ASP, Notarile, Francesco Giusti senior, 1591, c. 384r. (14 June 1464).
30. Abram qm magistri Bonaventure ab Ulmo, hebreus fenerator Padue in contrata Domi, habens loco Ixep Sacerdotis et Aronis qm
Jacob hebreorum ad fenerandum in Padua et Montselice, ut constat ducalibus datis die XVI augusti MCCCCLXXVI (ASP, Notarile,
Francesco Fabrizio, 2917, c. 271r). Abramo da Ulm was the father-in-law of that Abba del Medigo di Candia of whom we will have
occasion to speak at length in the next chapter.
31. Cfr. Capri, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., p. 47, 53.
32. As early as 23 February 1473 Aronne appears as a strazzarolo in contra San Cancian [rag-paper maker in the San Cancian
district] at Padua (ASP, Notarile, Luca Talmazzo, 253, c. 251r).
33. On the fraudulent insolvency of the Banco di Soave and the arrest of Jacob, David Schwabs factor, see ASP, Notarile, Ambrogio da
Rudena, 779, c. 460r (3 November 1485). Jacob delivered 155 gold ducats to Aronne existentes penes Salabmonzium hebreum de Plebe
[...] quos denarios dictus Jacob affirmavit fuisse et esse dictorum bonorum intromissum ad dictum banchum Suapsis. As early as 1470,
Aronne da Wil, turning to the Paduan tax authorities, asserted that he had operated mostly for the accounts of other savers: io non
trafego del mio altro che liere octozente [= 800 lire], e de questo, piasendo ale spectabilit vostre, sempre me ne faro fede de questo, ma
io trafego robe de diversi zodii (ASP, Estimo 1418, 92, c. 14r).
34. In this regard, see J. Hutner, Quattro responsi rituali relativi ad un rabbino che aveva emesso un interdetto religioso che colpiva
colui che lo aveva defraudato , in Memoriale Volume in Honor of Rabbi J.B. Zolti, Jerusalem, 1987, pp. 256-263 (in Hebrew).
35. Haron ebreus qm Jacob, habitator in contrata Domi, parte una, et Jacob qm Salamonis de Plebe, suo nomine et Fais et Salamonis
(i.e.: Salamoncini) fratrum, Isachetus qm Consilii de contrata Strate, Enselmus filius quibuscumque differentiis existentibus inter dictas
partes se compromiserunt in magistrum Isach Ingdam hebreum, habitatorem in contrata Domi elledum pro parte dicti Haron, et in
magistrum Vivianum de Vaischoron de contrata S. Canciani, electum per superscriptos Jacob et socios, secundum morem, leges et
stillum alme civitas Veneciarum (ASP, Notarile, Luca Talmazzo, 251, c. 58r. (10 May 1481).
36. ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe, 3656 (II), c. 72r. (22 May 1488). Isaas iudeus theothonicus, solitus esse famulus Salamoncini iudei
de Plebesacci, absens, contra quem processum fuit [...] coram officium suum in consilio prefatorum dominorum Advocatorum comunis
cum gravissima querella comparuisse Aron quondam Jacob iudeus et exposuisset quod quodam siro, circa prima in secunda horam
noctis, dum veniret ab hospitio iudeorum de contracta sanctii Pauli et iret ad domum Jacob iudei, generi sui, parum procul ab ipso
hospitio, fuerit a quodam incognito proditorie a parte posteriori cum uno case percussus et vulneratus una percussione de taleo supra
caput cum maxima effusione sanquinis et fracturam longa[m] per unum digitum, pro quo quidem delicto petebat iustitiam
administrari.
37. [...] et tandem posita est et capita fuit pars de talea sub die xxi aprilis proxima et consequentis publicata in schalis Rivoalti, cuius
vertute data noticia officio prefatorum dominorum Advocatorum quod dictus Isayas fuerit et est ille qui tale maleficium commisit gratia
et ad instantiam infrascripti Salamoncini [...] et sic captum fuit quod ipse Isayas retinetur [...] Fuit itaque proclamatus in schalis Rivoalti
ad se defenderum cum termine dierum octo, qui dum non comparuisset, immo in sua contumacia perseverasset, fuit absens.

38. [...] quod procedatur contra Isayam teothonicum iudeum, alias solitum esse famulum Salamoncini iudei de Plebesacci, absentem
sed legitime citatum super schalis Rivoalti, ex eo quod, ad instantium dicti Salamoncini, de mense januarii 1486 [= 1487] tempore
noctis, percussit Aronem iudeum proditorie una percussione de taleo super capite, cum incisione et effusione sanguine ac offensione
ossis [...] et captum fuit quod iste Isayas sit bannitus perpetuo de Venetiis et districtus et de aliis terris et locis Nostri Dominii ad
confinia furum, et si quo tempore contrafecerit banno et captus fuerit, conducatur ad locum delicti commissi ubi sibi manus dextera
amputetur et deinde, cum ea appensa ad collum, conducatur in medio duarum collunnarum ubi sibi caput a spatulis amputetur sic quod
moriatur.
39. ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe, 3536 (II), c. 72rv (c. 179rv according to the modern numbering in pencil on a paper label (23 May
1488). Salamoncinus quondam Salamonis, iudeus de Plebesacci, contra quem processum fuit [...] super casu infrascriptis insultis et
vulneris, illatis in personam infrascripti Aronis [...] venit ad officium advocarie se ipsum manifestavit et quomodo ipse erat in societate
euisdem Isaie supscrascripti, ut quod eius Salamoncini causa motus ipsum taliter vulneravetur [...] quia sepius et continue fuerat
molestatus Salamoncinus ipse in litibus ab ipso Arone.
40. [...] quod dictus Salamoncinus, iam prope ea retentus, bene retentus remaneat [...] et quod procedatur contra Salamoncinum
quondam Salamonis de Plebisacci iudei, qui fuit mandator et auctor dicte percussionis [...] captum fuit quod ipse Salamoncinus
complere debeat menses sex in carceribus clausus, solvat ducatos ducentos auri, quorum centum sint hospitali Pietatis, alii verum
centum sint Advocatorum comunis, sit postea bannitus per annos quatuor.
41. In the summer of 1490, Salamoncino invested capital in the Banco dei Finzi at Rovigo (cfr. E. Traniello, Gli ebrei e le piccole citt.
Economia e societ nel Polesine del Quattrocento , Rovigo, 2004, pp. 116-117).
42. Cfr. Jacoby, New Evidence on Jewish Bankers in Venice, cit., pp. 156-157; Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., p. 58. On 11
February 1495, a legal dispute was recorded between the municipality of Piove di Sacco and Salamoncinus, hebreus phoenerans in hoc
loc Plebiscacci. The document summarizes the clauses of the items for the loan, granted in a timely fashion by the community to
Salamoncino, including that of being able to accept any type of pledge as security for loans, with the exception of objects of worship of
the Christian religion ([...] per formam capitulorum concessum est ipsi Salamoncino libere praestari super quocumque pignore
indifferenter, exceptis crucibus et calcibus, sive rebus ecclesiasticus sacratis, tamquam phoenerator publicus). Cfr. P. Plinton, Codice
Diplomatico Saccense, Rome, 1894, no. 552.
43. Marin Sanudo, I diarii, by R. Fulin et al., Venice, 1879-1903, II, column 42 (22 May 1499), III, column 803 (1500).
p. 45]
CHAPTER THREE
ASHER, THE BEARDED JEW (1475)
Master Tobias da Magdeburg, the physician from Trent, who reached Venice in February 1469 during Friedrich IIIs visit, had other
information to be supplied to the judges investigating the death of little Simon. His news was disturbing, linking the German Jews,
reaching Venice in the Emperors train, with the personage of the Candian merchant, David Mavrogonato, and his mysterious dealings.
It seems that Mavrogonato, for the occasion of the imperial visit, had brought with him, perhaps from Cyprus, a large consignment of
sugar and blood to be peddled on the Venetian piazza. These were expensive ingredients, indispensable to the preparation of
medications and unguents considered of certain effectiveness and of great advantage by the pharmacopoeia of the time, and it is not to
be marveled at that the shrewd merchant from Candia intended to offer them for sale at Venice, where all the Jewish physicians,
surgeons, herb alchemists, and specialists, both Christians and Jews, had agreed to meet on that occasion, attracted by the prospect of a
flattering and profitable imperial recognition. But, according to Maestro Tobias, those German Jews who turned to Mavrogonato in
great numbers known by them as the Jew with the sugar to acquire the precious goods he had for sale, were, in fact, seeking to
purchase Christian blood, and, in particular, the blood of Christian children, for use, not only in the preparation of costly and
miraculous medications, but in obscure magical and religious rites as well (1). David Mavrogonato had no intention of dirtying his hands
directly in negotiations of this kind, but used, as a go-between, an unscrupulous local charlatan, a certain Hossar (or Osser, which
rendered in the Ashkenazi pronunciation the name Asher, corresponding to the Italian Anselmo). This Jew, from Cologne, was known
all over Venice as the Jew with the beard (2).
p. 46]

The name of this Hossar, dedicated to shady dealings between Venice and the cities of the mainland and linked twofold to Mavrogonato,
appears in the depositions of another important personality in the Trent trials. Israel, son of Mayer (Meir) of Brandenburg in Saxony,
was a young man twenty three years old, itinerant artist by profession, earned his money as a miniaturist, and, in the case in question, a
binder of manuscripts and Hebraic and Latin codes. He, too, was arrested in 1475 in Trent under the accusation of complicity in the
killing of little Simon. He was to prove a bold and shrewd double-dealer, agreeing in appearance to convert to Christianity and assume
the new name of Wolfgang, not just to save himself from a certain and cruel condemnation to death, but above all, camouflaged by
conversion, to assist the Jewish women accused and arrested for the crime, obtaining their release or facilitating their escape (3). Once
discovered and unmasked, he was publicly executed in January of 1476. His body, broken on the wheel, was to be left at the place of
execution, a spectacle for public mockery and a feast for animals.
Israel Wolfgang had informed the judges at Trent that he had been Salamone da Piove di Saccos guest in the spring of 1471, for the
Passover dinner, with the participation of the bankers sons, David Mavrogonatos business associates, and their respective families. The
patron of the house was said to have made use of dried and pulverized blood for ritual purposes, as was the custom among German
Jews, dissolving it in the wine and kneading into the unleavened bread. Under these circumstances, Salomons son, Salamoncino, in the
presence of the brother Marcuccio, is said to have informed young Israel that the blood, probably extracted from the veins of a Christian
child, had been supplied by a Jewish merchant, who had brought it from overseas, perhaps from the island of Cyprus, alluding, by
means of this periphrasis [circumlocution], to Mavrogonato (4). What is more, Salamoncino confirmed that the go-between in those
sales was, as usual, Hossar, or Asher, whose business it was to sell blood from Venice to the other centers of the Republic in which there
were active Jewish communities.
The famous money lender Salomone di Lazzaro from Germany, active at Crema and Cremona, was also an assiduous client of this
itinerant wanderer (5).
Wolfgang knew Hossar personally, and visited Hossar in prison near the Ponte di Paglia in Venice, where he was detained for
attempting to sell alchemical silver, i.e., counterfeit money. The reasons for this strange visit are not
p. 47]
clear, nor did Wolfgang bother to explain. Perhaps it would not be too far from the truth to think that he intended to supply himself with
powdered gold and silver at advantageous prices from the capable and expert dealer which Hossar was reputed to be, for use in
miniatures of any codes which he might be commissioned to paint by rich and influential persons. This might explain the presence of the
enterprising artist at Piove di Sacco, in Salamones house, whose table would otherwise be inaccessible to a young man of low rank and
without resources, like him.
Wolfgang had furthermore come into contact with Hossar before, and knew that that alchemist of dubious reputation lived near the
Rialto, in the direction of Mestre, and might be about forty years old, dressed in black and wearing a beard of the same color. At Venice,
Hossar was known by boys as the Jew with the beard. Hossar had a brother, some years older than he, called Big Salamoncino, due to
his stature, and perhaps to distinguish him from Salamoncino da Piove, whose presence in the heart of the Jewish community of Venice
and at the official ceremonies in the synagogue must have been frequent. According to Wolfgang, who made his depositions before the
judges of Trent in November 1475, Hossar-Anselmo, the Jew with the beard, had died about six months before, perhaps in prison (6).
The information supplied by Israel Wolfgang of Brandenburg in his testimony is exactly, and very many ways, surprisingly, confirmed
by the archive documents. Hossar-Asher with the beard (Anselmus judeus a barba) was in fact tried at Venice on 3 September 1473 on
an accusation of selling two bars of false gold, i.e., silver covered with a foil of gold powder, to an artisan in that city, after having
extorted a fraudulent official registration from the essayer of Rialto, responsible for the stamping and weighing of gold (7). Hossar with
the beard was sentenced to six months in prison and stricken from the registry of bulk gold and silver dealers at Venice (8). He was also
said to have been compelled to compensate the victim of the swindle for the economic harm done, before serving his term of
imprisonment.
Strangely, the clauses of the sentence hint at the eventuality of an escape from prison by the Cologne-born Jewish alchemist, or his
death in prison (9). In effect, as reported by Israel Wolfgang to the judges at Trent, Hossar died in the first few months of 1475, and may
be that he was still in prison. It is therefore surprising that the Venetian judges should provide in advance for such eventuality, almost as
if they knew for a fact that David Mavrogonatos unscrupulous ex-right arm
p. 48]
man dedicated to mysterious illegal dealings at Venice, where he was known by all, both Jews and Christians had powerful friends
in the mainland financial centers capable of helping him break jail or of silencing him for good, to prevent him from revealing his

embarrassing secrets. Salamoncino da Piove, who was perfectly well aware of the German alchemists activities, may have known him
personally during his stays in Venetian prisons, near the Ponte di Paglia, of which he was an influential and assiduous inmate.
Just what the artful German herb alchemist [Hossar] was selling on all those frequent trips which took him to the cities of the Veneto
region, apart from medicinal blood and quack remedies of miraculous effectiveness and bright and treacherous silver of alchemy in
the manufacture of which he was considered a specialist remains unknown. It is, however, certain that, the merchandise to be found
in Hossars haversack according to Salamoncino da Piove included one particular item, purchased from an itinerant merchant
named Abramo, stopping by Trent in 1471 on his way from Saxony to Feltre or Bassano, and that this particular item was considered
particularly valuable. According to Wolfgangs later statements before the Trent judges, Abramos clients included the physician, Tobias
da Magdeburg.
Abramos red leather pouch, with its waxed bottom, in fact, concealed a certain amount of blood, to be put up for sale - clotted blood
coagulated and reduced to curdles or powder, as was normal practice, to cause it to harden over time (10).
According to Maestro Tobias da Magdeburg, many of the Jewish and German merchants who reached Venice in 1469 along with
Friedrich IIIs baggage train intended to supply themselves with the blood of Christian children for the Passover rite blood which
Mavrogonato was said to have brought from Candia or Cyprus on that occasion. It does not appear that the Jews of that island had ever
been accused of ritual murder at that time. Yet, Jewish Passovers at Candia in the mid-15th century were anything but tranquil affairs,
and were often the source of scandal and clamorous indignation.
During Passover week, 1451, the Jews of the ghetto of Candia were accused of crucifying suckling lambs (perhaps due to the
impossibility of procuring Christian children) [NOTE: This is not necessarily Prof. Toaffs opinion here; he is summarizing the Latin:
fortasse quia fideles pueros captare nequiverat ], in contempt of the Christian religion, with a grotesque and sacrilegious anti-ritual (11).
The symbolism of the suckling lamb placed on the cross seemed obviously linked, in an intolerable and obscenely blasphemous manner,
to the passion of Christ, the Agnus Dei [Lamb of God]. The accusation
p. 49]
does not appear to have been completely groundless, in view of the ancient Hebraic custom of roasting the Passover lamb skewered on
the spit in a vertical position, with the head upwards, to ridicule and deride the crucified Christ; just how widespread this custom was, is
difficult to determine from either a chronological or geographical point of view (12).
The Venetian criminal judiciary was immediately informed of the affair by the Duke of Candia, Bernardo Balbi, while the Doge,
Francesco Foscari, hastened to appoint Gradenigo, district mayor in the Levant, who was already on the island, with responsibility for
investigating the matter (to obtain the truth about the crucified lambs in any manner whatever), identifying the guilty parties, and
punishing them with the maximum strictness. Edicts were posted in the Piazza and in the Giudaica di Candia, promising cash rewards
for anyone supplying the inquisitor with information useful to the investigation and threatening severe punishment to any persons with
knowledge of the above mentioned case of the crucified lambs and conceals the same.
The well-known Venetian politician and humanist, Lodovico Foscarini, already podest [magistrate] of Feltre in 1439, of Vicenza in 1445
and at the time, podest of Verona, also occupied himself with the thorny mater. In a letter, presumably written between 1451 and the
following year, and addressed to Antonio Gradenigo, Foscarini praised the Venetian inquisitor [Gradenigo] warmly for bringing his
investigation into the sacrilegious sacrifice to a close, zealously and with undoubted success, and for his success in demonstrating the
guilt of the Jews of Candia in the crucifixion of the lambs to a certainty (13).
The outcome of the matter came to our attention through a Jewish source which has until now been isinterpreted on this point: the
chronicle of Elia Capsali. The Candian rabbi, based on a report on the events written in Hebrew, reported that the investigation into the
crucifixion of the lambs was concluded on 26 January 1452, when the Council of the Forty informed Bernardo Balbi, the Duke of Candia,
that, as a result of inquisitor Gradenigos denunciation, nine notables of the Jewish community had been placed in shackles for their
participation in the crime.
After a brief period of detention in the prisons of Candia, the prisoners were transferred in chains to Venice, where they were
interrogated in expectation of the trial before the Avogaria di Commun. Two of the prisoners died as a result of torture, while the
survivor remained in custody awaiting the decisions of the Major Council, which met on 15 July 1452, on Saturday. To everyones
p. 50]

great surprise, the Jewish defendants were absolved, notwithstanding Gradenigos indignant protests, with 220 votes in favor, 130
against and 80 not convinced, i.e., abstaining; on 9 August following, the defendants were released and left Venice. They finally landed
in Candia after a 13-day voyage and were joyfully and triumphantly received by the entire Jewish community on the island (14).
[The report reads in part:]
In 1423, Francesco Foscarini was elected Doge of Venice [...] Under his government, almost at the end of his term, in 1451, the Jews of
the community of Candia were falsely accused of the so-called calumny of the lamb, (15) by a nun named Orsa. The matter took an ugly
turn when Antonio Gradenigo, the inquisitor, visited Venice at the Avogaria di Commun to cause the Jews to be tried, setting forth the
particulars of the accusations made against them. On 26 January, Bernardo Balbi, the Duke of Candia, received an order from Venice to
arrest nine notables of the Jewish community, after which they were held in prison for thirty five days. The Duke then ordered their
transfer to Venice in a ship captained by Giacomo Aponal di Candia, which docked after a 49-day voyage, during which the prisoners
remained in chains, suffering terribly. At Venice, the defendants were thrown in a dark, unwholesome prison, separated from each
other, and subjected to cruel and insupportable tortures and torments, which caused the miserable death of two of them in the
sanctification of the name of God, but they confessed nothing. As a result, the case was presented to the judge of the Great Council [...]
and the Jews were therefore absolved, thanks to the Lords assistance and His mercy towards them. This happened on Saturday [...] on
15 July 1452 [...] and on 9 August following, these same Jews left Venice, and reached here [Candia] thirteen days later, expressing their
praise and gratitude to God the Blessed.
But the matter was anything but over. The implacable Antonio Gradenigo appealed against the sentence of absolution before the
Avogaria di Commun. According to him, the Jews of Candia had bribed some of the magistrates, purchasing their favorable votes with
money. Once again, Capsali reported that the allegation had been examined by the Avogaria di Commun in March 1453. The subsequent
investigation led to the arrest of one of the counselors, Girolamo Lambardo, on a charge of corruption and Lambardos subsequent
condemnation to one year in prison; he was also struck off the role of the Members of the Great Council for five years. The fate of the
Jews of Candia were again in the hands of the Great Council, which met on 16 May 1454 without reaching a decision. The
p. 51]
meeting was adjourned on 7 June following, when the charges were finally dropped after innumerable rounds of voting, on 13 July (16).
On a Saturday in the month of Tamuz of the year 5214 [=1454] in the afternoon [...] our Messer Antonio Giustinians galley docked here
in the port of Candia, bringing us the happy news of our acquittal. May He be Blessed who rewarded us with all well-being, rendering
vain the machinations brought against us. The Lord has saved, not only our fathers, but ourselves as well, our children and descendents.
In fact, salvation has not only been granted to the Jewish community of Venice, because the Lord has thus liberated our community of
the Jews of Candia and the other communities under the dominion of the Serenissima, and under the government of the gentiles
generally, from terrible danger [...] This sort of persecution is the work of the perfidious Haman, seeking to exterminate women and
children, old persons and notables and sack our property in one single day (Esther 3:13) (17).
Capsalis report, richly detailed, finds precise confirmation in the official Venetian documentation, supplementing and clarifying the
picture (18) . As early as September 1451, several months prior to conclusion of district mayor Antonio Gradenigos inquiry into the
crucifixion of the lambs at Crete during the Passover period of that year, Gradenigro appealed to the Greater Counsel that the
defendants be transferred to another, more pliable, level of the legal system, such as the Quarantia Criminal [Council of Forty Judges] to
ensure a more expeditious conclusion of the matter (19). Gradenigos appeal upon acquittal of the Jews in the court of first instance was
preceded by a decision of the Greater Counsel to the effect that, in the interests of expediting the case, the presence of three hundred
magistrates should in this case suffice instead of the four hundred judges provided for by law (20).
What is certain is that, at the end of June 1452, twelve Jews from Candia were being held in a cell of the New Prison of Venice. Capsali
reports that nine (and not twelve) Jewish notables were arrested in Candia; the idea that Candia was simply mistaken seems
implausible.
Perhaps the other three Jews from Candia were arrested for other crimes, unrelated to the foul charge of the crucified lambs It would
not even surprise us to learn that David Mavrogonato, whose adventures as an intriguer with limited scruples did not always end
happily, was one of them. These Jews at Candia were lodged in the same cell with a Christian,
p. 52]
probably in jail for another crime, a certain Antonio da Spilimbergo. Spilimbergo was rather unhappy about being the only believer in
Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary in the forced company of these vociferous and arrogant Jews, who were as loud-mouthed as they were

uncouth, and who did nothing but mutter their incomprehensible prayers and chant from morning to night, in Hebrew, with an
unpleasant Ashkenazi inflection. Their actions, which the poor Antonio, out of ardent Christian zeal, presumed were highly heretical, as
well as their strange and repellent garb, drove him practically mad. He therefore file an urgent appeal with the commanding authorities
for transfer to the Carcere Novissima [new prison], a petition which the authorities immediately granted, in a full understanding of
Spilimbergos plight (21).
The text of the defendants final acquittal, on 7 June 1454, contains important details relating to the case as a whole. The principal
defendants turned out to be the physician, Abba di Mos del Medigo di Candia, who, according to the denunciation of a converted Jew,
crucified a lamb in mockery of Jesus Christ, at night, in his own room, together with other Jews, on the very holy day of Holy Friday (of
the year 1451). Gradenigos inquiry shows that the Jews of Candia repeated this contemptuous ritual every year, in the days preceding
Christian Easter (22).
Abba del Medigo and the other defendants attempts to bribe the judges were not in vain, as attested to by the relevant documents. As
we have seen from Elia Capsalis report in March of 1453, one of the members of the Greater Counsel, the nobleman Girolamo
Lambardo, was arrested and sentenced for selling his vote to the Jews. The minutes of the Greater Counsel confirm that an inquiry
against Lambardo had in fact been brought and had concluded with the condemnation of the noble counselor for improperly attempting
to extort money from Abba (23) .
As early as February 1452, the ineffable Candian physician [Abba del Medigo], already under indictment for vilification of the Christian
religion, was further accused of attempting to bribe one of the district mayors in the Levant, Antonio Priuli, one of Gradenigos a
colleagues, perhaps correctly considered more pliable than the implacable inquisitor of the crucified lambs.
But in fact, in a certain sense, Abba, rather than the author of the design to bribe judges and other high-placed persons involved in the
trial, had himself been the nave victim of a clever swindle. Bonomo di Mos, a Jewish money lender active at Mestre, owner of the
p. 53]
bank of San Nicol at Padua (24), was, out of piety or self-interest, accustomed to visiting Abba frequently in the New Prisons where the
latter was incarcerated. During one of these visits, Bonomo, who bragged of high-placed friendships in wealthy Venice, is said to have
confessed to the impatient and depressed Candiota [Abba del Medigo] that one of the district mayors in the Levant, Priuli to be exact,
would gladly sell his vote in exchange for a loan of fifty thousand ducats without interest.
Having scraped up the sum, the good Abba promptly delivered it to Bonomo, who misappropriated it, obviously without turning it over
to Priuli, who was completely ignorant of the whole scheme. But the whole scheme finally came unraveled and the swindle was
discovered.
The money lender from Mestre, responsible for the swindle, was sentenced by the Avogadori to the payment of a fine of one hundred
gold ducats and one year in prison, after which he would be banned from Venice and its territory for five years (25). Abba del Medigo,
for his part, was tried for trying to bribe a public official, but was ordered acquitted (26).
The island physician was less fortunate, however, at the end of October of the same year, when his Christian fellow prisoners accused
him of serious offenses and blasphemies against the Christian religion. According to the denunciation, Abba, in his cell, was alleged to
have unhesitatingly placed his filthy piss-pot right below the crucifix. Soundly rebuked by the other prisoners, the intemperate Candiota
was said to have replied with profanity, insulting them and shamelessly ridiculing Jesus the Messiah and the blessed Holy Virgin. His
condemnation was inevitable and well-deserved: one years additional prison time, in addition to the payment of a fine of one thousand
lire to the Avogadori di Commun (27).
But who was this Abba del Medigo the protagonist, despite himself, in the affair of the crucified lambs? He certainly came from one of
the most illustrious Jewish families in Candia, being the son of Mos the Old Man, rabbi and head of the community, and related to
the famous philosopher Elia del Medigo, a physician like himself. He had married Ritte, otherwise known as Rivkah, with whom he had
had three children, Elia, Diamante and Yehudah, called Giuliano in Italian and known as Yudlin among the Ashkenazim of the Veneto
community.
The latter had married Sofia, called Shifra in Hebrew, the aunt of the chronicler Elia Capsali. The family lived at Padua, but after the
death of Abba, which occurred rather early in 1485, he moved mostly to Soave, where Elia and Yudlin del Medigo had obtained a money
lending permit, which was renewed in 1496 (28).
p. 54]

Elia Capsali remembered that he had stayed with his aunt Sofia at Padua in the winter of 1508, on his way from Venice, and that he had
heard her say that my relatives (del Medigo) were no longer at Padua, because they had moved to Soave (29). We know that Elia,
Abbas first-born, was murdered in Venice under mysterious circumstances in 1505. Implicated in the murder, one as the instigator and
the other as an accomplice, were two Jews, from Soncino and Feltre, the latter a resident of Monselice, who were condemned by the
Avogadori di Commun to prison, the confiscation of their property and expulsion from the territories of Venice, Padua and the
surrounding district (30). It is probable that Capsali stumbled across a copy of the trial documents relating to the crucifixion of the
lambs on the island of Candia, in Padua, among Yudlins letters, who had died many years before, stating the grounds for the acquittal,
and that he used it among his sources.
Out of prudence, or perhaps simply desiring to respect the privacy of the Medigo-Capsali family, although half a century had already
passed since these events, Elia preferred to omit any mention of the names of the defendants in the trial for the crucified lambs
mainly, any mention of Abba del Medigo, father-in-law of his aunt, Sofia, as well as of the assassination of the son of the latter two, Elia,
committed at Venice by other Jews only a few years earlier.
Lodovico Foscarini was a friend of Gradenigo, the inquisitor for the crucifixion of the Passover lambs, but he was no friend of the Jews,
least of all to Jewish physicians, whom he hated, feared and suspected, and against whom he considered himself engaged in incessant
warfare (perpertuum bellum) (31).
Foscarini, the patrician of the Veneto region, recalled the manner in which the Jews, in their Passover ceremonies, solemnly swore on
the Torah scrolls to cause serious injury and harm to those faithful in Christ and placed the Christians on guard against eating
unleavened bread prepared by Jews. He was also convinced that Jewish physicians were the servants of the Devil and were dedicated to
the magical arts and to necromancy, poisoning their Christian patients in body and spirit. In a letter written in the summer of 1462,
Foscarini considered it unacceptable that many governors, particularly, those from Venice, tolerated the cheeky and arrogant presence
of Jewish physicians and surgeons, and thus facilitated their presence, and maintaining that presence for reasons of dubious honesty
(32). Foscarini, then Lieutenant of Friulia, had a short time before suffered two years imprisonment, lamenting that, during this period,
the Serenissima, profiting from his absence, had signed official agreements with Jewish physicians (33).
One scandalous example of blasphemous shamelessness, according to Foscarini, was a gowned physician, garnished in gold and
adorned with
p. 55]
jewels, who had had the boldness to turn to certain noblewomen in mourning, maliciously deriding their religious belief, and in
particular, the sacrament of the Host. I pity you, ladies, for your ignorance, the learned Jewish surgeon is alleged to have said on that
occasion, in a tone of open mockery, in believing that your God, the Creator of Heaven and Earth, would offer Himself to be consumed,
and thus does not therefore disdain to offer himself up as food to the jaws of obscene ruffians and the filthiest of whores (34). In view of
the fact that the most famous gowned Jewish physician living in Venice in Foscarinis time was Jehudah messer Leon da Montecchio,
who is said to have been granted the honor of the imperial doctoral privilege by Friedrich III during the latters stay in Venice in
February 1469, and that his quarrelsome nature, accompanied by frequent and intemperate verbal outbursts against both Jews and
Christians, his true or presumed adversaries, was common knowledge, identifying the gowned physician does not seem very hard to
do.
In confirmation of this, reference may perhaps be made to a news item from a Jewish chronicle, archived until a few years ago in
manuscript form, and perhaps compiled at Venice by an Ashkenazi Jew around the middle of the Sixteenth century, which seems to be a
compilation of local traditions of indubitable antiquity (35). The presumable chronology of the events to which reference is made dates
back beyond the middle of the 15th Century. In Venice, the Jews were prohibited from circumcising their sons in the city (36). The Jews
therefore had to go to nearby Mestre to perform this rite, which was fundamental to their family life. It then that a Jew, among the most
illustrious among those living in Venice, wishing to circumcise his new-born son in the city of the lagoons, thought up an astute
expedient which night lead to revocation of the discriminatory law. He turned to an influential Venetian patrician with whom he stood
on terms of familiarity and friendship, a gentleman who was, in those days, confined to bed with gout, and requested the gentleman to
act as godfather at his sons circumcision ceremony. The Christian nobleman was not only pleased to accept the honorific charge which
the honored Jew had thought fit to entrust him with, but, being unable to reach Mestre due to his illness, which kept confined at home,
he seems to have decided to cause the child to be circumcised in the main room of his own palace. This was the first case, the precedentsetter, thereafter permitting the Jews of Venice to circumcise their sons in the City of the Lagoons. If the report, as stated, contains a
core of truth, it should not be very difficult, in this case as well, to identify
p. 56]

the Jewish notable as Jehudah messer Leon, the influential imperial physician esteemed by Jews and Christians alike, particularly
among the higher classes, to whom a son, David was born in Venice, in approximately 1459 (37).
The Jewish community at Trent had formed relatively recently, and its numbers were always limited. When Maestro Tobias da
Magdeburg, physician, surgeon and expert in ophthalmology, decided to establish himself at Trent in 1462, he found that there was no
organized Jewish community in the city. In the early years of the century, in 1403, bishop Ulrich III had granted a Jewish money lender
named Isacco and his family the right to carry on the money trade at Bolzano and Trent. This may have been the same Isacco whose
presence in the city is attested to later, in 1440 (38). It is nevertheless certain that other Jews came to join him in the first quarter of the
century, staying at Trent for longer or shorter periods, such as the same Mos di Samuele from Trent who, in the summer of 1423, made
his last will and testament at Treviso, where had had in the meantime moved with his numerous family (39). The Jewish community of
Trent seemed consolidated by mid-century.
In fact, in 1450, Sigismondo, Count of Tyrol, decided to grant Elia and the other Jewish residents of Trent equality of rights with those of
the Christian citizens of Trent (40).
Nevertheless, when Maestro Tobias took up residence in the city, he found only one Jewish family, that of the money lender Samuele
(Zanwil) di Seligman, originating from Nuremberg in Bavaria, who had settled in Trent one year before. The privileges accorded to
Samuele in the money-lending permit signed upon his entry into the city were renewed by Giovanni Hinderbach in 1469, the year in
which Friedrich III officially invested him with the temporal office of the episcopate of Trent, at Venice, in 1469 (41). In the meantime, a
third family had come to reinforce the Jewish community of Trent. Angelo da Verona, from Gavardo in the Bresciano region, who had
passed his youth at Conegliano in Friuli (42), also moved to Trent, dealing alongside Samuele of Nuremberg in the local money market
(43). Although he had lived in Italy from birth, Angelo, too, was an Ashkenazi Jew; perhaps he no longer spoke Yiddish as his native
language, in contrast to Tobias and Samuele, who had arrived from the German territories only recently, but he certainly understood it
and spoke it, although rather badly.
Angelos parents, in fact, Salamone and Brnnlein (Brunetta), were natives of Bern in the Swiss
p. 57]
Confederation. The three Jewish families of Trent were anything other than restrained and presented themselves in a manner rather
definite as multiple patriarchal nuclei. The married children lived together with the parents, and several generations lived their everyday
lives under the same roof: grandfather and grandmother, uncles, aunts and cousins, married women, widows and unmarried girls,
servants, scullery maids and teachers, travelers and persons of passage, more or less established and occasional guests, professional
beggars and impoverished relatives.
The Jews, whose habitations were contiguous, lived near the commercial center, known as the Canton, in the western zone of the city,
which included the quarters of the Market and San Martino. Their lending banks, which formed one whole with their houses, operated
in contact with the shops and taverns of the German immigrants, whose presence in Trent was rather large, amounting to several
hundred people (44). German was spoken along the small canal, which crossed the district carried turbid and muddy water, originating
in the Adige.
Alongside the evil-smelling workshops of the Germanic shoemakers and tanners were the banks and dwelling houses of the Jews. One of
these, that of Samuele da Nuremberg, was the location of the synagogue.
In fact, Samueles family was beyond doubt the most religious, and the most highly cultivated in terms of Hebrew culture. The
scrupulous observance of the standards of the Torah had induced the head of the family, in addition to setting aside certain areas as
places of worship for the entire community, to draw from water the canal, which passed by the basement of the house, for use in a sort of
ritual bath, where the women could easily immerse themselves for their own ablutions of purification after their menstrual period,
without having to have recourse to the public baths, where feminine modesty and shame could not always be duly protected (45).
Samuele himself, to great benefit, had studied in the famous Talmudic academies of Bamberg and Nuremberg in the years 1440-1450,
and had been the disciple of famous rabbis.
The oldest and most respected among the German Jews of Trent, his uncle Mos da Franconia, who had reached the respectable age of
eighty and was known by everyone in the city as the Old Man, also found lodings under his roof. Learned and authoritative, even if
poorly equipped with purely economic means, he had found stable hospitality, with his family, with the enterprising and wealthy
nephew, after having lived previously at Wrzburg and Spira, one of the most important centers of Jewish culture in all of Germany.
Samueles household were strict followers of the rules

p. 58]
relating to kosher food, which, among other things, prescribed the complete separation of meat and dairy products, according to the
dictates of the Bible, amplified and codified in the rabbinical interpretation of the halakhah. To the judges in the Simon of Trent murder
trial, interested in knowing why he carried two knives in a sheath hanging from his side, both Samuele and Mos the Old Man
patiently explained that which, in their eyes, was perfectly obvious. One knife was to cut edible meat, while the other was to be used for
dairy products (46)
On 23 March, eve of Passover of 1475, year of the jubilee, the mutilated body of Simonino, a two-year old child, son of the tanner Andrea
Lomferdorm, was found in the waters of the ravine by-passing Samueles cellar. This tragic discovery triggered the inquest which was to
lead to the accusation brought against the Jews of Trent as suspects in the childs abduction and murder, to their interrogation in the
castle of Buonconsiglio and their condemnation, after confessing under torture to being responsible for this tragic wickedness. Finally,
the condemned were publicly executed, burned at the stake or decapitated, while their property was to suffer bitter confiscation. The
transcripts of the Trent trials for the murder of Simon, later beatified, are said, as a result, to constitute the most important and detailed
document ever written on the ritual murder accusation, a precious document retaining the words of the Hebrew defendants, in which
the words of the accusers and inquisitors did not always succeed in superimposing themselves over, or confusing themselves with, the
words of the defendants.
These texts are a glimpse into a different world: the world of the Ashkenazi Judaism of the German territories and northern Italy, in all
its sociological, historical and religious particularity. This was a Jewish world, enclosed upon itself, fearful and hostile towards outsiders,
often incapable of accepting its own painful experiences and overcoming its own ideological contradictions. It was this world which,
moving from the negative and often tragic reality in which they lived, sought an improbable anchorage in the sacred texts which might
illuminate a hope of redemption, which for the moment appeared beyond credibility: a Hebraic world discharging its energies in
religious rites and antique myths, now re-enlivened with renewed and different meanings and translated into an alienating, harsh and
rigorous confessional language, in which internal tensions and unresolved frustrations lay hidden at all times. A world which, having
survived the massacres and forced conversions of men, women and children, continued to experience
p. 59]
those traumatic events in a sterile effort to reverse the meaning of that world, rebalancing it and correcting history. It was a profoundly
religious world in which redemption could not possibly be far off; in which God was to be involved despite Himself, and compelled to
keep His promises, sometimes by force. It was a world drenched with magical rites and exorcism, within whose mental horizons popular
medicine and alchemy, occultism and necromancy were often mixed, finding a position of their own, influencing and reversing the
meaning of ordinary religious standards.
The participants in this magical mental horizon included not only the Jews, accused of witchcraft and infanticide, ritual cannibalism and
evil spells, but their accusers as well, obsessed with diabolical presences and the continual search for virtuous talismans and stupendous
antidotes, capable of curing and preserving the body and soul from the wiles of men and demons. Giovanni Hinderbach, prince bishop
of Trent, the true organizer of the 1475 trials, had grown up in Vienna in the years following the great massacre of the Jews, accused of
backing the Hussites (1421) and exposed by that same Duke Albert II to bloody vengeance as partisans of the heretics (47). Even before
poor Simoninos child murder, when he had not yet risen to his official fame as punisher of the Jewish murderers, Hinderbach had
already found ways to show his lack of sympathy for them (48). In one case, thus, he had not hesitated to express his self-satisfied
approval of cannibalism, when the victims were Jews. During the military confrontation between Venice and Trieste in 1465, during
which Friedrich III intended to enforce his rights, Hinderbach, who was then acting as imperial ambassador before the government of
the Serenissima, sang the praises of the Hapsburg militia, called upon to defend Trieste, for their courage and their demonstrated loyalty
to the Emperor. By true right, observed the pious bishop, the German soldiers, in case of necessity, rather than lay down their arms,
were to alleviate their hunger by eating the flesh of cats, rats and mice; and even that of local Jews, Jews resident in the city (49).
Friedrich III was, as Burcardo di Andwil informs us, in addition to mathematical sciences, a passionate cultivator of astrology and
necromancy, and for this reason is said to have remarked that he liked to surround himself with Jews and Chaldeans, people highly
partial to superstitious practices (50). But Friedrichs faithful servant, Hinderbach, was no less so. Magic and witchcraft in fact exercised
an irresistible fascination over
p. 60]
the humanist bishop, who was a friend of Enea Silvio Piccolomini. Hinderbach assimilated Jews outright with necromanticists, always
ready to perform exorcisms and curses in the service of the devil. Demons love blood; and the necromancers who resuscitated cadavers
used blood with little parsimony in their divination, mixing it with water taken from fountains and rivers. Hinderbach had no hesitation

in maintaining that the Jews were enchanters and necromancers, because they kill Christian children and drink and consume their
blood, as they did last year at Trent, and in many other places it has been discovered and proven (51). The practical Caballah, which
these Jews followed more or less in secret, was to be assimilated in all respects to black magic and necromancy. It is to be noted that,
during the first festival of the sainted child, held at Trent in 1589 with a great confluence of people, a celebrative pamphlet, later
published in Rome, was compiled with the title of Ristretto della vita et martirio di S. Simone fanciluuo della citta di Trento . This work
maintained, in the wake of Hinderbach, that the child had been killed by the Jews, followers of the Caballah, vain science under which
name magic and necromancy often hide (52).
From the records of the trial, we know that Brunetto (Brnnlein), widow of Samuele da Nuremberg, who was, in the end, burnt at the
stake as guilty of infanticide, persisted in her refusal to confess, notwithstanding the torments to which he was subjected. To
Hinderbach, there appeared to be no doubt that the woman was ill and bewitched by Jewish necromancers. For this reason, every
suggestive pressure, exercised on the woman to persuade her to speak, had proven useless; from shaving her head and removing her
body hair, to ablutions in holy water.
But the remedy was finally found. The holy cure-all, according to the bishop of Trent, constantly in search of miraculous enchantments
and narcotic unguents, had proven itself exceptionally effective in the precedent Santa Lucia case, in which the victim was also
possessed by demons. Brnetta was placed in a bath of urine, laboriously produced by a virgin young boy of Trent, and suddenly, after
the extraordinary, if rather evil-smelling ablution, the woman, without further ado, began to sign her confession (53).

NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE


1. Et inter ipsos Iudeos fuit dictum [...] quod in civitate Venetarium tunc erat quidam magnus mercator Iudeus de insula Candie, qui
portavit magnum quantitatem sanguinis pueri Christiani ad vendendum, et etiam portaverat magnam quantitatem zuccari. Et quod dici
audivit a quodam Ioseph Forles, qui venerat post Serenissimum Imperatorem Venetias, quod volevat emere de sanquine a dicto
mercatore Hebreo. Et similiter dici audivit a quibusdam aliis, de quidibus non recordatur, quod volebant emere de dicto sanguine, licet
ipse non emerit. Dicit tamen quod, crede suo, omnes alii Iudei, qui ibi aderant, emerunt de dicto sanguine (cfr. A. Esposito and D.
Quaglioni, Processi contro gli ebrei di Trento,1475-1478: I: I processi del 1475, Padua, 1990, pp. 328-329). The fact that the blood put up
for sale, together with the sugar, by Mavrogonato was of pueri Cristiani [Christian boys] appears to be an allusion by Tobias da
Magdeburg or German Jews having moved to Venice in the retinue of Friedrich III, with whom he had spoken. There is nothing to cause
us to believe, however, that the information supplied by Tobias should, on the whole, be considered exotic details (cfr. R. Po-Chia
Hsia, Trent 1475. A Ritual Murder Trial, New Haven, Conn., 1992, p. 46), just as the description of the Jew from Candia as a great
merchant in the imperial entourage, who sold sugar and blood (ibidem). On the sugar manufacturies transplanted from Venice to Crete
starting at the beginning of the XIV century and on the curative uses of sugar, particularly widespread in the Jewish medieval medical
treatises, see, in particular, S.W. Mintz, Sweetness and Power. The Place of Sugar in Modern History , Baltimore (Md.), 1985.
2. Et cum eo (qui vocabatur el Judeo dal uccaro) conversabatur Hossar Iudesu, qui habitat Venetiis et vocatur el Zudio de la barba,
qui est de Colonia et ab omnibus cognoscitur (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., vol. I, p. 329).
3. The figure of Israel Wolfgang of Brandenburg is interpreted differently by Po-Chia Hsia (Trent 1475, cit., pp. 91-104: Oscillating
between the different roles demanded of him, Israel was alternatively the wandering Jew, the Christian convert, informant of the
apostolic commissioner, and the cooperative prisoner. In my view, a less superficial reading of his depositions permits an
understanding of the consistency among the apparent contradictions in his behavior.
4. Salamon parvus [= Salamoncinus] dixit sibi Wolfgango quadam die in Plebe Sacchi, in Curia Domus praedicti Salomonis (Martuii),
quod Salomon, pater ipsius Salamon parvi, habuerunt dictum sanguinem a quodam Judeo, qui illum detulerat de ultra Mari et, ut
credit, de insula Cypri (cfr. [Benedetto Bonelli], Dissertanzione apologetica sul martirio del beato Simone da Trento nellanno
MCCCCLXXV dagli ebrei ucciso , Trento, Gianbattista Parone, 1747, p. 64). The blood referred to was dried and reduced to powder, and
it is therefore difficult to believe that it could have been confused with wine, and, in particular, with the Malvasia wine from Candia, in
which Mavrogonato seems to have dealt on a large scale. For the hypothesis of the Malvasia wine of Candia exchanged for blood, see D.
Nissim, Il legame tra i processi di Trento contro gli ebrei e la tipografia ebraica di Piove di Sacco del 1475 , in Annali dellIstituto Storico
Italo-Germanico in Trento, XXV (1999), pp. 672-673, promptly follwed by D. Carpi, who presents it as obvious (Lindividuo e la
collettivit. Saggi di storia degli ebri a Padova e nel Veneto nelleta del Rinascimento , Firenze, 2002, pp. 29, 43).
5. On Salamone di Lazzaro de Alemannia and his money lending activity, cfr. C. Bonetti, Gli ebrei a Cremona, Cremona, Cremona,
1917, p. 9; G.A. Mantovani, La communit ebraica di Crema nel secolo XV e le origini del Monte di Piet, in Nuova Rivista Storica, LIX
(1975), p. 378; Sh. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, Jerusalem, 1982, vol. I, pp. 36-37, 220-221, 246-247 (nos. 48, 464, 524).

6. Wolfgangs deposition on Hossar-Anselmo de la barba is summarized by G. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, Trent, 1902,
vol. II, pp. 18-19.
7. ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe, 3653 (II), cc. 44v-45r (cc. 149v-150r, according to the modern numbering in pencil at the bottom of
the page (3 September 1473). Anselmus, iudeus a Barba, contra quem processum fuit et est per antescriptos dominos advocatores in
Consilio Xlta, pro eo quod, ad finem defraudandi mercationis et maiorus sui lucri, ausus est in fundo denariorum fundellorum, ubi
sollitum est accipi sagium argenti, fundidit aliquantum limare aurri, ita quod videbatur argentum ipsum tenere aurum [...] Sicque cum
ipsis fundelis accessit ad sagiatorum folee auri in Rialto, qui sagium fect et fecti bulletinum ipsi iudeo, prout solitum est fieri, quem
postea argentum dictus Anselmus vendidit Joanne Antonio partitori, in eiusdem danno et deceptione. Further along in the same
document it states that that the judges had decided to proceed contra Anselmum iudeum pro istis duobus fundellis argenti fundatis,
demonstrantibus tenere aurium et non tenentibus, nisi in locis in quibus solit acceperi sagium per sagiatorem comunis, vinditis Joanni
Antonio partitori in euidsem deceptionem et damnum maximum. The victim of the swindle appears with the qualification partitor, i.e.,
a refiner of precious metals, assigned to the separation of of gold from silver. It should be noted that at Venice, metal assaying was
executed by approved assayers in the Zecca. In the Fifteen Century, four officials, two for gold and two for silver, were assigned to their
registration and weighing, and an additional three assayers, who were entitled to operate in Zecca, in the statione comune at Rialto
(the location selected by Hossar for his fraud), or in their own shop. In this regard, see F.C. Lane and R.C. Mueller, Money and Banking
in Medieval and Renassance Venice. Coins and Moneys of Account, Baltimore (Md), 1985, index, s.v. Assay office and Gold, assaying of;
A. Stahl, The Mint of Venice in the Middle Ages, Baltimore (Md), 2000, index, s.v. Assay and Gold Estimator.
8. Quod iste Anselmus menses sex in carceribus et perpetuo perivetur possendi exercendi mercaturam auri et argenti grezorum
Venetiis.
9. [...] quod non incipiat tempus carceriorum, nisi prius cum integritate satisfacerit et restituerit denarios suos Joanni Antonio partitori
descripto. Verum si casus mortis ipsius Anselmi occurreret, atu quod de carceribus aufguerit, et tot bona ipsius Anselmi non
invenientur, tunc argentum predictum, ad manus Advocatorum perventum, obligatum sit integre satisfactioni infrascipti Joanni
Antonio.
10. Cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., vol. I, pp. 327-328. Dictus Abraham habebat dictum sanguinem in quodam coramine
rubeo et erat coagulatus et in frusticulis et erat in totum ad quantitatem unius ovus. Maestro Tobias had bought some of it quantum
est una nucella pro uno rainense. The fact (at any rate already known to anyone possessing a certain familiarity with this type of trade,
which was more widespread than one might imagine among both Jews and Christians, in the cities and above all the countryside, where
it constituted an indispensable ingredient for the preparation of prodigious medications) emerges from the depositions of the other
defendants in the Trent trial that the blood was placed on sale in the form of powder, coagulated or converted into lumps, (portabat
illum sanguinem ad vendendum, et illum tenebat in sinode seu endado rubeo, et erat ille sanguis coagulatus et pulverizatus; et dicit
quod sanguis, quem dictus Ursus portabat ad vendendum erat in uno vase [...] quod vas erat instagnatum a parte interiori, in quo vase
erat sanguis pulverizatus, et erat tantum de sanguine in dicto vase quantum esset quarta pars unius amphiale val mosse, et dictus vas
erat coopertum de quodam coramine albo.
11. The information is found in Flaminio Cornaro, Creta sacra sive de epis de episcopis utriusque ritus graeci et latini in insula Cretae,
Venice, 1755, vol. II, pp. 382-383 (Non satis quidem habuit perfida Judaeorum natio Creatiae degens Christianos iniquis adeo molestijs
divexare, sed ut religioni etiam illuderent, teneros agnos [fortasse quia fideles pueros captare nequiverat] in Jesu-Christi- contumeliam
cruci affixerunt, cujus facinoris nuntium cum Venetias delatum esset, Consilium XL virorum ad Criminalia, Cretensi regimini mandavit,
ut omni studio in impios, qui adhuc ignoti erant, inquieret). In this regard, see also H. Noret, Document indits pour servir lhistoire
de la domination vnitienne en Crte de 1380 1485 , Paris, p. 425, no. 1. At any rate, the accusation relating to the passion of the lambs
at Crete may only with difficulty be classified as an accusation du meurtre rituel , as it is perhaps interpreted by Jacoby (cfr. D.
Jacoby, Les juifs Venise du XIVe au milieu du XVI sicle , in H.-G. Beck, M. Manoussacas and A. Pertusi, Venezia centro di mediazione
tra Oriente e Occidente, secoli XV-XVI . Aspetti e problemi, Florence, 1977, vol. II, p. 172).
12. On this custom and its anti-Christian significance, see Y. Tabori, Pesach dorot, Tel Aviv, 1996, pp. 92-105; I.J. Yuval, Two Nations in
Your Womb. Perceptions of Jews and Christians , Tel Aviv, 2000, p. 89 (in Hebrew). Again, at the beginning of the Seventeen Century,
the Inquisition ordered the persecution of those Jews from the communities of the plains of the Po of northern Italy who still retained
the wickedness to crucify Passover lambs. The Holy Office recorded that the Jews, although not subject to the jurisdiction of the
Inquisition, could be tried by those tribunals in particularly serious cases. One of these was se beffassero i Christiani, et per disprezzo
della passione di Nostro Signore nella Settimana Santa, o in alto tempo crucifigessero agnello, pecora o altra cosa [if they ridiculed
Christians, or showed contempt for the Passion of Our Lord during the Holy Week, or crucified lambs, sheep or anything else, at any
time] (Breve informazione del modo di trattare le cause del S. Officio per li molto Reverendi Vicarii della Santa Inquisitione , Modena,
Giuliano Cassiani, 1608, p. 15).

13. Ex delictis quae tu studiossime contra hebraeorum pernitosissimam credelitatem inquisivisti, Foscarini wrote to Gradenigo, unum
de sacrilega immolatione, ita universis patefacere decrevi, quod nemo posthac sic tam amens qui dubitet vel tam improbus qui neget
nequissimos iudaeos agnos temporibus nostris passim crucifigere. And further along, he invited him to persist in his uncompromising
struggle contra iudeos agnum crucifigentes [against the lamb-crucifying Jews] (cfr g. Gardenal, Ludovico Foscarini e la Medicina, in
Unamesimo e Rinascimento a Firenze , Florence, 1983, pp. 251-263 [p. 262]. In this case as well, it seems incorrect to consider, as
Gardenal does (perhaps in the belief that agni, agnello, was a metaphor referring to Christian children), questi sacrifici compiuti
dagli ebrei nellisola di Candia [these sacrifices committed by the Jews on the island of Crete] as true and proper ritual homicides. He
is followed in this error by Esposito (Antonio Gradenigo aveva indagato su pretesi sacrifici umani compiuti dagli ebrei nellisola di
Candia).
14. E. Capsali, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, by A. Schmuellevitz, Sh. Simonsohm and M. Benayahu, Jersulem, 1977, vol. II, pp. 225-226.
15. In Hebrew, alitat ha-taleh, the slander of the lambs. In Biblical Hebrew, Taleh is the suckling lamb, and this is the original reading of
the text, which at any rate appears in this form and with reference to this occurrence in another section of Capsalis chronicle (Seder
Eliyahu Zuta , cit., vol. I, p. 246). Other, corrupted or incomprehensible readings appear in many manuscripts, such as ha-lah,
understood by M. Benayahu as ha-orlah, the foreskin. But the slander of the lambs, without further explanation, makes no sense. At
an earlier date, N. Porges (Elie Capsali et sa Chronique de Venise, in La Revue des Etudes Juives, LXXVII, 1923, pp. 20-40 [p. 24])
had explained the word, considering it a corruption of ha-mazah, leaven, understanding the term in the sense of Host. Therefore, at
Candia, in 1452, the Jews are said to have been accused of profanation of the Host. The hypothesis of Porges, who was unaware of the
inquiry for the crucifixion of the lambs, is, today, uncritically accepted by others, who arbitrarily add the Candia case in 1452 to the case
record of the desecration of the host (cfr. Simonsohn, in Capsali, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, cit., vol, III, p. 77; M. Rubin, Gentile Tales. The
Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews , New Haven, Conn., 1999, pp. 115-116). Still more recently, there are those who refer to
Capsalis text as the resoconto del processo intentato in 1452 contro nove ebrei di Candia con laccusa di omicidio rituale [report on
the trial proceedings brought against nine Jews of Candia on a charge of ritual murder] (Cfr. G. Corazzol, Sulla Cronaca dei Sovrani di
Venezia ["Divre' ha-yamim le-malke' Wenesiy'ah"] di Rabbi Elia Capsali da Candia, in Studi Veneziani, XLVII, 2004, p. 318).
16. Capsali, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, cit., vol, II, pp. 226-227. In this regard, see also Porges, Elie Capsali, cit., pp. 24-26.
17. Capsali, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, cit., vol., II, p. 227.
18. In this case as well, we are in debt to our friend Reiny Mueller for the invaluable archive information supplied in this regard, and to
Dr. Rachele Scuro for the transcription of the documents utilized by myself.
19. Cum se Antonius Grandonico et socii sindici intromisit pro suo officio certas causas quibus in isto Maiori Consilio datum est
principium et pro non dando tedium isti Maiori Consilio et tenere totam civitatem impeditam pro simili re, vadit pars quod omnes dicte
licet melius videbitur et placebit et in illis capre finem, sicut multis vicibus fuit servatum. The proposal was approved by a large
majority (ASV, Maggior Consiglio , Deliberazioni, Libro Ursa [reg. 22] [1415-1454], c. 178v. [c. 184v according to the pencil numeration
at the bottom], 5 November 1451). One piece of information, perhaps connected with the accusation of the crucifixion of the lambs, dates
back to 1448. In March of that year, Antonio Gradenigo had thrown a Jew from Candia, Yospe [Yoseph] di Retimo, into prison, in
Venice, under an unknown accusation. Eight months afterwards, the prisoner complained to the officials of the Quarantia, who were
visiting the prisons, so that Gredenigo might transfer him from prison to prison to compel him to confess and had not concluded the
preliminary investigation and hearing within eight moths, as required by the laws of Venice (Capita de XL [... in carceribus] reppererint
inter ceteros Yoste [recte: Yospe] ebreum de Rethimo, se gravantem ver virum nobilem Antonium Gradenico, sindicum partium
Levantis, teneri carceratum iam 8 mensibus contra id quod de iure facere potest, cum sic disponentibus legibus et ordenibus nostris
introducto casu suo ad consilium eum expedire teneretur infra tres menses, ultra quem terminum eum minime teneri poterat,
subiugitique ipse Yospe quod idem ser Antonius hoc tempore eum multociens permutavit de carcere suo modo, et videns non posse ab
eo habere nisi ut mera est rei veritas, non curat ipsum expedire). In fact, Gradenigo has present Yospes case before the Senate a good
four times without obtaining his condemnation, as he desired. The Senate granted him another one-month postponement in which to
conclude the inquiry and bring the Jew to trial, otherwise he would have to be released (ASV, Senato Mar, reg. 3, c. 83v. 27 October
1448). I wish to express my thanks to Dr. Stefano Piasentini for this information. It is however possible that Yospes imprisonment,
desired by Gradenigo, district mayor in the Levant, should be placed in relation with the prohibition against the ownership of real
property by the Jews of Retimo outside the Jewish quarter, which was reiterated by the Counsel of Forty of Venice on 11 December 1448.
On that occasion, the judiciaries of the Serenissima were investigating the case in which Jews from Retimo had made fictitious sales of
their real property (Cfr. D. Jocoby, An agent juif au service de Venise. David Mavrogonato de Candie, in Thesaurismata. Bolletino
dellIstituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini et Post-Bizantimi, IX, 1972, pp. 86-87.
20. Cum advocatores notri comunis et etiam sindici aliquotiens introducatur ad Maius Consilium aliquos casus et negocia pro officiis
suis, quod consilium pro maiori parte male congregatur et bonum sit quod dicta negocia iudicentur et terminentur in numero
competenti propter importantium rerum, vadit pars quod quotienscumque advocatores comunis vel sindici habere voluerint Maisu

Consilium pro casibus et agendis officiorum suorum debeat dictum consilium esse congregatum ad minimum ad numerum
quadrigentorum et eum minori numero non intelligature esse in ordine nec aliquid fieri possit absque dicto numero IIIc vel ab inde
supra. The proposal was approved (ASV, Maggior Consiglio , Deliberazioni, Libro Ursi [reg. 22] [1415-1454], c. 182r [c.188r according
to the pencil numeration at bottom], 24 June 1452). In the specific case of the legal proceedings against the Jews of Candia (and in
particular against Abba del Medigo, as we shall see below) were granted the reduced attendance of three hundred voters. Quoniam per
experientiam visum est quod istud consilium pluries locatum est ad petitionem advocatorum comunis et sindicorum pro facto Abbe
medici iudei eet numquam potuit congregari ad numerum ordinatum et per consequens ius et iustitia non potuit habere locum nec dari
expeditio dicto, qui dudum fuit et est in carceribus, scilicet vadit pars quod factum dicti iudei entroduci et experiri in Maiori Consilio,
cum numero trecentorum et inde supra (ASV, Maggior Consiglio, Deliberazioni, Libro Ursa [reg. 22] 1415-1454], c. 189r. [c. 195r
according to the pencil numeration at the bottom], 5 May 1454.
21. Antonio da Spilimbergo maintained that those Jews of Candia had reduced him to despair quia illorum voces et mores [...] patarini
tamtum pati non potest (ASV, Consiglio dei Dieci, mixed, reg. 14, c. 117v., 28 June 1452). I wish to thank my friend Reiny Mueller for
this curious information.
22. Abas quondam Moisi ebreu absolutus est sed tamen contra quem processum fuit [...] in eo et pro eo quod dum alias viris nobiles ser
Laurentius Honorandi et ser Antonius Gradonico, olim sindici ad partes levantis, se reperissent in civitate Candidae et ad eorum aures,
ex fama publica, pervenisset quod ebrei ibidem commorantes in vilipendium catolice fidei christianae omni anno crucifigebant unum
agnum in sanctissimo die veneris sancti, ipsi sindici super fama publica examinaverunt multos testes. Postea, post recessum suum per
regiment Crette, fuit examinata Marina Vergi olim ebrea et effecta tunc christiana, ex qua testificatione inter alios nominatus fuit ipse
Abbas in propria domo quadam nocte crucifigisse unum agnum in ignominia Jesu Christi [...] quod procedatur contra Abbatem
quondam Moise del Medigo ebreum qui postposito omni timore huius christianissme rei publice, in maximum opproprium fidei
catolicae aurus fuit una cum aliquibus aliis perfidis ebreis in civatate nostra Candidae in die veneris sancti renovare misteria passionis
domini Jesu Christi et crucifixerunt unum agnum quod etiam ipse Abbas in domo fecit ut est dictum (ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe,
3650 [II], cc. 9v-10r., 7 June 1454). The decision of the Maggior Consiglio lead to the definitive acquittal of the accused and in so doing
reference was made to their release in first instance (ex quibus scripturis ipse Abbas et ceteri nominati in infrascripta testificatione
fuerunt per sindicos placiti, collegati et introducti ad Maius Consilio et in tertio consilio absoluti) and on Gradinegos second appeal,
discussed above, on 21 May 1454, in quo nihil captum fuit.
23. In two different notes, contained in the decision of the Greater Council, mutilated and undated (but it must date back to Mach 1453),
mention is made of the inquiry against Lambardo or Lombardo. The first opens with the words: Ut veniri possit in lucem si
[Hyeronimus Lambardus] habuit tot denarios ab Abbate hebreo. The second starts in a rather similar manner, but offers further
information: Ut haberi possit veritas istius promissionis facte per Abbatem [e]breum viro nobili ser Hyeronimo Lombardo et
denariorum sibi datorum, ipse ser Hyeronimus retinetur ad pecticionem advocatorum comunis et examinetur {ASV, Maggior Consiglio,
Deliberazioni, Libro Ursa [reg. 22] [1415-1454], c. 193 [c. 199r according to the pencil numeration at bottom], March 1453). In a
document in the Raspe dated June 1454, relating to the definitive acquittal of Abba del Medigo, mention is made of the condemnatione
facta contra virum nobilem ser Hieronymum Lambardo (ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe, 3650, [II], c. 10r).
24. This is a reference to the Bonhomo da Mestre, recorded at Padua in 1432 as the person qui tenet banchum sancti Nicolae (cfr. A.
Ciscato, Gli ebrei in Padua, 1300-1800, Padua, pp. 242-243). In the Paduan documents, it is also stated that Bonomo di Mos da
Ancona, money lender at Mestre (cfr. D. Carpi, The Jews of Padua During the Renaissance, 1369-1509, doctoral thesis, Jerusalem, 1967,
p. 49 [in Hebrew]. His father, who appears in the documents as Moise Rab di Jacob and originated from Nuremberg, lived at Padu in
1460, in the Mastellerie district, in a palace owned by the Capodivacca family of patricians (ASP, Notarile, Paolo Carraro, 1943, c. 452r).
25. Bonomus ebreus filius Moisi contra quem processum fuit [...] pro eo quod dum ipse Bonomus aliquotiens iret visitatum Abbam
ebreum cerceratum in carcere novo ad requisitionem dominorum auditorum novorum sententiarum veluti sindicorum levantis et
quandoque intercessissit nomine dicti Abbe cum viro nobili ser Antonio de Priolis, uno dictorum auditorum quinquaginta ex quo ipse
Abbas, repertis ipsis denariis, etiam ipse mutuo eos dedit ipsi Bonomo ebreo, credens ut ipsos mutuo daret ipsis ser Antonio de Priolis,
qui Bonomus ipsos denarios pro se retinuit. Cumque post aliquos menses ipse Abba vellet denario suos et hoc diercet ipse ser Antino de
Priolis, ipse ser Antonius turbatus ex hac gulositate predictum manifestavit dominis advocatoribus comunis. It was therefore decided
quod procedatur contra Bonumum ebreum filium Moisi qui, posposito omni timore Dei et dominii nobilem ser Antonium de Prioles
sindicum levantis et eos pro se retinuit. The final decision was that captum fuit quod ipse Bonomus stare debeat uno anno in
carceribus et solvat ducatos centum auri et quod sit bannitus per quinque annos de Venetiis et districtu et si in dicto tempore se
permiserit reperiri quod stare debeat uno anno in caceribus et solvat ducatos auri et iterum banniatur (ASV, Avogaria di Comun,
Raspe, 3650 [I], c. 28rv., 28 February 1452).
26. Abba ebreus cerceratus absolutus, sed tamen contra quem processum fuit per dominos asvocatores comunis et offitium suum et pro
eo quod dum esset carceratus, ad instantium virorum nobilium ser Antonii Grandonico et ser Antonii de Priolis auditorum et uti
sindicorum levantis, et Bonomus ebreus filius qui ipsum quandoque visitabat in carceribus falso et contra scientiam ipsius ser Antoni

sibi dixisset quod prefatus ser Antonius de Priolis rogabat ipsum Abba ut ei mutuaret ducatos quinquaginta; ipse Abbas potius pro
subornando quem ad aliud finem dedit ipsi Bonomo ducatos Lta aura, credens quod ipse Bonomo eo daret ipsi ser Antonio sed ipse oes
retinuit pro se.
27. Abba Moise del Medigo ebreus contra quem processum fuit per dominos advocatores comunis et offitium suum in eo et pro quod,
dum esset carceratus per sindicos levantis, inculpatus de crucifixione agni, parvipendens Dominum nostrum et spirito diabolico ductus
quodam die accepta zangula de loco suo eam in vilipendium crucifixi posuit sub ymagine Jesu Christi crucifix dumque carcerati
redarguerentur eum, cepit dicere quod christiani adorabant picturas et tabulas et quod ibant ad macellum sicut porci; postea cepit
dicere quod domina notra virgo Maria fuerat incantatrix et docuerat Jesum talia facere et quod habuerat tres viros et alios filios
[Approximately : [Abba Moses del Medigo the Jew, who was tried by the district prosecutors in the course of their duties, when
incarcerated by the district mayors in the Levant, under indictment for crucifying lambs in contempt of Our Lord, and led onwards by
the spirit of the Devil, on that day he moved his piss-pot from its proper place in contempt for the Crucifix and placed it beneath the
image of Jesus Christ Crucified, and when the other jail-birds told him off about it, he started to say that Christians adore pictures and
planks, and that they even slaughtered pigs, after which he started to say that our Holy Virgin was a witch and that she taught Jesus to
take revenge and she had three husbands and other children]. The Avogaria requested quod procedatur contra Abbam ebreum Moisis
de Creta qui existens carceratus proper fidem, dictus spiritu diabolico in maximam ignominiam fidei catolice multa turpissima verba
dixit contra virginem Mariam et Jesus Christum accipiendo zangulam et eam ponendo ante crucifium. [that Abba, the Jew from Crete,
be tried who, being incarcerated for his faith, led onwards by the spirit of the Devil, and spoke with the greatest ignominy of the Catholic
Faith against the Virgin mary and Jesus Christ, taking his piss-pot and placing it beneath the crucifix] The sentence established that
captum fuit quod iste Abbas stare debeat uno anno in carceribus et solvat libras mille advocatoribus comunis [if he was captured the
said Abba should spend one year in jail and pay one thousand pounds to the municipal prosecutors office] (ASV, Avogaria di Comun,
Raspe, 3650 (I), c. 49rv., 30 October 1452). On the custom of desecrating crucifixes and other sacred images, placing them in the
latrines or using them as eccentric coverings for piss-pots and chamber pots; see C. Cluse, Stories of Breaking and Taking the Cross. A
Possible Context for the Oxford Incident of 1268 , in Revue dHistoire Ecclesiastique, XV (1995), p. 218.
28. On the figure of Abbadi Mos del Medigo and his family see, in particular, Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., pp. 230-233.
29. Capsali, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, cit., vol. II, p. 253.
30. ASV, Avogaria di Comun, reg. 3660, cc. 107r-108r.: the trial of Abramo di David da Soncino, the client, and Bonaventura di Abramo
da Feltre, the accomplice, guilty of the murder of Elia greco, son of Abba del Medigo, prestatore a Soave, was held at Venice at the
beginning of the month of December of 1505. It appears that in 1056, Abbas widow, Ritte, was occupied in matters related to the estate
of the deceased son (cfr. Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit. p. 232). The murder of Elia the Greek (but not the identification of Elia
the Greek with Elia, son of Abba del Medigo) is mentioned in M. Melchiorre, Gli ebrei a Feltre nel Quattrocento. Una storia rimossa, in
G.M. Varanni and R.C. Mueller, Ebrei nella Terraferma veneta del Quattrocento, Florence, 2005, p. 101, no. 73.
31. Cfr. Jacoby, Les juifs at Venice, cit., p. 172.
32. Cfr. Gardenal, Ludovico Foscarini e la medicina, cit., pp. 251-263. On the position of the Jewish physician in Renaissance Italy and
the frequent disputes in his regard, see, among others, A. Toaff, Il vino et la carne. Una communita ebraica nel Medievo , Bologna, 1989,
pp. 265-285; G. Cosmacini, Medicina e mondo ebraico. Dalla Bibbia al secolo dei ghetti, Bari, ,2001, pp. 143-211.
33. See, in this regard, M.J.C. Lowry, Humanism and Anti-Semitism in Renaissance Venice. The Strange Story of Dcor Puellarum, in
La Bibliofilia, LXXXVII (1985), pp. 39-54. in view of the fact Foscarini had been incarcerated in the two-year period of 1460-1461, the
city business permits granted by Venice to the Jewish doctors (and first of all to Yehudah messer Leon) should have been signed in that
period. Notwithstanding Foscarinis protest, on the request of the Doge Cristoforo Moro, the Cardinal Bessarione, Papal legate, dated 17
December 1463, confirmed that these agreements were respected.
34. Cfr. Gardenal Ludovico Foscarini e la medicina, cit., p. 260. Nuperrime quidam Iudeus togatus, auro circumdatus, demissis capillis,
severa facie ausus est nobillissiumis matronis in generosa familia lacrimantibus oculis dicere: compatior ignorantiae vestae quia creditis
Deum factorem coeli et terrae ses manducandum preabere et non dedignari lenonum impurissimorum et vulgatissimarum meretricium
ora.
35. Cfr. M.A. Shulvass, Racconto delle tribolazioni passate in Italia, in Hebrew Union College Annual, XXII (1949), pp. 1-21 (17) (in
Hebrew). The anonymous chronicle has been republished by I. Sonne, Da Paolo IV a Pio V, Jerusalem, 1954, pp. 183-202 (pp. 200-201)
(in Hebrew).

36. Fra Francesco Suriano, writing before 1483, noted with ill-concealed pride that the Jewish women of Venice, when they gave birth,
often did not hesitate to ask the Virgin Mary for help, in a paradoxical, self-interested cult with magical connotations (F. Suriano, Il
trattato di Terra Santa e dellOriente , by G. Golubuvich, 1900, p. 94-95): Li Iudei similiter sono constrecti de reverirla (la Vergine
Maria); e secundo che ho udito da obstretricie digne di fede, ne lalma cita de Venetia e christiane che se sono retrovate alquante volte
arcoglier loro fioli nel parto de piu Hebree, le qual testificavono e dicevono che non partuire senza la sua invocazione e
recommendazione; et vede che loro mariti spargeano per la camara alquante monede dargento furlane, le qual hano la sua ymagine.
Ricevuta la gratia, e liberata dal parto, scopano e bugliano fori de la fenestra quelle monede, e diceano: fora Maria, fora Maria!
[Similarly, the Jews are compelled to revere Her (the Virgin Mary); and according to what I have heard from trustworthy midwives who
went to assist several Jewesses in childbirth in the Christian city of Venice, they testified and said that the Jewesses never give birth
without Her invocation and recommendation; their husbands toss a few Friulian silver coins around the room, bearing Her image.
When they have received Her blessing and are freed from childbirth, they sweep them up and throw them out the window, saying Get
out, Mary, Mary get out!]. The quotation appears in D. Nissim, Due viaggi in Palestina, in La Rassegna Mensile di Israel, XL (1974),
pp. 256-259 (259). However one wishes to take Franciscans picturesque account, it seems to be a fact that, towards the end of the
Fifteenth century, Jewish women giving birth in Venice were very numerous. It should be noted, without surprise, that such a practice
was still widespread among Jewish women two centuries later, as testified to by Giulio Morosini (Derekh Emunah. Via delle fede
mostrata agli ebrei, Rome Propaganda Fiede, 1683, pp. 1050-1051).
37. Cfr. D. Nissim, Unminian di ebrei ashkenaziti a Venezia negli anni 1465-1480, in Italia, XVI (2004), p. 43.
38. The little information on the origins of the Jewish community in Trent, from the episcopal privilege of 1403 to the money lending
agreements and legal disputes of the mid-Fifteen Century, are contained in G. Menestrina, Gli ebrei a Trento, in Tridentum, VI (1903),
pp. 304-316, 348-374, 384-411. This information has been utilized, without addition, by the following authors: C. Andreolli, Una
ricognizione delle communita ebraiche nel Trentinto tra XIV e XVII secolo , in Materiali di lavoro, 1988, nn. 1-4, pp. 151-181; Po-Chia
Hsia, Trent 1475 , cit., pp. 14-25, as well as D. Randos recent monograph, Dai margini la memoria. Johannes Hinderbach (1418-1486),
Bologna, 2003, pp. 457-491, and S. Luzzi, Stranieri in citta. Presenza tedesca e societa urbana a Trento (secoli XV-XVIII), Bologna,
2003, pp. 180-194. In this regard, see also F. Ghetta, Fra Bernardino Tomitano da Feltre e gli ebrei di Trento nel 1475, in Civis, suppl.
2 (1986), pp. 129-177.
39. Mos di Samuele da Trento and the wife of Dolce di Ezzelino (Anshel Asher) had five children, Samuele, Ezechia, Benedetto known
as Barukh, Perentina and Osella (Feige). Moises testament was ratified at Trent on 10 June 1423 (cfr. M. Davide, Il ruolo economico
delle donne nelle communit ebraiche di Trieste e di Treviso nei secoli XIV e XV , in Zhakhor. Rivista di storia degli ebrei dItalia, VII,
2004, pp. 193-212 [206-208].
40. Cfr. Menestrina, Ebrei a Trento, cit., pp. 304-306.
41. Cfr. ibidem, pp. 307-308
42. Now Conegliano Veneto.
43. Angelo da Verona reached Trent in 1407. On that occasion, Hinderbach seized from the money lender, whom he called hebreum qui
venit huc (sc. a Trento), de Brixia sive eius territorio, an illuminated manuscript of the Vitae sanctorum (cfr. Pro Bibliotheca erigenda.
Mostra di manoscritti ed incunabili del vescovo di Trento Iohannes Hinderbach , 1465-1486, Trent, 1989, p. 69.
44. Cfr. Luzzi, Stranieri in citt, pp. 180-185.
45. Sarra ivit in canipam ipsius et se lavit in fossato ibi existente [...] quia passa fuerat menstrua Sarra diebus precedentibus, quia est de
more Iudeorum quod mulieres Iudee post menstruase lavent. Deposition of Samuele of Nuremberg of 7 June 1475. Sarah was the wife
of Maestro Tobias of Magdeburg (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., vol. I, p. 244).
46. Ipsi Iudei portant duos cultellos in una vagina, quorum uno utuntur ad incisionem carnium, altero ad lacticinia [This Jew carried
two knives in a sheate, one to cut meat, the other to cut dairy products]. Deposition of Samuele of Nuremberg dated 7 June 1475 (cfr.
ibidem, p. 246). Moris est [...] portare duos coltellos in una vagina, quorum uno utuntur ad lacticinia, altero vero ad carnes.
Deposition di Mos the Old Man of Wrzburg, dated 4 April 1475 (cfr. ibidem, p. 354).
47. On the extermination of the five hundred Jews of the community of Vienna in 1421, known in the Hebraic sources such as the
Gezerah, i.e., the persecution, see S. Krauss, Die Wiener Geserah vom Jahre 1421, Vienna, 1920; O.H. Stowasser, Zur Geschichte der
Wiener Geserah, in Vierteljahresheft fur Sozial und Wirtschaftsgeschichte , XVI (1922), pp. 104-118; Sh. Spitzer, Das Wiener
Judentum bis zur Vertreibung im Jahre 1421 , in Kairos, II (1977), pp. 134-145.

48. On Hinderbachs attitude towards the Jews, before and after the events at Trent, see, in particular, I. Rogger and M. Bellabarbia, Il
principe vescovo Johannes Hinderbach (1465-1486) fra tardo Medioevo e Umanesmo , Atti del Convegno promosso dall Biblioteca
Communale di Trento (2-6 October 1989), Bologna, 1992; Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475, cit., pp. 1-13, and above all, Rando, Dai margini la
memoria , cit. Pp. 457-491.
49. Hiis diebus apud Tergestum Italiae civitatem a Venetis obsessiam alias fuit, in qua milites ultamontanes equos, asinos, canes,
gattos, et sorices comederunt [...] quorum tanta fuit constantia fidei ut, priusquam urbem ob inediam deserere aut dedere (vellent), ita
apud se statuerunt humanam prius Iudeorum, qui intus erant, [...] carnem vesci [Approximately: In those days, Trent, a city in Italy,
was besieged by Venice, and the ultramontane defenders ate horses, donkeys, dogs, cats, and mice [...]; such was their constancy in the
faith that, that when they were about to have to give up the city, they decided to nourish themselves on flesh of the Jews who lived
there] (cfr. Rando, Dai margini la memoria, cit. pp. 168-169).
50. Burcardo di Andwil, Bellum Venetum, Bellum ducis Sigismundi contra Venetos (1487), in Carmina varia, by M. Welber, Rovereto,
1987, p. 105.
51. Cfr. Rando, Dai margini la memoria, cit. pp. 478-491.
52. Ristretto della vita e martirio di S. Simone fanciullo della citt di Trento, Rome Filipp Neri alle Muratte, 1594, p. 4.
53. Cfr. Rando, Dai margini la memoria, cit., pp. 483-487.

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CHAPTER FOUR
PORTOBUFFOL, VOLPEDO, ARENA PO, MAROSTICA, RINN
On 6 July 1480, three Jews accused of ritual child murder, required for the performance of their Passover rites, during the Passover
period of that year, were executed at Venice. Servadio da Colonia, money lender at Portobuffol, Mos da Treviso and Giacobbe of
Cologne (1), having confessed sometimes spontaneously and sometimes under torture were impaled and burned alive in public in
the Piazza San Marco, between the two columns of San Marco and San Todaro. Another defendant, Giacobbe with the beard,
committed suicide in prison to avoid torture. Other Jews, from Portobuffol and Treviso, were condemned to various punishments of
imprisonment for complicity in the crime and thereafter banned from Venice and its territory. Tried and condemned before the podest
of Portobuffol, the Venetian Andrea Dolfin, the defendants had appealed to the Avogaria di Commun, but, notwithstanding the fact
that they were defended by some of the best lawyers in Padua, their sentence was upheld (2).
According to the indictment, a small wandering beggar about six years of age, a native of Seriate in the Bergamo region, had been
abducted from the market place at Treviso, where he had been begging, by two Jews, who were alleged to have taken him to nearby
Portobuffol, on the Livenza river, in an eventful journey, the stages of which did not pass entirely unobserved by travelers and
boatmen. Here, in the dwelling of the local money lender, Servadio, who was also the instigator of the abduction, the cruel crime was
said to have been committed for ritual purposes, in the presence and with the active participation of other local and foreign Jews. After
draining off the blood, the perpetrators burnt the body in the oven of a house owned by Mos da Treviso, another money lender at
Portobuffol. Denunciations and informers reports, including Donato, Seradios servant, then converted to Christianity, are said to have
led to the indictment
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of the Jewish defendants and to their condemnation for the murder of the nameless little victim, immediately rebaptized under the
name of Sebastiano Novello, of obvious significance.
Portobuffol, like so many other small centres of the Marca of Treviso and the territory of Venice, was, in the 15th century the seat of a
community of Ashkenazi Jews, the traces of which have remained in Hebraic manuscript texts, copied in that small city in the years
preceding the Sebastiano Novello murder (3). The chronicle of this cruel execution, as described by the diarist apologists of the time,
inform us that at least one of the defendants, Servadio, faced death in prayer, accompanied by contemptuous remarks about Christianity

(4). This detail may be related to the legendary story of a stone slab, walled in the Ashkenazim synagogue Scola Canton of the ghetto of
Venice, containing a verse from the psalms (32:10: Many sorrows shall be to the wicked: but he that trusteth in the Lord, mercy shall
encompass him ). In the local Hebraic tradition, this phrase is said to have been pronounced by Servadio himself, among the flames of
the stake in the Piazza San Marco. During these terrible moments, the condemned man is said to have taken the time to point out the
unhappy informer, his servant Donato, baptized under the name of Sebastiano, to the Jews in the crowd, who were present at this
terrifying ceremony. The spectators are said to have included Josef, cantor of the synagogue of Portobuffol (who was perhaps the same
Fays who acted as teacher in Servadios dwelling), who is said to have interpreted the Psalm with a new meaning, imparted by the
person reciting it: The bitter pains which I suffer, will fall on the wicked (5). Thus history and hagiography became confused, while the
authenticity and memory of the childs true martyrdom ricocheted back and forth between Christians and Jews.
Milan, summer of 1482. A brother of the Order of the Serviti, Giovanni Guerra, and Simone, Jew of Tortona were publicly executed by
order of the Duke. Guerra was said to have been accused of barbarously killing a child about nine years of age, near the farmhouse
Scorticavacca di Volpedo, near Tortona, on Holy Tuesday of that year; the second defendant was accused of instigating the friar to
commit the crime, so as to obtain the blood of a Christian child, as required for the Jewish Passover rites. Both defendants confessed. In
the preceding May, a special commission had left the Court of the Sforzas with the assignment of investigating the cruel death of
Giovannino Costa, a young shepherd, who was accustomed to coming down from the hills to Tortona to sell eggs and butter on market
days (6).
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The diligent commissioner ordered the arrest of all the members of the little Jewish community of German origin, including Madio
(Mohar, Meir), the local money lender, and the requisition of all pledges deposited in the bank. The persons under investigation were
subsequently transferred to Milan. At the conclusion of the investigation, the culpability of the Jew Simone, the instigator, and the
scoundrel friar, the unnatural, cruel executioner, was clearly established. The other persons under investigation, including the banker,
were released, following a finding that they had had nothing to do with the crime, and were permitted to leave Tortona.
From the official correspondence sent by the court of the Sforzas to the podest and the bishop of Tortona, we learn that:
A certain homicide being committed during the past Holy Days against the person of a boy, at the instance of certain Jews in the
diocese of Derthona, the following persons are held in prison here: Fra Giovanni Guerra of the Order of the Servants, and one Simon, a
Jew, who did not deny having committed the said excess, the horrible and detestable nature of which, in the eyes of any faithful
Christian, we leave to you to judge [...]. The wicked friar, with many wounds, cruelly killed the innocent boy in the region of Derthona to
sell his blood to the Jews (7).
The death of the presumed guilty parties and the prompt release of the other suspected Jews were insufficient to restore equilibrium to
their relations with the community of Tortona. Many Jews emigrated elsewhere, the others became Christian. Simons widow, executed
at Milan, was left with a daughter, who took the name of Michela. Simons other four sons, two aged less than seven, and the other two
ten and twelve respectively, were made to take refuge with the Jews of Piacenza, out of fear that they might be converted to Christianity.
On 24 April 1483, the Duke of Milan, under pressure from the justly impatient bishop of Tortona, Giacomo Botta, requested the podest
of Piazenza to do everything possible to ensure that his two smaller sons were returned with speed to Donna Michela to receive the holy
baptism (8).
In the collective memory of the Ashkenazi Jews of Northern Italy, the crime of Volpedo was to appear rather similar to that of Trent; it is
true that Yoseph Ha-Cohen (Giuseppe Sacerdoti), one of the most famous Jewish chroniclers of the 16th century, after sadly reporting
the events linked to the martyrdom of Simonino, observed that in those years, the Jews in the territory of Tortona were slandered
because of a Jew of the place, as had happened at Trent, and here, as well, the boy, named Giovannino, was called a saint;
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and the people went fornicating behind him, and for us, it was only harm and disgrace (9).
The Volpedo case, involving a criminal wearing the cassock of a brother in the Holy Orders, was not an isolated one. In the summer of
1481, a Minorite Franciscan friar was arrested at Cortemaggiore on a charge of accepting a commission from local Jews to commit a
child murder intended to provide them with Christian blood for their Passover, the generous commission amounting to four hundred
gold ducats. Placed in a cage and appended from the bell tower at Cremona, the friar was left to die slowly of starvation, after which his
body became a feast for birds of prey (10). The documents say nothing of the fate of the Jews, the presumed instigators of this holy
homicide.

Arena, April 1479. In this village on the banks of the Po river, a child disappeared along the road from Padua to Piacenza during the
Passover period of that year, while suspicion immediately fell on the local money lenders Bellomo di Madio (Simha Bunim b. Meir), and
his entourage. Finally, David, employed by Bellomo, decided to spill the beans and reveal the particulars of this obscure crime. His
patron had commissioned Donato, a Jew from Padua, to abduct a Christian child to prepare for the Jewish ceremonies. Conveyed in
secrecy to Bellomos dwelling, the child, known only by the nickname Turlulu, was said to have been cruelly crucified in a holy
ceremony with the participation of all the local Jews and others from other neighboring villages. The little victims body is finally said to
have been thrown by night into the muddy waters of the Po (11).
This was considered sufficient to proceed with the arrest of the parties guilty of this brutal crime, as well as that of their accomplices,
both men and women, including Bellomos wife, who uselessly but vehemently protested her husbands innocence. Sacle (Izchak), a
money lender from the Borgo San Giovanni, in the Piacenza region, who had, years before, been mentioned in the defendants
depositions at the Trent trial as an habitual consumer of Christian blood, and had for this reason been exposed to more than a few minor
risks, was also arrested and taken to Pavia, where he was to be tried (12).
In the meantime, Donato, the supposed author of the abduction and one of the principal perpetrators of the childs crucifixion, at the
conclusion of a difficult interrogation confessed everything and pointed an accusing finger at Belomo and his family. The podest of
Pavia lost no time and proceeded with the seizure and confiscation of all the goods of the Jews of Arena.
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But then a sensation occurred. Turlulu, the crucified child, turned up perfectly safe and sound. His body, examined by physicians and
experts with all due diligence, didnt even have a scratch on it. At this point, Gian Galeazzo Maria Sforza and his mother, the duchess
Bona, imperiously requested that Bellomo and Donato, the principle defendant, accused of a ritual infanticide that never happened,
were transferred, without further delay, to Milan, together with the resurrected boy.
The protests of the Pavian authorities, who desired unperturbedly to proceed with preparations for the trial, as if nothing had happened,
produced no effect. The guileless Turlurlu was presented on a seat in the Senate, in Milan, unaware of the reasons for all the hullabaloo,
having himself become the principal personage in a sort of virtual ritual homicide. His interrogation helped disperse the fog of mystery
which still envelopes this grotesque tale. Finally, as might have been anticipated, Bellomo and Donato were acquitted of all charges in
the indictment for a crime which was never committed, were released from jail and permitted to return to Arena.
The Duke of Milan and his mother did not fail to voice their own profound disappointment to the rulers of Pavia in a missive, sent after
the release of the Jews, written without any moderation of discourse: We are amazed, not without annoyance, by this scandalous
invention, of which have just caused such great inconvenience to both people and subjects. He concluded the letter, celebrating his own
sense of justice and equanimity, that we have caused the truth to be known about such a scandalous imputation. The Duke then
demanded that the property illegally seized at Bellomo and other Jews of Arena be immediately returned (13).
One month later, there was still no change in the situation, and, as a result of the protests from the Jews, the Duke of Milan repeated,
with renewed vigor, his request that the goods seized from them at the time should be returned. The response, from the podest of
Pavia, is an inimitable example of both impudence and insensitivity. He would release the Jews property, and sign it back over to them,
but the heavy burden of procedural costs, plus the salaries of all judges, notaries and functionaries having concerned themselves with
the case, would have to be paid by the acquitted defendants. The ineffable podest said that he was fully convinced that the Jews would
be open-minded and well disposed to accede to the paradoxical statement that, for so little money, I am certain the Jews will not prove
themselves too unwilling (14).
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The facts of the Arena case led the representatives of the Jewish communities of Lombardy to appeal to Gian Galeazzo Maria Sforza, so
that he might defend them from the ritual murder accusations which were spreading dangerously, like a spot of oil on water, throughout
all the territories at that time, threatening to conclude in the same tragic manner as the Trent affair. Nor could the confessions, often
extorted with torture and violence, constitute valid proof linking the Jews to such horrendous crimes, as indicated by the outcome of the
affair at Arena Po (the accused, at the said locality of Arena, as a result of the tremendous torments inflicted upon them in various parts
of the body, confessed to committing a crime of which they were innocent, and confined in the Castello, and in the Casa del Capitanio di
Giustizia, for acknowledging that what they had said was actually true, and if God, in his grace, had not sent word that the boy had been
found, they would have fared worse than the defendants at Trent, which only God knows whether it was true or not, and let us just hope
that God makes a demonstration of the truth in due time). The Arena case was not an isolated one. The Jews, in their appeal of 19 May
1479, informed Sforza that other, repeated, accusations of ritual infanticide, all proving false and inconsistent, had been made over the
last few months in various cities of the Dukedom, from Pavia to Valenza, from Stradella to Bormio (15).

The following case occurred two months ago: in Valenza, finding that a boy was missing, suspicion being aroused against the Jews of
that region, the Jews were badly threatened, and if, by the grace of God, the boy had not been found drowned in a ditch, they would
certainly have suffered worse. Similarly, a boy from Monte Castillo being lost, the Jews of that region were accused, but the boy was later
found [...].
The same thing happened at Bormio, as well as at Pavia: a boy remained outside the bridge of Ticino after nightfall and was taken in by a
gentleman, to stay at his house, so as to return him to his own home; and as the boy was not immediately found, suspicion fell upon the
Jews, with much murmuring against the Jews; a house was searched with many threats, in such a way that the patron of the house fled
in fear and has still not returned. And if the boy had not then been found, the Jews would not have been without danger and serious
trouble, as happened to the Jews of Stradella, as well as at Pavia, which were sacked, causing the people to grumble, at the risk of raising
a great scandal and disorder to the detriment and danger of the State of Your Illustrious Lordship (16).
After stating the classical motives, which should have deprived the ritual murder accusation of all credibility, particularly, in light of the
Biblical prohibition against killing and against the consumption of blood, the
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representatives of the Jewish communities of Lombardy added another motive, which to our minds appears seems odd. In the lands of
the Great Turk, where powerful and wealthy Jews lived and prospered, owning large numbers of Christian slaves, both adults and
children, it was said to be an easy matter for Jews to procure the blood of Christian children without running any risk to their persons
and property at all.
But this did not occur, and there was no news from those regions of child murders committed by Jews for ritual purposes.
There are, it is said there, innumerable rich Jews in the lands of the Turks, Moors and other infidels, who hold slaves and servants, and
are able to have the [Christian] boys at their pleasure, to do what they liked with them without respect or danger, which does not prevent
them from doing such things in the lands of the Christians, at the price of great danger, not only to their property but also to their
person (17).
The argument could just as easily have been turned around. Even the most inveterate anti-Semites knew in fact that the accusations of
ritual murder and profanation of the Host were confined to relatively small geographical areas, which included all Jewish communities
of the German-language regions, as well as all the Ashkenazi regions in Italy, at the foot of the Alps (18). Giovanni Hinderbach himself,
in the autographic preamble to the trials, explained the manner in which the child murder committed by the Jews of Trent was in no
way a novelty.
In fact, he added, the impiety of the Jews has come cruelly to light over the past few years in many cities and localities of Germany, as
well as in regions such as Swabia and Bavaria, Austria and Styria, the Rhineland and Saxony, as well as in Poland and Hungary (19).
The lands of the Great Turk were obviously excluded.
Not many years had passed since the incidents at Arena, Portobuffol and Volpedo, when a new ritual murder case came to light,
upsetting the lives of the Jewish communities of northern Italy. During Holy Week, April of 1485, in Valrovina, in the territories of the
Marostica
region, a five-year old child, Lorenzino Sossio, was found murdered, his body horribly mutilated (20). The macabre discovery, at the feet
of an oak tree in a pasture on the upland plain, was made by a local goatherd, while a hermit (a devout hermit, who had long been a
spectator and had diligently observed everything) informed the authorities and populace that the killers had committed the horrendous
crime by mutilating
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poor Lorenzino in the foreskin (21), inflicting upon him by force of repeated punctures and wounds in the blood vessels, finally stoning
the body and covering it with stones. The news was immediately disseminated that the persons responsible for the ritual murder were
Jews, from Bassano, having come to the Vicentino for business or pleasure, but perhaps principally to commit the crime. Thus the
chronicles reported the tragic fate of Lorenzino Sossio da Valrovina, later beatified as Simoncino of Trent, de quo adest traditio cum
fuisse ab hebreis occisum [of whom tradition has it that he was killed by the Jews].

In 1485, 5 April in the Villa di Valrovina under Marostica in the territory of the Vicentino region, the Jews stoned the Sainted
Lorenzino, 5 years old, and buried him several times under rocks; but one of his arms always extended from the grave. Once discovered,
the delinquents were punished, and all the Jews were expelled by the above mentioned residents of the Vicentino from their City and
District; and the Serenissima Prince of Venice confirmed the sentence by Ducal order in 1486 (22).
Five years later, in the spring of 1500, the podest of Vicenza, Alvise Moro, informed the Venetian authorities that the devote hermit,
sole eyewitness to the crime, after being incarcerated and duly tortured, had revealed the name of the person guilty of Lorenzinos
murder. The murderer was alleged to be ben Marcuccio, money lender at Bassano (which hermit is in prison here, and would like
permission to speak, wishing to know the truth: that if they took one Marcuzzo, a Jew, they would find out something [...] take the Jew,
accused of killing the boy, and take Marchuzo da Bassan, and you will learn the truth, is what the hermit said, in those very words) (23).
Marcuccio was the son of Lazzaro Sacerdote of Treviso, who worked at Cittadella and was a nephew of Salamone da Piove di Sacco (24).
Active at Bassano although highly unpopular locally, he had until then enjoyed the protection of Venice, constant over time, the City
having renewed his ten-year money lending permit in April 1499 (25). We do not know whether the tardy revelations of the devote
hermit induced Marcuccio to leave Bassano and turn over the management of the local money lending bank. But that was precisely
what happened: after the nephew of Salamone da Piove had become, it seems, the principal protagonist of a tardy trial, brought at
Vicenza for the murder of the boy Marostica. However that may be, even in that region, the mystery of the crime was not solved, nor
were the guilty ever identified with certainty.
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In the light of what we have just observed, it seems obvious that the expulsion of the Jews from Vicenza in 1486 and the cessation of
their money-lending activities were not related to the presumed martyrdom of the Saint Lorenzino (26). Of course, none of this will
discourage historians, scholars and local priests constantly on the lookout for more or less imaginary holy personages by means of
whom their own poverty-stricken, obscure village or locality may be exalted, causing it to perform an otherwise inconceivable quantum
leap of fame.
Twenty three years before, at Rinn, diocese of Bressanone, on the road to Innsbruck. A company of Jewish merchants, returning from
the fair at Merano, were traversing a small village in the Tyrol and bumped into a three-year old child, Andrea Oxner. Having informed
themselves as to his family, the Jews knew that the mother was far from home, in the fields at Ambras reaping wheat, and that little
Andrea had been entrusted to the care of his godfather, the Weisselbauer of Rinn, Hannes Mayr. Employing every possible stratagem
and pretext, the Jews induced this dishonest peasant to hand the child over to them, promising that they would take him away with
them to live a life of ease and comfort. But they had no intention of traveling very far with him. Stopping in a birch tree thicket, a little
ways above Rinn, the innocent victims veins were barbarously and cruelly severed by those inhuman creatures, who then hung the
bloodless cadaver from a tree. Having obtained the Christian blood which they needed, the Jewish merchants hurried to leave the
scene, crossing the northern confines of the Tyrol on the road to Ellbogen (27).
The martyred childs body was discovered by the desperate mother. The godfather, under intense interrogation, admitted entrusting
Andrea to the Jews on the promise that they would educate the child in luxury and riches. He then confessed that he had been
persuaded by innumerable glasses of wine, drunk in the company of those foreigners, and a hatful of gold coins which had been placed
in his hand. The impious Mayrs fate was signed, more by God than by men. The perfidious peasant who sold the child was condemned
to perpetual imprisonment in his own house, linked with chains, where he lived imprisoned and mad for a good two whole years (28).
Thus recites the implausible hagriography of Andrea of Rinn, which is full of gaps and for which there is no convincing contemporary
documentation. The report remains inextricably linked to local traditions whose relationship to reality can only leave one perplexed and
dubious.
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Nevertheless, the cardinal Lorenzo Ganganelli, later Pope Clement XIV, in his famous report of 19 January 1760, presented to the
Congregation of the Holy Office, with which he intended in general to absolve the Jews from the accusation of ritual infanticide, made
an exception, in addition to for the martyrdom of Simon of Trent, also for that of Andreas of Rinn. The two cases were to be considered
exceptional events, not to be generalized, but were nevertheless concrete and real (29):
I therefore admit as true the fact of the sainted Simon, the boy of three years of age killed by Jews in hatred of the faith of Jesus Christ
in Trent in the year 1475 [...] I accept as true another crime, committed in the village of Rinn, diocese of Bressanone, in 1462, against the
sainted Andrea, a boy barbarously killed by the Jews in hatred of the faith of Jesus Christ [...] I do not, however, believe, even admitting

as true the true facts of Bressanone and Trent, that one can justifiably deduce that this is a maxim, either theoretical or practical, of the
Hebrew nation, since two events alone are insufficient to establish a certain and common axiom (30).
The accused in the Trent trial in 1475, under torture, supplied ample testimony of ritual homicides committed, according to them, in the
preceding years in the German-speaking lands from which they came, and in the centers of northern Italy where communities of
Ashkenazi Jews had formed more or less recently. The defendants were alleged to have assisted or participated in these murders
directly; in some cases, they had only heard about them from others. Sometimes they were able to remember the names of the other
Jews who had taken part.
Isacco da Gridel, near Vedera, immigrated from Voitsberg, a village near Cleburg, was employed as a cook by Angelo of Verona, one of
the principle defendants in the trial for the death of Simonino. In 1460, Isacco attended the lower courses of a Talmudic school at
Worms, in the territory of the Rhineland, and it was there that he participated in a ritual murder, a little before Passover. A Jew by the
name of Hozelpocher is said to have purchased a two-year old child from a Christian beggar at a very high price and to have taken the
child to his dwelling in the Jewish quarter. The murder is said to have been committed here, in the spacious stufa [parlor] of the
house, in a collective ritual, with the participation of about forty local Jews. The blood is said to have been gathered in a glass receptacle,
but is not said to have reached the quantity of liquid contained in two egg shells (31).
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Joav of Ansbach in Franconia was a domestic servant in the house of the Maestro Tobias da Magdeburg, the occulist physician of Trent.
Joav had recently immigrated from the city of Prince Bishop Hinderbach, and had previously rendered service in the house of a Jew
named Mohar (Meir) at Wrzburg for over fifteen years. During this period, Joav testified to having seen the Christian servant,
Elisabeth Baumgartner, assigned to housework, which was forbidden to Jews on Sabbath days, introduce Christian children into the
dwelling, in secrecy and during the night, on at least three occasions. The murders were said to have been committed in the wood-shed,
in a collective ritual which then concluded in the chapel-synagogue, in a ceremony with the participation of numerous local Jews. The
blood was gathered in a silver chalice, while the childrens bodies were buried at night in a terrain owned by Mohar, outside the city
(32). Mos of Ansbach, the young teacher of Maestro Tobiass children, for his part, informed the judges that, in 1472, while he was
working at Nuremberg, he had learned that a ritual murder had been committed approximately eight years beforehand, in the dwelling
of a certain Mayer Pilmon, in the presence of and with the participation of all the males of the family (33).
Mos da Bamberg was a poor traveler who, having left Bayreuth with his son on his way to Pavia, had stopped for a brief stay in the city
of Trent, as a guest in money lender Samuele da Nurembergs house, and had, to his disgrace, been present during the tragic days of the
murder, confessing his knowledge of the murders to the judges. In 1466, on the road from Frankfurt on the Oder, in the Marca of
Brandenburg, while transporting some goods to be sold in that city, he had stumbled across some professional child hunters. While
traveling through a thick forest, Mos had, in fact, encountered two Jews, remembering only the their first names, Salamone and
Giacobbe, in the act of preparing to hurl into a nearby river the bodies of two boys, massacred by them previously. Their prey had been
captured in a small peasant village at the foot of the forest (34). The two hunters showed the appalled Mos their tin-plated iron bottles,
filled with red liquid, and were satisfied at the thought that they were going to rake in a tidy sum through the sale of that liquid. But they
needed the money to live (35).
Whether or not this was all simply a Grimms Brothers fairy tale, which might well be told at the right time and place to frighten children
and give them sleepless nights, we dont know. It is certain that the poor Mos da Bamberg could not precisely remember the identity of
the two hunters and was unable to locate the
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forest in which the crimes had been committed; nor did he know the names of the two victims or the village from which they had been
abducted, or the name of the river into which they were said to have been thrown. He recited this fantastic confession before his
attentive inquisitors, oscillating, suspended by a rope tied around his feet and his head downwards (36).
Israel of Brandenburg, the strange young painter, later baptized under the name of Wolfgang, knew how to be loquacious when he had
to be, and had heaps of picturesque ritual murder tales to tell, tales which had reached his ears more or less directly, with which to
regale his avid and powerful interlocutors. He had allegedly gathered this information for several months, moving from the Rhineland to
the Tyrol, then down to Venice, traveling through the cities of the Veneto. He claimed to possess first hand information on the ritual
murders of Christian children committed at Gzenhausen in 1461 and Wending ten years afterwards. At Piove di Sacco and Feltre, Jews
from his native country had told him of the ritual murders recently committed at Padua and at Mestre (37).

The women in the trial were no less prominent and their report of the child murders committed by their men, husbands, parents, friends
and friends, were precise and detailed. Bona, Angelo da Veronas sister, was a survivor of family and marital problems. She had lived
with her stepfather, Chaim, from the time she was a little girl, first at Conegliano del Friuli and then at Mestre. When she was little over
fourteen years old, she had been married off, against her will, to Madio (Meir), a Jew from Borgomanero in the Novara region. Madio
had a reputation as a madman and a thoroughly bad egg, who, after wasting the already scanty family fortune in gambling, had
abandoned her, moving elsewhere. As a result, Bona had returned to her mothers house at Conegliano del Friuli, and was then taken to
Trent with her mother Brunetta (Brnnlein), also an unhappy and frustrated woman, as the more or less welcome guests of her brother,
Angelo da Verona, who had, in recent years, been able to scrape together a small fortune in the money trade. Before the judges, Bona
admitted to using Christian blood during the Passover period, beginning as early as her brief matrimonial journey to Borgomanero. Her
husband Madio had obtained it from a carpenter friend, guilty of killing a boy for this purpose from Masserano in Piedmont.
(Bona) [said that], during the entire time that she stayed with the said husband (Madio), her husband used the blood of a Christian
child [...] and she did the same during the three year period of her stay at the Castello di Borgomanero, adding, when asked, that her
husband had obtained the blood he used from a certain
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Mos, a Jewish carpenter and resident of Masserano in Piedmont; that Mos had conveyed the blood to her husband through a servant
of the said Mos, whose name Bona said she did not know, and that the servant, in bringing the blood, in Bonas presence, had told
Madio that Mos had obtained the blood in this manner; and that one day, as Mos was on his way home from someplace, he had met a
Christian child whom he abducted and brought in secrecy to his dwelling, killing him and draining the blood (38).
On the other hand, Bona, in perfect accord with Sara, Maestro Tobiass second wife, who came from Swabia and had lived in Marburg
and the Tyrol, with Bella, Mos da Wrzburgs daughter-in-law, who had married Moss son Mayer (Meir) and knew how to write
Yiddish, and Anna, Samuele da Nurembergs young daughter-in-law, remembered another child murder committed a few years before,
in 1472 or 1473, also atTrent, committed by more or less the same people guilty in the Simon of Trent affair. This victim of this murder
was a three-year old child, sold to Maestro Tobias by a beggar in the German-speaking region and brought to Trent. The child was killed
during a collective ceremony in the antechamber of the synagogue, with the participation of the majority of the Jews living in the city;
the blood being collected in a silver vase. At night, this same Tobias took charge of throwing the body of the child into the Adige (39).
Sara, Maestro Tobiass wife, also remembered having talk, in the house, of another homicide, committed at Trent in 1451 by Isacco and
other Jews from Trent; however, she knew nothing of the details (40). Isacco was Maestro Tobiass father-in-law, being the father of
Tobiass first wife, Anna, who had died, leaving Tobias a widower; Isacco is almost certainly identical with the money lender of the same
name active at Trent in the first half of the 14th century (41).
There are, of course, no objective records of these ritual murder stories, eventful and cruel, with their horrible and repulsive
connotations.
The defendants were capable of inventing accusations out of whole cloth to placate their jailers; to make them more believable, these
stories might have caused the names of relatives or even distant acquaintances to emerge jumbled up from the mists of the past, from
the localities of the defendants childhood or youth, or from localities in which they had lived for a while. It is impossible to believe that
the ritual murders the same period and within the same geographical confines as those we have discussed so far, are any more reliable.

NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR


1. Giacobbe da Colonia was arrested under the accusation of having abducted the child while he was in Treviso, where he had stayed on
his way from Piove di Sacco to Portobuffol. He is almost certainly identical with the Yaakov b. Shimon Levi, who appears in Hebrew
documents of the period (cfr. D. Nissim, Famiglie Rapa e Rapaport nellItalia settentrionale, sec. XV-XVI . With an appendix on the
origins of the Miscellanea Rotschild , in A. Piattelli and M. Silvera, authors, Minhat Yehuda. Saggi sul ebraismo italiano in memoria de
Yehuda Nello Pavoncello, Rome, 2001, p. 188).
2. On the ritual murder at Portobuffol, see, in particular, S.G. Radziks documented monograph, Portobuffol, Florence, 1984. In this
regard, see the important compendium of texts in [Benedetto Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica sul martirio del beato Simone da
Trento nellanno MCCCCLXXV dagli ebrei ucciso , Trent, Gianbattista Parone, 1747, pp. 272-282, and furthermore A. Ciscato, Gli ebrei a
Padova (1300- 1800) , Padua, 1901, pp. 136-137; B. Pullan, Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice, Oxford, 1971, pp. 458-460; A. Esposito
and D. Quaglioni, Processi contro gli ebrei di Trento, 1475-1478. I: I Processi del 1475; Padua, 1990, pp. 86-89.

3. At Portobuffol in 1464, Chaim Israel Stein copied one manuscript of a text by Abraham Ibn Ezra (cfr. A. Freimann, Jewish Scribes in
Medieval Italy , in M. Marx Alexander Marx Jubilee Volume, New York, 1950, p. 262, no. 129j). See also Nissims arguments in Famiglia
Rape e Rapaport , cit., pp. 178-181.
4. In Piazza di San Marco in ognimano / piena di dinnumerabile persone / per veder arder quel ternario insano / che confirmando la
sua confessione / brusaron vivi nellEbraico errore / del battesimo sprezzando loblazione [In the Piazza di San Marco, packed with
innumerable people, they watched that maddened lunatic being burnt alive in the Jewish error, despising the offertory of baptism]
(Giorgio Sommariva da Verona, Martyrium Sebastiani Novelli trucidati a perfidis Judaeis, Treviso, Bernardinmo Celario de Luere, 12
May 1480, reported in [Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., pp. 278); [...] ligati sunt et circum circa ignis est accensus, quem
sentientes, et se circum circa volventes, ab igne coquebantur et adurebantur, se lamentes et ululantes, quorum senior induratus alios
socios ad martyrdom exhortabatur, legem suam enarrans [they were tied up and wood was piled up all around them. The wood was set
light, which they perceived, and looked all around them while the wood cooked them and hardened them, with their laments and
screams. The oldest one of them, tougher than his associates in martyrdom, exhorted them by reciting Jewish law] in the Diarium
parmense, in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores , vol. XXII Milan, Tipografia della Societ Palatina, 1733, p. 345.
5. Cfr. A. Ottolenghi, Per il IV centenario della Scuola Canton. Notizie storiche sui templi veneziani di rito tedesco e su alcuni e su alcuni
templi privati con cenni della vista ebraica nei secoli XVI-XIX , Venice, 1932, pp. 18-19.
6. In this regard, see F. Cogo, Vita e martirio del Beato Giovannino da Volpedo, Tortona, 1920; V. Leg, Il Borgo di Volpedo e il Beato
Giovannino Costa , Venice, 1921, and, recently, I. Cammarata U. Rozzo, Il beato Giovannino patrono di Volpedo. Un fanciullo martyr
alla fine del secolo XV , Volpedo, 1997.
7. Cfr. Cammarata and Rozzo, Il beato Giovannino patrono di Volpedo, cit., pp. 19-24.
8. Cfr. Sh. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, Jerusalem, 1982, vol. II, p. 873, no. 2103.
9. Y. Ha-Cohen, Sefer Emeq-Bakha (the Vale of Tears), with the Chronicle of the Anonymous Collector, by K. Almbladh, 1981, p. 59 (in
Hebrew). It is important to note that, as observed by Isai Sonne, Yoseph Ha-Cohen generally attributes the deterioration of relations
between the Jewish communities in Italy with the surrounding Christian society to the deplorable conduct of the Ashkenazi Jews and
their unscrupulousness. The attitude of Italian Jews towards Ashkenazi Jews was exactly similar to that of cultured and refined Italians
towards barbarous and uncouth Germans [...]. The events and circumstances in which the responsibility of the Ashkenazi were
ascertained and led to the saddest consequences for the entire Jewish community were covered up by Jewish historians in fear of
encouraging anti-Semitism. At the most, they could be handed down to a small elect in whom one could trust (cfr. I. Sonne, Da Paolo IV
a Pio V, Jerusalem, 1954, pp. 185-186 [in Hebrew]. These observations had already been published in Hebrew Union College Annual,
XXII (1949), pp. 23-44.
10. Chronica Gestorum in partibus Lombardie et reliquis Italie, by G. Bonazzi, in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, vol. XXII, tome III, Citt
del Castello, 1904, p. 106. In this regard, see also Cammarata and Rozzo, Il beato Giovannino patrono di Volpedo, cit., p. 18. The few
Jews in Cortemaggiore were linked with the larger community in Piacenza, Dal Monte di Piet alla Cassa di Risparmio: lesempio
piacentino, in G. Boschiero and B. Molina, authors, Politiche del credito. Investimento consumo solidariet, Asti, 2004, p. 348).
11. On the facts of Arena del Po in 1479, see in particular C. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis. Riflessioni e documenti . Turin, 1884, pp. 280-294,
and above all Simonson, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, cit., vol. I, p. XXII, and vol. II, pp. 738-789, nos. 1794, 1868, 1877-1880, 18821884, 1888-1889, 1891-1892, 1895-1897.
12. Mos da Bamberg, a German traveller staying in Angelo da Veronas dwelling, told the Trent judges hat he had been in the service of
the Sacle, a money lender at Borgo San Giovanni, near Piacenza, and his wife, Potina. According to him, the Ashkenazi Jew had been
accustomed to dissolve powdered blood, presumably that of a Christian child, in wine, during the Passover meal, pouring it from his
silver chalice into the glasses of the guests. His wife Potina was said to have mixed the blood into the dough of the unleavened bread (cfr.
G. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, Trent, 1902, vol. II, pp. 28-29). It should be noted that the name Sacle or Secle (Seckle), a
rendering of the Hebrew Izchak (Isaac) was widespread among Jews from Frankfurt and Hessen (cfr. A. Beider, A Dictionary of
Ashkenazi Given Names , Bergenfeld, N.J., 2001, p. 342).
13. Cfr. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, cit., vol. II, p. 784, no. 1888.
14. Cfr., Ibidem, vol. II, pp. 784-785, no. 1891.

15. The petition of the Jews to the Duke of Milan (19 May 1479), the original of which is still preserved in the archives of the Jewish
community of Verona, was apparently published for the first time by the famous Marrano apologist Isac Cardoso at the end of the
Seventeenth Century (D. De Castro Tartas, 1679), who occupies himself at length with the question of the ritual murders. In this regard,
see the important analysis, although sometimes accompanied by inexact references, of Y.H. Yerushalmi, Dalla Corte di Spagna al Ghetto
italiano , Milan, 1991. The document was published in extenso by Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, cit., pp. 289-294, and later by G.A. Zaviziano,
Un raggio di luce. La Persecuzione degli ebrei nella storia. Riflessioni , Corfu, 1891, pp. 173-180 (doc. XVIIIbis). In this regard, as well as
with regard to the identification of Corrado Guidetti with the Paduan Jew Giacomo Treves, believed to be pseudonym used by Guidetti,
cfr. D. Nissim, La risposta di Isacco Vita Cantarini allaccusa di omicidio rituale di Trento (Padua 1670-1685), in Studi Trentini di
Scienze Storiche, LXXIX (2000), pp. 829-835. References to the Jewish petition of the Duchy of Milan in 1479 are also found in V.
Manzini, La superstizione omicida e i sacrifici umani , Padua, 1930, pp. 237-239, and in Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, cit.
vol. II, pp. 788- 789.
16. Cfr. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, cit. pp. 289-290; Zaviziano, Un raggio di luce, cit., p. 174.
17. Cfr. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis, p. 291; Zaviziano, Un raggio di luce, cit. p. 176.
18. Cfr. R. Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475. A Ritual Murder Trial , New Haven (Conn.), 1992, pp. 92-93; If we construct a cultural geography
of blood libel in the region, the location of ritual murder trials coincided with the boundary of German settlements in the Alpine
Highlands. Concerning himself with the geography of trials for desecration of the host, Rubin (Gentile Tales. The Narrative Assault on
the Late Medieval Jews , New Haven, Conn., 1999, pp. 190-195) reaches the same conclusions, stating that our story deals with
German-speaking regions.
19. Nec novum videatur hanc pessimam rem ac nefarium scelus in civitate nostra (sc. Tridenti) hoc anno per impios Judeos esse
perpetratum; cum longe crudeliora et atrociora retroactis temporibus in plerisque civitatibus et locis Germaniae et aliarum regionum,
utpote Sveviae, Bavariae, Austriae, Stiriae, Rhenique ac Saxoniae, nec non Poloniae et Hungariae (cfr. [Bonnelli], Dissertazione
apologetica, cit. pp. 65-66.
20. On the child murder of Lorenzino Sossio, later beatified, attributed to the Jews on the grounds of ritual murder, see, among others,
Francesco Barbarano, Historia ecclestica della citta, territori e diocesei di Vicenza, Cristoforo Rosio, 1652, pp. 172-177; I. Scotton,
Compendio della vita, martirio e miracoli del Beato Lorenzino da Valrovina , Venice, 1863; G. Chiuppani, Gli ebrei a Bassano, Bassano,
1907, pp. 73-76; G. Volli, Il beato Lorenzino da Marostica, presunta vittima dun omicidio rituale, in La Rassegna Mensile di Israel,
XXXIV (1968), pp. 513-526, 564-569; M. Nardello, Il presunto martirio del beato Lorenzino da Marostica, in Archivio Veneto , CIII
(1972), pp. 25-45; T. Cali, Un omicidio rituale tra storia e leggenda. Il caso del beato Lorenzino da Marostica, in Studi e Materiali di
Storia delle Religione, n.s., I (1995), no. 19, pp. 55-82.
21. Pueri cadaver, cuius abscisum fuisse videtur praeputium, quia a Judaeis occisu fuerit [The boys body was seen to have had the
foreskin cut off, as if he had been killed by the Jews.]
22. Cfr. [Bonnelli], Dissertazioni apologetica, cit., pp. 246-255.
23. The information is derived from Sanudo, (I diarii, by R. Fulin et al, Venice, 1879-1903, columns 250-266, 283). In this regard, see
also T. Calio, Il puer a Judaeis necatus. Il ruolo del racconto agiografico nella diffusione dello stereotipo dellomicidio rituale, in Le
inquisizioni cristiane e gli ebrei , Atti dei Convegni Lincei, CXCI (2003), p. 475.
24. Marcuccio moved to the Cittadella in Bassano after 1467 (cfr. Carpi, Lindividuo e la collettivit, cit., p. 38).
25. We know that in April 1492, the Consiglio di Bassano had unsuccessfully asked Venice for authorization to expel Marcucio from the
City, revoking his permit. On these events, see Chiuppani, Gli ebrei a Bassano, cit., pp. 100-104.
26. For a serious investigation into the real motives for the expulsion of the Jews from Vicenz in 1486, see Scuro, Alcune notizie sulla
presenza ebraica a Vicenza , cit. 27. In the ample, although tardy, bibliography on the martyrdom of Andrea of Rinn, see Ippolito
Guarinoni, Triumph Cron Marter und Grabschaft des Heilig-Unschuldigen , Innsbruck, Michael Wagner, 1642; G.R. Schroubeck, Zur
Frage der Historizitat des Andreas von Rinn, in Fenster, XXXVIII (1988), pp. 3766-3774; XXXIX (1986), pp. 3845-3855; G. Kofler, La
leggenda dellomicidio rituale di Andrea Oxner di Rinn , in Materiali di lavori, 1988, nn. 1-4, pp. 143-149; B. Freschacher, Anderl von
Rinn; Ritualmordkult und Neuorientierung in Judenstein 1945-1995 ; Innsbruck, 1996; G.R. Schroubek, The Question of the Historicity
of Andreas of Rinn, in Buttaroni e Musial, Ritual Murder , cit., pp. 159-180.
28. Cfr. [Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., pp. 235-242.

29. Cfr. Zaviziano, Un raggio di luce, cit., pp. 115-157 (doc. XIV); C. Roth, The Ritual Murder Liber and the Jews. The Report by Cardinal
Lorenzo Gangarelli on Ritual Murder , in S. Buttaroni and S. Musial, Ritual Murder Legend in European History, Cracow-NurembergFrankfurt, 2003, pp. 211-223. Cardinal Ganganellis report has now been republished by M. Introvigne, Cattolici, antisemitismo e
sangue. Il mito dellomicidio rituale , Milan, 2004, pp. 83-123. Otherwise, Introvignes work is nothing other than an encyclopaedia of
the problem, accompanied by a bibliography which has been only partially updated.
30. Cfr. Zaviziano, Un raggio di luce, pp. 144-147.
31. Dum ipse Isaac staret in dicta Civitate Burmi [...] quadam die ante festum Paschae ipsorum Judaeorum, in quadam stuba magna, in
qua aderant circa quadraginta Judaei, dicti Judaei omnes adjuverunt ad interficiendum Puerum Christianum [When Isaac was in the
said city of Worms [...] a few days before the Jewish feast of Passover, in a large parlor, in the presence of about forty Jews, who helped
kill the boy].
(cfr. [Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., p. 144). See also Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, pp. 94-96; Po-Chia
Hsia, Trent 1475, cit., p. 91. It should be noted that in the halakhah, Hebraic ritual law, the minimum unit of measurement for foods,
both solid and liquid, are the olive (zait), and the egg (bezah). Isaccos reference to the egg to quantify the amount of blood taken, which
seemed so strange to Divina, should not surprise us.
32. Quaedam mulier Christiana, nomine Elisabth dicta Paumghartnerin et quae multum praticabat in Domo Mohar praedicti,
clandestine portavit tres Pueros Christianos dicto Mohar Judaeo, et quos tres Pueros sic portavit in tribus vicibus et diversis annis,
quibus iste Joff stetit famulus Mohar sexdecim annis [...] et dictos Pueros sic portavit de nocte et illos tradebat dictor Mohar. The ritual
of the murder and meal of blood was committed in quadam Camera, qua tenebantur ligna, et quae apud stabulum dictae domus (cfr.
Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica , cit., pp. 142-143). On this case, see also Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475, cit., pp. 90-91.
33. Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, p. 91; Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475, cit., p. 91.
34. Dum ipse Moyses iret [..] ad quendam terram vocatam Franchort, quae est terra sub dominio Domini Marchionis de Brandenburg,
una cum Salomon Hebraeo, cum applicuissent ad quoddam magnum nemus, ibi reperunt Salomonem et Jacob Hebraeos, et aliter nescit
cognomina illorum [...] qui habebant quendam puerum, et aliter nescit cognomina illorum [...] qui habebant quendam puerum, quem
jam interfecerant et jugulaverant [...] etiam habebant unum alium puerum, qui videbatur mortuus et jugulatus, et quod dicta duo
corpora fuerunt projecta in preadictum flumen. Et qui etiam dixerant [...] quod ipse acceperant ipsos pueros in quadam Villa parva, in
qua poterant esse quinque vel sex domus [...] et aliter nescit nomen dictae Villae (cfr. Bonnelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., pp. 143144). See also Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475, cit., pp. 89-90. It should be noted that Bonelli confuses Mos da Bamberg, the author of the
deposition, with Mos da Ansbach, preceptor to Maestro Tobias children. Po-Chia Hsia, for this part, erroneously stresses that the two
cacciatori di bambini [child hunters] Salomone and Giacobbe, were both travel and destination companions of Mos.
35. Qui Salomon et Jacob dixerunt ipsi Moysi et Salomon, socius ipsius Moysi, quod ipsi Jacob et Salomon interfecerant dictos pueros
causa habendi sanguinem et causa portandi illum sanguinem ad venendem et quod oportebat ita ipsos lucrari et ita vivere [...] et quod
colligerunt sanguinem hoc modo: unuisquisque habebat suum flascum de ferro stagnato, qui habebat foramen, seu buchetum, multum
latum ad magnitudinem unius pomi mediocritus grossitudinis [...] et Jacob et Salomon cum dictis flaschis colligebant sanguinem
defluentem ex iugulatura per ipso facta in gutture dictorum Puerorum.
36. Et cum fuisset elevatus et staret appensus, Moyses fuit interrogatus ut supra
37. In Paschate proxime praeterito fuit unus annus, dum ipse Wolfgangus esset Feltri, in Domo Abrahami Judaei, et loquetur cum
Lazaro, fratre dicti Abrahame; idem Lazarus dixit sibi Wolfgango, quod Hebraei interfecerant quendam Puerum Christianum in loco
Mestri, apud Venetias (cfr. [Bonelli], Disssertazione apologetica, cit., pp. 141-142. See also Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento,
cit., vol. II, p. 45; Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475, cit., p. 97.
38. Deposition of Bona dated 11 March 1476, Vienna, Osterr. Nationalbibl., MS 5360, c. 189v (doc. in of D. Quaglioni, in D. Nissim, D.
Quaglioni and O. Stock, author, Simonino 1475, Trento e gli ebrei, cit. vol. II, 2001, CD ROM). See also Divina, Storia del beato Simone
da Trento , cit., vol. II, p. 46. The first news having reached us on the Jews of Masserano, apart from the Trent trials, dates back to
approximately one century afterwards (cfr. R. Segre, The Jews in Piedmont Jerusalem, 1986, vol. I, p. 475, no. 1052). It should be noted
that in January of 1459, a Jewish woman from Borgomanero, named Bona, had expressed the desire to convert to Christianity with her
children (cfr. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, cit., vol. I, p. 270, no 579).
39. On this ritual murder, which is said to have been committed at Trent two or three years before that of Simon, see, in particular,
Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento , cit., vol. II, pp. 47-53. Cfr. moreover Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475, cit., p. 112.

40. Tobias dixit sibi Sarrae, quod ipse Isaac Hebreus habitor Tridenti et socer ipsius Tobiae, dixerat sibi Tobiae quod ipse Isaac, una
cum certis aliis Judaeis interfecerant quendam puerum Christianu, jam tunc annis 24 (cfr. [Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., p.
144). See moreover Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, p. 46.
41. Cfr. Menestrina, Ebrei a Trento, cit., pp. 304-306.

p. 75]
CHAPTER FIVE
FROM ENDINGEN TO REGENSBURG: RITUAL MURDERS OR GRIMMS BROTHERS FAIRY TALES?
Alfonso de Espina was confessor to King Henry IV of Castille and in 1460 was completing a treatise against the Jews, Moslems and
heretics, intitled Fortalitium fidei (1). To reach his objective, he presented his readers with reports of the crimes committed by the Jews
to the detriment of Christians of which he had more or less directly become aware. Naturally, ritual child murders were the main course
of his narration.
The Castillan Franciscan recorded that in 1456 a Jewish notable named Maestro Salomone, originating from the territories of the
Republic of Genoa and belonging to the illustrious family of physicians, had come to see him in the Minorite Convent at Valladolid,
expressing the desire to be baptized. To convince Alfonso of the repugnance which Judaisim now aroused in him, the Jew point precisely
to the horrible custom of the ritual murders, of which he had heard speak or of which he had directly participated (2). According to him,
he had learned from his parents that a famous Jewish physician from Padua, named Simon, have obtained a four-year old child from an
unscrupulous Christian mercenary soldier and had sacrificed him in his own dwelling, laying the child across a table and cruelly
decapitating him (3).
Maestro Salamone then reported that he had participated, with his father, in a secret rite, performed at Savonne, with the participation
of numerous Jews in the city at that time, culminating in the crucifixion of a two-year old Christian child. The victims blood was poured
into a recipient, the same recipient normally used to collect the blood during the circumcision of their own children (4). Subsequently,
he personally, together with other participants in this horrendous rite, claimed to have consumed the blood as the ingredient in their
traditional foods during the Jewish Passover. The body of the sacrificed child was said to have then been thrown into a filthy latrine.
p. 76]
Logically, it is permissible to express serious doubt as to the truthfulness of this Maestro Salamone da Savonas testimonies; nor is it
impossible that the entire report might have been invented out of whole cloth by the Spanish friar, whose violent hostility towards the
whole world of Judaism was no secret to anyone. On the other hand, we cannot but help note the manner in which the supposed scene of
these ritual murders was, once again, the Jewish communities of German origin (in this case, those of northern Italy, like Pavia and
Savona) (5), instead of the numerous and flourishing Hebraic nuclei of Castille, Aragon and Catalunya, as one might logically have
expected from a report originating from the imagination of a friar having lived and worked exclusively within the reality of the Iberian
peninsula. If, therefore, we wish to speak of a stereotype, in reference to the phenomenon of ritual child murder, we must necessarily
admit that, even from the point of view of a person openly professing his own anti-Jewishness in a general sense, and with no direct
knowledge of events in distant lands, the phenomenon seemed exclusively confined to the Ashkenazi Jewish world.
There are no objective records of this long series of ritual homicides, in which the supposed protagonists accused themselves and each
other in their confessions, whether voluntarily or under compulsion. We are speaking of the sensational cases at Endingen, in Alsace,
where the first ritual child murder trial was held, which has left an ample and detailed documentation, echoes of which, not surprisingly,
might be heard in the halls in which the Trent defendants were under investigation (6).
At Endingen, a small village of some several hundred people, under the directorship of Breisach at Riegel in the Breisgau, workers found
the remains of a man and woman, together with those of two decapitated children during excavation and repair work to the ossuary of
the parochial church of San Pietro, during the Passover period of 1470. In the local region, it was suddenly remembered that, eight years
before, a couple of poor people, with a packhorse and two children of young age, a boy and girl, had taken shelter in the house of the
brothers Elia, Aberlino (Avraham) and Mercklin (Mordekahai). These were the days of Pasach, the Jewish Passover. Many people had
noticed them when they entered the dwelling of the Jews, but no one had ever seen them leave. All trace of them seemed to have
vanished into thin air.

Karl, margrave of Baden, on mission from the Archduke of Sigismondo, opened an inquiry and immediately ordered the arrest of the
Jews suspected of having committed the crime. Even before being subjected to torture, Elia, the older of the brothers, confessed and
p. 77]
implicated other local Jews as perpetrators or accomplices in the crime, which was said to have been that same evening, soon after the
Christian family entered their house. To discharge her own responsibility and save her own life, Elia sustained that she had not
participated directly in the murder and therefore had been warned, with threats and curses, against reporting what happened to the old
people of the Jewish community of Endingen, out of fear that they would denounce the persons responsible to the authorities.
Aberlino, Elias brother, hastened to explain to the judges the dynamics of the facts, and thereby avoid torture. The parents were
allegedly the first to be killed, but their blood was not drained off because it was useless for ritual purposes. Then it was the childrens
turn to suffer the same fate, being decapitated, while their blood was gathered in suitable recipients. To cover up the victims cries, the
Jews involved in the macabre ceremony started to shriek their litanies in loud voices, as if they were in the middle of a religious
ceremony. Finally, to throw police authorities off the track if the bodies were found, it was decided to bury them at night in the ossuary
of the church of San Pietro.
Aberlino concluded his deposition by expressing his own intention to become a Christian, to expiate his guilt. Mercklin also confirmed
the particulars of the confession of his brothers, adding other details (7). And so did the other accused.
One of these Smolle, (Samuele), was not content simply to confess his participation in the massacre of Endingen, but added other,
repugnant details. He recalled that, ten years before, in 1460, he had purchased the little son of a beggar woman of Spira for money, and
had then resold him to a rich Jew from Worms, named Lazzaro. The latter, together with other members of his community, were said to
have sacrificed the child to drain off his blood. The victims body was said to have been buried in the Jewish cemetery of the city. But
that was not all. In 1465, Smolle was said to have kidnapped a five-year old shepherd boy at Worde to take him to Nuremberg, where he
is said to have sold him in exchange for a large sum of money. A wealthy local Jew, Mos of Freyberg, who was thereafter said to have
charged the same ineffable Smolle with killing the boy for his own account, is said to have benefited from this precious acquisition (8).
That was enough to convince the judges, if there had been any need, of the guilt of the accused, and to condemn them to capital
punishment.
On 4 April 1470, the three brothers, Elia, Aberlino and Mercklin, were dragged by horses tails to the place of execution, to be
p. 78]
broken on the wheel and their bodies burnt. When the Emperor Friedrich III, at the request of the Jews, decided to intervene in favor of
the condemned men, it was then too late and it only remained for him to rebuke the margrave of Baden, in a letter written one month
later, for hastening to have those accused of the supposed crime put to death, without awaiting Imperial approval (9).
In the meantime, there then opened the inevitable sequel to the Endingen trials, concerning the recipients of the blood collected during
the two child murders. From the depositions of the accused, it appeared that the much-esteemed fluid had been sold at very high prices
to the richest and most influential German Jews, including Leone da Pforzheim, who had, from 1463, enjoyed the protection of
Frederick, elector of the Palatinate (10). By order of Karl of Baden, Leo was arrested in his lordly habitation at Pforzheim, together with
three other Jews, his guests, who appeared involved in the child murders of Endingen as well as in the affair of the blood. In this case as
well, the persons under investigation, with Leo leading the way, hastened to confess, adding significant details relating to the religious
ceremonies in which they had intended to use the blood procured by them. The judges saw no solution but to decree the penalty of death
for the four Jews of Pforzheim as well.
The accused at Trent were only dimly and indirectly aware of the recent events at Endingen and Pforzheim. Mos da Ansbach, teacher to
Maestro Tobiass children, reported to the judges that he had heard talk about a ritual murder committed by Jews a few years before in a
city in Alsace; that some of the accused had been burnt at the stake, while others had taken refuge in flight (11). On the same grounds,
Lazzaro, servant to money lender Angelo da Verona, recalled how, while staying at his fathers house, at Serravalle del Friuli, a stranger
had told them of a ritual murder committed by a few Jews of Pforzheim against a Christian boy three years before. The guilty parties had
been incarcerated, and, so that God might save them from certain death and save them from the hands of the Christians, the Hebraic
community of the German lands had announced a general fast (12). But the eccentric miniaturist, Israel Wolfgang of Brandenburg, was,
as usual, the best informed of all. The young Saxon related to the judges everything he knew in this regard, stating that the child murder
had indeed been committed at Endingen and that the guilty had been burnt alive at the stake for that act of wickedness, committed to
obtain the blood for ritual purposes.

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Israel had obtained this information in 1470 from Mos of Ulm, the special envoy to whom the Germanic Jewish community had
entrusted with the task of traveling to Emperor Frederick IIIs palace by horseback to obtain the release from prison of the Jews
involved in the affair (13) . As we know, the imperial intervention failed because it was received too late, after the public executions had
already occurred. This same Hinderbach, in a missive sent to Friar Michele Carcano of Milan, remembered that numerous Jews from
Endingen and Pforzheim, both men and women, had been found guilty of ritual murder and had been put to death on the order of the
Count of Baden a few years before (14) .
One might be tempted to draw a clear line of demarcation between the evidence given by the Trent defendants, for which exact records
exist, and the others, for which no historical documentation for these accusations and denunciations has thus far been found. The latter
could be dismissed as fantasies and delirium, produced by atrocious suffering, under torture, by persons devastated by suffering and
incapable of reacting, or as the nightmare projections of beliefs held by the judges and suggested by the inquisitors. But such an attempt
does not seem logical or convincing, and would, in the last analysis, appear to be completely counterproductive if an attempt be made to
confront the problem of ritual child murders and place these crimes in their historical context, establishing their geographical extent
and limits. Thus, precisely those exact records which have come to light, at least where some of the testimonies are concerned, should
teach us not to dismiss their reality out of hand, or without persuasive justification, even if they are in fact exaggerations or distortions
of events for which the historical documentation has not yet been found (15).
Moreover, at least one other case places us in the same dilemma; we find it difficult to dismiss detailed testimony confirmed by clear
documentary fact. At the beginning of the trial, the Trent inquisitors decided to interrogate a convert a Jew turned Christian, as
such converts were then called who, in the days of Simons tragic death, was being held prisoner at Trent for another crime which had
nothing to do with ritual child murder. But as to the child murders, which the Jews were accustomed to commit on Passover eve,
Giovanni of Feltre - that being the name of the convert, the son of Sacheto (Shochat), a Jew from Landshut in Bavaria seems to have
much to tell. Around 1440, at Landshut, to be exact, when he was a child and
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still a Jew, the recent convert had heard that the Jews of the local community, including his own father, had killed a Christian child to
collect the childs blood for ritual purposes.
The police authorities arrested forty five Jews, as the result of a raid effected in their district, and later burnt them publicly at the stake.
Other Jews, including Shochat, had taken refuge in flight, seeking shelter with their families in the Cisalpine regions of Italy (16). Both
the child murder at Landshut and the subsequent massacre of the Jews are precisely confirmed by the extant contemporary historical
documentation (17) . So it is not easy to dismiss Giovanni di Feltres familiar testimony, although it is considered automatically
unreliable on all the particulars not confirmed by the historical documentation or in relation to which we lack sufficient means of
verification.
According to his own statement, Israel Wolfgang had directly participated in a spectacular, sensational, and equally horrible, ritual child
murder committed at Regensburg in 1467. In the second half of the 15th century, that which was considered the commercial port of the
Holy Roman Empire towards south-eastern Europe, located on the banks of the Danube, was the home of a flourishing Jewish
community of over five hundred people (18). And the young Saxon, according to his own detailed deposition before the Trent judges,
had been at Regensburg that year, during the feast days of the Jewish Passover. Wolfgangs report was lucid and precise down to the
smallest particulars.
In those days, Rabbi Jossel di Kelheim had taken advantage of an opportunity and had purchased a Christian child from a beggar for the
price of ten ducats. He took the child to his house, in the Jewish quarter, where he concealed him for two days, in anticipation of the
solemn event of the Pesach, the feast of the unleavened bread, when the annual celebrations begin in remembrance of the miraculous
escape of the people of Israel from captivity in Egypt would begin. In the early morning of the first day of the holiday period, Rabbi
Jossel very carefully transferred the boy into the narrow confines of the stiebel [parlor] of Sayer Straubinger, the small and rustic
synagogue located a short distance from his house, where he was accustomed to preside over the collective rites of the community and
its daily and festive liturgical meetings. Awaiting him were at least twenty five Jews, previously informed of the extraordinary event.
Israel Wolfgang was one of them, and he remembered the exact names of all the participants in the rite, both those from Regensburg
and those from other regions. The transfer of the
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child from Rabbi Jossels house to the synagogue, although performed at night, involved some danger, since it might have been noticed
by prying eyes. But in view of the fact that the district was inhabited by Jews who locked their doors every night, with the keys entrusted
to them by the city authorities, the margin of safety was considered sufficiently broad (19).
The boy was undressed in the stiebel and placed on a chest containing the sacred parchments of the synagogue, and was then crucified,
circumcised and finally suffocated over the course of a horrifying collective ritual, following a script accurately planned and perfectly
well known by all the participants, by Jessel, the rabbi; by Mayr Baumann, the mohel; by Sayer Straubinger, the owner of the chapel; by
Samuel Flieshaker, one of Wolfgangs friends; by Mayr Heller; by the above mentioned Jew referred to as bonus puer (Tov Elem); by
Johoshua, the cantor; and by Isacco, the water-bearer. Wolfgang himself had taken an active part in the crucifixion of the child, while
the blood was collected in a bowl, to be distributed among the Jews participating in the rite or sent to the rich of the community (20).
The day after, rumor of the ritual infanticide spread in the district and many people rushed to Sayers stiebel to see the body of the
sacrificed boy, which was placed quite visibly inside the chest. The evening after, at the beginning of the ceremonies of the second day of
Pesach, in the central room of the small synagogue, in the confined space of which about thirty of the faithful now crammed themselves,
excited and curious, while the little victim was publicly exhibited, and the grisly ritual, which had now become merely commemorative,
began afresh (21). Finally, the childs body was buried in the courtyard of the chapel, in a remote corner, surrounded by a wall, accessed
through a small door which was usually kept locked (22).
Israel Wolfgangs report was too precise in its particulars and accurate in its descriptions to avoid awakening the interest of inquisitors
in places other than Trent. His report contained exact names, dates, places, and facts requiring cogent verification. Perhaps the closest
and most significant precedent to Simoninos martyrdom at Trent was to be sought at Regensburg: in the spectacular story of an
unknown synagogue ceremony according to ritual standards following a pre-established order with a mysterious symbolism. During the
first night of Pesach at Regensburg in 1467, in Sayers stiebel, from which the
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noisy flow of the waters of the Danube was quite audible, might provide a clue to the mystery of what really happened eight years later,
during the Pesach period of 1475, at Samuele da Nurembergs house, in the small synagogue of the Jews of Trent, located along a small
murky canal used by tanners in the German-speaking district. Perhaps it was only fantasies, fearful fables, nourished by ancestral
suspicions, settled stereotypes and crystallized from years back; but the authorities had to be certain that the tale had no basis in truth.
In early 1476, Heinrich, the bishop of Regensburg was passing through Trent on his way back from Rome, when, suddenly, someone
handed him a copy of Wolfgangs deposition before the Trent judges. Notwithstanding circumstances of this kind, it would hardly have
been unprecedented, in the 15th century panorama of this city on the Danube, for the Jews of Regensburg to be accused of a good four
cases of desecration of the Host and ritual murder in barely six years, from 1470 to 1476 (23); the good prelate was forcefully impressed
and justifiably scandalized when he read the document. Returning to Germany, Heinrich hasted to advise the authorities of Regensburg
to open an immediate inquiry intended to determine whether or not a ritual murder had really occurred in the Jewish quarter during the
Passover feast of 1467 (24).
At the end of March of that year, the authorities of Regensburg proceeded with the arrest of the rabbi Jossel di Kelheim and another five
influential leaders of the Jewish communities, including Sayer Straubinger, the owner of the stiebel, and Samuele Fleischaker,
Wolfgangs friend. A few days after, seventeen Jews, all accused of participation or complicity in the ritual child murder were placed in
irons. The interrogations were carried out under torture, and at least six of the accused issued a complete confession mentioning the
names of other persons involved in the wickedness. Rabbi Jossel was the first to admit to the judges that he had purchased the child
from a beggar woman at Regensburg eight years before, and had brought it to the synagogue as a sacrifice during the days of the Jewish
Passover; he then withdrew his confession, accusing his inquisitors of extorting it through indescribable torture. Before him, Samuel
Fleischaker had also confessed that the Jews had made use of childrens blood, mixing it into the dough of the unleavened bread (25).
The admissions, obtained from the accused by force, appeared overly general and insufficiently detailed to be convincing; the
confessions were deemed insufficient factual basis for a ritual murder trial. Thus, on 15 April 1476, Friedrich III personally ordered the
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city counsel of Regensburg to free the prisoners immediately and hand them over to the Imperial authorities. But one week later, a
dramatic sensation occurred.
A few workers, engaged in repairs on Rabbi Jossels dwelling, found a skeleton while excavating and cleaning up the cellars. The
skeleton, examined by a commission of physicians and surgeons in the presence of the bishop and other civil authorities, proved to be
that of a child, presumably aged between three and six years (26). The Jews replied to the accusations by claiming that the bones had

been deliberately planted in the rabbis cellar by those interested in his condemnation. Notwithstanding the discovery of the new
evidence, Friedrich did nothing, and continued unperturbedly to demand the release of the incarcerated Jews, despite the claims of
bishop Heinrich, who sustained the validity and plausibility of the defendants confessions to the crime; Ludwig, Duke of Regensburg,
petitioned the Emperor not to interfere in the internal affairs of the city (27).
On 8 May 1478, two years after they began, the trials might be said to have concluded with the absolution of the Jews, imposed by the
inflexible Imperial will. But the defendants release was not obtained cheaply. Frederick demanded eighteen thousand florins from the
Jews as payment for his intervention in their favor, while the judiciary of Regensburg declared itself prepared to release only following
payment of all procedural expenses, amounting to five thousand florins, plus a fine of eight thousand florins, imposed on the city by the
Emperor for holding the trial. In a plenary meeting announced by the rabbis of the German lands at Nuremberg, presumably in early
1478, an obligatory collection of funds began among the Jewish communities of Germany, accompanied by the creation of suitable
committees responsible for coordinating the efforts made to save prisoners. In Italy, Yoseph Colon, formerly a rabbi at Mantua (until
1475) and now at Pavia, intervened with all his related authority; Colon is said to have died at Pavia a few years later, in 1480, after
recommending that the appeal of the spiritual heads of German Judaism receive a rapid, positive and generous response (28). From the
very outset, the affair of the Jews of Regensburg made a profound impression on the Jews of the Ashkenazi communities of northern
Italy. In a letter written in Hebrew dated 11 May 1476, the daughter and son-in-law of Crassino (Gherhon) of Novara, one of the richest
and most influential Ashkenazi bankers of the Duchy of Milan, both wrote to him,
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probably from Brescia, making explicit reference to the sensational affair in which, as a result of our sins, members of the holy
community of Regensburg have been arrested and confined to prison, where God the pitiful and merciful caused them to exit the
darkness and enter the intense light (29).
In another missive, written in Yiddish by the same Ashkenazi Jews, the son-in-law again complained of the sad fate of the Jews of
Regensburg, victims of the blood accusation.
Alas! We have heard sad news, caused by our innumerable sins, originating from Regensburg. They have arrested all the Jews of the
city and slandered them, turning against them the blood accusation of Trent. That God should have pity and not cause us to hear lying
accusations of this type anywhere. We wish Him to render us assistance with His love. Amen.
Another message, also in Yiddish, sent by the young Geilin (Gaylein) to his father, the same Crassino of Novara mentioned above, dated
mid-May 1476, once again made explicit reference to facts of Regensburg.
The sad news reached me from Pavia. May God be merciful and help His people and the Jews of Regensburg who have suffered, for our
sins, for this infamous slander. Ever since I heard this bad news, I have been unable to sleep. How much you must suffer for certain [...]
May God give you strength and health; that is, how I wish your daughter Geilin, unhappy for having heard this unhappy news (30).
The courier of this letter was Paolo of Novara, the shady priest who, according to him, had been paid by the Jews of the Dukedom of
Milan to poison the bishop of Trent. The Jews alluded to him calling him gallech, the cleric, the man with the tonsure (31).
Another two years went by before the Jews of the Ashkenazi communities on both sides of the Alps succeeded in scraping together the
huge sums required to liberate the prisoners at Regensburg. But the seventeen defendants, still incarcerated, were finally removed from
their shackles on 4 September 1480, four years and half after their arrest (32). Thus concluded a matter which perhaps began at
Regensburg, rebounded to Trent, and new returned to Regensburg, leaving many unanswered questions and unresolved doubts, which
the payment of another twenty thousand florins
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in gold by the German-speaking Jewish communities was certainly insufficient to dissipate. If the ritual child murder at Regensburg was
really a fact, it should be possible to track down the blood, distributed free of charge among the participants, or put up for sale by them
immediately afterwards, admitting that it might have reached the Jewish communities of northern Italy. The interrogation of the
accused, more or less based on leading questions as to this point, seemed to vindicate the accusation.
The most important clue appeared to point to a certain Rizzardo (Reichard), a Jew from Regensburg who had moved to Brescia with his
family in 1464 (33). The latter, with their two brothers Enselino (Anselmo) and Jacob, were engaged in lending money at interest
through a bank they owned at Barvardo, deriving a large proportion of their clientele from the city of Brescia, where Rizzardo lived.
Rizzardo of Regensburg had top connections, and enjoyed protection as a member of the influential entourage of Bartolomeo Calleone,

Captain of the Serenissima (34). In Angelo da Veronas house, Rizzardo was often mentioned, partly because Lazzaro, who rendered
services for the banker, was his nephew, and did not hesitate to spend his holidays and vacations in his uncles company. On one of these
occasions, a few years before, when Lazzaro found himself at Brescia to be cured of an illness of the eyes, Rizzardo confessed to him that
he had bought a certain quantity of blood originating from the Regensburg child murder. In addition, the Brescian Jew allegedly made
use of it during the Jewish Passover period, administering it to his wife Osella (Feige), his sons Jossele and Mezla (Mazal), and his
servant, Jacobo da Germania (35) . Angelo da Verona also knew that Rizzardo trafficked in the blood of Regensburg, among other
things, and had sent a letter to his brother Enselino, at Gavarda, promising him to supply him with some of the blood (36). Isacco,
Angelos cook, confirmed that he had often heard the patron of the house and the young servant, Lazzaro, mention Rizzardo as the
person who had received the precious blood of the infant boy sacrificed at Regensburg (37).
But once again, it was the ineffable Israel Wolfgang to cast light on the entire affair. In the summer of 1474, he had been sent to Brescia
as Rizzardos guest, who had commissioned him with the execution of the miniatures for a precious Hebraic code owned by Rizzardo
(38). On one occasion, Rizzardo bragged to the young painter that he, Rizzardo, had come into possession of the blood
p. 86]
of the child killed at Regensburg. He had been given it by his step-father, precisely the same Rabbi Jossel who had been one of the
principal defendants in this sensational child murder. It was at this point that the young Wolfgangs vainglorious nature exploded in all
its variegated intensity. Perhaps Rizzardo was unaware that he, Israel Wolfgang, had personally participated in the child murder in
Sayers stiebel at Regensburg? The Brescian Jew, even if he had been unwilling to believe it, now had to listen to Wolfgang blabbing out
the whole story, down to the slightest detail, and congratulate himself upon receiving one of the lucky and fearless perpetrators in his
own house (39).
Confidence by confidence, Rizzardo, too, not to be outdone, reported that he had participated in a ritual homicide organized at Padua in
the German synagogue together with the other Jews of the city and the district, four or five years before (40).
Since the plague was raging at Brescia, Israel Wolfgang was compelled to cut short his stay at Rizzardos house and move to nearby
Gavardo, as Enselinos guest, with whom Angelo da Verona had long been in contact during his stay in Brescia. To earn some pocket
money, he agreed to bind a breviary owned by the archpriest. In the six months spent in Padua, Wolfgang found further confirmation of
the Padua child murder, the murder in which Rizzardo had participated. He was informed of this by Enselino, who had allegedly
obtained the same blood, marketed in the Brescia region, by a certain Liebmann of Castelfranco da Treviso (41).
This was too much, even for the inquisitors of Trent, no matter how eager they might have been for confirmation real or imagined
of their suspicions. The eccentric painter from Brandenburg seemed to be teasing his inquisitors, churning out a continual stream of
stories, new at all times, picturesque and astonishing, largely invented or exaggerated, calculated to make an impression on an audience
whom he imagined to be highly naive. Instruments of torture may have been, and were, used on the other defendants to loosen their
tongues; in the case of the wily Wolfgang, perhaps they might have been of more use in damming up the torrent of incredible revelations
which he seemed unable to control. Hurt to the quick, and stung in his vanity, the young painter completely flew off the handle, raised
his voice and shouted defiantly at anyone who would listen:
By God! I have reported what Rizzardo told me, word for word, and thus I will repeat it, before any Lord or Prince: just take me to the
place of execution and decapitate me, or kill me
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in any other way, but I will not speak otherwise than I have done (42).
Rizzardo, the Brescian resident from Regensburg, Lazzaros uncle, servant of Angelo of Verona, had been telling the truth. Or at least,
his truth. Or so Wolfgang claimed to have learned that truth during the hot days of the preceding summer, while the plague raged at
Brescia.
For his part, Rizzardo da Brescia had a no less famous namesake. The Jew Rizzardo (Reichard) of Mospach was a swindler and good-for
nothing, arrested for theft at Regensburg in 1475. To his inquisitors, the latter Rizzardo confessed that he had been baptized several
times to obtain money and other benefits from ingenuous Christians to whom he turned, both city people and peasants. But even the
Jews, according to him, had proven the gullible victims of his tricks. The Jews Krautheim, Bamberg and Regensburg had purchased fake
Hosts, which he claimed to have purloined from various churches in the area, to be tortured by the Jews during their anti-Christian
rites. Rizzardo-Reichard who lived alternatively as a Jew and alternatively as a Christian was married to three women
simultaneously, each one of them unaware of the existence of the others. Starting in 1476, he had spent years wandering back and forth

between the villages and cities of Bohemia and Moravia, of the Rhineland and Brandenburg, of Alsace and Wrttemberg. He had been in
Bern, Bamberg and Nuremberg. He admitted to having lived in Italy for a while, in various cities whose names he could no longer
remember (was Brescia one of them?). But he clearly recalled having stayed at Trent, where he was in contact with the Jewish families
then accused of the ritual murder of little Simon (43).
If, as we have seen, one clue seemed to point to Rizzardo and the city of Brescia, a second clue pointed back to Regensburg, leading the
authorities to a certain Hoberle (Kobele, Jacob or perhaps Hoverle, Haver), who earned his living selling powdered blood, wandering
from one locality to another in the German-speaking lands in search of clients. According to Wolfgang, Hoberle had not participated in
the ritual homicide in the stiebel at Regensburg, but certain persons had later proceeded to supply Hoberle with the blood which he
[Hoberle] needed (44) . Mos da Bamberg, the traveler who happened to be at Trent the night before Simons killing, knew Hoberle
personally and had followed his movements. He [Mos da Bamberg] also recalled Hoberles features perfectly. He might have been
about sixty years old, low in stature, bald, with a white beard. He had an ugly stain on the skin of his head, as if he had had leprosy; for
this
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reason, he wore a type of cloth cap beneath his beret. He usually wore a long loose gray overcoat (45).
Before the judges at Trent, Mos da Bamberg stated that he had met Hoberle for the first time in 1471, in the imperial city of Ulm. A few
weeks later, he had seen him again at Padua, in the house of the Jews, and later at Piacenza, where he had stayed as the guest of
Abramo, active in the city as money lender (46). At Pavia, he lodged in the tavern of Falcone, the Inn of the Jews, a place of dubious
reputation where gambling was practiced and there were frequent brawls (47). Falcone (Haqim), son of Yoseph Cohen, had opened the
place around 1470, and is said to have managed it for about ten years (48). The wife, unsatisfied with her husbands activity, had sought
to induce him to abandon that rather uncouth undertaking, but without success. Annoyed, out of spite she had abandoned him and had
taken refuge in a convent, threatening to become a Christian. Then, due to a sudden change of mind, she had asked to be reconciled with
him and to be able to return to the conjugal domicile. The rabbi Yoseph Colon, questioned on this matter, had authorized Falcone to
take her back with him (49).
In the summer of 1477, when a boy, son of a Christian shoemaker of Pavia, disappeared from his home, Falcone had some serious
problems, accused of being the abductor and the executioner during a ritual homicide. A great crowd had gathered around the tavern,
seeking to take justice into their own hands, while the guards had had a hard time controlling them and dispersing them. Luckily for
him, the child then reappeared, alive and healthy, and the Jewish innkeeper was able to draw a breath of relief (50).
Mos da Bamberg knew that the merchant Hoberle, visiting the cities of the Veneto and Lombardy, wherever there were Jews, had sold
a certain quantity of blood to Manno da Pavia, the richest Jewish banker in the dominions of the Sforzas (51). As we have already seen,
this same Manno is said to have been accused, together with other important exponents of the Jewish community of the Duchy of Milan,
of hiring the priest Paolo of Trent to poison the Prince Bishop of Trent in 1476, for condemning to death and executing the presumed
murderers of the sainted Simon. According to Mos da Bambergs deposition, Manno da Pavia, in turn, sold part of the blood obtained
from Hoberle for money to the family of Madio (Mohar, Meir), a money lender at Tortona; the blood is then supposed to have been
used during the Passover celebration. As we have seen, Madio is said to have been implicated in the supposed ritual murder of the
sainted Giovannino of Volpedo in 1482, but, to his good fortune,
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is said to have been acquitted. Mos of Bamberg, according to his own statement, had, for almost a year, been in the service of Leone,
Madios son, and his [Madios] sister Sara, who lived in the nearby castle of Serravalle with her son, Mos, and, with them, had
consumed the same powdered blood, obtained at Regensburg, dissolved in wine during the Passover dinner of 1472 (52).
According to Leone, it was said that, during his sumptuous marriage to Sara, held in February of 1470 at Tortona, attended by over one
hundred guests from the Ashkenazi communities of northern Italy, some local nobles, displeased at their exclusion from those princely
festivities, had, perhaps with excessive enthusiasm, attempted to force open the hosts doors. Unluckily for them, they were ill-received
by the Jews who, with weapons in their hands, threw them out of the palace, pursuing them as far as the local the piazza. A case of illbreeding and poor hospitality which cried out for vengeance. Obviously, Madio da Tortonas version of the facts and that of the guests
differed radically. Taking advantage of the nuptial celebrations, general noise and confusion, the nobles of Tortona reportedly
attempted, rather clumsily, if not downright stupidly, to break into the premises of the local bank, for the purpose of stealing money,
collateral and other valuables, but were said to have been ingloriously routed (53).

Jews in the Duchy of Milan were tried and sentenced for the possession of books, liturgical and study texts containing offensive and
insulting expressions about Jesus, the Messiah, the Virgin Mary, the dogmas of the Christian religion and anyone practicing Christianity
On at least four occasions during the second half of the 15th century. In 1459, they were convicted, and fined sixteen thousand ducats
(54). In 1474 and 1480, the fines were increased to thirty two thousand ducats, promptly paid by the Jewish communities of the Duchy.
As early as 1476, a large group of rich and influential Lombard Jews, active at Alessandria, Broni, Piacenza, Monza and Piove di Sacco,
headed, as usual, by Manno da Pavia, were officially pardoned by Gian Galeazzo Sforza, presumably after paying a conspicuous fine, for
insubordination; bad manners, and defaming and offending the Dukes illustrious father (55). The mysteries of this trial if any trial
was held remain to be revealed in full.
At any rate an undoubted echo of these events may be found in the predication of the Minorite Friar Antonio da
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Cremona at Chivasso in December 1471, in which the pious friar invoked the expulsion of the perfidious and wicked Jewish race, guilty
of continuous blasphemy the Holy Faith in Christ in their books and prayers (56).
But a trial held at Milan in the spring of 1488 was more serious and dangerous than ever. Denounced by a converted Jew, forty of the
most influential exponents of the Ashkenazim community in the Dukedom were arrested and transferred to the provincial capital in
chains, accused of possessing texts particularly, liturgical breviaries suspected of containing prayers attacking Jesus as well as antiChristian invective. The trial began on 16 March, in the presence of a commission of inquisitors, deputized by Ludovico the Moor, made
up of Franciscan and Dominican friars in addition to Ducal officials, and presided over by the vicar of the curia of the archbishop of
Milan. The accused, in the long and detailed interrogations, were requested to supply a due explanations for the apparently
contemptuous phrases found in their texts regarding Christians and the Christian religion, the Pope and baptized Jews, as well as Christ
and Mary. The sentence, a severe one, was handed down the following 31 May. Nine of the accused were condemned to death; the rest
were expelled from the territory of the Duchy, all property owned by all the accused was declared confiscated. Luckily for them, the Jews
succeeded in commuting the cruel sentence into a heavy fine of nineteen thousand ducats, to be paid by January 1490 (57).
When the due date rolled around, the full sum had not yet been collected, and only part of the sum had found its way to the coffers of the
Sforzas. A few months later, the disillusioned Ludovico the Moor ordered a public bonfire of the seized books. Mendele (Menachem)
Oldendorf, a young German Jew and son of a bankrupt merchant, a certain Herz (Naftali), also known as Golden, perhaps in
remembrance of when he had been rich, no doubt possessed a lively and versatile wit, in addition to an unusual degree of Hebraic
culture; he was known for holding brilliant homilies in the synagogue and functioned as a ritual butcher, he was an able writer in the
Yiddish language and was a respected copier of Hebraic codes. In 1474, he traveled from Regensburg to Venice, where he stayed until at
least 1483, when he was present at the famous bonfire at the Ducal Palace. In his autobiography, the young Oldendorf described the
manner in which he had been informed by trust-worthy persons of bonfires of Jewish texts at Milan and other places in the Duchy of
Milan in 1490, regretting that the burnt manuscripts included some which he had copied personally (58).
p. 91]
I learned from one of the wise men of Israel [...] that in the year 5248 (=1488) Lord Ludovico the Moor ordering the burning of a great
number of Jewish books at Milan, the capital city, as well as in other localities in his territories. I, personally, a copier of codes, saw some
of my own texts among the books consigned to the flames. Blessed be God who enabled me to witness the revenge of Gods Law against
that same nobleman (Ludovico the Moor), who has been captured and taken into France, where he died [...] Menachem Oldendorf, the
German. 5274 (=1514).
One of the most important defendants in the Milan trial of 1488 was and this is not surprising Jacob, son of Manno of Pavia, who
had died in the meantime (59). Before the inquisitors, Jacob was requested, among others, to deny the rumor that the Jews were
accustomed to making images in the form of Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary, and then throwing them in the fire, trampling them
under foot or covering them with excrement (60). The accusation was not a new one. During Passover in 1493, Joav (Dattilo) and the
other Jews, living at Savigliano in Piedmonte, were condemned to the payment of a fine of five hundred gold ducats for a serious act of
wickedness.
[These Jews] kneaded the unleavened bread or mazzot, according to their rite and in outrage to the glorious crucifix [...] and prepared
four images of dough in the form of our Lord, Jesus Christ, in mockery of God and the Catholic faith, then burnt these dough dolls in the
oven
(61) .

At a distance of only a few years from the Trent trials, it is not surprising that the judges should turn to one of the inquisitors, Lazzaro da
San Colombano to ask: whether or not the Jews were actually accustomed to abduct Christians for the purpose of committing
reprehensible acts against them in contempt for the Christian faith (62).

NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE


1. On the personality of Alfonso de Espina and his virulently hostile attitude towards Jews and Marranos on the eve of the institution of
the court of the Inquisition in Castille, see, in particular, Y. Baer, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain, Philadelphia (Pa.), 1966, vol.
II, pp. 283-299).
2. Alphonsus de Spina, Fortalitum fidei, Nuremberg, Anton Koberger, 10 October 1485, cc. 188-192.
3. Magister Symon [...] Medicus non modicum corde gavisus cepit Infantem (Christianum aetatis quattor annorum) et cum eo rediit in
Civitatem Papiae, ubi domicilium suum habebat. Et cum ingrederetur domum suam, videns horam qua posset desiderium suae feritatis
explere, capto Infante super mensam extendit, et evaginato gladio caput Infantis Christiani crudeliter abscidit.
4. Cum etiam essem in Civitate quadam subjecta Januae, quae dicitur Savona, ut viderem sacrificari quemdam Infantem Christianum,
Pater meus deduxit me ad domum cujusdam Judaei, ubi fuerant septem vel octo Judeai congregati secretissime et clausus januis
diligenissime juramentum fortissimum omnes fecerunt de celando id, quod facere volebant [...] quo peracto, ecce deducitur in medium
Infantulus quidam Christianus aetatis fere duorum annorum, et deducto vase illo, in quo consuerverunt recipere sanguinem Infantium
circumcisorum, posuerunt predictum Infantem nudum supra praedictum vas, et quatuor Judaei illorum intendebant occisioni sub tali
forma et ordine.
5. Savona, like other centers belonging to the territory of the Republic of Genoa, was the home of small nuclei of Jews in the Fifteenth
Century, made up of merchants and money lenders from Germany, the Duchy of Milan and the Republic of Venice. Among these, we
stumble upon (even at Savona, the names Manno da Pavia, who, as we have seen, was the most illustrious of the Jewish communities of
the Duchy of Milan, and was also active at Venice (cfr. R. Urbani and G.N. Zazzu, The Jews in Genoa, Leyden, 1999, vol. I, pp. 34-37, 43,
47, nos. 71, 73-74, 99, 109).
6. There is an ample bibliography on the ritual murders and trials of Endingen in 1470. We refer, in particular, to H. Schreiber,
Urkundbuch der Stadt Freiburg im Breisgau , Freiburg, 1829, vol. II, pp. 520-525; K. von Amira, Das Endinger Judenspiel, Halle, 1883;
I. Kracauer, Laffaire des Juifs dEndingen de 1470. Pretendu meurtre de Chrtiens par des Juifs , in La Revue des Etudes Juives, XVII
(1888), pp. 236- 245, and more recently R. Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder. Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany, New
Haven (Conn.) London, 1988, pp. 14-41.
7. For the text of the confession of the three brothers, see Amira, Das Endinger Judenspiel, cit., pp. 94-97; Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of
Ritual Murder, cit., pp. 18-22.
8. Cfr. Kracauer, Laffaire des Juifs dEndingen de 1470, cit., pp. 237-238; Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, cit., pp. 18-22.
9. Cfr. Kracauer, Laffaire des Juifs dEndingen de 1470, cit., pp. 236-245; Po -Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, cit., pp. 34.
10. The accusation was that Judei (urbis Endingen) transmiserunt sanguinem ad civitates et loca ubi divites morantur Judei [the
Jews (of the city of Endingen] distributed the blood as gifts to Jews in the cities and locations where . In this regard and on the
confession of Leo di Pforzheim, see, in particular, Kracauer, Laffaire des Juifs dEndingen de 1470, cit., pp. 237, 241-242.
11. Pauci anni sunt, quod puer quidam Christianus fuit interfectus a Judaeis in Helsas (= Alsace), de quo homicidio fuerunt combusti
aliqui Judaei et aliqui eorum aufugerunt, prout dici audivit [It was only a few years ago, that a Christian boy was killed by the Jews of
Alsace, a few Jews being burnt for the murder and others escaped, as I heard say] (cfr. [Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica sul martirio
del beato Simone da Trento nellanno MCCCCLXXV dagli ebrei ucciso , Trent, Gianbattista Parone, 1747, p. 143).
12. Dum ipse Lazarus staret cum ejus Patre in Seravalle, quidam Hebreus advena [...] dixit quod puer Christianus fuerat interfectus in
Civitate seu terra Fortiae [= Pforzheim], quae est terra Alemaniae, et quod Judaei, qui illum puerum interfecerant, fuerunt capti, et
propter hoc fuerat ordinatum inter Judaeos, quod deberent jejunare, ut Deus liberaret eos (cfr. ibidem). In this regard, see moreover G.
Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento , Trent, 1902, vol. II, p. 38.

13. (Israel Wolfgangus) modo possunt esse quinque vel sex anni, dici audivit, quod quidam puer Christianus interfectus a Judaeis causa
habendi sanguinem, et quod sic fit interfectus in quodam loco nominato Hendinga [ = Endingen] Alemaniae, qui Judaie fuerant
combusti. Et dicit, quod hoc dici audivit primo a quodam Moyse Judaeo de Ulma, qui Moss pro liberatione dictorum Judaeorum
equitavit ad Serenissium Imperatorum pro dictis Judaeis liberandis (cfr. [Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., p. 140).
14. Ac novissime infra paucos annos in oppido Endingen et Pforzheim sub Marchione Carolo Badan quam plures Judae utriusque
sexus, pro simile necatione duorum conjugam christianorum ac duorum filiorum, ultimo supplicio puniti fuerunt. The text of the letter
from Hinderbach to fra Michele is found in [Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., pp. 65-66.
15. The following persons have made excellent, even if not entirely convincing, contributions in this regard: Po-Chia Hsia, who, referring
to the testimonies of the Trent defendants on the facts of Endingen and Pforzheim, considers it all a clumsy inquisitorial manipulation
intended to confer plausibility on slanderous reports, invented out of whole cloth, using unnatural juxtapositions of evens, known and
real. And so, the real and the imaginary fused into a seamless whole, the lies [...] told under duress only confirmed the veracity of the
historical Endingen trial which became, in turn, the fulcrum of the fictive universe of Jewish violence (R. Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475, A
Ritual Murder Trial, New Haven, Conn., 1992, p. 90). Elsewhere, the same author, referring to the detailed deposition of Maestro Tobias
on Fredericks visit to Venice in 1469, and on the presence in the city of the merchant of Candia (who, as we have seen, should be
identified as David Mavrogonato), speaks of a fable with an exotic flavor, imagined by the Jewish physician to placate his tormenters
and to put an end to the tortures to which he was being subjected (ibidem, pp. 46-47). But, as may easily be demonstrated, Tobias
testimony was precise in all its particulars and responded to that which he had actually seen and that which had really happened on that
occasion. Miri Rubin, who has examined the German trials for desecration of the Host, although he considers them a slander, cannot
help but note that the testimonies often contained elements the acceptability of which was beyond doubt (the testimony contains true
and imagined aspects of Jewish communal life). Cfr. M. Rubin, Gentile Tales. The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews, New Haven
(Conn.), 1999, p. 123.
16. Quod modo possunt esse .xv anni vel circa, quod Sachetus de Alemania, pater ipsius testis, tempore eius vite dixit testi quod tunc
poterant esse circa quadraginti anni, quod dictus Sachetus existens in civitate Lanchut de Alemania Bassa, et ibi cum familia sua
habitaret, aliqui Judei existentes in dicta civitate, circum festa Pasce eorum, interfecerunt quendam puerum (Christianum) masculum,
causa habendi sanguinem et utendi illo; et quod fuit manifestum domino illius civitatis qui dominus fecit detinere omnes Judeos qui ibi
aderant; exceptis aliquibus qui affugerunt, inter quos fuit pater ipsius testis, qui aufugit et qui vix potuit evadere. Et pro morte cuius
pueri sic interfecti dicebat idem pater ipsius testis quadragintaquique Judeos fuisse combustos (cfr. A. Esposito and D. Quaglioni,
Processi contro gli ebrei di Trento; 1475-1478 ; I: I processi del 1475, Padua, 1990, pp. 124-125). For a careful examination of the
deposition of Giovanni da Feltre, see Quaglioni (ibidem, pp. 35-36).
17. In this regard, see Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475, cit., pp. 31-32, 93.
18.Cfr. M. Toch, The Formation of a Diaspora. The Settlement of Jews in the Medieval German Reich, in Aschkenasas, VII (1997), no.
1, pp. 55-78.
19. Dum ipse Wolfgangus staret in Civitate de Ratibona, cum Samuele Hebraeo, quidam Jossele Hebraeus emit quendam Puerum
Christianum a quodam paupere mendicante Christiano, quem sic emit per decem ducatis et quem Puerum idem Jossele emit per dies
octo ante Pascha Judaeorum, et illus tenuit in ejus Domo usque ad diem Paschae ipsorum Judaeorum, in qua die Paschae de sero, circa
duas vel tres horas noctis, idem Jossele portavit dictum Puerum in quandam Synagogam parvam, in qua erat ipse Wolfgang una cum 25,
vel 26 Judaeis, quo Puero sic portato, quidam Mohar Hebraeus accept dictum Puerum et eum spoliavit, deinde illum posuit super
quendam capsam ([Bonelli), Dissertazione apologetica, cit., p. 140). See also Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trent, cit., vol. II, pp.
38-39, 41-42.
20. "Et dum Puer sic staret, quatuor vel six ex Judaeis ibi astantibus pupugerunt cum acubus Puerum et ipse Wolfgangus fuit unus ex
illis qui popugit [...] dum sanguis exiret, Heberle Judaeis cum quadam scutela stagni vel argenti, colligebat sanguinem ([Bonelli],
Dissertazione apologetica , cit., p. 141). See also Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., pp. 39-40.
21. Mane sequenti venerunt plures alii Judaei ad videndum dictum corpus et in quo die sequenti de sero idem corpus fuit sublatum de
capsa et portatum in Synagogam praedictam, in quam tunc venerunt circa triginta Judaei (cfr. [Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit.,
p. 141). See also Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, pp. 30-40.
22. Jossele et Sayer praedicti mandaverunt Jacob et Isac, quod debere auferre corpus de dicta Synagoga et illud portare ad sepeliendum
in quandam curiam contiguam dictae Synagogae, quae curia est versus Orientum, et quod illud corpus deberent sepelire in dicta Curia
in quodam angulo a meridie, quae curia est circumdata muro et in eam intratur per quoddam ostium, quod tenetur clausum ([Bonelli],
Dissertazione Apologetica , cit., p. 141). See also Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, p. 40.

23. Cfr. Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, cit., pp. 66-72; Rubin, Gentile Tales, cit., pp. 123-128.
24. Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, pp. 38-39; Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, cit., pp. 72; Id.,
Trent 1475 , cit., pp. 97-98.
25. In the vast bibliography on the Regensburg trials of the years 1476-1480, see R. Strauss, Urkunden und Aktenstcke zur Geschichte
der Juden in Regensburg, 1453-1738 , Munich, 1960, pp. 68-168; Id., Regensburg und Augsburg, Philadelphia (Pa.), 1939; Po-Chia Hsia,
The Myth of Ritual Murder , cit., pp. 72-85; W. Treue, Ritualmord und Hostienschndung, Untersuchungen zur Judenfeindschaft in
Deutschland im Mittelalter und in der fruhen Neuzeit , Berlin, 1989, pp. 52-58. See also the notes in this regard by W.P. Eckert, Motivi
superstiziosi nel processi agli ebrei di Trent , in I.Rogger and M. Bellabarba, Il principe vescovo Johannes Hinderbach (1465-1486) fra
tardo Medioevo e Umanesimo , Atti del Convegno promosso della Biblioteca Comunale di Trento (2-6 October 1989), Bologna, 1992, pp.
383-394.
26. Cfr. Strauss Urkunden und Aktenstcke zur Geschichte der Juden in Regensburg, cit., pp. 73-80.
27. Cfr. ibidem, pp 82-83, 144-148.
28. Yoseph Colon, Sheelot w-teshuot, Responsa, Venice, Daniel Bomberg, 1519, resp. no. 5; Id., Responsa and Decisions, by E. Pines,
Jerusalem, 1970, p. 282, response no. 104 (in Hebrew).
29. In Hebrew, Ha-ghedolah haawonotenu ha-rabbim ekh she-bene, KK. Regenshpurkh (= Regensburg) hem tefusim . The letter bears
the date 8 Iyyar 5238 (=1478), but this is a transcription error for 5236 (= 1476). The Hebrew document is transcribed with many errors
from an lost original and inserted in the records of the trial of the priest Paolo da Novara, in an authenticated copy by the notary
Giovanni da Fondo, in the dossier of the Trent trial records, signed and sealed by the podest Alessandro da Bassano, dated 11 March
1478 (ibidem).
30. The letters in Yiddish are also preserved in the Trent trial records (AST Archivio Principesco Vescovile, s.l., 69, 68). These will be
soon be published in full, with an introduction by myself from the Yiddish language point of view, in one of the coming editions of
Zakhor. The letters, which are the most ancient remaining documents in Yiddish, have been partially indicated and with many
inxactitudes (cfr. W. Treue, Trienter Judeprozess. Voraussetzungen-Ablaufe-Auswirkungen, 1475-1588 , Hannover Forschungen zur
Geschichte der Juden, 1977; pp. 114 ss.; Ch. Turniansky and E. Trimm, Yiddish in Italia. Manuscripts and Printed Books from the 15th to
the 17th Century, Milan, 2003, p. 158). The missives, dated the first of May 1476, are drawn up partly in rhymed prose. The recipients
are Ellan (Ellin, Ella), and her husband, the banker Crassino (Ghershom) of Novara, while the senders are his/her daughter Geilin,
Geilins husband, Mordekhai Gumprecht, and his brother Yoel.
31. Il prete [gallech] mi ha visto quando ho ricevuto le lettere che gli ho portato [the priest [gallech] saw me when I received the letter
which I brought him] (letter in Yiddish dated 5 May 5236 [= 1476].
32. Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, cit., pp. 77-82, Eckert, Motivi superstiziosi, cit., pp. 388-389.
33. The name Rikhard (Reichard), which also appears in the form Reisshart (Rizzardo), is found solely among the Jews of Regensburg in
the second half of the Fifteenth Century (cfr. M. Stern, Regensburg in Mittelalter. The israelitische Bevlkerung der deutschen Stdte ,
Berlin, 1934, pp. 48, 55; A. Beider, A Dictionary of Aschkanezic Given Names, Bergenfield, N.J., 2001, p. 406).
34. Like Rizzardo da Regensburg, who lived at Brescia but had a bank in the district, at Gavardo, where he lived with his two brothers,
Enselino and Jacob, another Jewish money lender, Leone di Maestro Seligman, had a dwelling at Brescia, carrying on the money
lending activity in the district, at Iseo (cfr. F. Glissenti, Gli ebrei nel Bresciano al tempo delle Dominazione Veneta. Nuove ricerche e
studi, Brescia, 1891, pp. 8-14; F. Chiappa, Una colonia ebraica in Palazzolo a met a del 1400, Brescia, 1964, p. 37).
35. Modo possunt essi anni sex vel circa in loco Seravalli, cum Arone eius Patre staret, idem Aron dixit sibi Lazaro, quod fuerat
interfectus quidam puer in dicta Civitate Ratisbonae et quod Rizardus frater Aron dixerat sibi Aron, quod habuerat de sanguine illius
pueri interfeci Ratisbonae [Perhaps about six years ago or thereabouts, in a place called Serravalle, when Aaron was there with his
father, Aaron told Lazzarus that a boy had been killed in that city of Regensburg and that Rizzardos brother Aaron told him that he had
some blood from the boy killed at Regensburg] [Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., p. 143.). See also Divina, Storia del beato
Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, pp. 15, 24-25, 37-38; Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475, cit., pp. 91-92.

36. Primo anno quo ipse Angelus habitavit in castro Gavardi territorii Brixiae cum Enselino, Rizardus Hebreus, qui habitavit Brixiae,
scripsit unas litteras Enselino, in quibus significabat quod ipse Ricardus emeret de sanguine et quod inserviret sibi de eo [The first
year that Angelo lived in the city of Gavrdo in the territories of Brescia with Enselino, Rizzardo the Jew, who lived at Brescia, wrote
Enselino a few letters, in which he said that Ricardo sold blood and that he had used some of it] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi,
cit., vol. I, pp. 294- 295.
37. Isac dici audivit ab Angelo quod Rizzardus de Brixia habuerit de sanguine cuiusdam puerii alias interfecit in Civitate Ratisbonae [I
heard Isaac tell Angelo that Rizzardo had some blood from the other boys killed at Regensburg] ([Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica,
cit., p. 144). See also Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, pp. 36-37.
38. Cfr. Po-Chia Hsia, Trent 1475, cit., pp. 97-98.
39. Rizzardus Hebraeus habuerat de sanguine cujusdam Pueri Christiani interfecti Ratisbonae, jam ab alisquibus annis et quod illum
habuerat a Jossele, vitrico ipsius Rizardo; quem sanguinem sibi detulerat Salomon filius cuiusdam soriris Rizardi et quod ipse
Wolfgangus dixit eidem Rizardo, quod ipse Wolfgangus interfuerat, quando ille puer fuit interfectus Ratisbonae [Rizzardo the Jew had
already possesed blood from that Christian boy killed at Regensburg for several years, and that he had received it from Jossele,
Rizzardos step-father, and that this Wolfgang told Rizzardo, that he, Wolfgang, had been present at Regensburg when the boy was
killed] ([Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica , cit., p. 141). See also Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trent, cit., vol. II, 43-45.
40. Et tunc Rizardus esset in Civitate Paduae, adjuverat ad interficiendum quendam Puerum Christianum, quem Puerum interfecerat
ipse Rizardus, una cum certis aliis Judaeis habitantibus Paduae et in loca circumvicinia [...] et illum interfecerant in eorum scholis, sive
Synagogae) [And when Rizzardo was in the city of Padua, he helped killed the Christian boy, and that the person who killed the boy
was this same Rizzardo, with certain other Jews living at Padua or other adjacent localities [...] and that they killed the boy in their
school, or synagogue] [Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., p. 141). It should be noted that at Padua in 1472, a hostaria da judeai
[Jewish inn] located at SantUrbano, was kept by a certain Rizzardo di Michele, who must not, however, be confused with Rizzardo di
Brescia. In fact, the latter was the son of Lazzaro, and practiced medicine and money lending, not tavern-keeping (ASP, Estimo 1418,
vol. 92, c. 43, ss: Rizardus hebreus qm Michele sta a Santo Urban, non a altro nisi la persona e soa mogliere e tri fioli. Et dice far
hosteria da zudei in la ditta contra: et paga de fitto da le hostaria a missier Archoan Buzacharin ducati XI [Rizzardo the Jew, son of the
late Michele, at Santo Urbano has only himself and his wife and three children. And he said that he kept a Jew inn in the same district;
and that he rented the inn from a certain Messer Archoan Buzachazin for eleven ducats]; in this regard, see also C. De Benedetti,
author, Hativiwa:il cammino della speranza. Gli ebrei a Padova , 1998, vol. I, p. 16). In 1472, Rizzardo received a certain sum due to him
from the bank owned by Salomon da Piove, represented by the son Marcuccio (ASP, Notarile, vol. 249, c. 59v. 11 March 1472). A son of
Rizzardo, Abramo, lived at Padua in 1485 in the Volto dei Negri district (ASP, Notarile, Agostino delle Conchelle, vol. 2056c, c. 23r 4
August 1485).
41. Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit. vol. II, pp. 43-45.
42. Interrogatus quod dicat veritatem et non mentiatur, (Wolfgangus) audicissime loquendo dixit quod quae supradictum Rixardum
dixisse, ipse Wolfgangus narrabit coram quocumque Domino et Principe; dicens etiam, quod per Deum, quando ipse Wolfgangus
ducetur ad justitiam, ut decapitetur, vel aliter interficiatur, affirmavit hoc quod supradixit [quoted in text], ([Bonelli], Dissertazione
apologetica, cit., p. 141).
43. Cfr. Straus, Urkunden und Aktestcke zur Geschichte der Juden in Regensburg, cit., pp. 64-66.
44. Cfr. ([Bonelli], Disssertazione apologetica, cit., p. 141; Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, p. 42.
45. Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, pp. 29-30.
46. This Abramo, a banker at Piacenza, seems to have been active from 1455 until the end of Feburary 1476. Cfr. Sh. Simonsohn, The
Jews in the Duchy of Milan , Jerusalem, 1982, vol. I, pp. 183, 653, nn. 391, 1585).
47. On 7 August 1479, Falcone, hostero de li hebrei in la citt de Pavia [inkeeper for the Jews in the city of Pavia], asked the Duke of
Milan for authorization de tenere zoghi [...] in la casa de la sua habitatione, et che cadauno hebreo gli possa zugare tam de nocte quam
de die a suo piacere, libere et impune [to run gambling games [...] in his dwelling, and that each Jew may gamble there by night or day,
at his pleasure, without punishment]. The Duke consented, on the condition that gambling with Christians in the tavern would be
prohibited (cfr. C. Invernizzi, Gli ebrei a Pavia, in Bollettino della Societa Pavese di Storia Patria, V (1905), p. 211; Simonsohn, The Jews
in the Duchy of Milan, cit., vol. II, pp. 773, 789-799, nn. 1870, 1917).

48. Cfr. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, cit., vol. I, pp. 506-507, no. 1200; vol. II, pp. 798-799, no. 1917.
49. Colon, Sheelot w-teshuvot, cit., resp. no. 160. In support of Colons authoritative opinion came two other well-known rabbis, Yehuda
Minz da Padova and Jacob Mestre di Cremona. On the matter as a whole, see J.R. Marcus, The Jew in the Medieval World. A Source
Book (315-1791), New York, 1974, pp. 389-393.
50. Cfr. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, cit., vol. II, p. 702, no. 1701. Our Falcone is not identical with the Jew of the same
name who had taken part in the conspiracy hatched in 1476 by the banker Manno da Pavia and other influential Jews from the Duchy of
Milan to poison the bishop of Trent in revenge, as the priest Divina seems to believe (Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit. vol. II, p.
30, no. 1). The personage in question is in fact, explicitly called Falcone da Monza and had a house in that city (ibidem, pp. 161-165). In
the spring of 1470, Falcone da Monza was arrested, on the denunciation of a converted Jew, with the accusation, later revealed to be
unfounded, of disfiguring an image of the Virgin Mary and throwing it in the flames (cfr. L. Fumi, LInquisizione Roman e lo Stato di
Milano, in Archivio Storico Lombardo, XXX (1903), p. 307; Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, cit., vol. I, pp. 518-519, 526,
nn 1266, 1244). A native of Udine, Falcone was active in the money trade at Monza from 1472, while his money lending permit was
renewed in 1479. In 1473, he was appointed tax collector for the Jews in the Duchy and on 4 December 1480 he appears among the
representatives of the Milanese state, who paid into the ducal strongboxes the huge fine of thirty two thousand ducats, to which he had
been sentenced for having kept Hebrew books containing injurious expressions with regards to Jesus and Christianity (cfr. Simonsohn,
The Jews of the Duchy of Milan, cit., vol. I, pp. 599, 619, nn. 1440, 1494; vol. II, pp. 781, 849, nn. 1881, 2035).
51. Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, p. 29. Manno, who, in 1441, had a stable residence at Padua, where he
managed the main bank owned by him, from 1462 also had a house at Mestre, probably in concomitance with the opening of the Venice
branch of the Paduan bank (cfr. R. Segre, The Jews in Piedmont, Jerusalem, 1986; vol. I, p. 289, no. 630; Simonsohn, The Jews in the
Duchy, cit., vol. I, p. 342, no. 768).
52. Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, pp. 27-29.
53. Cfr. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, cit., vol. I, p. 515, no. 1217.
54. In this regard, see A. Antoniazzi Villa, Fonti notarili per la storia degli ebrei nei domini sforzechi, in Libri e documenti, VII (1981),
no. 3, p. 1-11; Ead., Appunti sulla polemica antiebraica nel Ducato Sforzesco, in Studi di Storia Medioevale e Diplomatica, VII (1983),
pp. 119-128; Ead., Gli ebrei nel milanese dal Medioevo allespulsione, in F. Della Peruta, Storia illustrata di Milano, Milan, 1989, pp. 941959.
55. Cfr. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, cit., vol. I, pp. 436-437, no. 1019.
56. Fra Antonio da Cremona claimed that he put an end to the toleratam habitationem perfide et scellerate progenei ebrayce, que ultra
id quod semper pertinax fuit et est in opbrobrium christiane, legis, semper etiam in suis officiis et orationibus in hoc perfide est obiecta
christiane legi, quam ipsam cum operibus eius quotidie et incessantur blasfemat (cfr. Segre, The Jews in Piedmont, cit., vol. I, p. 330331).
57. The trial testimonies have been studied and published by A. Antoniazzi Villa, Un processo contro gli ebrei nella Milano del 1488,
Milan, 1986.
58. Fragments of Mendele Oldendorf of Regensburgs autobiography have been published by E. Kupfer, in Di goldene keyt. Periodical
for Literature and Social Problems, 58 (1967) pp. 212-223 (in Yiddish). He has stressed its importance as a source for the history of the
Jews at Venice and in the Ashkanazi communities of northern Italy in the last part of the Fifteenth century, D. Nissim, Un minian de
ebrei ashkenaziti a Venezia negli anni 1465-1480 , in Italia, XVI, 2004, p. 45.
59. In the trial documents, Jacob is referred to as Jacob ebreus de Papia, filius quondam Manni, habitator in civitate Papie. (Cfr.
Antoniazzi Villa, Un processo contro gli ebrei nella Milan del 1488, cit., pp. 90-92.
60. Si faciunt aliquam ymaginem ad symilitudinem Iesus Christi et Virginis Marie et ipsam ymaginam proyciunt in igne vel in aliquo,
vel ponunt sub pedibus, vel alidquid faceunt in contemptum (cfr. Ibidem, p. 86; [...] et ipsam ymaginem proyciunt in igne, vel stercore
vel sub pedibus [Whether they make images in the likeness of Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary and those these images in the fire or
elsewhere, or stamp them underfoot, or otherwise hold them in contempt] (cfr. Ibidem, p. 88).

61. (Judaei} panes azymos seu mazoctos secundum ritum eorum legis confecisse ad instar tamen gloriossimi cruxifficii et eius
vilipendium [...] quia fecerunt quatuor imagines de pasta ad imaginem domini nostri Jehesus Christi in obproprium Christi et fidei
catholice, comburendo ipsas imagines infra quendam furnam (cfr. Segre, The Jews in Piedmont, cit., vol. I, pp. 146-147, nos. 326-327).
For documentation on other cases in which, in the Middle Ages, the Jews were accused of making, on the eve of the Passover, leavened
bread with the image of the crucicifed Christ, and then causing them to be consumed in the heat of the furnace, see D. Nirenberg,
Communities of Violence. Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages , Princeton (N.J.), 1996, p. 220.
62. Si (hebrei) capiunt aliquem christianum et aliquid de ipso in comtemptum fidei christiane faciunt (cfr. Antoniazzi Villa, Un
processo contro gli ebrei nella Milano del 1488 , cit.. p. 86).

p. 92]
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CHAPTER SIX
MAGICAL AND THERAPEUTIC USES OF BLOOD
Reading the depositions of defendants accused of ritual child murder with relation to the utilization of blood, one is left with the clear
impression that, rather than explain the need for the blood of a Christian child, the defendants were attempting to provide a description
of the wonderful therapeutic and magical properties of blood generally, and of blood extracted from children and young persons in
particular. The principle emphasis was placed upon scorched, dried blood which been reduced to powder; such blood is said to have
been used as an haemostatic [coagulant] of extraordinary effectiveness when applied to the wound caused by circumcision. Angelo da
Verona had no doubt in this regard and explained to the judges at Trent that, once the blood had been reduced to powder, Jews
normally save it for later re-use when their sons were circumcised, to heal the wound in the foreskin. If available, they were said to have
used other haemostatic powders as an alternative, such as bolo di Armenia and the so-called dragons blood, a sort of dark red colored
resin, known in pharamceutics as Calamus Draco or Pterocarpus Draco (1). The physician Giuseppe di Riva del Garda, known as the
hunchbacked Jew, who had circumcised Angelos sons, normally used it during the course of the holy operation (2).
Obviously, Maestro Tobias, who rightly considered himself a medical expert, also knew how to prepare the magic haemostatic: You take
the blood, allowing it to coagulate; then you dry it and make a powder out of it, which can be used in so many different ways (3).
Giovanni Hinderbach seemed scandalized by these revelations and censured the wickedness of the Jews in healing the circumcision
wounds of their sons with the blood of Christian children in his opening address at the Trent trial. As with other things Tobias
confessed, explained the prince bishop, they medicate their circumcisions with the powder of that coagulated blood and then, in the
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second or third day after the operation, recovering their health (4).
Elias and Mercklin (Mordekhai), as well, two of the brothers accused of the terrible multiple homicide of Endingen in Alsace, during
their trial in 1470, attempted uselessly to beat around the bush before the inquisitors demands relating to the use of the blood of
Christian children by Jews. This blood was then utilized for the marvelous balsamic qualities which it possessed, beneficial in curing
epilepsy and eliminating the disgusting body odour of Jews [il disgustoso fetore giudaico]. But in the end, they both admitted to making
use of the magical healing liquid to cure the circumcision wounds of their sons (5). Leo of Pforzheim, the most illustrious among the
defendants accused of acquiring blood from the children killed at Endingen, confessed that he had procured it because it was required
for the circumcision procedure. Leo had known that the powdered blood of children was used as a coagulant of proven efficacy on those
occasions for more than twenty years, ever since the first time he had been present at a circumcision ceremony with his father, twenty
years before (6). The Jews accused of ritual child murder at Tyrnau in Hungary in 1494 also declared, among other things, that they had
used powdered blood as a circumcision haemostatic (7) . The widespread use of blood as a powerful haemostatic among the Jews is
probably the reason for the widespread notion that Jewish males all directly or indirectly guilty of Deicide suffered painful and
abundant monthly menstruation periods [presumably anally].
Perhaps first advanced by Cecco dAscoli in his commentary De Sphaera by Sacrobosco in 1324, this eccentric opinion is said to have
received enthusiastic support from the Dominican friar Rodolfo de Selestat in Alsace (8). The Jews, the killers of Christ, and their
progeny, were said to been inflicted with an abnormal escape of blood, menstruations, bleeding hemorrhoids, hematuriae [blood in the

urine] and exhausting fits of dysentery, which they were alleged to attempt to cure through the application of Christian blood as a
haemostatic.
I heard of the Jews [...] that all the Jews, descendants of those guilty of Deicide, have escapes of blood every month and often suffer
from dysentery, from which they frequently perish .But they recover their health by virtue of Christian blood, baptized in the name of
Christ (9).
Circumcision hemorrhages, epistaxis [nosebleed], overly abundant menstruation, open hemorrhoids, abnormal abdominal flow. The
most effective cure to control and heal them always seemed to be
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recourse to the powerful and magical powdered blood of children. But in this, the Jews were acting no differently from the Christians of
the surrounding society, despite Hindenbachs feigned and artificial stupefaction. In popular medicine, blood, whether human or
animal, was alleged to be an indispensable component in the preparation of electuaries [powder-based medications mixed with honey or
syrup to form a paste] and astringent powders of extraordinary effectiveness (10). As Pier Camporesi wrote, a sacred and alchemistic
haemostatic, blood (and not incorrectly, in epochs in which hemorrhages represented a terrible tragedy, was considered a powerful
healant (11). According to the prescriptions of the Theatrum Chemicum, marvelous unguents and powders were derived from human
blood, capable of arresting even the most resistant flow of blood and of expelling dangerous infirmities (12). The most expert specialists
knew that human blood possessed great therapeutic powers and was therefore to be prepared and treated with the greatest care. They
therefore recommended that it being ascertained that it is perfectly dry, it should be immediately placed in a bronze mortar, which
must be quite hot, and should be ground with a pestle and made to pass through the finest sieve, and after all of it has passed, it shall be
sealed in a small glass pot and must be renewed every year in the springtime (13).
Be that as it may, the Jews, when they described the operation of circumcision addressing the Christian public, preferred to omit the use
of childrens blood among the restrictive powders and limited themselves to listing others, such as the classical Dragons Blood and
coral powder. Leon of Modena, the noted rabbi of Venice, in his classic Historia de Riti Hebraici described the ceremony of circumcision
(berith milah ) briefly as follows:
The mohel comes with a plate, upon which are the instruments and things necessary, such as razor, astringent powders, pieces of
bandage with rose oil, and some similarly use a bowl of sand in which to place the foreskin, which is cut [...]. The mohel continues, and,
with the mouth, sucks the blood flowing from the wound two or three times and spits it into a glass of wine, after which he places
Dragons blood, coral powder, or things which staunch, and piece of bandage soaked in of rose oil on the cut, and binds and bandages it
tightly. He then takes a glass of wine [...] and bathes the infants mouth with the wine in which he spat out the sucked blood (14).
The omission of powdered blood from among the haemostatic powders could not be accidental. Confirmation of this point could easily
be obtained from Jews turned Christians. They would naturally never have concealed such a scandalous practice,
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assuming that they actually considered it scandalous. Shemuel Nahmias, a Venetian and disciple of Leon da Modena, later baptized
under the name of Giulio Morosini, discussing the topic of circumcision, did not conceal his severe censure of the custom of placing
blood mixed with wine on the childs mouth. This practice seemed to him in implacable conflict with the Biblical prohibition against the
consumption of blood (Tell me, moreover, is it not against the Divine Law, expressed in several places, that the blood is not to be eaten
or drunk? And then in the rite of circumcision, you place the circumcised boys own blood, issuing from the foreskin, mixed in wine, in
his own mouth, adding, to your greater transgression, and repeating that in that blood he will live, almost is if he were to be nourished
by that blood).
But to the utilization of the blood of the Christian child as a haemostatic onto the wound of the circumcision, the convert Morosini made
no mention at all, almost if the practice were unknown to him or did not merit considerable attention.
At this point the mohel arrives, and, behind him, another person, with a basin or cup in his hand, containing all the instruments
necessary to the ceremony are placed, some silver tongs, which are placed as a sign of how much foreskin is to be cut, a powder full of
Dragons Blood and other astringent powders to clot the blood, and two cups or small soup plates, one containing an absorbent material
cut up for the purpose, greased with oil of Balsam or rose oil to medicate the cut, and one filled with earth or sand in which to place the
foreskin, burying the portion of the foreskin which had been cut off [...] having completed the above, the mohel squeezes the little
member of the circumcised boy, and sucking in the blood several times, spits it into a glass of wine, prepared for this purpose, and
finishes by treating the cut with the above mentioned oil and powder (15).

Another converted Jew, Raffael Aquilino, baptized in 1545, and later appointed by the Holy Office with responsibility for confiscating
the Talmud and burning it in the territories in the Duchy of Urbino and the Marca, never dwelt in the slightest upon the presumed
Jewish custom of using powdered Christian blood to heal the circumcision wound, instead, concerning himself with the analogies
between the Holy Trinity and the three recurrent elements in the ceremony, applied to the burying the foreskin in the earth of the
cemetery, the egg and wine, which, after washing the wound, is given to the infant to drink.
Similarly, they take three things for the said circumcision, i.e., the earth from their sepulchers, and they put it in a basin in which they
place the flesh
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which they cut off the foreskin, the wine with which they render thanks to God [...] and three eggs, while in the basin, into which they
pour the wine used to wash the foreskin [...] and they wash the circumcision wound with the wine three times (16).
The famous Tuscan convert Paolo Medici describes the ceremony of circumcision in detail, with obvious hostility, but seems unaware of
the use of coagulated blood as a haemostatic powder. In fact, he restricted himself to observing, without further detail, that the mohel
[...] places astringent powders, rose oil and similar things on the cut, in certain piece of bandage, ties it up, bandages it and delivers it to
the Godmother (17) .
One could at this point conclude that the use of the powdered blood of children, and especially Christian blood, as a haemostatic during
circumcision, in view of the disinterest in its regard shown even by converted Jews, on other points inclined to defame Judaism, is a
chimera and a tendentious invention, either of the inquisitors, obsessed with blood, or of Jews themselves, terrorized by torture and
slavishly eager to placate their tormenters. But this would be erroneous and misleading.
The texts of the practical Cabbalah, the handbooks of stupendous medications (segullot), compendia of portentous electuaries, recipe
books of secret cures, mostly composed in the German-speaking territories, even very recently, stress the haemostatic and astringent
powders of young blood, above all, on the circumcision wound. These are ancient prescriptions, handed down for generations, put
together, with variants of little importance, by cabbalistic herb alchemists of various origins, and repeatedly reprinted right down to the
present day, in testimony to the extraordinary empirical effectiveness of these remedies.
Elia ben Mos Loan, rabbi of Worms, known as the Baal Shem (literally: the patron of the name), in his Sefer Telodot Adam (Book of
the Story of Man), in Hebrew and Yiddish, prescribed that to arrest the flow of blood from the circumcision and that which flows from
the nose, one must take the blood, boil it over the fire until it is desiccated, and reduced to powder, place it successively on the cut of the
circumcision or of the nostrils, so that the blood coagulates (18). We find a similar recipe in the Derekh ha-chaim ha-nikra Segullot
Israel (Way of the Life, also called the Book of Portentous Remedies of Israel) by Chaim Lipschtz, which adds another magical
medication, this time intended to arrest the menstrual flow. Take the menstrual blood and a chicken feather, which thou shalt immerse
it in the menstrual blood of the
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patient; when the blood with the feather has been well shaken, cause it to be dried before the fire, making a powder of it, which thou
shalt administer it to the woman in wine (19).
Sacharja Plongiany Simoner, in his classic Sefer Zechirah (Book of Medical Briefs), was also rather precise as regards the Biblical
references to the extraordinary curative and restrictive powers of blood.
To stop the flow of blood from circumcision or nasal hemorrhage using the coagulated blood of the child or the patient: the blood is
placed before the fire until it hardens, and then it is crushed with a pestle, making a fine powder to be placed on the wound. And that is
what we find written in the book of Jeremiah (30:17): For I shall restore health unto thee, and I shall heal thee of thy wounds. It is to be
understood in fact that it shall be precisely from your wound, i.e., from your blood, that your health shall be restored to you (20).
It does not, therefore, appear that there can be any doubt as to the fact that, through an antique tradition, never interrupted, empirical
healers, cabbalists and herb alchemists prescribed powdered blood as a healant of proven effectiveness during circumcision or
hemorrhage. The fact that this practice was probably anything but generalized should not lead us to suppose that it was not actually in
use, particularly in the Ashkenazi Jewish communities, where stupendous secrets, first transmitted orally, then printed in suitable
compendiums, are said to have enjoyed extraordinary success over time. On the other hand, empirical knowledge of an analogous kind,
even if obviously applied to contingencies other than circumcision, were a heritage of surrounding Christian society, proving themselves
profoundly rooted, particularly on the popular level (21).

Two other Jewish customs relating to circumcision, which do not appear to have been uniformly widespread from the geographical and
chronological point of view, are also of particular interest. Here as well, popular beliefs, based on magical and superstitious elements,
seem to possess a vigor and a vitality capable of circumventing the precise norms of ritualistic Judaism (halakhah), or of seriously
distorting them.
The ritual responses of the Gheonim, the heads of the rabbinical academies of Babylon, active between the VII and XI centuries, refer to
the local custom of boiling perfumes and spices in water, thus rendering them fragrant and odorous, and of circumcising children,
making their blood gush into that liquid until the
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colors were mixed. It is at this point, the rabbinical response continues, that all the young males wash Themselves in that water, in
memory of the blood of the pact, which has united God to our patriarch Abraham (22). In this rite, of a propitiatory nature, the blood
from the circumcision wound, united with the sweet-smelling potion, is said to have possessed the ability to transform itself into a
potent aphrodisiac, used in curative electuaries, beneficial in lending vigor to amorous desires and to the procreative abilities of initiated
males.
One form of magical cannibalism, related to circumcision, may be found in a custom highly widespread among both the Ashkenazi
Jewish communities and [Jewish?] communities of the Mediterranean region. The women present at the circumcision ceremony but not
yet blessed with progeny of the male sex, anxiously awaited the cutting of the foreskin of the child. At this point, throwing inhibition to
the winds, as if at a pre-established signal, the women hurled themselves upon that piece of bloody flesh. The luckiest woman is alleged
to have snatched it up and gulped it down immediately, before she could be mobbed by the competing females, who must have been no
less hardened and highly motivated. The triumphant winner was in no doubt whatever that the proud tit-bit would be infallibly useful in
causing the much-coveted virile member to germinate inside the impregnated abdomen through sympathetic medicine. The struggle for
the foreskin among women without male progeny appears in some ways similar to todays competition among spinsters and nubile for
the conquest of the brides bouquet after the wedding ceremony.
Giulio Morosini, alias Shemuel Nahmias, remembered with much annoyance this repellent custom, which he had seen rather in vogue
among the young Jewish women of Venice.
The superstition of the women is remarkable in this regard. If sterile women wishing to become pregnant happened, as they frequently
did, to be present [at the circumcision ceremony], not a single one of them would hesitate to fight off the others and steal the foreskin;
and the first one to grab it never hesitates to fling it in her mouth and swallow it as a sympathetic remedy of extremely great
effectiveness in causing her to be fruitful (23).
Rabbi Shabbatai Lipshtz confirmed this extraordinary custom of the struggle amongst the women to swallow the foreskin after the
cutting of the foreskin, as a wonderful secret (segullah) in the production of male children. He added there were rabbis who permitted
it, such as the famous North African cabbalist Chaim Yosef David Azulay,
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known as the Chidah (the Enigma), and the rabbi from Salonica, Chaim Abraham Miranda, while others energetically prohibited it,
considering it a scandalous and impermissible practice (24). But the cabbalistic herb alchemist (Rafael Ohana), expert in the secrets of
procreation, although he possessed little skill in gynecological sciences, referred with satisfaction to the results obtained from women
having swallowed the foreskin of a circumcised boy, even in recent times. In his guide, intended for women wishing to have children and
entitled Mareh ha-yaladim (He Who Shows the Children), the expert North African rabbi advised that, to make it more appetizing, the
unusual dish be covered with honey, like a home-made sweet (25). The magical and empirical tradition linked to the foreskin of
circumcision as a fecundating element was not lost over the course of the centuries, but was protected by the secrets of the practical
Cabbalah despite the disdainful opposition of rationalistic rabbis.
It was a common belief that the Jews used blood in powders, dried or diluted in wine or water, applying it to the eyes of the new-born, to
facilitate their opening, and to bathe the bodies of the dying, to facilitate their entry into the Garden of Eden (26). Samuel Fleischaker,
Israel Wolfgangs friend, indicted for the ritual murder at Regensburg in 1467, attributed infallible magical properties to young blood,
which, spread on the eyes, was said to have served to protect from the evil eye (ayn ha-ra) (27).
All the cases examined above, and in a great number of those present in the compendiums of the segullot, remedies and secret
medications, drawn up and disseminated by the masters of the practical Cabballah, constitute the exterior use, so to speak, of blood,
whether human or animal, dried or diluted, for therapeutic and exorcistic purposes. But the accusation leveled Jews of ingesting blood,

or of using it for ritual or curative purposes, in transfusions taken orally, appears at first glance destitute of any basis, being in clear
violation of Biblical norms and later ritual practices, which permitted no derogation whatever from the prohibition.
It is not, therefore, surprising that the Jews of the Duchy of Milan, in their petition to Gian Galeazzo Maria Sforza in May dated 1479,
intended to defend themselves from the ritual murder accusations spreading like oil on water after the Trent murder, by recalling the
Biblical prohibition in stressing that these accusations had no basis in fact:
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That they are not guilty is easily proven by very effective proofs and arguments, both legal and natural, from very trustworthy
authorities, first for the Jewish Law Moysaycha which prohibits murder, and in several places, the eating of blood, not only human but
of any animal whatever (28).
Also the most authoritative among the accused in the Trent trial, Mos da Wrzburg, kown as the Old Man, in the initial phases of his
interrogation, did not hesitate to mention the rigid Biblical prohibition against consuming any type of blood to demonstrate the
absurdity of the accusation. Ten Commandments given by God to Moses, the learned Hebrew leveled at this accusers, commands us
to refrain from killing and eating blood; it is for this reason that Jews cut the throat of the beasts which they intend to eat and, what is
more, later salt the meat to eliminate any trace of blood (29). Mos the Old Man was very obviously perfectly well aware of the norms
of slaughter (shechitah) and of the salting of meat (melikhah), prescribed by Jewish rituals (halakhah) and which apply the Mosaic
prohibition against eating blood with the maximum severity. But his arguments, as we shall see, although apparently convincing, were to
some degree misleading.
In fact, if we turn once again to the compendia of segullot in use among Jews of German origin, we will find a broad range of recipes
providing for the oral ingestion of blood, both human and animal. These recipes are stupendous electuaries, sometimes complex in
preparation, intended to cure ailments and bring about cures, as well as to protect and to cure. For Shabbatai Lipschtz, to arrest the
excessive flow of menstrual blood, it was advisable to dry before the fire and reduce into power a chicken feather soaked with the
menstrual blood. The morning afterwards, a spoonful of that powder, diluted in wine and served up to the woman, on an empty
stomach, was said to have infallibly produced the desired effect. Another secret medication, collected by Lipschtz and considered of
extraordinary effectiveness on the basis of long tradition, was prescribed for women who wished to get pregnant. The recipe provided
that a pinch of dried rabbits blood be dissolved in wine and administered to the patient. As an alternative, a composite of worms and
menstrual blood could be of great utility (30) .
Also Elia Loans, the Baal Shem of Worms, celebrated the extraordinary properties of rabbits blood in impregnating sterile
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women. The expert Caballist moreover prescribed, for the cure of epilepsy, the dilution in wine of dried blood from a virgin having her
first menstrual period (31). In this regard, it should be noted that Mercklin (Mordekhai), one of those condemned for the plural ritual
murder at Endingen in 1470, stressed the effectiveness of using young human blood in curing epilepsy (32).
The compendia of segullot furthermore stressed the prodigious properties of human blood, naturally, always dried and prepared in the
form of curdles or powder, as the main ingredient of aphrodisiacal elixirs inciting to love and copulation, in addition to their ability to
bring about the fulfillment of the most audacious and consuming of erotic dreams. It is not surprising that blood was sometimes
featured in relation to matrimony another fundamental rite of passage in addition to its uses in circumcision and in the preparation
for death.
In the popular tradition, included, for example, by the Jews of Damascus, a man who wishes to win the love of a woman should extract
a bit of his own blood, and after drying it before the fire, cause it to be drunk, dissolved in wine, by the woman who is the object of his
passion (33) . This electuary is said to have been of proven effectiveness in such cases . Other compendia of segullot state that the recipe
was to be considered valid for both men and women and that, to be of greater effectiveness, the blood should be taken from the little
finger of the right hand of the person suffering from an unrequited passion (34). The defendants accused of the ritual child murder at
Tyrnau in 1494 and at Posing, both in Hungary, in 1592, also mention the use of blood as an aphrodisiac and in inciting love, including,
and most particularly, in the celebration of matrimony (35). In the famous case of the supposed profanation of the Host stolen from the
Knoblauch church in Brandenburg in 1510, the rich Jew Mayer of Ostenburg was accused of having purchased the Host at a high price to
extract its essence, and then of using it on the occasion of his son Isaacs wedding to prepare an aphrodisiac elixir intended for the bride
and groom (36).

In the Trent trial, the women, particularly those linked to the authoritative Samuele da Norimberg, the acknowledged head of the Jewish
community, made no secret of their great faith in the effectiveness of the blood of children as an ingredient in sublime potions, both
curative and protective, of which the popular medicine and the practical Caballah were extraordinarily rich, based on long tradition.
Bella, Mos da Wrzburgs daughter-in-law, stated without hesitation, in her statement in February 1476, that that
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the blood of a child was beneficial in a manner wonderful to women, incapable of birth at term. The women recalled that, when young
Anna of Montagana, daughter-in-law of Samuele da Nuremberg, was pregnant and suffering from the threat of miscarriage, her motherin-law, Brunetta, as a woman and an expert in these things, as she was, visited her in her bedroom, making her take a spoonful of a
medicament consisting of dried and powdered blood dissolved in wine (37). On another occasion, Bella had seen Anna, pregnant and
suffering, sustain herself with a bit of blood mixed with the yoke of a lightly boiled egg (38).
For their part, Bona and Dolcetta, respectively the sister and wife of Angelo da Verona, recalled with nostalgic stupefaction their meeting
with an herb alchemist of great fame and experience, a few years previously. According to them, this Cabballistic quack, known as
Maestro Jacob, possessed a book full of secrets of exorbitant and extraordinary effectiveness, including that of causing pelting rain and
hailstorms.
To do this, it was necessary to mix young blood with the clear water of a fountain while pronouncing formulae and exorcisms,
incomprehensible to the uninitiated (39). As we have already stressed several times, it is not difficult to arrive at the conclusion that,
when the Jews were accused of ritual murder, rather than justify the necessity of the so to speak religious uses of blood, they
preferred to expatiate at length upon the magical and therapeutic functions of blood generally, both human and animal, known and
widespread among the people and, in particular, among German-speaking persons, both Jewish and Christian.
This does not yet explain how the Jews, and the Ashkenazi Jews in particular, could reconcile the Biblical prohibition against the oral
consumption of blood which was rigid and without exceptions with the custom, apparently well-rooted, of using it, nonetheless, in
medications and elixirs of various kinds, proven and tested over time. Since these elixirs are often true and proper medications, even if
not contemplated by official medicine, the Jewish ritual law (halakhah) only permitted them when the patient was considered in danger
of his life, in which case the complete and temporary abolition of all the norms of the Torah Jewish law was permitted in order to
save the patient. But, as we have noted, in popular practice, blood, both human or animal, appeared even in preparations to be
administered to patients suffering from minor complaints, or complaints of only relative seriousness, or even as a curative in the toils of
love. Confronted by these obvious contradictions, even
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the defendants in the Trent trial found it necessary to take a position, and to explain and justify such things. And this was not an easy
task at all, partly because many of them lacked the necessary culture to do so.
Lazzaro da Serravalle, servant in Angelo da Veronas house, attempted to do so instinctively, without entering into any over-complicated
reasoning. In his view, the dictates of the Torah referred to animal blood only which was always prohibited while it was permitted
to ingest the blood of a human being, particularly if it was the blood of a Christian, the declared enemy of the Jews and Judaism (40). As
usual Israel Wolfgang, who must have possessed rather more culture than Lazzaro, although not strictly rabbinical, attempted to supply
a more elaborate response, ingenious and less crude. To the young artist from Brandenburg, it was clear that the Torah and later
rabbinical regulations presupposed two different moral codes, one applying to the Jewish world, and the other applicable to the
surrounding Christian world, which was different and often hostile and menacing. Therefore, that which was prohibited between Jews
was not necessarily prohibited in relations between Jews and Christians. For example, the Biblical norm which prohibited usury
between two brothers (Deut. 23:21), unto a stranger thou mayst lend upon usury; but unto thy brother thou shalt not lend upon
usury), was interpreted as concerning exclusively relations between Jews, while usurious lending to Christians was automatically
permitted so much so as to be universally practiced (41). With a bold analogy, which we decline to believe was extorted by judges
exceptionally erudite in Jewish matters by means of ingenious verbal and psychological trickery, Israel Wolfgang maintained that even
the Biblical prohibition against human blood was absolute for Jews, and rigid when it involved blood extracted from the veins of Jews,
but was permitted and even recommended when originating from the body of Christians, or Christian children in particular (42).
In this regard, it is worth recalling that, in that which Camporesi calls as the dark tunnel of necromantic medicine, specialty shops
offered alchemists and herb alchemists oils and balsams extracted from fetid mummies, miraculous electuaries containing the powder of
craniums, often from persons condemned to death, fat from human flesh, distilled from the bodies of persons killed and suicides (43). It
is not surprising that popular medicine should also have permitted them as legitimate medications, prescribing them not only in the

cure of serious and dangerous complaints. The sole recommendation in these cases remains the explanation that oils, fats and bones in
powder, mummies and human flesh
p. 105]
in poultices as Israel Wolfgang explained to the judges of Trent with reference to human blood were not to be extracted from the
corpses of Jews. The rabbinical responses were rather clear in this regard, when they hastened to stress that there is no prohibition
against usefully benefiting from the dead bodies of Gentiles (44).
Perhaps the solution to the Biblical and rabbinical contradiction between the consumption of blood and the custom established
among the Ashkenazi Jews of consuming it on the most varied occasions, may be identified in a late response of Jacob Reischer of
Prague (1670-1734), head of the yeshivah of Ansbach in Bavaria and later active at Worms and Metz (45). The ritualistic text contains
testimonies to a practice widespread over time immemorial among the Jews of the German community, and considered de facto
permissible, notwithstanding the fact that it obviously contradicted the dictates of the Talmud. Being a custom now generalized among
the Jews (minhagh Israel), it came, over time, to assume the same strictness as a ritual standard. The inquiry and the response of the
Reischer referred to the consumption of the blood of the stambecco (Bocksblut), for medicinal use, even in cases in which the patient
was not in danger of his life.
INQUIRY: What is the basis for the fact that most Jews traditionally permit the consumption and drinking of the coagulated and dried
blood of the ibex [a long-horned Alpine mountain goat], known as Bocksblut and dried in the sun, even in the event that it may be
consumed by patients whose lives are not in peril, such as people suffering from epilepsy, when it is one of the internal organs of the
body which causes pain?
RESPONSE: The legality of this custom must be upheld because it is long-established. This medication is obviously permissible, because
clearly, when a custom becomes widespread among the Jews (minhagh Israel), it must be considered to be on the level of the Torah
itself. The ritual motive of the permission is based, in my view, on the fact that (the blood) is dried to the point that it is transformed into
a piece of wood and contains no moisture .It is not, therefore, prohibited in any way.
The authoritative German rabbi sought to uphold the ritual lawfulness of dried blood totally without any liquid component, stating that,
in this manner, the blood must be considered to have lost any alimentary connotations. But obviously, the central justification of his
argument remained the notion that a custom established over time in the community of Israel, even if in contrast with the norms, was to
be considered perfectly authorized and permissible.
p. 106]
It has been accurately observed in this regard (but the reasoning may be opportunely repeated in other cases as well, as we shall see),
that the Ashkenazi Jewish community, in the eyes of its rabbis, represented the community of health, zealous in the application of the
Law of the Lord; to those rabbis, it was impossible to conceive of the fact that thousands of Jews, devote, fearing God and solicitous in
sanctifying the name of the Lord, may His name be blessed, might be violating the names of his Law day after day. If therefore the
community of Israel practiced a certain custom, even in conflict with the norms of the Torah, that meant that this was permitted. The
consequence of this bold assumption did not alarm that generation [....] The German rabbis revised in the actions of their people a sort
of translation into reality of the Law of God, thus as it was transmitted for generations from father to son (46).
If this reasoning was to be considered valid with reference to the standards of ritualistic law (halakhah), it was even more valid if applied
to widespread and profoundly rooted customs, on the ritual lawfulness of which the Ashkenazi Jews, despite appearances, appeared to
have no doubt (47). Their rabbis did not therefore hesitate to approve and approve practices and customs, such as that of the
consumption of blood, even when they appeared in obvious violation of the prohibitions of Jewish law.
The persistence of the custom of ingesting dried blood in medicinal electuaries, widespread among the Ashkenazi Jews until modern
times, is testified to in the response of Hayym Ozer Grodzinski (1863-1940), a respected rabbi of Vilna (Vilnius). Responding to a
question (dated 1930!), relating to the lawfulness of medications based on dried animal blood to be administered to sick people who
were not in peril of their lives, the Lithuanian rabbi recalled the tradition, rooted for generations among Ashkenazi Jews. As to the
problem of the lawfulness of administering animal blood to a patient who is not in danger, since the blood has lost part of its elements
and has been dried, this is my response. Therefore, Grodzinski went on to explain:
If the blood is completely dried, it must certainly be permitted [...] and, even in the case of true and proper blood, as long as it was
watered down, permission may be granted, in an emergency. And yet, since it is easy to use dried blood, which is considered by all to be
perfectly lawful, it is impossible to imagine a state of emergency which would permit the oral ingestion of blood dissolved in water (48).

p. 107]
In conclusion, the Jewish custom in the Germanic territories, throughout history, of consuming potions and medications based on
animal blood, without regard to ritual prohibition of the Torah, appears to be incontrovertibly confirmed by authoritative and significant
Hebraic texts. As we have seen, the compendiums of segullot in many cases expanded the lawfulness of using human blood, to be
administered dried and dissolved in another liquid, which was to be recommended, not only for therapeutic purposes, but in
conjurations and exorcisms of all kinds (49). The Trent defendants were perfectly well aware of this, and listed a long case history of it
based on personal experience, even if, during the first moments of the trial, they may have considered it expedient to mention the
Biblical prohibition against the ingestion of blood, which is well known to everyone, as if it were applied by them scrupulously in
everyday reality. The records of the Trent trial were also to reveal, not only the generalized use of blood by German Jews for curative and
magic purposes, but the necessity which the accused, according to their inquisitors, are alleged to have felt to supply themselves with
Christian blood (and that of a baptized child, in particular), above all, in the celebration of the rites of Pesach, the Jewish Passover. In
this case, all they had to do was turn to specialized, acknowledged retailers of blood, or itinerant alchemists and herb alchemists, to
obtain the required goods; but it was necessary to ascertain that the object of purchase was actually that precious and much sought-after
commodity, young Christian blood, despite the facility of falsification and adulteration. And this was not an easy thing to do, or
something to be taken for granted.
During the trial for ritual child murder brought against the Jews of Waldkirch, a village a short distance from Freiburg, in 1504, the
victims father, Philip Bader, was later found to be the murderer of the victim, little Matthew, and therefore executed publicly, thus
illustrating the perpetrators relations with Jews. In his deposition rendered to the Judge, Bader admitted obtaining a certain amount of
blood from the childs neck, without intending to kill him, to sell the blood to the Jews, who, according to him, paid high prices for that
type of merchandise. In this case, the Jews are said to have refused to buy it, saying that Bader intended to swindle them, offering them
animal blood instead of the blood of a Christian child. For their part, the Jews of Waldkirch advanced the theory that the unnatural
father had killed the child, probably during a clumsy attempt to take blood from the carotid artery and profit
p. 108]
from the sale (50). In any case, it seems certain that, in the reality of the German territories, blood was frequently purchased and sold, at
high prices, for the most diverse purposes, and that young human blood was certainly preferable to animal blood. It was, therefore,
foreseeable that the ambiguous and equivocal sector of selling and purchasing human blood was rife with fraud and counterfeiting for
the purpose of increasing ones profits with the minimum of effort.
According to Trent defendants, their more alert clients had demanded that the resellers provide certificates of ritual suitability, signed
by serious and acknowledged rabbinical authorities, as was customarily done for food products prepared according to the religious rules
of the kashrut . No matter how paradoxical and improbable this fact may appear to our eyes so much so as make one believe that it
was invented out of whole cloth by the judicial authorities of Trent we believe that this matter deserves a certain amount of attention
and precise verification, where possible, of the underlying facts and particulars upon which it appears to be built.
Both Maestro Tobias and Samuele da Nuremberg, Angelo da Verona, Mos the Old Man of Wrzburg, and his son Mohar (Meir), all
recalled having come into contact with these retailers of blood, often, according to them, equipped with written rabbinical
authorizations.
Sometimes they even recalled their names and origins; in some cases, they described their physical appearance with numerous details.
Abramao (Maestro Tobiass supplier), Isacco of Neuss, from the bishopric of Cologne, Orso of Saxony, Jacob Chierlitz, also of Saxony,
are not names which mean a lot to us. These are the names attributed to these itinerant merchants, originating in Germany and
traveling, with their leather purses with waxed and tin-plated bottoms, to the Ashkenazim communities of Lombardy and the Triveneto
region (51).
Old Man Mos da Wrzburg assured the judges that, in his long career, he had always acquired the blood of Christian boys from
trustworthy persons and retailers bearing the required written rabbinical guarantees, which he called testimonial letters (52). So as not
to be too vague about it, Isacco da Gridel, cook in Angelo da Veronas house, recalled the manner in which the wealthier Jews of Cleburg,
a city under the domination of Filippo de Rossa, acquired the blood of Christian children from a rabbi named Simone, who lived in
Frankfurt, then a free city (53). This Simone of Frankfurt is certainly identical with Shimon Katz,
p. 109]

rabbi of the Jewish community of Frankfurt am Main from 1462 to 1478, the year of his death: Shimon Katz was also the chairman of the
local rabbinical tribunal. Rabbi Shimon Katz maintained close relations with the spiritual leaders of the Ashkenazim communities of
Northern Italy and maintained close relations and friendship with Yoseph Colon, almost undisputed religious head of the Italian Jews of
German origin (54). To consider him as a common trafficker in Christian blood, as Isacco the cook claimed, frankly impresses me as an
oversimplification and not very believable, in the absence of other information in support of such a singular thesis.
Undoubtedly more serious and worthy of consideration, even if extorted by means of cruel coercive methods, was the related testimony
of Samuele da Nuremberg, undisputed head of the Jews of Trent. Samuele confessed to his inquisitors that the itinerant peddler Orso
(Dov) from Saxony, from whom he had obtained the blood, presumably that of a Christian child, bore credential letters signed by
Moss of Hol of Saxony, Iudeorum principalis magister. There appear to be no doubt that this Mos of Hol was identical with Rabbi
Moss, head of the yeshiva at Halle, who, together with his family, enjoyed privileges granted by the archbishop of Magdeburg in 1442
and later by Emperor Friedrich III in 1446, including that of adorning himself with the title of Jodenmeister, i.e., the principalis
magister Judeorum, as Mos is described in Samuele da Nurembergs deposition. We know that Mos abandoned Halle (a particular
apparently ignored by Samuele) as early as 1458 and had moved to Poznn in Poland, to pursue his rabbinical activity in that
community (55).
The text of the certificate of guarantee signed by Mos of Halle, which accompanied the purse of dried blood sold by Orso (Dov) of
Saxony, was quite similar to the text of an attestation commonly issued in relation to permissible food: Be it known by all, that all that
which is carried by Dov is kasher (56). It is understandable that the script intentionally omitted any mention of the type of merchandise
dealt in by Orso. Samuele, once he had bought the blood, wrote his name on the white leather of the purse, which featured a list of the
German merchants clients and a signature in Hebrew: Rabbi Schemuel mi-Trient (57).

NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX


1. Accipiunt dictum sanguinem dictorum puerorum Christianorum et illu redigunt in pulverem, quem pulverem ipsi Iudei servant et
postea, quando circumciserunt eorum filios, ponunt de sanguine pueri Christiani super preputiis circuncisourm [...] et si non possunt
habere de sanguine pueri Christiani quando circumcisorum, ponunt de bolo Armeno et de sanguine draconis, et dicit quod dictus pulvis
mirabiliter consolidat vulnera et restringit sanguinem [They take the blood of Christian boys and reduce it to powder, which powder
these Jews use themselves, and later, when they circumcise their sons, they place the blood of Christian boys on the foreskin of the
circumcised child [] and if they cannot obtain the blood of Christian boys they circumcise, they use Bolo of Armenia and Dragons
Blood, and say that the said power miraculously heals the wound and clots the flow of blood] T. Deposition of Angelo da Verona to the
Trent judges on 8 April 1475. Cfr. A. Eposito and D. Quaglioni, Processi contro gli ebrei di Trento, 1475-1478; I: I processi del 1475,
Padua, 1990, p. 288. On the Jewish custom of applying astringent powders such as dragons blood on the circumcision wound, see J.
Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, Philadelphia (Pa.), 1961, pp. 150-151.
2. Magister Ioseph, qui habitat Ripe et qui circumcidit filios ipsius Angeli, tenet de sanguine predicto, quod postea utitur quando
circumcidit [Master Joseph, a resident of Riva, who circumcised Angelos sons, obtained blood, and then used it when he
circumcised] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, vol. I, cit, p. 288). Magister Iosephus phisicuc, known as the zudio gobo
[hunchbacked Jew], the circumcisor of the sons of the Angelo da Verona, appears to have been active at Riva del Garda, together with
his son Salomone, at least until the end of 1496 (cfr. M.L. Crosina, La communit ebraica di Riva del Garda, sec. XV-XVIII, Riva del
Garda, 1991, pp. 29, 33, 42-43).
3. Thobias [...] dicit quod (judei) accipunt sanguinem pueri Christiani et illum faciunt coagulare et deinde illum essiccant et de eo
faciunt pulverem [Tobias [...] said that (the Jews) take the blood of a Christian boy and cause it to coagulate and then they dry it and
make a powder of it] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, vol. I, cit. p. 318).
4. Pro ut Thobias inter alias confessus est, (pueros suos circumcisos) cum pulveribus dicti sanguinis coagulati medentur et statim altero
vel tertio die santitatem recipiunt ([Benedetto Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica sul martirio del beato Simone da Trento nellanno
MCCCCLVXXV dagli ebrei ucciso , Trent, Gianbattista Parone, 1747, p. 113).
5. Cfr. K. von Amira, Das Endinger Judenspiel, Halle, 1883, pp. 95-97; R. Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder. Jews and Magic in
Reformation Germany , New Haven (Conn.)-London, 1988, pp. 20-21
6. Cfr. Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, cit., p. 29.
7. Anton Bonfin, in Rerum Hungaricuarum Decades, by K.A. Bel, dec. V.I. 4, 1771, p. 728.

8. On this matter, see recently P. Billar, View of Jews from Paris around 1300. Christian or Scientific?, in D. Wood, Christianiy and
Judaism, Oxford, p. 199; I.M. Resnick, On Roots of the Myth of Jewish Male Menses in Jacques de Vitrys History of Jerusalem, in
International Rennert Guest Lecture Series, III (1996), pp. 1-27. See moreover Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, cit., pp. 50, 148.
9. Audivi a Judeis [...] quod omnes Judei, qui de eorum processerunt, singulis mensibus sanguine fluunt et dissenterium sepius
patiantur et ea ut frequentius moriuntur. Sanatur autem per sanguinem hominis Christiani, qui nomine Christi baptizatus est
(Historiae Memorabiles, by E. Kleinschmidt, Cologne, 1974, p. 65).
10. On the multiple uses of the blood, fresh or dried, human or animal, in the popular Christian pharmacopaeia of the Middle Ages until
the early modern era, see the classic study by H.L. Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice. Human Blood and Jewish Ritual, London,
1909, pp. 43-88.
11. Cfr. P. Camporesi, Il sugo della vita. Simbolismo e magia del sangue, Milan, 1988, p. 14. See also the recent study of this problem by
B. Bildhauer, Medieval Blood, Plymouth, 2006.
12. Ex sanguine humano fieri potest oleum et sal, post haec lapis rubeus mirabilis efficaciae et virtutis; cohibet flux sanguinis,
multasque infirmitates expellit (Theatrum chemicum, Strasburg, heirs L. Zetzner, 1613, vol. I, p. 693).
13. The quote is dealt with by Francesco Sirena, Larte dello spetiale, Pavia, G. Ghidini, 1679, p. 86. See also Camporesi, Il sugo della vita,
cit., pp. 20-21.
14. Leon da Modena, Historia de riti hebraici, Venice, Gio. Calleoni, 1638, pp. 95-96.
15. Giulio Morosini, Derekh Emunah. Via della fede mostrata agli ebrei, Rome, Propaganda Fide, 1683, pp. 114-118.
16. Raffaele Aquilino, Trattato pio, Pesaro, Geronimo Concordia, 1571, pp. 35v-36r. On the appearance and personality of Aquilino,
whose previous Jewish name is unknown, but who was probably a rabbi, see F. Parente, Il confronto ideologico tra lebraismo e la Chiesa
in Italia, in Italia Judaica, I (1983), pp. 316-319.
17. Paolo Medici, Riti et costumi degli ebrei, Madrid, LucAntonio de Bedmar, 1737, p. 11.
18. Eliyahu Baal Shem, Sefer Toledot Adam, Wilhemsdorf, Zvi Hirsch von Frth, 1734, c. 16r. The handbook was printed earlier, at
Zolkiew in 1720, while there must have been many republications before that at Lemberg in 1875.
19. Chaim Lipschtz, Derekh ha-chaim, Sulzbach, Aharon Lippman, 1703. Under the title Sefer ha-chaim ha-nira Segullot Israel and the
attribution to Shabbatai Lipschtz, a similar work was printed in 1905 (the recipes in question are at cc. 19v and 20r) and at Jerusalem
in 1991. The use of powdered blood on the circumcision wound is also recommended in the modern editions of the Ozara ha-segullot
(Treasure of Secret Remedies), by A. Benjacov (Jerusalem, 1991, and in the Refuah chaim we-shalom (Medicine, Life and Peace), by
S. Binyamini (Jerusalem, 1998). See also the manuscript code of segullot, reproduced by Y. Ytzhaky (Amulet and Charm, Tel Aviv, 1976
[in Hebrew], in which the prescription of powdered blood on the circumcision wound appears at p. 101.
20. Scaharja Plongiany Simoner, Sefer Zechirah, Hamburg, Thomas Rose, 1709, M. Steinschneider (Catalogus librorum hebraeorum in
Biblioteca Bodleiana , Berlin, 1852-1860, column 2249), translates the title: Memoraie et specifica (medicamenta superstitiosa). The
same quotation from Jeremiah 30:17 as a textual basis for the use of dried blood as a haemostatic is reported in the Sefer-ha-chaim by
Lipschtz, who, after illustrating the treatment of the circumcision wound, recommends, in the event of nose bleed, di fiutare il sangue
in polvere come fosse tabacco [to insert it in the nose as if it were tobacco].
21. Strack (The Jew and Human Sacrifice, cit., pp. 139-144) records similar, sometimes identical, customs, present in the popular culture
of the surrounding Christian society, but minimizes any consideration of the significance assumed by blood among the Jews,
considering any such significance to be the product of tardy external influences of little importance.
22. Anon., Share Zedq (The Doors of Justice), by Nissim Modai, Salonicco, Nahman, 1792, c. 22v. The Gaonic response on the
perfumed waters of circumcision is reproduced and commented upon by Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice, cit., pp. 136-137.
23. Morosini, Derekh Emunah. Via della fede mostrata agli ebrei, cit., pp. 114-115.

24. Lipschtz, Sefer ha-chaim ha-nikra Segullot Israel, cit., Chaim Yoself David Azulay, Machzik herakhah, Leghorn, Castello and
Sadun, 1785 (Yoreh deah, par. 79). Chaim Abraha Miranda, Yad neeman, Salonicco, Nahman, 1804.
25. R. Ohana, Sefer mareh ha-yeladim, Jerusalem, 1990.
26. On this matter, see G.A. Zaviziano, Un raggio di luce. La persecuzione degli ebrei nella storia. Riflessioni, Corfu, 1891, pp. 4-5;
Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, cit., pp. 150-155.
27. Cfr. R. Straus, Urkunden und Aktenstcke zur Geschichte der Juden in Regensberg, 1453-1738, Munich, 1960, p. 78-79; Po-Chia
Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder , cit., p. 75. The use of (animal) blood as a safeguard against the Evil Eye is also present among the
traditions of the Jews of Kurdistan (cfr. M. Yona, Ha-ovedim be-erez: Ashur: yehude Kurdistan ["Dispersed in the Land of Assyria: The
Jews in Kurdistan"], Jerusalem, 1988, p. 59).
28. Cfr. C. Guidetti, Pro Judaeis. Riflessioni e documenti, Torino, 1884, pp. 290-291; Zaviziano, Un raggio di luce, cit., p. 175.
29. Cum in X praeciptis Moisi a Deo ipsis Iudeis sit mandatum quod quempiam non interficiant nec sanguinem comedant; et propter
hoc ipse Iudei secant gulas animalibus que intendunt velle comedere, ut magis exeat a corporibus animalium, et quod postea etiam
salant carnes ut sanguis magis exicetur (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, vol. I, cit., p. 351).
30. Lipschtz, Sefer ha-chaim ha-nikra Segullot Israel, cit. The recipe of rabbits blood to cure sterility in women is repeated by Ohana,
Sefer mareh ha-yeladim , cit. A variant sometimes consists of the prescription that either it should be the man, and not the woman, who
should ingest the potion before having sexual relations. In this regard, see E. Bashan, Yahdut Marocco avarah we-tarbutah (The
Hebrewism of Morocco, Its Past and its Culture), Tel Aviv, 2000, p. 216. On arresting excessive menstrual flow, a compound of fallowdeers blood and powdered frog, diluted in almond oil was sometimes recommended (Binyamini, Refuah chaim we-shalom, cit.).
31. Elyahu Baal-Shem, Sefer Toledot Adam, cit., par. 6, 18, 43, 80. The prescription of the menstrual blood of a virgin as a cure for sterile
women is repeated with several variants by Banjacov, Ozar ha-segullot, cit.
32. Cfr. Amira, Das Endinger Judenspiel, cit., p. 97; Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, cit., p. 21.
33. Cfr. Ytzhaky, Amulet and Charm, cit., p. 169.
34. Cfr. Benjacov, Ozar ha-segullot, cit.
35. Cfr. Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice, cit., pp. 201-205.
36. In this regard, see M. Rubin, Gentile Tales. The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews, New Haven (Conn.), pp. 190-195.
37. Dicit quod dictus sanguis valet mulieribus non valentibus portare partum ad tempus debitum, quia si tales mulieres bibunt de dicto
sanguine, postea portant foetum ad tempus debitum [...] Et dicit quod dum ipsa Bella esset in camera in qua erat Anna, illuc venit
Bruneta, quae in manibus habebat quoddam cochlear argenti et praedictum illum ciatum argenti, quem Samuel in die Paschae de sero
habebat in coena, et de quo ciato argenti dicta Bruneta cum cochleari accepit modicum de vino et illud posuit super cochleari et miscuit
illud modicum sanguinis cum vino et porrexit ad os Annae, quae Anna illud bibit ([Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., pp. 122).
38. Quod vidit Annam quadam alia vice comeder modicum de sanguine, quem sic comedit, ponendo illud in quodam ovo coctus
(ibidem).
39. Dixit quod quidam Magister Jacob Judaeus, modo sunt duo anni, dixit sibi Bonae et Dulcette, quod si quid acciperet de dicto
sanguine et iverit ad aliquem fontem clarum et de illo projecerit in fonte, ex postea cum facie se fecerit supra fontem [...] et dixerit certa
verba, sine dubio inducet grandines et pluvias magnas [...] et praedictus M. Jacob habebat quendam, super quo erant descripta omnia,
ad quae sanguis pueri Christiani valet (ibidem, p. 43).
40. Deposition of Lazzaro da Serravalle dated 16 December 1475. Quod Christianis, inimicis fidei Judaice, possunt Judeai facere omne
malum et quod lex (Dei) [...] loquitur de sanguine bestiarum [That the Jews may do any evil unto Christians, who are the enemies of
the Jewish faith, and that the law (of God) [] speaks of the blood of beasts] (ibidem, p. 53-54).

41. On the Jewish attitude towards lending to Christians at interest, see H. Soloveitchik, Pawnbroking. A Study in the Inter-Relationship
between Halakhah, Economic Activity and Commercial Self-Image , Jerusalem, 1985 (in Hebrew); The Jewish Attitude in the High and
Late Middle Ages , in D. Quaglioni, G. Todeschini and G.M. Varannini, Credito e usura fra teologia, diritto e amministrazione. Linguaggi
a confronto (sec. XII-XVI) , Rome, 2005, pp. 115-127; J. Katz, Hirhurim al ha-yachas ben dat le-kalkalah (Considerations on the
Relationship Between Religion and the Economy) , in M. Ben-Sasson (author); Religion and Economy. Connection and Interaction,
Jerusalem, 1995, pp. 33-46 (in Hebrew); A. Toaff, Testi ebraici italiani allusura dalla fine del XV agli esordi del XVII secolo, in
Quaglioni, Todeschini and Varannini, Credito e usura, cit., pp.103-113.
42. Desposition of Israel Wolfgang dated 3 November 1475. Existimant Judaei non esset peccatum comedere aut bibere sanguinem
pueri chistiani et dicunt quod lex Dei, data Moysi, non prohibitat eis aliquid facere aut dicere quod sit contra christianos aut Jesus Deum
Christianorum, dicens quod ex dicta lege eis prohibitum est foenerari, et tamen tenent Judaei quod nullum sit peccatum foenerari
christiano et christianum decipere quovis modo [The Jews do not consider it a sin to eat or drink the blood of Christian boys and that
the law of God, the so-called Laws of Moses, do not prohibit doing or saying anything at all against Christians or against Jesus the God
of the Christians, saying that the said law prohibits them from lending at interest, and yet the Jews do not consider it any kind of sin at
all to lend money at interest to Christians and to deceive Christians in any manner whatever] ([Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit.,
p. 53).
43. Cfr. Camporesi, Il sugo della vita, cit., p. 14.
44. Hebrew: Mete goim enam asurim haanaah; en asur ba-anaah ella mete Israel; met goy mutar haanaah afilu le-choleh she-en-bo
sakkanah (One may also use the corpse of a non-Jew in curing a sick person who is not in danger of losing his life). See David b. Zimra,
Sheelot w-teschuvot . Responsa, vol. III, Frth, 1781, no. 548 [= 979]; Abraham Levi, Ghinnat veradim. Responsa (The Garden of the
Rose), Constantinople, Jonah b. Jaakov, 1715, Yoreh deah, vol. I, response no. 4; Jacob Reischer, Shevut Yaakov. Responsa (The
Captivity of Jacob), vol. III, Offenbach, Bonaventura de Lannoy, 1719, no. 94 (see also the following note). The responses on this topic
are based on the opinion expressed in regards to the Tossaphists, the classical Franco-German commentators on the Talmud. In this
regard, see also H.J. Zimmels, Magicians, Theologians and Doctors, London, 1952, pp. 125-128, 243-244.
45. Reischer, Shevut Yaakov, cit., vol. II, Yoreh deah, no. 70. For a detailed examination of this response, see D. Sperber, Minhage
Israel, (The Customs of the Jewish people), Jerusalem, 1991, pp. 59-65.
46. In this manner, Haim Soloveitchik, intelligently and without reticence, as always, discusses the relationship between the customs of
the Ashkenazi Jews and the norms of Jewish law, often in contradiction and mutually incompatible (cfr. Pawnbroking, cit., p. 111).
47. See the illuminating comments in this regard by Daniel Sperber, who discusses and broadens the arguments presented by
Soloveitchik (cfr. Sperber, Minhage Israel, cit., pp. 63-65).
48. H.O. Grodzinksi, Sheelot w-teshuvot Achiezer. Responsa, New York, 1946, vol. III, pp. 66-68 (par. 31).
49. On the magical and necromantic practices of Medieval Ashkenazi Judaism, with particular reference to the creation of the Golem,
the artificial anthropoid, see M Idel, Golem. Jewish Magical and Mystical Traditions on the Artificial Anthropoid, New York, 1990.
50. On the ritual murder at Waldkirch (1504), see F. Pfaff, Die Kindermorde zu Benzhausen und Waldkirch im Breisgau. Ein Gedicht
aus dem Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts , in Alemannia, XXVII (1899), pp. 247-292; Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, cit., pp.
86-110.
51. Cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, vol. I, cit.
52. Predictia quibus (dictus Moises antiquus) emit sanguinem pueri Christiani habebant litteras testimonials factas a suis superioribus,
per quas fiebat fides quod portantes illas litteras erant persone fide et quod illud quod portabant erat sanguis pueri Christiani.[.
(Moses the Old Man said) that those who sell the blood of Christian boys have testimonial letters prepared by their superiors, attesting
that those who bear these letters are persons to be trusted and that that which they carried was the blood of Christian boys]. Mos da
Wrzburg added that, when he had been living at Monza fifty years before, he had used Christian blood from an authorized merchant
named Ssskind of Cologne (cfr. ibidem, pp. 358-359).
53. For this testimony by Isacco, Angelo da Veronas cook, see G. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, Trent, 1902, vol. I, p. 109;
vol. II, pp. 21-23.

54. On the life and death of Rabbi Shimon Katz, head of the yeshivah of Frankfurt, see R. Yoseph b. Mosh, Leqet yosher, by J.
Freimann, Berlin, 1904, p. L1 (par. 132); Germania Judaica, III: 1350-1519, Tbingen, 1987, pp. 365-366 (s.v.R. R. Simon Katz v.
Frankfurt am Main). See also I.J. Yuval, Scholars in Their Time. The Religious Leadership of German Jewry in the Late Middle Ages,
Jerusalem, 1984, pp. 135- 148 (in Hebrew).
55. On Rabbi Mosh of Halle and his rabbinical activity, see Leqet yosher, cit., vo. XVI (par. 101); Germania Judaica. III: 1350-1519, cit.,
p. 501 (s.v.R. R. Moss von Halle). See also Yuval, Scholars in Their Time, cit., pp. 197-207.
56. On certificates of guarantee for permissible food, and in particular for those used at Pesach, in the Ashkenazi communities, see I.
Halpern, Constitutiones Congressus Generalis Judaeorum Maraviensium (1650-1748), Jerusalem, 1953, p. 91, no. 278 (in Hebrew and
Yiddish): (anno 1650). The obligation to inspect foodstuffs of any kind, both food and drink, originating from other communities,
existed in every Hebrew community. Anyone taking foodstuffs outside a given community had to equip himself with a certificate of
guarantee, written and signed (by the rabbinical authority), attesting that everything had been prepared according to the rules [shena'asah be-heksher w-betiqqun] [...], such as, for example, foodstuffs used at Passover.
57. [...] litterae, quas Ursus habebat seu portatur, continebant inter alia ista verba in lingua hebraica: Notum sit omnibus illud quod
portat Ursus est iustum; et deinde in subscriptione legalitas dictarum litterarum, inter alia verba erant ista: Moises de Hol de Saxonia,
Iudeorum principalis magister [...] et dicit quod dictus vas erat coopertum de quodam coramine albo, super quo coramine erant scripta
in hebraico hec verba: Moyses Iudeorum principalis magister, super quo coramine albo ipse Samuel etiam se subscripsit manu sua in
litera hebraica, scribendo hec verba: Samuel de Tridento [ the letters that Oros carried with him contained, among other things,
these words in Hebrew: May it be known to all that which Oro carries is kosher; and then, the inscription of the said letters, said as
follows, among other things: Moses of Halle of Saxony, main head of the Jews, upon which Samuel then signed his name in Hebrew
letters on the white leather, writing these words: Samuel of Trent] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, vol. I, cit., pp. 255-256).

p. 110]
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CHAPTER SEVEN
CRUCIFIXION AND RITUAL CANNIBALISM: FROM NORWICH TO FULDA
On the eve of Passover, 1144, the mutilated body of William, a child of twelve years, was found in Thorpes Wood, on the edge of
Norwich, England. No witness came forward to cast light on the savage crime. The childs uncle, a cleric by the name of Godwin Sturt,
publicly accused the Jews of the crime in a diocesan synod held a few weeks after the discovery of the body. The body of the victim of
Thorpe Wood, where it had been initially buried, was taken to the cemetery of the monks shortly afterwards, near the cathedral, and
became the source of miracles.
A few years later, between 1150 and 1155, Thomas of Monmouth, prior of the cathedral of Norwich, reconstituted, with plentiful details
and testimonies, the various phases of the crime, [allegedly] perpetrated by local Jews, and prepared a detailed and broad hagiographic
report of the event (1). These were the origins of what is considered by many to have been first documented case of ritual murder in the
Middle Ages, while, for others, it is the source of the myth of the blood libel accusation. The latter consider Thomas to have been the
inventor and propagator of the stereotype of ritual crucifixion, soon to be rapidly disseminated, not only in England, but in France and
the German territories as well, fed by in the information relating to the now famous tale of the martyrdom of William of Norwich by the
Jews in the days of Passover (2).
William was an apprentice tanner in Norwich and came from an adjacent village. Among the shops clients were a few local Jews, who
are thought to have chosen him as the victim of a ritual sacrifice to be performed during the days of the Christian Easter. On the Monday
following Palm Sunday, 1144, during the reign of King Stephen, a man claiming to be the cook for the arch deacon of Norwich presented
himself in the village of
p. 112]
William, asking his mother Elviva for permission to take William with him to work as an apprentice. The womans suspicions and
hesitation were soon won over thanks to a considerable sum of money. The following day, little William was already traveling the streets

of Norwich in the company of the self-proclaimed cook, directly to the dwelling of his aunt Leviva, Godwin Sturts wife, who became
informed of the apprenticeship undertaken by the child and his new patron. But the latter individual awakened numerous suspicions in
the aunt, Leviva, who asked a young girl to follow them and determine their destination. The shadowing, as discreet as it was effective,
took the child to the threshold of the dwelling of Eleazar, one of the heads of the community of Norwich, where the cook had little
William enter the house with the necessary prudence and circumspection.
At this point, Thomas of Monmouth allowed another key witness to speak, one who had been strategically placed inside the Jews house.
This was Eleazars Christian servant, who, the following morning, had by chance, witnessed, with horror through the crack of a door
left inadvertently open the cruel ceremony of the childs crucifixion and atrocious martyrdom, with the participation, carried out with
religious zeal, of local Jews, in contempt of the passion of our Lord. Thomas kept the date of the crucial event clearly in mind. It was
Palm Sunday, Wednesday 22 March of the year 1144.
To throw off suspicion, the Jews decided to transport the body from the opposite side of the city to Thorpes Wood, which extended to
within a short distance from the last house. During the trip on horseback with the cumbersome sack, however, despite their efforts at
caution, they crossed the path of a respected and wealthy merchant of the locality on his way to church, accompanied by a servant; the
merchant had no difficulty realizing the significance of what was taking place before his eyes. He is said to have remembered, years later,
on his death bed, and to have confessed to a priest, who then became one of the diligent and indefatigable Thomass valued sources of
information. Young Williams body was finally hidden by the Jews among the bushes of Thorpe.
The scene now became the inevitable scene of miraculous happenings. Beams of celestial light illuminated the boys resting place late at
night, causing townspeople to discover the body, which was then buried where it was discovered. A few days afterwards, the cleric,
Godwin Sturt, who, informed of the murder, requested, and was granted, permission to have the body exhumed. He then recognized his
nephew William as the tragic victim. A short time afterwards, during
p. 113]
a diocesan synod, Godwin got up to accuse the Jews of the crime. Thomas of Monmouth agreed with him and accused them of the
horrible ritual of crucifixion of a Christian boy as the principal event of a Passover ceremony intended to mock the passion of Jesus
Christ, a sort of crude and bloody Passover counter-ritual.
The conclusion of the matter turned out to be anything but a foregone conclusion, particularly in comparison with the numerous similar
cases occurring over the following years, in which the Jews, considered responsible for the horrible wickedness, met a cruel fate. In this
case, the Jews of Norwich, invited to present themselves before the archbishop to respond to the accusations, requested and obtained
the protection of the King and his agents. Protected by the walls of the sheriffs castle, in which they found refuge, they waited for the
storm to pass, as in fact it did. In the meantime, little Williams body was taken from the ditch in Thorpes Wood to a magnificent tomb
usually reserved for monks, in a sheltered spot behind the Cathedral, and began, as anticipated, to work miracles, as only a martyr
worthy of being proclaimed a saint possibly could (3).
The most disturbing of the testimonies gathered by Thomas of Monmouth for his file on the murder of little William was that of a
converted Jew, Theobald of Cambridge, who had become a monk hearing the story of the miracles reported at the tomb of the victim of
Norwich. The convert revealed that the Jews believed that, to bring redemption closer, and with it, their return to the Promised Land,
they sacrificed a Christian child every year in contempt of Christ. To carry out this providential plan, the representatives of the Jewish
communities, headed by their local rabbis, were said to meet every year in council in Narbonne, in the south of France, to draw lots as to
the name of locality where the ritual crucifixion was to occur from time to time. In 1144, the choice fell by lot to the city of Norwich, and
the entire Jewish community was said to have adhered to that choice (4).
Theobalds confession has been considered by some to constitute the origin of the ritual murder accusation of Norwich, which was then
collated, accompanied by suitable documentation, by Thomas of Monmouth (5). The ex-Jewish monk was probably alluding to the
carnival of Purim, also known as the carnival of the lots, which, in the Jewish calendar precedes Pesach, Passover, by one month, since
the macabre lottery was said to have taken place every year on Purim (6).
p. 114]
The reason for drawing lots to select the Jewish community to be entrusted with the duty of carrying out the annual sacrifice of a
Christian child appeared later, in the confessions of the defendants of a ritual murder committed at Valras in 1247, and, with reference
to another case at Pforzheim in Baden in 1261, gathered and disseminated by the friar Thomas of Cantimpr in his Bonum universale de
apibus (Douay, 1627) (7). On that occasion, the Jews of the small village of the Vaucluse were accused of killing a two-year old girl,

Meilla, in a sort of sacrifice for the purpose of collecting her blood, and then dumping the body in a ditch (8). The testimonies, extorted
by the inquisitors under torture, were said to have shown that it is a custom of the Jews, above all, wherever they live in large numbers,
to carry out this practice every year, particularly in the regions of Spain, because there are a lot of Jews in these places (9). It should be
noted that Narbonne, mentioned by the converted Jew, Theobald of Cambridge, as the meeting place of the representatives of the
Jewish communities for the annual Passover lottery held to select the location of the next ritual homicide, was in France, but belonged
to the Mark of Spain.
But was the case of William of Norwich truly the first ritual murder of a Christian reported during the Middle Ages? Was Thomas of
Monmouth really the creator of the stereotype which became widespread, first in England and later in France and the German
territories in the years after 1150, when Thomas is supposed to have composed his hagiographic account? (10). It is permissible to
wonder. It appears in fact to have been demonstrated that the story of William and his sacrifice by the Jews had already become
widespread in Germany in the years prior to the composition of Thomas of Monmouths hagiographic account. The first documents
relation to Williams veneration as a saint are to have originated, not in England, but in Bavaria, dating back to 1147 (11).
Latin chroniclers report that, in the same year, a Christian was reportedly killed by the Jews at Wrzburg, where the martyrs body is
said to have worked miracles (12). Twenty one local Jews accused of committing the crime during the feast of Purim and Passover were
said to have been put to death.
Rabbi Efraim of Bonn confirmed this report, stating that On 22 August (1147) wicked men revolted against the Jewish community of
Wrzburg [...] making it the object of insinuations and calumnies, for the purpose of attacking them [the Jews]. Their accusation claims:
p. 115]
We found the body of a Christian in the river, and it was you who killed him and then dumped him there. Now he is a saint and is
working miracles. Under this pretext, those wicked men, and people of the poorer classes, without any real motive, assail (the Jews)
killing twenty one of them (13).
It is rather probable that the Hebrew and Latin reports were alluding to a crime with ritual connotations, considering the time of year in
which these crimes were said to have been committed, the collective guilt attributed to Jews, the consequent massacre of many of them,
and finally, the miracles which were said to have flowed forth from the victims body. It is therefore possible that the stereotype of
homicide for ritual purposes was disseminated in Germany before it gained an inch of ground in England (14).
Thomas of Monmouths hagiographic report would appear to vindicate those who have maintained that the first ritual homicides in
England, France and Germany for almost a century, starting with the Norwich murder in 1144, conformed to the stereotype of the
crucifixion of Christians, without providing for the utilization of the victims blood for ritual purposes. In other words, ritual crucifixion
is said to have proceeded the so-called ritual cannibalism accusation in the origin, development and final fixation of the type of ritual
child sacrifice [allegedly] perpetrated by Jews (15). As early as the during the reign of Paul IV, the jurist Marquardo Susanni in his
treatise De Judaeis and aliis infidelibus (Venice 1558), referred to Williams murder and the second presumed ritual homicide at
Norwich in 1235, alluding to ritual crucifixion, without any mention of the ritual use of the victims blood (16). But, if we examine the
matter more closely, a careful reading of Thomas of Monmouths text might point to other possible conclusions.
The Jew Eleazar of Norwichs Christian servant, the only eyewitness of the presumed ritual homicide of little William, claimed, in her
deposition, that, while the Jews proceeded with the cruel crucifixion, they asked her to bring a pot full of boiling water to staunch the
flow of the victims blood (17). It seems obvious to us that, contrary to the maid servants interpretation, the boiling water must, on the
contrary, have been used for the opposite purpose, i.e., to increase the flow of blood. It therefore remains to be proven that blood was a
secondary element in the so-called sacrifice of the child at Norwich. The fact that the written traditions which have come down to us
do not inform us
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of the manner in which they intended to utilize the blood of the crucified child in this case constitutes no proof in either direction.
Be that as it may, the accusation of ritual murder or the crucifixion of Christian boys spread from Norwich throughout England: from
Gloucester in 1169, to Bury St. Edmunds in 1183, to Winchester in 1192, from Norwich again in 1235, to London in 1244, and,
finally, to Lincoln in 1255, where the martyr was sainted (18). As we shall see, there are reports of an anomalous case of plural ritual
murder again at Bristol at the end of the 13th century.

The Gloucester case occurred almost a quarter of a century after the child murder of little William at Norwich. Yet, in this case as well,
the sources are not sufficiently clear as to the date of the murder of little Harold. John Bromptons Chronicle speaks generally of an
anonymous boy crucified by Jews near Gloucester in 1160, while the Peterborough Chronicle, although confirming the crucifixion,
places the crime during the days of Passover of the following year (19). The author of the history of Saint Peters monastery at
Gloucester, seems more precise and better-informed, reporting the killing of a child, named Harold, referring to him as a glorious
martyr in Christ, and stating that the crime was committed in 1168 by Jews, who were said to have thrown the body into the Severn
river (20).
The body of an eight-year old child, Hugh, in the bottom of a well owned by Copino, a local Jew, at Lincoln in the summer of 1255. The
judge, John of Lexington, hastened to establish precise analogies with the Norwich murder a century before. The victim had been
abducted by Jews, tortured and crucified, exactly as in little Williams case. In those days, the great affluence of foreign Jews into the city
of Norwich, of modest size, seemed to confirm that something big was in the works, and that the link with Hughs disappearance and
killing was something more than a mere working hypothesis. The marriage of Rabbi Benedict (Berechyah)s daughter, held there at the
time, did not appear to deserve serious consideration by anyone wishing to demonstrate any other theory. But it was necessary to give
the role to the principal defendant, Copino, who, rather than respond to the accusations, was to confirm them.
The Jew, under torture, sang quickly, according to the pre-established script, confessing that the Jews of the Kingdom were
accustomed to crucify cruelly a Christian child in contempt of the passion of Christ every year.
This year, it was the city of Lincolns turn to be
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selected as the theatre of the sacred and macabre ceremony, and the child Hugh was simply the victim of bad luck in becoming the
innocent martyr of Jewish depravity. Popular devotion thus acquired another saint (21). Of the more than one hundred persons involved
in the religious crime, about twenty were executed after summary trial. All the others were imprisoned in the Tower of London. All had
their property confiscated, which in some cases amounted to huge fortunes, forfeit to the treasury of King Henry III. At the end of the
14th century, Chaucer, in his Canterbury Tales, was able to draw inspiration from the crime at Lincoln, describing the re-emergence,
from a well, of another child, who, like Hugh the Saint, had been sacrificed by the infamous followers of the Jewish sect (22).
The case of Adam, considered the victim of a ritual homicide occurring at Bristol at the end of the 13th century, provides us with a true
and proper serial killer, the Jew Samuel, who, in the days of King Henry, father of the other King Henry, is said to have killed three
Christian children in one year. Thereafter, with the collaboration of his wife and son, he is said to have gone on to kidnap another child,
named Adam, who, tortured, mutilated (perhaps subjected to circumcision) and crucified, is said finally to have been skewered on a spit
like a lamb and roasted over a flame. Samuels wife and son are said to have repented, expressing the intention to bathe in the baptismal
waters, but at this point the perfidious and criminal Jew is said to have killed them both as well (23). As we see, sometimes the popular
psychosis of ritual murder caused persons caught up in irrational fears to mistake one thing for another. And this regardless of the fact
that perhaps these fears could have a some correspondence to actual crimes committed by individuals deranged by phobias and
psychoses of a religious nature, transferred to the plane of action.
A few years after the crimes at Norwich and Gloucester, ritual murders made their appearance in grand style in France as well. These
crimes, at least in the cases we know about, involved so-called child crucifixions, which, once discovered and made public, led to the
massacre of entire Jewish communities. It thus happened during the reign of Louis VII, it is said that the Jews of Joinville and Pentoise
crucified a child named Richard in 1179, who then became the object of popular devotion and was buried in Paris (24). When Philippe II,
future King of France, was a child, around 1170, he is said to have listened in terror to contemporary tales told within the palace
describing the Jews of Paris intent upon sacrificing a Christian child every year, in contempt of the Christian religion, butchering him in
the slums of the city (25).
p. 118]
The most famous, and most frequently studied, ritual homicide of which Jews in French territory were accused during this period is
certainly that reported in 1171 in Blois, a central location on the main rout from Tours to Orleans, on the banks of the Loire. Here, the
Jews of that community, suspected of killing a Christian child and then dumping the body in the waters of the Loire, were condemned to
death, and thirty two of them met death at the stake after a summary trial (26). In his memoirs, the rabbi Efraim of Bonn reconstituted
that which, according to him, had been the tragic mix-up leading to the accusation of ritual murder brought against the Jews of Blois:
Towards evening a Jew (who was hurrying along the street), bearing a bundle of hides to the tanner, without noticing that one of the
hides had become separated from the others and could be seen protruding from the bundle. The grooms horse (which was being led to

drink from the river), seeing the whitened skins in the darkness, began to paw the ground and then reared up, refusing to be led to the
water. The terrified Christian servant immediately returned to his lords palace and reported: Know ye that I stumbled upon a Jew, as
he was about to dump the body of a little Christian into the waters of the river (27).
It seems obvious that waterways and tanners are recurrent elements in many supposed ritual child murder stories, and probably for
good reason; this may be seen in many of the episodes we have already dealt with, from Norwich and Blois to Trent. The waters of rivers
furrowing the regions of England and France and the German territories were considered silent accomplices, suggestive of cruel
infanticides for religious purposes. In 1199, the upper waterways of the Rhine, near Cologne, were the scene of a presumed ritual
murder, which was immediately punished with the usual massacre of all those considered responsible. Some Christians, traveling on a
boat going upstream, discovered the lifeless body of a girl lying on the bank in the mists of Buppard. The perpetrators of the crime were
soon identified. A short time later, as it happened, a group of Jews were observed on board a barge moving slowly in the same direction,
while their other companions controlled its movements by means of ropes fixed to the bank. Their fate was sealed. Captured without
hesitation, they were hurled into the turbid waters of the Rhine, where they drowned miserably (28).
On a previous occasion, in 1187, the Jews of Magonza were accused of a ritual homicide and forced to swear that they were not
accustomed to sacrifice a Christian on the eve of Pesach, the Jewish Passover (29).
p. 119]
A few years later, in 1195, it was the turn of the Jews of Spira to be accused of killing a young Christian girl. Justice was soon done. The
Jewish district was sacked by an infuriated mob, while the rabbi of the community, Isaac ben Asher, was lynched, together with eight
other Jews, and their houses and the synagogue burnt down. As if according to script, once again, the tragedy concluded on the river
banks. The Torah rolls and other Hebraic books, removed from the place of worship, were thrown in the Rhine and disappeared beneath
the waves (30).
Two years afterward, as Jewish chronicles report, Gods rage struck His people when a Jewish madman killed a Christian girl in the city
of Neuss, cutting her throat in front of everyone (31). Popular vengeance was immediate, and did not limit itself to targeting the
supposed madman. Another five Jews were in fact accused of complicity in the murder, which was obviously not dismissed as the mere
result of the insanity of an individual.
Particular importance has been attributed to the ritual murder of which the Jews of Fulda were accused in Franconia at Christmas
1235.
Based on the report contained in the Annals of Erfurt:
In this year, on 28 December, 34 Jews of both sexes were killed by the Crusaders because two of them, on the Holy Day of Christmas,
had cruelly killed the five sons of a miller who lived outside the city walls. (The Jews) gathered the blood of the victims in waxed bags,
and left the area after setting fire to the house. When the truth came to light, and after the Jews themselves had confessed to their guilt,
they received the punishment they deserved (32).
The Annals of Marbach, referring to the same events, explained that the Jews had committed the horrendous crime to use the blood to
cure themselves (33).
Based on this unusual annotation, some people have identified the crime at Fulda as involving the birth of a new motive, intended to
explain and characterize these religious child murders: so-called ritual cannibalism. If, previous to this time, the Jews had been
accused of crucifying Christians, at least during the Passover period, in contempt of the passion of Christ, without the blood of the
victims being attributed any particular significance, starting in Fulda in 1235, the blood
p. 120]
presumably consumed by the Jews for ritual, magical or curative purposes, are said to have assumed a decisive and almost exclusive
significance. The myth of the crucifixion of the Christian children is said to have arisen from the fertile imagination of Thomas of
Monmouth, as a result of the murder of little William of Norwich in 1144. The myth of ritual cannibalism on the other hand, is said to
have originated in the Fulda murder in 1235, tendentiously interpreted in this direction by clerical bodies headed by Conrad of Marburg,
abbey of the imperial monastery of Fulda (34). In support of this interpretation, broadly accepted today, people stress that hardly one
year afterwards, Kaiser Friedrich II created a commission of inquiry to verify whether or not the Jews had really nourished themselves
on the blood of Christian children (35).

To this theory a few objections may be raised, which appear of little importance. Precisely in the motivation adopted upon the creation
of the Annals of Marbach, it is stated that its members were called upon to investigate whether the Jews considered the consumption of
blood to be necessary during the Passover period. We now know that the presumed ritual murder at Fulda was committed during the
Christmas period and not at Easter, a sign that the German Emperor, although unaware of these recent facts, was thinking of the
supposed ritual murders committed in the localities of Germany around on Passover eve, when the ritual use of the blood was
presumed, even if unverified.
Secondarily, the allegation that the Jews of Fulda collected their victims blood to cure themselves (ad suum remedium) does not
necessarily indicate oral ingestion, and, therefore, a form of ritual cannibalism. We have in fact seen that, according to the prosecutors,
and sometimes even according to the defendants themselves, the Jews used blood, reduced to powder, to heal wounds, such as the
circumcision wound, to staunch hemorrhages of various kinds, and to spread upon the body and face for purposes of exorcism. If these
considerations are of any value, then the specific relevance of Fulda as the birthplace of supposed ritual cannibalism should certainly be
revised, without prejudice to the fact that the ingestion of blood in the Passover celebrations was thereafter to become an increasingly
recurrent and explicit motif in the accusations and trials.
It was Thomas de Cantimpr (1201-1272), who supplied his theological interpretation of the significance of attributing the value placed
upon
p. 121]
Christian blood by the Jews as the result of some prodigious and infallible medication. According to the friar of the monastery of
Cantimpr, in the outskirts of Cambray, the Jews were the heirs of the curse falling upon their ancestors, guilty of crucifying the
Redeemer. Jewish blood was irremediably polluted and an inextinguishable source of physical and moral suffering. The only infallible
therapy for such horrors and painful infirmities lay in Christian blood, which was transfused into their bodies in order to cleanse them
(36). The confirmation of this unexceptionable truth, Thomas found, as might have been foreseen, in the zealous confessions of a
learned Jew, recently purified by the sacred waters of baptism. This Jews is identified by some as the famous convert Nicholas Donin,
responsible for the great bonfire of the Talmud in Paris in 1242, and perhaps linked to the anti-Jewish polemics following the ritual
homicide at Fulda (37). Donin is supposed to have informed Thomas that a Jewish wise man, esteemed by all for his prophetical gifts,
was said to have bared his soul on his deathbed to confirm that the torments suffered by the Jews in body and soul could find certain
remedy only through to the beneficial ingestion of Christian blood (38). Whether in liquid form or powder, dried or in curdles, fresh or
boiled blood, this magical fluid with the ambiguous and mysterious fascination, made its arrogant presence known through stories of
child sacrifice, in the folds of which it lay concealed, perhaps less successfully than often supposed, until then.
Ritual murder accusations became more widespread: from Pforzheim in Baden in 1261, to Bacharach in 1283 and Magonza in the same
year, to Troyes in France in 1288. These crimes generally involved child murders, in which the method was not emphasized; at times,
they still involved crucifixions, as in the Northampton cases of 1279 (apud Northamptonam die Crucis adorate puer quidam a Judaeis
crucifixus est ) and Prague in 1305, and perhaps that of Chinon, in Thringen, in 1317. The sellers of Christian children to Jews to enable
them to carry out their horrendous sacrifices were generally beggars, both men and women, who had few scruples when it came to
earning a few coins; or unscrupulous nannies and wet nurses or unnatural parents. When the market supply was insufficient, the Jews
were constrained to take direct action to abduct children for crucifixion, running not inconsiderable risks in such cases. Inquiries and
trials generally concluded with the confession and the pitiless condemnation of the defendants, who were at all times considered a priori
to be guilty. Justice was often administered
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in a summary manner, in which case massacres and burnings at the stake were inflicted upon the entire Jewish community, such as
Monaco in 1285, where two hundred Jews were burnt alive in the synagogue, accused by a stinking old woman of bribing her to abduct a
boy for them. Another supposed ritual murder was recorded in that same Bavarian city in 1345 (39).
The use of blood by Jews for ritual purposes was explicitly mentioned in many cases, but not always in connection with Passover. The
Klosterchronik of Zwettl refers, in the year 1293, to a ritual murder accusation brought against the Jewish communities of southern
Austria, on the banks of the Danube, and mentions blood as the motive for the crime. The Jews of Krems had obtained a Christian
(boy) from those of Brnn; they therefore killed him in the cruelest manner to obtain his blood (40). Thus, in the analogous case
reported at Ueberlingen in Baden in 1332, the chronicler John of Winterthur revealed that the victims parents had observed signs of
incisions in the internal organs and veins of the body (41).

In the Passover period of 1442, a blood accusation struck the small Jewish community of Lienz in the val Pusteria, a city located on the
confines between Krnten and the Tyrol. The martyred body of a three-year-old girl named Orsa, a bakers daughter, was found in a
canal.
Wounds and punctures observed on the body led people to believe that they had been inflicted to drain the victims blood. It was
therefore foreseeable that popular rumor would immediately conclude that the crime was one of ritual child murder, committed by the
enemies of Christ. The Jews, arrested without delay and interrogated with the usual coercive methods, admitted the crime, which is said
to have taken place among the wine kegs in the cellar of Samueles house on Good Friday. The child had been purchased by the Jews
from a beggar, a certain Margarita Praitsschedlin, who was arrested and taken to jail; she quickly confessed. The trial was summary.
Samuele, the principal defendant accused of ritual murder, was suspended from the wheel and burnt; Giuseppe the Old Man, the
probable spiritual head of the small Jewish community, was hanged; finally, the beggar woman, guilty of the abduction of little Orsa,
was burnt on the wheel together with two former Jewesses, obviously considered accomplices in the crime. These tragic events had
however a happy and comforting conclusion; consisting of the baptism of five Jewish girls, four women and one male, to be exact (42).
p. 123]
The only problem, although of secondary importance, regarding the so-called Martyrdom of Orsola Poch is the fact that the report
lacks any contemporary documentation. The first document relating to crime at Linz in Easter of 1442 consists of a posthumous report,
drawn up in 1475 at the request of Giovanni Hinderbach, bishop of Trent (43). We shall therefore have to wait until the beginning of the
18th century to encounter the first hagiographic reports relating to Orsola and her tragic death. Moreover, the attentive reader will not
fail to notice the analogies perhaps not accidental relating to the involvement of Hinderbach, famous because of the Trent case. The
name of the principal defendant in both cases is Samuele; Mos the Old Man of Trent corresponds to Giuseppe the Old Man of
Lienz; women appear to play a major role in both cases. Finally, Hebraic ritual cannibalism during the Passover period in this case,
committed on the person of an innocent girl is poorly suited to the stereotype, which insists that the child martyr must be a boy, upon
whom circumcision may be practiced during the cruel and homicidal ceremony.
A few years afterwards, in 1458, a murder accusation, probably for ritual purposes, was brought against the Jews of Chambry in Savoy.
On 3 April of that year, during the first night of Pesach, two Christian brothers, Leta, 12 years old, and Michel, aged five, were
mysteriously killed, after having been seen traversing the Jewish quarter at nightfall. The examination of the bodies indicated that the
two children had been savagely beaten and then strangled. Suspicion once again fell on the Jews, who were arrested en masse and tried
without any further delay the following May. Nevertheless, precise proofs not having been presented against them during the hearings,
the accused were acquitted and released (44). In any case, it was clear that any child murder, especially if committed during the spring
months, most particularly when the body was found near the Jewish quarter, would be automatically attributed to the Jews and linked
to their secret Passover rites, drenched with blood.
Several Christian boys, sanctified in the popular devotion and who later became objects of veneration supposed victims of the Jews over
that same period require a separate discussion. We are referring to Good Werner of Oberwesel in the Rhineland, Rudolf of Bern,
Conrad of Weissensee and Ludwig of Ravensburg (45). Apart from the last, with regards to whom we know only that in 1429, at the age
of 14, he is said to have fallen victim to the horrendous rites of the Jews on the banks of Lake Constance, in all the other cases the blood
motif returns in an obsessive manner.
p. 124]
At Oberwesel on the Rhine, a boy named Werner, also fourteen, like Ludwig of Ravensburg, is said to have tortured to death by the Jews
for three days and then thrown in the waters of the river. His body is said to have floated miraculously upriver, against the current, and
to have washed ashore at Bacharach, where it began to work miracles, curing the sick and suffering. The tradition, gathered by later
hagiographers, reports that Good Werner had been hung by the feet, by Jews, and intentionally made to vomit the Host which he had
previously swallowed in church; his veins are then said to have been cruelly opened, so that his blood might flow and be collected. In
short, the whole tale was an extraordinary, perhaps rather redundant, concentration of accusations, intended to exalt poor Werners
halo of martyrdom, from crucifixion and ritual cannibalism to profanation of the Host (46). And yet, over the 16th century, good
Werner became transformed, from a victim of the Jews into the rubicund patron saint of the wine growers of the region extending from
the Rhineland to the Jura and Auvergne (47) . The close kinship between blood and wine, constant over the centuries, permitted the
holy martyr effectively to protect the Cabernets and Merlots of industrious and zealous French and German growers.
Another saint, Rudolf of Bern, killed in 1294, is said to have been tortured and decapitated in the basement of a palace owned by a rich
Jew in the Swiss city of Jli during the Passover period of that year (48). The hagiographic reports of the early Eighteenth century state
that this Christian victim was crucified and his blood drained off by Jews intending to practice their damned superstitions (49). More
specifically, the violent death of Conrad, a schoolboy from Weissensee in Thringen, not far from Erfurth, occurred in 1303 and was

attributed to the Jews, according to chroniclers, in relation to the celebration of the Jewish Passover. In observation of the Passover
norms prescribed by the cult, the murder of young Conrad, who is said to have become a popular saint in the regions of central
Germany, is alleged to have had his veins opened to collect the precious blood (50).

NOTES TO CHAPTER SEVEN


1. See the text in The Life and Miracles of St. William of Norwich by Thomas of Monmouth, Now First Edited from the Unique
Manuscript, by A. Jessopp and R.M. James, Cambridge, 1896.
2. It would be possible to compile an extremely long and extensive bibliography on this topic. See, in particular, the extremely curious
monograph by M.D. Anderson, A Saint at Stake. The Strange Death of William of Norwich, 1144, London, 1964, and the important works
by Langmuir and McCullogh, to which we will return later: G.L. Langmuir, Thomas of Monmouth, Detector of Ritual Murder, in
Speculum, LIX (1984), p. 820-846; Id., Toward a Definition of Anti-Semitism, Berkely-Los Angeles (Calif.) Oxford, 1990, pp. 209236; Id., Historiographic Crucifixion , in G. Dehan, Les Juifs en regard de lhistoire. Mlanges en honneur de Bernard Blumenkranz ,
Paris, 1985, pp. 109-127; J.M. McCullogh, Jewish Ritual Murder, William of Norwich, Thomas of Monmouth and the Early
Dissemination of the Myth, in Speculum, LXXII (1997), pp. 109-127. We note that it was in England, the German regions and in those
Alpine regions in which the devotion of the child martyrs was most widespread, always presented as victims of the Jews, (A Vauchez,
La santit nel Medioevo, Bologna, 1989, p. 104).
3. In England [...] various images remain of the child martyr William of Norwich (d. 1144), who was never canonized (Vauchez, La
santit nel Medioevo , cit., p. 454).
4. Theobalds deposition, accompanied by other fragments from the written hagiography of Thomas of Monmouth, is recorded by J.R.
Marcus, The Jew in the Medieval World. A Source Book (315-1791), New York, 1974, pp. 121-126.
5. Cfr. J. Jacobs, St. William of Norwich, in The Jewish Quarterly Review, IX (1897), 748-755.
6. In this regard, see G. Mentgen, The Origins of the Blood Libel, in Zion, LIX (1994), pp. 341-349 (in Hebrew).
7. Thomas de Cantimpr, Bonum universale de apibus, Douay, Baltarzar Belleri, 1627, pp. 303-306. For Thomass statements relating to
the drawing lots among the Jewish community [of] candidates for the annual ritual sacrifice of the child who was destined to renew the
supply of Christian blood, see H.L. Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice. Human Blood and Jewish Ritual, 1909, pp. 174-175.
8. Cfr. A. Molinier, Enqute sur un meurtre imput aux Juifs de Valras (1247), in Le Cabinet Historique, n.s., II (1883), pp. 121-133;
Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice, cit., pp. 179-182, 277-279; Langmuir, Towards a Definition of Antisemitism, cit., pp. 290-296.
9. Consuetudo est inter Judaeos et ubicunque maxima sit multitudo Judaeorum facere factum simile annuatorum et maxime in
partibus Yspaniae, quia ibi est maxima multitudo Judaeorum.
10. This is the argument set forth by Langmuir, who is often accepted and shared uncritically. Ever since the of ritual murder
accusation was first made against the Jews in the Middle Ages, that is, from 1150 at Norwich, to 1235, for almost a century, the Jews of
England and northern France were accused of crucifying Christian children, but not of ritual cannibalism (i.e., the consumption of their
blood for ritual purposes). Absolutely no accusation of ritual cannibalism was ever made in Germany until the Fulda case in 1235, and
this accusation came to light it was a novelty. It is true that, between 1146 and 1235, the Jews of Germany were accused of killing
children of different ages and as a consequence they were assaulted, but there is no evidence of the ritual cannibalism accusation before
1235 at Fulda (cfr. Toward a Definition of Antisemitism , cit., pp. 266-267). On the recent arguments set forth by N. Roth, Medieval
Jewish Civilization, New York-Lond, 2003, pp. 119-121, 566-570.
11. Cfr. McCullogh, Jewish Ritual Murder, cit., p. 728.
12. Annales Herbipolenses, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, XVI Hannover, 1859, p. 3.
13. Cfr. A.M. Haberman, Sefer ghezerot Ashkenaz we-Zarft (Book of Persucutions in Germany and France), Jerusalem, 1971, p. 119; Id,
Sefer zechirah. Selichot we-qinot le-Rabbi Efraim b. Yaakov (Book of Memory. Prayers and Elegies of the Rabbi Efraim di Bonn),
Jerusalem, 1970, pp. 22-23.

14. This is the argument advanced by I.J. Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb, Perceptions of Jews and Christians, Tel Aviv, 2000, pp.
182- 184 (in Hebrew), partially accepted by John McCullogh.
15. We read nothing about Jewish blood ritual [...] till right into the thirteenth century. It is mentioned for the first time in 1236 on the
occasion of the Fulda case, but then already being generally believed in Germany (cfr. Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice, cit., p.
277). As we have seen, Stracks arguments are accepted and taken up by Langmuir (Toward a Definition of Anti-Semitism, cit., pp. 266267) and more recently by R.C. Stacey, From Ritual Crucifixion to Host Desecration. Jews and the Body of Christ, in Jewish History,
XII (1998), pp. 11-28.
16. Marquardo Susanni, Tractatus de Judaeis et aliis infidelibus, Venice, Comin da Trino, 1558, c. 25rv: de illo Vuilelme puero in
Anglia, qui fuit crucifixus a Judaeis in die Parasceves in Urbe Vormicho [...] quod Judaei degentes Nordovici quendam Christianum
puerum furtim captum totum integrum annum enutriverunt, ut adventante Paschate cruci affigerent, qui tanti criminis convicti meritas
dederunt poenas.
17. Cfr. McCullogh, Jewish Ritual Murder, cit., pp. 702-703.
18. Cfr. Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice, cit., p. 177; J. Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, Philadelphia (Pa.), 1961, pp. 123-130,
143-144; Langmuir, Historiographic Crucifixion, cit., pp. 113-114; Andr Vauchez mentions the popular devotion for Herbert of
Huntington, presumed victim of the Jews at about 1180 (cfr. Vauchez, La santit nel Medioevo, cit., p. 99). On ritual murders in England
in general, see C. Holmes, The Ritual Murder Accusation in Britain, in Ethnic and Ritual Studies, IV (1981), pp. 265-288.
19. Johannes Brompton, Chronicon, in Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores, London, Jacob Flescher, 1652, vol. X, p. 1050; anno 1160 [...]
regisque Henrici Secundi quidam puer a Judaeis apud Gloverniam crucifixus est. Chronicon Petroburgense, by Th. Stapleton, London,
1894, p. 3: anno 1161 [...] in hoc Pascha quidam puer crucifixus est apud Gloucestriam.
20. Historia Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriae, by W.H. Hart, London, 1863, in Rerum Medii Aevi Scriptores, vol. LIII, t. I, p. 20: anno
1168 [...] Haraldum puerum [...] gloriosum Christo martirem sine crimine necatum [...] in amnem Sabrinem [Judaei] proiecerant.
21. Cfr. G.L. Langmuir, The Knights Tale of Young Hugh of Lincoln, in Speculum, XLVII (1972), pp. 459-482; Vauchez, La santit nel
Medioevo , cit., p. 99.
22. Cfr. A.B. Friedmann, The Prioressss Tale and Chaucers Anti-Semitism, in Chaucer Review, XIX (1974), pp. 46-54.
23. Cfr. Stacey, From Ritual Crucifixion to Host Desecration, cit., pp. 11-28; C. Cluse, Fabula ineptissima, Die Ritualmordlegende um
Adam von Bristol , in Ashkenas, 5 (1995), pp. 293-330.
24. Sanctus Richarus a Judaeis crocifixus fuit. Cfr. Vauchez, La santit nel Medioevo, cit., p. 99.
25. The term used for the killing of the Christian boy by the Jews of Paris is jugulabant. Cfr. H.F. Delaborde, Oeuvres de Rigord et
Guillaume le Breton , Paris, 1882, vol. V, p. 15.
26. For an extensive bibliography on the ritual murder of Blois, see, among others, Sh. Spiegel, In monte Dominus videbitur. The
Martyrs of Blois and the Early Accusation of Ritual Murder , in Mordecai K. Kaplan Jubilee Volume, by M. Davis, New York, 1953, pp.
267-287 (in Hebrew]; Marcus, The Jew in the Medieval World, cit., pp. 127-130; R. Chazan, The Blois Incident of 1171. A Study in Jewish
Intercommunal Organization , in Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, XXXVI (1968), in Jewish History, XII
(1998), pp. 29-46; and, lastly, Sh. Shwarzfuchs, A History of the Jews in Medieval France, Tel Aviv, 2001, pp. 117-123 (in Hebrew).
27. Cfr. Haberman, Sefer ghezerot Ashkenaz we-Zarfat, cit., pp. 120-124.
28. Cfr. ibidem, p. 126. On the massacre at Boppard, see Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb, cit., p. 192; Roth, Medieval Jewish
Civilization , cit., p. 568.
29. Cfr. Haberman, Sefer ghezerot Ashkenaz we-Zarfat, cit., p. 161. See also Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb, cit., p. 185.
30. Cfr. Haberman, Sefer Zechirah, cit., pp. 42-43; Id. (same author), Sefer ghezerot Ashkenaz we-Zarfat, cit., pp. 231-232. On the facts
of Spira, see also Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb, cit., pp. 185, 192, and in particular, Roth, Medieval Jewish Civilization, cit., pp.
568- 569.

31. Cfr. Haberman, Sefer Zechirah, cit., p. 40.


32. Annales Erpherfurtenses, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, XVI, Hannover, 1859, p. 31.
33. Annales Marbacenses, ibidem, p. 178 (ut ex eis sanguinem ad suum remedium elicerent .
34. Hermann L. Strack was the first author to note that the first to notice that the belief in the ritual use of blood by the Jews, although
widespread in Germany even beforehand, was mentioned explicitly for the first time in 1255, on the occasion of the Fulda case (cfr.
Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice , cit., pp. 178, 277). Based on this consideration, Langmuir (Toward a Definition of AntiSemitism,
cit., pp. 263- 281) maintains that the origin of the motive of that which is called ritual cannibalism in connection with the facts of
Fulda. Before that time, in all the cases reported, the crimes were said to have involved ritual crucifixion, without any mention of the
blood motif. This thesis seems today generally accepted (see, among others, Mentgen, The Origins of the Blood Libel, cit., pp. 341-349;
Roth, Jewish Medieval Civilization, cit., pp. 119-120).
35. Utrum, sicut fama communis habet, Judaei christianum sanguinem in parasceve necessarium habeant. In this regard, see Strack,
The Jew and Human Sacrifice , cit., pp. 178, 277, and, recently, Sh Simonsohn, The Apostolic See and the Jews. History, Documents:
1464-1521, Toronto, 1990, pp. 48-52.
36. Quod ex maledictione parentum currat adhuc in filios venam facinoris per maculam sanguinis, importune fluidam proles impia
inexpiabiliter crucietur, quosque se ream sanguinis Christi recognoscat poenitens et sanetur (Tommaso da Cantimpr, Bonum
universale de apibus , cit., pp. 304-305). See also Roths arguments, Jewish Medieval Culture, cit., pp. 120-121.
37. For the identification of Donin with the converted Jew mentioned in Thomas de Cantimpr, see Strack, The Jew and Human
Sacrifice, cit., p. 175. For a convincing examination of the Hebrew texts placing the French apostate in relation with the anti-Jewish
accusations made after the Fulda case, see, in particular, S. Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth century, Philadelphia (Pa.),
1933, pp. 339-340, and more recently, J. Schatzmiller, Did Nicholas Donin Promulgate the Blood Libel? in Studies on the History of the
People and the Land of Israel Presented in Azriel Shochet, 1987, vol., pp. 175-182 (in Hebrew).
38. Certissime vos scitote nullo modo sanari vos posse ab illo, quo punimini verecundissimo cruciatu nisi solo sanguine Christiano
(Thomas da Cantimpr, Bonum unverisale de apibus, cit., p. 306).
39. Cfr. Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice, cit., pp. 169-191; Roth, Medieval Jewish Civilization, cit., pp. 568-569.
40. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, IX, Hannover, 1848, p. 658.
41. Johannes Vitodurani Chronicon, by G. von Wyss, Zurich, 1856, pp. 106-108.
42. Circiter anno quadregesimo secundo, vel tertio proxime elapso, hic in dicto oppido Leontio aliqui Hebraei, in duabus aedibus
habitationem habuerint [...] cum illi Judaei dictae puellae (Ursulae) ut ex sequenti eorum inquisitione patet compotes facti, eandem
dicto anno, die Parasceves martyrio affecerunt et occiderunt, et postea hic in aqua proiecerunt, ut tam enormem caedem et facinus
occultarent [...] quod sanguis eius ex eodem corpusculo elicitus ac effusa fuerit [...] et ita Judaeos omnes sanguis eius ex eodem
corpusculo elicitus ac effusus fuerit [...] et ita Judaeos omnes unanimiter fuisse confessos et effatos, quomodo dictam infantem die
Parsceves anno praefato enecassent et martyrio affecissent (in cella vinaria).
43. See note above. On this document and the 18th century reports of ritual murder of Lienz, see [Benedetto Bonelli], Dissertazione
apologetica sul martirio del beato Simone da Trento nellanno MCCCCLXXV dagli ebrei ucciso , Trent, Gianbattista Parone, 1747, pp.
242- 246; F. Rohrbacher, Usula von Lienz: Ein von Juden gemartertes Christenkind, Brixen, 1905.
44. Cfr. R. Segre, The Jews in Piedmont, Jerusalem, 1986, vol. I, p. 286.
45. Cfr. Vauchez, La santit nel Medioevo, cit., pp. 99-100. In this regard, see, most recently, K.R.Stows stimulating study, Jewish Dogs.
An Image and Its Interpreters , Stanford (Calif.), 2006.
46. Cfr. F.S. Hattler, Katholischer Kindergarten oder Legende fur Kinder, Freiburg, 1806. See also Stracks argument, The Jew and
Human Sacrifice , cit., pp. 184-185; F. Pauly, Zur Vita des Werner von Oberwesel. Legende und Wirklichtkeit, in Archiv fr
Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, XVI (1964), pp. 94-109; Roth, Medieval Jewish Civilization, cit., p. 569.

47. Cfr. H. de Grzes, Saint Vernier (Verny, Werner, Garnier) patron des vignerons en Auvergne, en Bourgogne et en Franche-Compt,
Clermont-Ferrand, 1889; A. Vauchez, Antisemitism e canonizzazione populare: San Werner o Vernier (1287), bambino martire e
patrono dei vignaioli , in S. Boesch Gajano and L. Sebastiani, Culto dei santi, istituzioni e classi sociali in et preindustriale, LAquilaRoma, 1984, pp. 489-508.
48. Berner-Chronik, by G. Studer, Bern, 1871, p. 29. For the more older sources relating to this ritual murder, cfr. Strack, The Jew and
Human Sacrifice, cit., pp. 186-188.
49. Cfr. Johann Rudolf von Waldkirch, Grndliche Einleitung zu der Eydgenssischen Bunds- und Staats-Historie, Basel, Thurneysen,
1721, vol. I, p. 135; J. Lauffer, Beschreibung helvetischer Geschichte, Zurich, Conrad Orell, 1706, vol. III. P. 108.
50. Cfr. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, XXV, Hannover, 1896, p. 717; XLII, Hannover, 1921, p. 29.

p. 125]
CHAPTER EIGHT
DISTANT PRECEDENTS AND THE SAGA OF PURIM
Ritual murder accusations have been made against the Jews for thousands of years. The murders were sometimes alleged to have been
accompanied by ritual cannibalism, but not always. In every case, it is rather improbable that the testimonies which have come down to
us from antiquity were known and disseminated in the Middle Ages and could constitute a significant point of reference for later
accusations of crucifixion and ritual cannibalism (1).
As early as the second century before Christ, the almost unknown Greek historian, Damocritus, who probably lived in Alexandria,
recorded a violently biased anti-Jewish testimony, at that time referred to under his name in Suidas Greek dictionary. According to
Damocritus, the Jews were accustomed to render worship to a golden head of an ass; every seven years, they abducted a foreigner to
sacrifice him, tearing the body to pieces (2).
This horrible rite is said to have taken place probably every seven years in the Temple of Jerusalem, sanctuary of the Jewish religion.
Damocrituss report is evidently intended to stress the barbarism of the Jews, the haters of mankind, who practiced superstitious and
cruel cults. It should nevertheless be noted that the Greek historian made no reference either to any need to collect the victims blood or
other forms of ritual cannibalism.
A report only partly similar to that reported by Damocritus is found in the polemical, Contra Apione, by Flavius Josephus, quoting the
tendentiously anti-Jewish rhetorician, Apione, who lived at Alexandria during the 1st century of the Christian era. According to Apione,
Antiocchus Epiphane, entering the Temple of Jerusalem, is said to have been surprised to find a Greek, stretched on a bed and
surrounded by exquisite foods and rich dishes. The prisoners report was extraordinary and horrifying. The Greek said that he had been
captured
p. 126]
by the Jews and taken to the Temple and concealed from everyone, while they force-fed him on all sorts of foods. At first, it the unusual
circumstances in which he found himself did not greatly displease him until the sanctuary attendants revealed the fate waiting in store
for him: he was fated to die, the predestined victim of homicidal Jewish sacrificial practices.
(The Jews) carry out this (rite) every year, on a pre-established date. They catch a Greek merchant and feed him for a whole year. They
later take him into a forest, kill him and sacrifice him according to their religion. They then savor the viscera, and in the moment of
sacrificing the Greek, they swear their hatred of all Greeks. They then dump the remains of the carcass into a ditch (3).
Flavius Josephus reports that the history recounted by Apione was not invented by him, but was, rather, derived from other Greek
writers, an indication that its dissemination must have been much more widespread than we are led to imagine based on the two only
surviving accounts, i.e., of Damocritus and Apion(4).

Compared to the first, the second describes a number of variants which are undoubtedly important. The sacrificial ceremony is now
annual, and held on a fixed date, even if the account does not specify the Jewish holiday on which it allegedly took place. Furthermore,
ritual cannibalism is now stressed in an explicit and brutal manner, even if there is still no mention of any need for human blood, which,
as we have seen, is said to have become the preponderant element starting with the Middle Ages. On the other hand, that both Greeks
and Romans are alleged to have ended up as a meal for ravenous Jews is shown by the fact that Dio Cassius, writing of their rebellion at
Cyrene (115 of the Christian era), hastened to mention, in disgust, that the Jews were accustomed to feasting upon the bodies of Greek
and Roman enemies slain in battle. Not contenting themselves with the satisfaction of this alimentary predilection, they painted their
bodies with the blood of their enemies and used their intestines as belts (5).
A more delicate matter than the above seems to relate to a passage in the Talmud (Ketubot 102b) which might be interpreted as an
indirect confirmation of the phenomenon of ritual murder during an ancient epoch, although we dont know how widespread or how
widely approved it may have been. The passage concerns a so-called outside baraita, or mishnah, i.e., one not incorporated into the
codified and canonical text of the mishnah (dating back
p. 127]
approximately to the third century A.D.) which seems to be one of the oldest and may therefore be traced back to Palestine at the
time of the second Temple.
A man is killed, leaving a son of a tender age in the care of his mother. When the fathers heirs approach up and say, Let him grow up
with us, and the mother say Let him grow up with me, he (the boy) should be left with the mother, and should not be entrusted to the
care of anyone entitled to inherit from him. A case of this kind happened in the past and (the heirs) killed him on Passover Eve (Hebrew:
weshachatuhu erev ha-Pesach) (6).
We know that the Hebrew verb shachet has the meaning of butcher, kill, as well as to immolate, as, for example, as a sacrifice (as
for example, Exodus 12:21 Thou shalt sacrifice the Passover lamb, we-shachatu ha-pesach). If in the case in question were merely a
question of a simple murder committed by heirs for profit, the statement that the murder was committed on Passover Eve would be
quite superfluous. In fact, in support of the law providing that the child should be entrusted to the mother instead of persons entitled to
inherit his property, it would have been sufficient merely to state that, in the past, a child had been killed by his heirs. When and how the
murder occurred is in fact superfluous. Unless we recall to mind a circumstance, presumably well known, in which the child murder,
which deserved to be condemned, actually occurred, but only for material and egotistical motives.
At this point, it might be noted that the most ancient Christian authors appeared to make no use of this Talmudic passage in their antiJewish polemics, although the passage shows a relationship between the cruel killing of a child and the Jewish Passover, which might
have been used by them in support of the ritual murder accusation. But perhaps their failure to do so was due to poor knowledge of
Talmudic literature and rabbinical literature in general on the part of Christian polemicists, who were often ignorant of Talmudic and
rabbinical language and interpretive categories (7).
Be that as it may, it is advisable to stress that the reading They killed (or immolated) him on Passover eve (we-shachatuhu erev haPesach ), appears in all the manuscript and ancient versions of the Ketubot treatise in question, as well as in the first edition of the
Talmud, printed at Venice in 1521 by Daniel Bomberg. Later, no doubt
p. 128]
for the purpose of defending themselves against the ritual murder accusation brought by those who had, in the meantime, discovered
the potential value of the embarrassing passage, the Jewish editors of the Talmud replaced the passage with a more anaemic, less
embarrassing reading: they killed him on New Years Eve (erev Rosh Ha-Shanah), or they killed him the first evening (erev harishon) (8). The latter version might suggest that the childs heirs got rid of him in a violent way as early as the evening of the day upon
he was entrusted to them, with the obvious intention of getting their hands on the estate as soon as possible.
The editors of the famous Vilna edition of the Talmud (1835) justified their decision to adopt the reading they killed him the first
evening in a glossa to Ketubot 102b, in which they rejected the preceding version but without explicitly mentioning it containing
the reference to Passover Eve, as the circumstance under which the unhappy child is said to have been cruelly killed. Whoever
preceded us in the Talmud, they stressed, fell into error and preferred a reading completely torn out of context (9).
That Christian Europe of the Middle Ages feared the Jews is an established fact. Perhaps the widespread fear that Jews were scheming
to abduct children, subjecting them to cruel rituals, even antedates the appearance of stereotypical ritual murder which seems to have
originated in the 12th century. As for myself, I believe that serious consideration should be given to the possibility that this fear was

largely related to the slave trade, particularly in the 9th and 10th centuries, when the Jewish role in the slave trade appears to have been
preponderant (10).
During this period, Jewish merchants, from the cities in the valley of the Rhne, Verdun, Lione, Arles and Narbonne, in addition to
Aquisgrana, the capital of the empire in the times of Louis the Pious [Louis I]; and in Germany from the centres of the valley of the
Rhine, from Worms, Magonza and Magdeburg; in Bavaria and Bohemia, from Regensburg and Prague were active in the principal
markets in which slaves (women, men, eunuchs) were offered for sale, by Jews, sometimes after abducting them from their houses.
From Christian Europe the human merchandise was exported to the Islamic lands of Spain, in which there was a lively market. The
castration of these slaves, particularly children, raised their prices, and was no doubt a lucrative and profitable practice (11).
The first testimony relating to the abduction of children by Jewish merchants active in the trade flowing into Arab Spain,
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comes down to us in a letter from Agobard, archbishop of Lyon in the years 816-840. The French prelate describes the appearance at
Lyons of a Christian slave, having escaped from Cordoba, who had been abducted from Leonese Jewish merchant twenty four years
before, when he was a child, to be sold to the Moslems of Spain. His companion in flight was another Christian slave having suffered a
similar fate after being abducted six years before by Jewish merchants at Arles. The inhabitants of Lyons confirmed these claims, adding
that yet another Christian boy had been abducted by Jews to be sold into slavery that same year. Agobard concludes his report with a
comment of a general nature; that these were not considered isolated cases, because, in every day practice, the Jews continued to
procure Christian slaves for themselves and furthermore subjecting them to infamies such that it would be vile in itself to describe
them (12).
Precisely what kind of abominable infamies Agobard is referring to is not clear; but it is possible that he was referring to castration
more than to circumcision (13). Liutprando, bishop of Cremona, in his Antapodosis, said to have been written in approximately 958962, referred to the city of Verdun as the principal market in which Jews castrated young slaves intended for sale to the Moslems of
Spain (14). During this same period, two Arab sources, Ibn Haukal and Ibrahim al Qarawi, also stressed that the majority of their
eunuchs originated from France and were sold to the Iberian peninsula by Jewish merchants. Other Arabic writers mentioned Lucerna,
a city with a Jewish majority, halfway between Crdoba and Mlaga in southern Spain, as another major market, in which the castration
of Christian children after reducing them to slavery was practiced on a large scale by the very same people (15).
Contemporary rabbinical responses provide further confirmation of the role played by Jews in the trade in children and young people as
well as in the profitable transformation of boys into eunuchs. These texts reveal that anyone who engaged in such trade was aware of the
risks involved, because any person caught and arrested in possession of castrated slaves in Christian territories was decapitated by order
of the local authorities (16).
Even the famous Natronai, Gaon of the rabbinical college of Sura in the mid-9th century was aware of the problems linked to the
dangerous trade in young eunuchs.
p. 130]
Jewish (merchants) entered (into a port or a city), bringing with them slaves and castrated children [Hebrew: serisim ketannim]. When
the local authorities confiscated them, the Jews corrupted them with money, reducing them to more harmless advisors, and the
merchandise was returned, at least in part (17).
But if one wishes to interpret the significance and scope of the Jewish presence in the slave trade and practice of castration, it is a fact
that the fear that Christian children might be abducted and sold was rather widespread and deeply rooted in all Western European
countries, particularly, France and Germany, from which these Jews originated and where the greater part of the slave merchants
operated. Personalities in the clergy nourished that fear, conferring religious connotations upon it with an anti-Jewish slant, failing to
account for the fact that slavery as a trade had not yet gone out of fashion morally and, as such, was broadly tolerated in the economic
reality of the period. On the other hand, the abduction and castration of children, often inevitably confused with circumcision, which
was no less feared and abhorred, could not fail to insinuate themselves in the collective unconscious mind of Christian Europe,
especially the French and German territories, inciting anxiety and fear, which probably solidified over time, and, as a result, are believed
to have concretized themselves in a variety of ways and in more or less in the same places, as the ritual murder.
In the Hebrew calendar, Pesach, Passover, comes one month after the feast of Purim, which commemorates the miraculous salvation of
the Jewish people in Persia during the reign of King Ahasuerus I (519-465) from the threat of extermination linked to the plotting of the
Kings perfidious minister, Haman. The Book of Esther, which examines all these explosive matters and exalts the saving function of the

Biblical heroine as well as that of Mordechai, Esthers uncle and mentor, concludes with the hanging of Haman and his ten sons, as well
as with the beneficial massacre of the enemies of Israel. Leon of Modena in his Riti, describes Purim in precisely this manner, stressing a
carnival-like atmosphere of celebrations and convivial opulence in which restraint and inhibition were dangerously weakened.
On the 14th of Adar, which is March, is the festival of Purim, in memory of everything we read in the Book of Esther, which saved the
people of Israel from being exterminated through the machinations of Haman, and he and his sons were hanged [...]. After the ordinary
orations, with remembrance only of the escape which occurred at the hour of death, we read the entire History or Book of Esther, which
were written on parchment in volume as the Panteuch, and we call meghillah, i.e., volume. And some hearing Hamans mentioned,
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beat as a sign to curse him [...] They make much rejoicing festivities and banquets [...] an effort is made to serve the most sumptuous
meal possible and eat and drink more than usual, after which friends go out to visit each other, with receptions, festivities and revelry
(18).
For a number of reasons, not least that of its not infrequent proximity to Holy Week, Purim, also called the festival of the lots, came, in
time, to acquire openly anti-Christian connotations and the related celebrations became openly suggestive in this sense, both in form
and substance, sometimes audaciously and openly. Haman, equated with that other Biblical arch-enemy of the Jews, Amalek (Deut. 25:
17-19), whose memory was to be blotted out from the face of the earth, was transformed, over time, into Jesus, the False Messiah, whose
impious followers were once threatening the Chosen People with extermination (19).
Moreover, Haman was killed, hanged, as Jesus was said to have been, and there was no shortage of exegetic material reinforcing this
paragon. In the Greek translation of the Septuagint as well as in Flavius Josephus (Ant. Jud. Xi, 267, 280), Hamans gallows was
interpreted as a cross, and the execution of King Ahasueruss belligerent minister was described, in effect, as a true and proper
crucifixion. The equation between Amalek, Haman and Christ was self-evidently obvious. Haman, who, in the Biblical text is referred to
as talui, the hanged one, was confused with He who, in all anti-Christian Hebraic texts, was the Talui by antonomasia [the replacement
of a proper name by an epithet], i.e., the crucified Christ (20).
The sensational trial of the most prominent members of the Ashkenazi communities of northern Italy, accused of vilifying the Christian
religion was held in Milan in the spring of 1488. In reply to inquisitors demanding the name used by Jews with reference to Jesus of
Nazareth, Salomone da Como, one of the accused, answered unhesitatingly: Among ourselves we call him Ossoays (that man, from
the Hebrew oto ha-ish, according to the German pronunciation), or Talui (the hanged one, the crucified one), while, when speaking
to Christians, we always refer to him as Christ (21). It is not surprising that a text by 4th century writer Evagrius describes the Jew
Simone, in an argument with a Christian, Theophilus, should have equated the cursed and despised Passion of Christ with Hamans
crucifixion (22) .
According to the great English anthropologist James George Frazer, Christ died while playing the role of Haman (the dying god) in a
drama of Purim in which (Jesus) Barabbas, the double of Jesus
p. 132]
of Nazareth, played the part of Mordechai (the god that resurges). In the model of the god that dies and is reborn which is common in
the Near East Haman is said to have played the part of death and Mordechai that of life, while the celebration of Purim is said to
constitute the Hebraic ritual of death and resurrection. Based on this consideration, one might hypothesize that, in the past, the Jews, at
the culmination of the festival, might have been accustomed to putting a man to death in flesh and blood reality, and that Jesus was
crucified in this context, playing the role of Ahasueruss tragic minister, the arch-enemy of Israel (23).
There is no shortage of testimonies of the celebration of rituals, within the framework of the carnival of Purim, intended to vilify and
outrage the image of Haman, reconstituted in the semblance of Christ hanging from the cross. First, the emperor Honorius (384-423)
and, in his footsteps, Theodosius (401-450), prohibited the Jews from the provinces of the Empire from setting fire to effigies of Haman
crucified in contempt of the Christian religion. Probably to be associated with the preceding prohibitions is the report, mentioned by the
late chronicler Agapius [10th century] and dating back to 404-407 A.D., during the reign of Theodosius II [Flavius Theodosius, Roman
Emperor of the East, 401-450 A.D.], that certain Jews of Alexandria, forced to submit to baptism, are said to have rebelled, giving rise to
a sensational protest, stating that, in their eyes, such a ceremony possessed the fascination of a certain originality. They are said to have
taken an image of the crucified Christ, heaping insults upon the Christians, mocking them with the words: This is our Messiah? (24). It
is not impossible that the episode formed part of the framework of the Hebraic Purim celebrations.

Before 1027, at Byzantium [Constantinople, now Istanbul], baptized Jews were required to curse their ex-fellow-Jews who celebrated
the festival of Mordechai, crucifying Haman on a beam of wood, in the form of a cross, and then setting fire to it, accompanying the vile
rite with a torrent of imprecations directed at those faithful to Christ. Again, in the very early 13th century, Arnol, prior of the
monastery at Lbeck, censured the wickedness of the Jews in bitter terms in crucifying the figure of the Redeemer every year, making
him the object of shameless ridicule (25).
Even the Hebrew texts do not seem to be sparing on information in this regard. The Talmudic dictionary Arukh, consisting of the rabbi
Natan b. Yehiel of Rome in the second half of the 11th century, contains reports that the Jews of Babylon were accustomed to celebrate
the festival of Purim in a particular way.
It is the custom among the Jews of Babylon and the rest of the entire world for the boys to make effigies shaped like Haman and hang
them
p. 133]
on the roofs of their houses for four or five days (before the festival). In the days of Purim, they prepare a phallus and throw it among
these images, while they stand around singing songs (26).
The above mentioned rites were culinary, even symbolically cannibalistic in nature. The effigies of Haman-Christ were of sweet pastry,
to be destroyed, avidly consumed by youngsters and children during the days of carnival (27).
During the Middle Ages, the sweet delicacy enjoying absolute primacy in the sumptuous banquets of Purim was a typical biscuit, once
again bearing the pathetic figure of Haman as a gastronomic butt of ridicule. The so-called Hamans ears (onze Aman), presented in a
variety of versions according to the various traditions of the Jewish community, gained a position of great importance in the feast of
Purim. In Italy, they were strips of puff pastry shaped like asss ears, fried in olive oil and powdered sugar, which quite resembled the
Tuscan cenci and Roman frappe prepared during carnival time. Among Oriental and north African Jews, the puff pastry was roasted and
covered with honey and sesame seeds (28).
The Italian Ashkenazim did not much care for the overly-Mediterranean taste of these [latter] biscuits, which they called galahim frit
in contempt, fried priests (literally people with the tonsure), confirming the detestable relationship between Haman, Israels bitter
enemy, and the arrogance of Christianity, with its priests. Their version of the ears were called Hamantaschen or Hamans pockets,
and was more elaborate. These consisted of a large triangle-shaped cake of egg pasta filled with a sweet brownish mixture based on
poppy seeds (29). Nor should we be surprised to find that, even in the relatively recent past, there was no shortage of people in Germany
who shared the belief, curious even if not very original, that the Ashkenazi stuffed their Hamantaschen with the coagulated blood of
Christian boys martyred by them (30). Modern anti-Semites gather and disseminate this cannibalistic fable today from their university
chairs, particularly in the Arab countries, making it the subject of ridiculous pseudo-historical research (31).
Turning back centuries, however, we must note, following Frazer, that the ritual of Purim did not always conclude with the bloodless
hanging of a mere effigy of Haman. Sometimes, the effigy was a flesh-and-blood Christian,
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crucified for real, during the wild revelry of the Jewish carnival. One of these sources of which we can attain with regards it Socrates
Scolasticus, history of the Church in the 5th century, which, from its Historia Ecclestiastica (VII, 16) refers to a case occurring in 415 at
Inmestar, near Antioch, in Syria (32). The local Hebrews, in their debaucheries and intemperate revelry to celebrate Purim, after getting
suitably drunk, according to the prescriptions of the ritual, which provided that they must drink so much wine that they can no longer
distinguish Haman from Mordechai:
took to deriding the Christians and Christ Himself in their boasting; they ridiculed the cross and anyone trusting in the crucifix,
putting the following joke in practice.
They took a Christian child, tied it to a cross and hanged him. Initially they made him the object of jokes and drollery; then, after a
while, they lost control of themselves and mistreated him to such a degree that they killed him.
The report, which makes no mention of miracles occurring at the site of the relics of the martyred child, seems to possess all the
indications of truthfulness. Moreover, as we have seen above, there are people who have viewed the immoderate celebrations of Purim,
accompanied by anti-Christian insults and violence, as the core from which the belief in Jewish ritual homicide of Christian children is

thought to have developed during the Middle Ages, as an integral part of a ritual centered around on the festival of Pesach, considered
the ideal culmination of Purim (33).
The case of Inmestar is not an isolated one. A Jewish source, the memoires of rabbi Efraim of Bonn, takes us to France, to Brie-Compte
Robert, in 1191 or 1192 (34). A servant of the Duchess of Champagne was found guilty of the murder of a Jew and was held in prison for
that offense. The other Jews of the village decided to rescue the prisoner in exchange for money and executed him during the festival of
Purim , hanging him (35).
A perfidious Christian killed a Jew in the city of Brie, which is in France. Then the other Jews, his relatives, went to the lord of the
region (the Duchess of Champagne), and implored her (to hand over) the murderer, who was a servant of the King of France. They
therefore bribed her with their money in order to be able to crucify the killer (36). And they crucified him on the eve of Purim (37).
The vengeance demanded in a loud voice by the Christians of Brie, headed by Philippe II August, King of France (1165-1223), was not
long in coming.
p. 135]
The entire adult Jewish population of the city, totaling about eighty persons, were tried and condemned to be burnt at the stake
(wealthy persons, rich and influential, some of them famous rabbis and people of culture, who refused to sully themselves [in the
baptismal waters] and to betray the One God, were burnt alive proclaiming the unity of the Creator). The children, who were Jews and
circumcised, were taken en masse to the baptismal font to be made Christians. No festival of Purim ever concluded in a more tragic
manner for the Jews, overturning and thwarting the saving and hope-giving meaning of the Biblical account of Esther and Mordechai.
The blasphemous parody of the Passion of Christ sometimes had the most tragic consequences. But this obvious fact did not always
suffice to cool hot heads and restrain fanatical, agitated minds. The Christians were not too subtle about it, since they certainly didnt
need excuses or pretexts to perpetrate indiscriminate massacres of Jews or to plunge Jewish children into the beneficial waters of
baptism by force. The spiral of violence, having due regard to the discrepancies between the relative power and size of the two
conflicting societies, could not be extinguished. The serpent bit its own tail, leaving its imprint of blood on the sand. Each society was, in
a sense, its own victim, but neither noticed.
To give a few examples, on 7 February 1323, a few days before the festival of Purim, a Jew in the Duchy of Spoleto was condemned for
striking and insulting the cross (38). On 28 February 1504, precisely coinciding with the festival of Purim, a beggar from Bevagna
accused the local Jews of the place, transformed into evil spirits, of having cruelly crucified him (39). It was still in the days of Purim, in
February 1444, that the Jews of Vigone, in Piedmont, were accused of having pretended to butcher an image of Christ Crucified as a joke
(40); again, it was in the month of February, this time in 1471, that a Jew from Gubbio brought a legal action to scrape the image of the
Virgin Mary from the outside wall of his house (41).
Purim was followed by Pesach, but the story, during that violent month, was no different, even without any strict need to play cruel and
lethal cruel tricks on Christian boys, or to stone Jews and their houses en masse during the holy hailstorm of stones. On 21 March
1456, a Jew of Lodi entered the cathedral of San Lorenzo at nightfall with a drawn sword, directing himself without hesitation, where he
walked straight up to the main altar and proceeded to make log wood and splinters out of the image of Christ
p. 136]
Crucified, with the evident intention of chopping it to bits. His fate was sealed. The culprit was lynched on the spot, amidst the rejoicing
of a jubilant crowd, and vengeance was wreaked. 21 March 1456 corresponded to the 15th of the Month of Nissan of the Jewish year 5216
and the first day of Pesach. The matter was thus described by the commander of Lodi to the Duke of Milan:
In our dear city of Lodi, on the 21st day, 17 hours, of the present month [March], according to the common reports, a Jew entered the
cathedral with sword in hand to cut the crucifix of Christ to pieces, for which offense the whole territory rose up against him and they
ran to the Jews house [...] and killed the above-mentioned Jew and dragged him on the ground (42).
In the early modern age, the carnival-like festivities of Purim finally lost those qualities of aggressiveness and violence which had been
characteristic since the early Middle Ages, but never renounced the clearly anti-Christian meaning it possessed according to tradition.
Thus wrote Giulio Morosini, known as Shemuel Nahmias at Venice when he was still a Jew, a shrewd former disciple of Leon da
Modena:

During the reading [of the megillah of Esther], whenever Haman is named, the boys beat the benches of the synagogue with hammers
or sticks with all their might as a sign of excommunication, crying in a loud voice May his name be blotted out and may the name of the
impious rot. And they all cried Be cursed, Haman, Be blessed, Mordechai, Be blessed Esther, Be cursed Ahasueruss. And they continue
like that until evening, just as on the morning of the first day, never ceasing to express their justified contempt for Haman and the
enemies of Judaism at that time, covertly spreading poison against Christians, under the name of Idolaters [...] they therefore cry out in
a loud voice Be Cursed all the Idolaters (43).
But at an even earlier time, the illustrious jurist Marquardo Susanni, protected by Paolo IV Carafa, the fervent and impassioned founder
of the Ghetto of Rome, mentioned the wild hostility of the Jews towards Christianity as well as the peculiar carnival-like characteristics
of Purim . According to him, during the feast of Mordechai, the Jews did not hesitate to greet each other by saying, in contemptuous
tones:
May the King of the Christians go down to ruin immediately, the way Haman went down to ruin (44).

NOTES TO CHAPTER EIGHT


1. Cfr. G.L. Langmuir, Thomas of Monmouth. Detector of Ritual Murder, in Speculum, LIX (1984), p. 824.
2. Cfr. Th. Reinach, Textes dauteurs grecs et romains relatifs au Judaisme, Paris, 1895, p. 121, no. 60.
3. Josephus, Contra Apion, II, 7-1: et hoc illos facere singulis annis quodam tempore constituito. Et comprehendere quidem Graecum
peregrinum, eumque annali tempore saginare et deductum ad quamdam silvam occidere quidem eum hominem, eiusque corpus
sacrificare secundum suas solemnitates, et gustare ex eius visceribus, et iusiurandum facere in immolatione Graeci, ut inimicitas contra
Graecos haberent, et tunc in quandam foveam reliqua hominis pereuntis abjicere, Cfr. Rheinach, Textes dauteurs grecs et romains, cit.
pp. 131-132, no. 63.
4. For an examination of the story of Damocritus and Apione on the ritual homicides committed by the Jews in the Temple of Jerusalem,
see, among others, J. Parkes, The Conflict of the Church and the Synagogue, 1934, p. 16; D. Flusser, The Blood Libel against the Jews
According to the Intellectual Perspectives of the Hellenistic Age , in Studies on Hellenistic Judaism in Memory of J. Levy, Jerusalem,
1949, pp. 104-124 (in Hebrew); Id., Moza alilot ha-dam (The Origins of the Blood Accusation) in Manhanaim, CX (1967), pp. 18-21;
J.N. Sevenster, The Roots of Pagan Anti-semitism in the Ancient World , Leyden, 1975, pp. 140-142.
5. Cfr. Reinach, Textes dauteurs grecs et romains relatifs au Judaisme, Paris, cit., pp. 196-197, no. 112.
6. Thus, the final passage of this haraita is translated by rabbi Dovid Kamenetsky, in the recent edition of the Babylonian Talmud, with a
version in English (Talmud Bavli, Schottenstein Edition, Tractae Ketubos, III, New York, 2000, c. 102b and no. 32): for it once
occurred that a boy was entrusted to those fit to inherit him, and they butchered (or: slew) him on Pesach eve.
7. In the Latin translation of extracts from the Talmud contained in Latin manuscript 16558 B.N., which is the principal source of
knowledge of rabbinical literature in the Christian world in the 13th century, the Ketubot treatise is not explicitly mentioned there [...]. It
does not contain the passage which interests you (Ketubot 102b). I have never found it used in polemics; nevertheless, the link made
between Pessach might very well have encouraged belief in ritual murder; but the authors of the anti-Jewish accounts on this subject
obviously know nothing about Jewish literature. [...]. Among the number of accusations made of ritual murder, I do not recall ever
having found an argument based upon this Talmudic passage [written communication dated 2 August 2001 from Professor Gilbert
Dehan, to whom I wish to express my deepest thanks).
8. A. Steinzaltz notes, in this regard, that "in some later editions (of the Talmud), the Rosh Ha-Shanah (New Year's) version appears
instead of Pesach, in the fear that this expression might constitute evidence to be used by those who accuse the Jews of ritual murder".
(Talmud Bavli, Ketubot , Jerusalem, 1988, vol. II, p. 457). And nevertheless, the first writer to use the text of Ketubot in this sense seems
to be the famous Augusto Rohling, University professor and one of the more caustic Austrian anti-Semitic polemicists, author of Der
Talmudjude (Munster, 1871). The passage of Ketubot 102b was revealed by him and publicized with ill-concealed satisfaction in a
brochure entitled Ein Talmud fur rituelle Schchten , which saw the light in 1892. Hermann L. Strack replied to him, arguing
passionately but only somewhat convincingly, in the fourth edition (London, 1892), of his classic essay on Jews and human ritual
sacrifice (The Jew and Human Sacrifice. Human Blood and Jewish Ritual , pp. 155-168).

9. Talmud Bavli, Vilna, Menachem (Mendele) Man e Simcha Zimel, 1835. It should be noted that this edition preceded by more than half
a century the "revelations" of Rohling, in a act of surprising self-censorship. It is not impossible that the editors of the Vilna Talmud
intended to respond to doubt and embarrassment within the Jewish world on the interpretation of this text in the original version,
rather than reply to the external attacks which were still long yet to come.
10. In this regard, see Ch. Verlinden's now famous classic, L'esclavage dans l'Europe medievale, Brugge, 1955, vol. I, pp. 702-716. For a
rather over-simplified interpretation of the role of the Jews in the slave trade, see B. Blumenkranz, Juifs et Chrtiens dans le monde
occidental (430-1096), Paris 1960, pp. 18-19, 184-211, to which the same Verlinden replied (A propos de la place des juifs dans
l'conomie de l'Europe occidentale au IXme sicles. Agobard de Lyon et l'historiographie arabe, in Storia e storiograph. Miscellanea de
studi in onore di E. Dupre -Theseider, Rome, 1974, pp. 21-37).
11. Cfr. Verlinden, A propos de la place des juifs, cit., pp. 32-35.
12. "Et cum precedens scedula dictata fuisset, supervenit quidam homo fugiens ab Hispanis de Cordoba, qui se dicebat furatum fuisse a
quoda Judeo Lugduno ante annos IIti IIIor, parvum adhuc puerum, et et venditum. Fugisse autem anno presenti cum alio, qi similiter
furatus fuerat ab alio Judeo ante annos sex. Cumque huis, qui Lugdunesis fuerat, notos quereremus et invenirem dictum est a
quibusdam et alios ab eodem Judeos furatos, alios vero eptos ac venditos; ab alio quoque Judeo anno presenti alium puerum furatum et
venditum; qua hora inventum est plures Christianos a Christianis vendi et comparari a Judeis, perpatrarique ab eis multa infanda que
turpia sunt ad scribendum" (Epistolae Karolini aevi, in "Monumenta Germaniae Historica", III, Hannover, 1846, p. 185). For an analysis
of this text, see, in particular, B. Blumenkrantz, Les auteurs chrtiens latins au Moyen Age sur les Juifs et le Judaisme, Paris, 1963, pp.
152-168; Id., Juifs et Chrtiens dans le monde occidentale , cit., pp. 191-195; Verlinden, A propos de la place des juifs, cit., pp. 21-25.
13. For a useful discussion of this topic, see Blumenkrantz, Juifs et Chrtiens dans le monde occidental, cit., pp. 194-195, no. 142; Id., Les
auteurs chrtiens , cit., p. 163, no. 53.
14. "Carzimasium autem greci vocant amputatis virilibus et virga puerum quod Virdunenses mercatores ob immensum lucrum facere et
in Hispaniam ducere solent " ["Virgin boys whose genitals have been amputated are referred to by the Greeks as 'eunuchs'. These boys
are castrated by merchants at Verdun at an immense profit and are usually taken to Spain "], cit., in Verlinden, A propos de la place des
juifs, cit., p. 33).
15. On the Arab sources attesting to the role of Jewish merchants in the eunuch trade, cfr. Verlinden, Lesclavage dans lEurope
mdivale, cit., p. 716; Id., A propos de la place des juifs, cit., pp. 22.
16. On the rabbinical responses relating to the trade in castrated young slaves and on the role of Lucena [outside Crdoba] as a center
for the castrations, see A. Assaf, Slavery and the Slave-Trade among the Jews during the Middle Ages (from the Jewish Sources), in
Zion, IV (1939), pp. 91-125 (in Hebrew); E. Ashtor, A History of the Jews in Moslem Spain, Jerusalem, 1977, vol. I, pp. 186-189 (in
Hebrew).
17. The text of Natronai Gaon is reported in Assaf, Slavery and the Slave-Trade, cit., pp. 100-101.
18. Leon de Modena, Historia de riti hebraici, Venice, Gio. Calleoni, 1638, pp. 80-81.
19. The first to have linked the rise of the Christian stereotype of ritual murder to the feast of Purim and to the hanging/crucifixion of
Haman/Jesus was Cecil Roth in his now classic study (C. Roth, Feast of Purim and the Origins of the Blood Accusations, in Speculum,
VIII, 1933, pp. 520-526).Recently following in Roths footsteps have been Elliot Horowitz and Gerd Mentgen, adding further documents
attesting to phenomena of anti-Christian violence during the celebration of Purim (cfr. E. Horowitz, And It Was Reversed. Jews and
Their Enemies in the Festivities , in Zion, LIX, 1994, pp. 129-168, in Hebrew; Id., The Rite to Be Reckless. On the Perpetration and
Interpretation of Purim Violence , in Poetics Today, XV, 1994, pp. 9-54; G. Mentgen, The Origins of the Blood Libel, in Zion, LIX,
1994, pp. 341-349; Id., ber den Ursprung der Ritualmordfabel, in Aschkenas, IV, 1994, pp. 405-416). On the status quaestionis, see
the precise summary of I.J. Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb: Perceptions of Jews and Christians, Tel Aviv, 2000, pp. 179-181 (in
Hebrew), and the recent stimulating monograph of E. Horowitz, Reckless Rites. Purim and the Legacy of Jewish Violence, Princeton,
(N.J., 2006.
20. On this subject, see T.C.G. Thornton, The Crucifixion of Haman and the Scandal of the Cross, in Journal of Theological Studies,
XXXVII (1986), pp. 419-426; A. Damascelli, Croce maledizione e redenzione. Un eco di Purim in Galati 3, 13, in Henoch, XXIII
(2001), pp. 227-241.

21. Quomodo (judaei) vocant Iesum de Nazaret quem adorant christiani? [...] Dicit quod (inter se) vocant Ossoays et Talui et quando
locunt cum Christianis vocant Christo [How do the Jews speak of those who adore Jesus of Nazareth ? [] [Amongst themselves] they
call him Ossays and Talui but when they are speaking to Christians, they call him Christ] (cfr. An. Antoniazzi Villa, Un processo contro
gli ebrei nella Milano del 1488 Milan , 1986, p. 111).
22. The expression used in the text is maledicta et ludibriosa passio [cursed and filthy passion] (cfr. Damascilli, Croce, maledizione e
redenzione , cit.).
23. Cfr. J.G. Frazer, The Golden Bough, London, 1913, IX, pp. 359-368, 392-407 (translated as Il ramo doro. Studio sulla magia e la
religione , Turin, 1991).
24. Cfr. Parkes, The Conflict of the Church and the Synagogue, cit., p. 234.
25. Cfr. H. Schreckenberg, Die christlichen Adversos Judaeos. Texte und ihr literarisches und historisches Umfeld, Frankfurt am Main
Bern, 1982, p. 543; Mentgen, The Origins of the Blood Libel, cit., pp. 341-343. This last essay stresses the link between Purim, known
as the feast of the lots, and the date upon which the annual lottery of the Jewish community to establish the location of which to carry
out the annual ritual murder (Norwich, Valreas, etc.).
26. Natan b. Yechiel, Arukh, Pesar, G. Soncino, 1517, cc. 162v-163r (s.v. shwwr). See also Shoshanat ha amaqim. Emeq ha-Purim. Ozar
minhagin we-hanhagot le-chag Purim (Treasure of the Rites and Customs of the Feast of Purim), Jerusalem, 2000, pp. 111-112.
27. The custom is reported in the ritual scripts of rabbi Chaim Palagi, Moed le-chol chay (A Time Established for Every Living
Thing?), Smyrna, B.Z. Rodit, 1861, c. 243rv.
28. In this regard, see my Mangiare alla giudia. La cucina ebraica in Italia dal Renascimento allet moderna , Bologna, 2000, pp. 166167.
29. Cfr. ibidem, p. 166. On the Haman-taschen in particular, see N.S. Doniach, Purim or the Feast of Esther. An Historical Study.
Philadelphia (Pa.), 1933, p. 103.
30. The reference occurs in J. Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, Philadelphia (Pa.), 1961, p. 154, no. 43.
31. To give an example, the 13 March 2002 Saudi daily newspaper Al-Ryad carried an article on the Jewish feast of Purim, authored by
a zealous professor at the university named after King Faysal. The historian Umaya Ahmed Al-Jalahama, his article, claimed that in the
preparation of the Jewish sweets known as Hamans ears, Jews must provide themselves with the coagulated blood, in the form of
lumps or powder, of a Christian boy, or even a Moslem boy. As we have seen, this addition is as bold as it is unhistorical, which
nevertheless seems fully understandable, considering the scope of the essay as established by the author, and the public for whom he
was writing.
32. For a description and evaluation of Socrates text on the facts of Inmestar, see, among others, Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice,
cit., p. 176; J. Juster, Les Juifs dans lEmpire romain; leur condition juridique, economique et sociale; Paris, 1914, vol. II, p. 204; Parkes,
The Conflict of the Church and the Synagogue , cit., p. 234; Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, cit., pp. 127-128; Blumenkranz, Les
auteurs chrtiens , cit., p 58; M. Simon, Verus Israel. Etude sur les relations entre chrtiens et juifs dans lEmpire romain (135-425),
Paris, 1964, p. 160.
33. The hypothetical derivation of the stereotype of the blood accusation at Pesach based on Jewish behavior at Purim, maintained by
Roth (cfr. Roth, Feast of Purim, cit. p. 521; It would not have been altogether unnatural had the coarser spirits among the Jews
themselves introduced into the proceedings a spirit of mockery of the [Christian] religion, and of the many who follow Roth, among
them, recently, Mriri Rubin, with reference to the accusation of the desecration of the Host (cfr. M. Rubin, Gentile Tales. The Narrative
Assault on Late Medieval Jews , New Haven, Conn, 1999, p. 87: That Jews, roused by festivity and fellowship, may have played about,
even played a practical joke on their neighbors and their beliefs is all to believable), is rejected with disdainful presumption by
Langmuir. The affair of ritual murder, in both its variants of the crucifixion and the consumption of blood, is said to have been a
brilliant, entirely ecclesiastical and medieval Christian invention. Those historians, in particular, those Jewish historians, attempting to
link these accusations with real Jewish behavior, even if misinterpreted, are said to have fallen into error intentionally, for fear of facing
Christian historiography openly, which is believed to be incapable of understanding the power of the irrational in the human mind, or,
worse, because these historians have become befuddled by the fanciful presumption that the Jews play a role of some weight in history
(cfr. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Anti- Semitism, Berkely Los Angeles Oxford, 1990, pp. 209-296: Whether they were
insensitive to the powers of irrationality, reluctant to attack Christian historiography too openly, or concerned to attribute an active role

in history to Jews, they were predisposed to believe that something Jews had done however misinterpreted by Christians must have
been a major cause of the change [...] exuberant Jewish conduct at Purim cannot be used to explain the accusation.).
34. The village in question is Brie-Compte-Robert in the Isle-de-France, as shown in the works by William C. Jordan and Shimon
Schwarzfuchs, referred to in the note below, and not Bray-sur-Seine, as claimed by the majority of preceding scholars.
35. The episode is discussed, not only in the works by Roth, Horowitz and Trachtenberg, already cited, but by W.C. Johnson, The French
Monarchy and the Jews. From Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians , Philadelphia (Pa.), 1989, pp. 36, 270-271; Id., Jews, Regalian
Rights and the Constitution in Medieval France , in AJS Review, XXIII (1998), pp. 1-16; Sh. Schwarzfuchs, A History of the Jews in
Medieval France , Tel Aviv, 2001, pp. 155-156 (in Hebrew).
36. The text uses here the verb talah (li-tlot, wa-yitlu), which, as we have seen, may be indifferently translated as to hang.
37. The quotation is taken from the Sefer Zechirah di Efraim of Bonn. Cfr. A.M. Haberman, Sefer ghezerot Ashkenaz we-Zarfat (Book of
Perscutions in Germany and France), Jerusalem, 1971, p. 128.
38. Manuele da Visso was accused and condemned super eo quod dicebatur dixisse et fecisse aliqua illicita de Cruce (cfr. A. Toaff, The
Jews in Umbria, I: 1245-1435 , Leyden, 1993, p. 76-77).
39. Quod omnia eius brachia et etiam genua sibi dicti spiritus asperuissent et devasstassent cum quibusdam stecchis (cfr. Toaff, The
Jews in Umbria. III: 1484-1736, Leyden, 1994, pp. 1116-1118; Id., Il vino e la carne, Bologna, 1989, p. 171-172).
40. The Jewish defendants were held guilty de jugulatione Christi in formam crucifixi (cfr. R. Segre, Jews in Piedmont, Jerusalem,
1986, vol. I, pp. 171-172).
41. Cfr. M. Luzzati, Ebrei, chiesa locale, principe e popolo. Due episodi di destruzione di immagini sacre alla fine del Quattrocento, in
Quaderni Storici, XXII (1983), no. 54, pp. 847-877; Toaff, Il vino e la carne, cit., pp. 156-158.
42. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, Jerusalem, 1982, vol. I, pp. 199-200.
43. Cfr. Giulio Morosini, Derekh Emunah, Via della fede mostrata agli ebrei, Rome, Propaganda Fede, 1683, p. 836.
42. Et in festo Mardochai quod adhuc (Judaei) celebrant XV Kalendas martii, ubi conterunt ollas in Synagogis, dicentes: sicut contritus
est Aman, sic contetatur velociter regnum Christianorum [And during the feast of Mordechai, which the Jews still celebrate on the
15th of March, they smash jars in the synagogue, saying: thus Haman was destroyed, thus may the kingdom of the Christians rapidly be
destroyed] (Marquardo Susanni, Tractatus de Judaeis et aliis infidelibus, Venice, Comin da Trino, 1558, cc. 25v-26r).

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CHAPTER NINE
SACRIFICE AND CIRCUMCISION: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF PESCHACH
The celebration of the festivals of the Jewish calendar marking the life of the people of Israel from ancient times has assumed primarily
the character of historical-ritual repetition and renewal of memory (zikkaron) of the divine interventions in the history of the nation.
In this sense, Pesach, the Jewish Passover, is celebrated as a memorial, zikkaron, in the sense of being a ritual representation of the
past (1). More precisely, at Pesach, the events linked to slavery in Egypt, the persecutions suffered on the banks of the Nile, the
miraculous exodus from the land of oppression, the divine vengeance on the enemies of Israel, and the laborious pathway towards the
Promised Land and Redemption, are reviewed and projected into the present day. This is a pathway which has not yet been completed
and perfected, pregnant with unknown factors and hazards, the happy outcome of which may be brought nearer by the actions of Man
and the miraculous interventions of God in the history of Israel. What is more, the Jewish community, wherever it is located, is able to
request the active involvement of the Divinity, intended to hasten the coming of Redemption, moving God through the sight of the
sufferings of His Chosen People and impelling Him to act, defend, protect and wreak vengeance.

Blood is a fundamental and indispensable element in all the memorial celebrations of Pesach: the blood of the Passover Lamb and the
blood of circumcision. In the Midrash, this relationship is continually stressed and demonstrated. God, having seen the door-posts of the
doors of the children of Israel in Egypt, bathed with the blood of the Passover lamb, is said to have recalled his Pact with Abraham,
signed and sealed with the blood of circumcision. Thanks to the blood of the Passover lamb and that of circumcision, the children of
Israel were saved from Egypt. In fact, the Jews are said to have circumcised themselves for the first time precisely in concomitance with
their exodus from the lands of the Pharaoh. And in this regard, adds the
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Midrash , the blood of the lamb is mixed with that of circumcision (2).
The German rabbis, for their part, placed particular importance upon the importance of that magnificent and fateful event, stating that
the Jews transfused the blood of their circumcision into the same glass into which the blood of the Passover Lamb to be utilized in
painting the door-posts of their doorways had been poured, according to Gods orders, so that, together, they might, together, become
the distinctive symbols of their salvation and redemption. This is why the prophet Ezekiel is said to have twice repeated the wish, And
when I passed by thee, and saw thee polluted in thine own blood, I said unto thee, when thou wast in thy blood, Live; yea, I said unto
thee when thou wast in thy blood, Live. (Ezekiel 16:6), intending to refer both to the blood of the Passover lamb and that of
circumcision. In the Midrash, the German rabbis found the references necessary to establish beyond any doubt the close relationship
between blood (of the Passover lamb and that of circumcision) and the final redemption of the people of Israel. God has said: I have
given them two precepts so that, fulfilling them, they may be redeemed, and these are the blood of the Passover lamb and that of
circumcision (3).
In the Sefer Nizzachon Yashan, a harsh anonymous anti-Christian polemical publication compiled in Germany at the end of the 13th
century, the themes of which are repeated in the liturgical invocations of Rabbi Shelomoh of Worms, the exodus of the people of Israel
from Egypt is taken as a pretext to outline a dispute intended to contrast the saving blood of the Passover blood and of circumcision to
the powers of the cross.
It is written: And ye shall take a bunch of hyssop, and dip it in the blood (of the Passover lamb) that is in the basin, and strike the lintel
and the two side posts with the blood that is in the basin (Ex. 12:22).
The Christians distance themselves even further from this passage and claim to find a reference to the Cross in it, since it recalls three
places (the lintel and the two door-posts). This therefore tells us: It is thanks to the Cross that (your fathers in the exodus from Egypt)
gained their salvation (4).
One must reply to them by rejecting an interpretation of this kind. In fact, the truth is in these words of God: Through the merit of the
blood, poured into different occasions, I shall remember you, when I see your houses tinted with blood. This is the blood of circumcision
of Abraham, of the blood of the sacrifice of Isaac, when Abraham was about to immolate his son, and of the blood of the Passover lamb.
It is for this reason that the blood returns three times in the verse of the prophet Ezekeiel (16:6). And when I passed by thee, and saw
thee polluted in thine own blood, I said unto that when thou wast in thine own blood, Live; yea, I said unto thee when thou wast in thy
blood, Live. (5).
p. 139]
The reference to the sacrifice of Isaac would appear out of place, considering that, in the Biblical account, Abraham did not really
immolate his son, as he was prepared to do, but was stopped by the miraculous Divine intervention which stayed his hand, holding the
sacrificial knife.
But this conclusion should certainly be revised. The Midrash even advances the hypothesis that Abraham really shed Isaacs blood,
sacrificing him on the precise spot upon which the Altar of the Temple of Jerusalem was later to be built. The pious patriarch is then
believed to have proceeded to reduce the body to ashes, burning it on the pyre which he is said to have previously prepared for that
purpose. Only later is God supposed to have rectified Abrahams action, returning Isaac to life (6). Elsewhere, the analogy between
Isaac, who bears the burden of the bundles of wood intended for his own holocaust on Mount Moriyah, and Christ, bent under double
the weight of the Cross, is clearly shown (7). Explaining the verse of Ex. 12:13 (And I when I see the blood, I will pass over you, and the
plague shall not be upon you, and the plague shall be upon you to destroy you, when I smite the land of Egypt), the Midrash asks us
which blood God is to see on the doors of the Children of Israel, and unhesitatingly responds: God will see the spilt blood of the
sacrifice of Isaac. On the other hand, the Jewish month of Nissan, during which the festivity of Pesach falls, in the tradition of Midrash,
is considered the month of the Isaacs birth, as well as that of his immolation (8).

Isaac was sacrificed for the love of God and his blood gushes onto the altar, coloring it red. This is the historical-ritual memory,
transfigured and updated, which the Judaism of the German lands, reduced in numbers by the suicides and mass child murders
committed during the Crusades for the sanctification of the Lords name wished to preserve, situating it at Passover and in relation to
the exodus from Egypt. In one of his elegies, Ephraim of Bonn described not only the ardor and the zeal of Abraham in immolating his
son, butchering him on the altar, but also the abnegation of Isaac, happy to serve as the holocaust (9). After which the saintly boy was
carried back to life by God himself, Abraham is said to have sought to sacrifice him a second time in an overflowing backwash of fervent
faith. It was precisely these the elements which, according to the Jews of the Franco-German communities, placed in relationship with
the prayer for the dead (zidduk hadin) with the sacrifice of Isaac.
The verse When He seeth the blood upon the lintel, and on the two side posts, the Lord will pass over the door, and will not suffer the
destroyer to come in unto your houses to smite you (Ex. 12:23), recalls the sacrifice of Isaac, while the verse I said unto thee when thou
wast in thy blood, Live; yea, I said unto thee when thou wast in thy blood, Live! (Ez . 16:6) possesses the same numerical value
p. 140]
(ghematryah ) as the name Isaac, Izchak. For this reason was introduced into the text of the prayer for the dead, ziddu, ha-din, the
following wish: Through the merit of He who was sacrificed like a lamb (Isaac), Thou, oh God, lend an ear and act accordingly. In fact,
Isaac, was killed and appears at the sight of the divined presence (schechinah). Only after he was already dead did the angel cure him,
restoring him to life (10).
In conclusion, the German Jews, who, during the first crusade in 1096, sacrificed their sons to avoid forced baptism, intending to imitate
the sacrifice of Isaac by the hand of Abraham, his father. Deliberately ignoring the Biblical conclusion of the episode, which stressed
Gods aversion to human sacrifice, they preferred to refer to those texts of the Midrash in which Isaac actually met a cruel death on the
altar. The German Jews thus conferred new life upon these new texts in search of moral support for the their actions, which appeared
unjustifiable and might easily be condemned under the terms of ritual law (halakhah) (11).
The Biblical account of Jeptha was generally interpreted in this sense as well. The exegetic tradition of the Midrash has no hesitation of
any kind in stating that the brave judge of Israel who solemnly promised to sacrifice the first creature he met upon victorious return
from the battle against the Ammonites (Judges 11:31), actually kept his vow, sacrificing on the altar his only daughter, who ran out to
celebrate the happy outcome of the epic battle with him (Judges 11:35) (12). Nor did the Medieval exegetics of the German territories
show any kind of embarrassment in dealing with this problematical tale, since they were all intent on minimizing the seriousness of the
action of this Jewish leader from Galahad (13). It is, however, a fact that, while reference to the sacrifice of Isaac is frequently made,
heavily charged with significance in the historical-ritual memory of Ashkenazi Judaism, that of the Jepthas daughter never rose to the
rank of moral precedent of reference.
As we have said, the memorial celebration of Pesach was indissolubly linked with the sacrifice of the lamb and the blood of circumcision.
The latter arose as a symbol of the pact between God and the people of Israel, signed in the flesh of Abraham, while the blood of the
Passover lamb was the emblem of salvation and redemption. As Yerushalmi notes, the Passover dinner or Seder has always constituted
the exercise of memory par excellence of the Jewish community, wherever it existed.
p. 141]
Here, during the meal around the family dining table, ritual, liturgical and culinary elements were orchestrated in such a way as to
transmit the most vital sense of the past from one generation to another. The entire Seder is the symbolic staging of an historically
founded scenario, divided into three main sections, corresponding to the structure of the Haggadah (the account of the stories of Pesach
and about Pesach), which are to be read aloud: slavery, liberation, final Redemption. [...] words and gestures which are intended to
awaken, not simply memory, but a harmonious merging of the past and present. Memory is no longer something to be contemplated
from afar, but represents a true and proper representation and updating (14)
The wine drunk during the Seder symbolizes the blood of the Passover lamb and the circumcision, and it is not therefore surprising that
the Palestinian Talmud associates the four glasses of wine, which absolutely must be drunk during the Seder, with the four phases of
Redemption. What is more, the text presents the charoset, the fruit preserve kneaded with the wine, intended to bring to mind the past,
as blood memorials of the clay and mortar used by the Jews when engaged in slave labor during their long captivity in the land of the
Pharaohs (15).
If the blood of the Passover lamb was distilled from a sacrifice, so, in a certain sense, is the blood of circumcision. The Midrash states
that a drop of the blood (of circumcision) is as pleasing to the Holy One may His name be blessed as that of sacrifices (16). But it

was the rabbis and the medieval exegetics, particularly, those of the Franco-German territories, who developed and broadened this
concept. The Provenal Aharon di Lunel (13th century) did not hesitate to affirm that He who offers his own son for circumcision is
similar to the priest who presents the farinaceous offering and sacrifices a libation on the altar. His contemporary, Bechayah b. Asher of
Saragoza, a famous moralist, also stressed the close relationship between sacrifice and circumcision: The precept of circumcision is
equivalent to a sacrifice, because a man offers the fruit of his loins to blessed God for the purpose of fulfilling His command (to
circumcise the son); and, just as sacrificial blood is used for expiation, thus the blood of circumcision heals wounds [...] It is, in fact,
thanks to this obligation, that God promised Israel salvation from Gehenna (17).
Even more explicit is Yaakov Ha-Gozer (the Cutter) who lived in the 13th century in Germany, in his essay on the rite of circumcision.
p. 142]
Come and consider how pleasing is the precept of circumcision before the Holy One, may His name be blessed. In fact, every Jew who
sacrifices by means of circumcision in the morning is considered as if he had presented the daily holocaust of the morning. Before God,
the blood of circumcision is as valuable as the sacrifice of the lamb on the altar every day: one in the morning and the other in the
evening, and his son is perfect and immaculate like the lamb of one year (18).
Circumcision is therefore considered equal to the sacrifice and the blood poured out during this holy act of surgery thus came to assume
the same value as the uncorrupted blood of the perfect and innocent lamb, butchered on the altar and offered to god. This sacrifice was
at the same time individual and collective, because, as Bechayeh b. Asher observed, it was considered capable of providing automatic
and infallible salvation from the torments of gehenna [inferno], regardless of the conduct of the individual and the community. It was a
kind of sacramental mystery of certain efficacy and proven power (19).
In this sense, circumcision came, with time, to assume the character of an apotropaic [warding off evil] and exorcistic rite. The blood of
the circumcised child and the providential cutting of the foreskin provided protection and salvation, as taught in the Biblical account
which is otherwise short on detail of Moses, mortally assailed by God and miraculously saved by virtue of his own circumcision and
that of his son.
This was said to have been performed immediately, although a bit crudely, by Moses wife Zipporah. And it came to pass by the in the
inn, that the Lord met him and sought to kill him. Then Zipporah took a sharp stone, and cut off the foreskin of her son, and cast it at his
feet, and said, Surely a bloody husband art thou to me. So He let him go; then she said, A bloody husband thou art, because of thy
circumcision (Ex. 4: 24-26).
Circumcision defended and liberated from danger, and the blood shed on that occasion possessed infallible exorcistic significance. The
Gheonim , heads of the rabbinical academies of Babylon, circumcised in the water, i.e., they taught that the bloody foreskin was to be
thrown into a recipient containing water perfumed with spices and myrtil [a red flower]. The young males present at the ceremony
hastened to wash the hands and face in the sweet-smelling fluid as a counter-spell intended to bring good luck and serve as a
propitiatory sign of stupendous success in love and numerous and healthy descendants (20).
In the Middle Ages, particularly, in the German-speaking territories, circumcision came to assume, with particular clarity, the value p.
143] of an apotropaic and exorcistic rite, which, in the synagogue, was free to express itself without hindrance of any kind against the
background of community life. As we have seen, during the ceremony, the blood of circumcised foreskin was mixed with the wine and
tasted by the mohel himself, by the child and his mother, and the libation was accompanied by the prophetic wish Thanks to your
blood, you live! The famous German rabbi Jacob Mulin Segal (1360-1427), known as Maharil, who also lived at Treviso for some time,
in his weighty handbook of customs in use in the Ashkenazi communities of the valley of the Rhine, reported that it was a widespread
custom to pour whatever remained in the cup, together with the wine and the blood of the circumcised child, under the Ark with the
rolls of the Law, located in the synagogue. This act was intended to exorcise the exterior dangers hanging over the Jewish world and the
tragedies threatening its existence.
In the 17th century, this custom was still in force in the Jewish community of Worms. Soon after the mohel has completed the
operation [...] whatever remains of the content of the glass, together with the wine and blood of the circumcised child, is poured onto the
steps before the Ark with the rolls of the Law in the synagogue (21). Among Ashkenazi Jews therefore, on a popular level, the salvation
represented by the blood of circumcision was essentially understood, by both the individual and the collective, in a magical sense. That
blood was able to provide protection from the constant threat of the Angel of Death, while functioning as an antidote to the ills of this
life and serving as a health-giving potion during the rites of passage, charged with unknown dangers (22).

Another curious testimony in this regard may be found in the writings of the so-called Cutter, the mohel Yaakov Ha-Gozer. The German
rabbi described the custom of his Jewish contemporaries (obviously, in the 13th century) of hanging the cloth used by the mohel to clean
his hands from the lintel of the entranceway to the synagogue upon completion of the operation.
Therefore, the cloth used by the mohel to clean his hands and mouth, which are full of blood, is placed on the door to the synagogue.
The meaning of the custom of hanging the cloth in the entrance to the temple was explained to me by my uncle, rabbi Efraim of Bonn. In
effect, our elders told us that the children of Israel left the land of Egypt thanks to the blood of the Passover sacrifice and the blood of
circumcision.
On that occasion, the sons of Israel colored the lintels of their doorways with blood so that the Lord would prevent the Angel of Death
from striking their houses and for the purpose of manifesting the miracle. For this reason, the
p. 144]
circumcision cloth, stained with blood, is hung in the door of the synagogue to indicate the sign linked to circumcision and to make
manifest to all the precept, as is said, It shall be a sign between thee and me (23).
The custom of hanging the cloth used by the mohel to clean his hands and mouth of blood of the child in the synagogue doorway also
appears in the so-called Machazor Vitry, written around the 12th century. This ancient French liturgical text in fact states that, in the
Ashkenazi Jewish communities, the cloth used by the mohel to clean off the blood shall be hung at the entrance to the synagogue (24).
Jewish mystical texts also stress the relationship between the blood of the Passover lamb and that of circumcision and the meanings of
Pesach . The Zohar the blood of splendor, the classical text of the Cabbalah attributed to rabbi Shimon bar Yochai and set in Palestine
of the 2nd century of the Christian era, but, in reality, composed in Spain at the end of the 13th century, stresses, in its peculiar
language, the centrality of the motif of blood in the ceremonial commemoration of the exodus of the Jews from Egypt.
The blood of the circumcision corresponds to the divine quality of absolute piety, because the Holy One, may His name be blessed,
upon seeing the blood of the circumcision, feels compassion for the world; the blood of the Passover lamb, on the other hand, indicates
the divine quality of judgment, because the sacrifice of the Passover is performed with the lamb, which corresponds to the Zodiacal sign
of the ram, the god of Egypt [...] therefore, the blood of the circumcision and that of the Passover lamb, which are to be seen on the door,
corresponded to the two sefirot (the divine attributes) of piety and power (or justice), which had awakened to dominance in the heavens
at that moment. In fact, the blood of circumcision represents the divine quality of compassion, while the blood of the Passover lamb
represents the qualities of justice and power. Therefore, piety was kindled to pity the children of Israel so that they wouldnt die [...]
while justice was kindled to wreak vengeance on the first born of the Egyptians (25).
For the Cabballah, the blood of circumcision and that of the Passover lamb therefore possessed opposite meanings. The first indicated
the piety of God, ready to show compassion towards the Jews and save them from dangers and death. The second, on the other hand,
represented the power and severity of Divine justice, which wreaked vengeance on the peoples of Egypt, killing their children. The motif
of the blood of the circumcision, capable of protecting the children of
p. 145]
Israel, effectively removing the threats to its existence, annulling the instinct of evil and hastening the hour of Redemption, returns,
further along in the Zohar, in connection with the memorial of Pesach.
When the Holy One, may His name be blessed, having come down from Egypt to smite the first born, saw the blood of the Passover
sacrifice marking the doors (of Israel), and also sees the blood of the pact (of circumcision) and that both are found on the door [...] To
drive away the influx of evil spirits he sprinkled it (in those places) using a hyssop branch. In the future, in the hour of Israels
redemption, sublime and complete, the Holy One, may His name be blessed, shall take unto himself the instinct of evil and shall butcher
it, thus removing the spirit of impiety from the earth (26).
For the Zohar, God, passing by the doors of the children of Israel, dubbed with blood, is not only said to have saved the Jews from the
Angel of Death, but He is said to have cured the wounds of their circumcision, collectively performed by the Jews for the first time.
It is written: God smote Israel, he smote it and he cured it (Is. 19:22), wishing to signify that he smote Egypt and cured the Israelites,
i.e., not only that Israels salvation only occurred simultaneously with the slaying of the first born (of the Egyptians), but that Israels
healing occurred at the same time. If one were to wonder what the children of Israel were to recover from, we shall respond that, after

being circumcised, they needed to be healed, and were cured through the appearance of the Divine Presence (ghilui schechinah). While
the Egyptians were being smitten, at that exact same moment, the children of Israel were being cured of the wound caused by
circumcision. In fact, what does the verse: And God passed by the door (Ez. 12:23) mean? [...] the answer is that He passed by the door
of the body. But what is the door of the body? And we shall respond: the door of the body is the place of circumcision. We shall conclude
by saying that when the Holy One, may His name be blessed, passed by the door (of the children of Israel), in Egypt, they were cured of
the wound of circumcision (27).
The symbolic meaning of the Passover lamb offered in sacrifice is stressed by the Zohar, which places it in relationship with a significant,
corresponding sacrifice performed in the secret and sublime world of the reality of God. When the children of Israel shall have
immolated the Passover lamb, only then shall God in his firmament sacrifice the corresponding Lamb of Evil, responsible for the
tragedies of Israel on earth and for the repeated exiles afflicting the Jews throughout history.
p. 146]
Sayeth the Holy One, may His name be blessed, to the children of Israel: carry out this action below (on earth) and go and take the
lamb and prepare it for sacrifice on the 14th of this month [of Nissan]; then I on high (in my heaven) shall destroy his power [...]
Observing the precept of the sacrifice of the Passover lamb below (on earth), the children of Israel have caused to be reduced to
impotence the slag of evil (kelippah) of the lamb on high (in the divine firmament), which is responsible for the four exiles suffered by
the children of Israel (in Babylon, in Media, in Greece and in Egypt). Thus it is written: I will utterly put out the remembrance of
Amalek from generation to generation (Ex. 17:14), has this significance: You, children of Israel, shall blot out the memory of Amalek
below (on earth) through the sacrifice of the Passover lamb, as it is written: Thou shalt cancel out the memory of Amalek, and thanks to
this your action I shall blot out its memory on high (in my firmament) (28).
The sacrifice of the Passover lamb therefore came to assume a cosmic significance in the texts of Jewish mysticism. Its blood, poured on
the altar and applied to the door-posts of the houses, are intended to impel God to sacrifice the Lamb of Evil in His world, responsible
for the successive troubles and misfortunes marking the history of Israel.
The link between the blood of the circumcision and that of the Passover lamb came to assume additional meanings during the Middle
Ages, particularly in the German-speaking territories, and no longer alluded merely to the blood by virtue of which sin is expiated. The
latter blood came to be added to the blood shed by Jewish martyrs, who offered their own lives and those of their dear ones to sanctify
the name of God (al kiddush ha-Shem ), rejecting the waters of baptism. Thus, the blood of circumcision, that of the Passover lamb,
and that of those killed in defense of their own faith became mixed together and became confounded, hastening the final redemption of
Israel and persuading God to wreak His atrocious vengeance on the children of Edom, the Christians, responsible for the tragedies
suffered by the Jewish people. The Jews in Germany who, during the first crusade, sacrificed their own children as Abraham sacrificed
Isaac his son, were perfectly convinced that their own blood, together with that of the two other sacrifices circumcision and the
Passover lamb all offered to God in abnegation, would not be lost, but would constitute the powerful fluid from which the welldeserved and predicted revenge and the much-desired Redemption would ferment (29).
Thus, in a distorted logic borne of suffering and distorted by passion, one might even arrive at aberrant analogies which might
nevertheless appear justifiable from the point of view of the persons concerned. In the ceremony
p. 147]
of the milah, a few drops of blood from the circumcised child, poured into wine, possessed the power to transform the wine into blood;
therefore, the wine was drunk by the child, his mother and the mohel himself, with propitiatory, well-auguring and counter-magical
meanings (30) .
By the same logic, during the Passover ceremony of the Seder, a few drops of the childs blood, the symbol of Edom (Christianity) and of
Egypt, dissolved in the wine, had the power to transform the wine into blood, intended to be drunk and sprinkled onto the table as a sign
of vengeance and as a symbol of the curses directed at the enemies of Israel as well as a pressing call to Redemption.
Again, in connection with Pesach, vengeance on the children of Edom Christianity representing Edom renewed, at Rome, the city of
impurity was also eagerly sought in the Zohar, even if in deliberately convoluted language:
It is written Who is He who comes from Edom, with the garments tinted red from Bozrah? (Is. 63:6). The prophet predicts that the
Holy One, may His name be blessed, shall wreak vengeance against Edom, and that the minister who represents the reign of Edom on
high (in the celestial firmament) shall be the first to die. The prophet is in fact speaking with the language of ordinary people, observing
that when they kill someone, blood squirts upon their garments. For this reason, he refers to them as if they asked: Who is he who

comes from Edom, with his garments tinted with blood; that is, from the armed city (Hebrew: bezurah, a pun, recalling the name Bozrah
of the verse of Isaiah, which is he great metropolis of Rome? This is, therefore, the meaning of that which is written: in the future, the
Holy One, may His name be blessed, shall reveal his powers of judgment and of blood in all their obviousness to wreak his vengeance on
Edom (31).
The fact that this fragment of the Zohar which contains not one explicit reference to the memorial of Passover is found in the
section dealing with the exodus of the Jews from Egypt, clearly indicates that blood linked to the vengeance against Edom, the symbol
of arrogant and triumphant Christianity was a major element in the updated historical-ritual celebration of the Pesach.
As we have seen, the preserve of fresh and dry fruit (apples, pears, nuts and almonds), kneaded with the wine, intended to represent the
building materials used by the people of Israel during their captivity in Israel, and which was to be eaten and drunk during the Passover
dinner of the Seder, took the name of charoset and was considered a memorial of the blood (32). In other words, the clay and mortar
with which the Jews had built the city on the banks of the Nile
p. 148]
were mixed with the blood flowing from their bodies, covered with sores and suffering. It is not, therefore, surprising that the Jews, in
their history (yet again, we are speaking of Ashkenazi-origin Jews) have sometimes been accused of murdering Christian children to eat
the body and drink the blood in the charoset during a repulsive cannibalistic repast.
In 1329, in the Duchy of Savoy, a Jew, Acelino da Tresselve, and a Christian, Jacques dAiguebelle, were accused of abducting Christian
boys in numerous cities of the region, such as Geneva, Rumilly and Annecy. Several other Jews in the Duchy were involved in the
inquiry, including a certain Jocetus (Yoseph) and Aquineto (Izchak). The inquiry finally forced them to confess, at least partially under
torture, to sacrificing five children to knead their heads and viscera into the charoset (indicated in the confessions under the correct
term of aharace), which they are then alleged to have been eaten, presumably during the Seder dinner. According to their statements,
this collective ritual constituted a surrogate Easter sacrifice, and was, as such, able to bring closer the hour of Redemption (33). In
relation to these facts, it might be noted that some of the Jews expelled from England in 1290 in the times of Edward I emigrated to
Savoy, reinforcing the Jewish community of the Duchy from a demographic, cultural and religious point of view. Jews from Norwich,
Bristol and Lincoln were now to be found at Chambry, Bourg-en-Bresse and Annecy, bringing with them traditions and stereotypes
charged with implications (34). The accusation of preparing the charoset of Pesach with the blood of Christian children was repeated
with regards to the Jews of Arles in 1453 (35) .
Another child murder, that of Savona, the particulars of which were revealed around 1456 to Alfonso de Espina, confessor to the King of
Castille, by one of the participants in the cruel ritual, desiring to obtain pardon and baptism, appears to have revolved around the
preparation of the charoset for the celebration of the Pesach (36). The victims blood, gathered in the cup ordinarily used to collect the
blood of Jewish infants following circumcision, was said to have been poured into the kneaded dough of a pastry consisting of honey,
pears, nuts, hazelnuts and other fresh and dried fruits, which all persons present at the ceremony were alleged to have gulped down
hastily with an appetite born of religious zeal (37).
The charoset, according to these reports the reliability of which we would not be inclined to swear upon was thus transformed into a
kind of sacred human black pudding, capable of wonderfully enriching the list of the foods of the Passover dinner and, at the same time,
of bringing to the table the exotic savor of Redemption, soon to come. It is therefore
p. 149]
plausible that, whoever placed the charoset in the forefront of the ritual murder accusations was quite aware of the fact that tradition
considered it a memorial of blood. In this sense, it constituted an element perfectly well suited to serve as a basis for arguments alleging
that the Jews used the blood of children in their Passover rites.
Circumcision, Passover lamb, sacrifice of Isaac, martyrdom for love of God, memorial of the charoset. A true and proper river of blood
flowed towards Pesach, both on the table of Seder and in the pages of the Haggadah, the liturgical-convivial celebration of the stories of
the exodus from Egypt. But that was not all. In addition, the first and the most characteristic of the ten plagues smiting the lands of the
Pharaoh, guilty of culpably holding the Jews captive against their will, was linked to blood, dam. Moses and Aronne smote the sacred
waters of the beneficial Nile with their staff and, by the will of God, the waters were transformed into venomous serpents (Ex. 7:14-25).
These waters, now toxic and no longer potable, gave birth to abandonment, desolation and death.
In popular culture, carried along by a thousand rivulets within the traditions and customs of Jews in the Western word, the troublesome
phenomenon of the waters of the rivers and the lakes, basins of water, fountains, and mountain fountains capable of transforming

themselves without warning into lethal agents, were an unfortunately recurrent theme. At least four times a year, with every change in
the season (tekufah), for four days, blood was said to be have become mixed with the potable water (i.e., this cannot refer to the waters
of the sea, but rather, to rivers, wells and fountains), menacingly jeopardizing the health of men. The uncertainty and dismay which
accompanied the moments and the phases of passage, such as the approach of the seasons, once again evoked the obsessive menace of
blood. Blood at birth, blood at circumcision, blood in matrimony, blood at death, blood at each change of the seasons. Superficial
carelessness or inadvertent negligence were fraught with danger. Once again, the classical references to Isaacs cruel sacrifice (i.e., the
sacrifice actually carried out), the transformation of the Nile into blood and Jepthas tragic vow, became both customary and mandatory,
finding well-considered, welcome acceptance in the texts containing the most ancient traditions of Franco-Germanic medieval Judaism,
from the Machazor Vitry to the late 17th century writings of Chaim Chaike Levi Hurwitz, rabbi of Grodno (38).
In the Sefer Abudarham, famous liturgical compendium based on the popular traditions of the Sephardic world, both Sephardic,
Provenal and
p. 150]
Ashkenazim, makes open reference to the dangers threatening man whenever one season replaces another. David Agudarham, rabbi at
Seville, who compiled his heavy handbook in 1340, advised, although with some hesitation, against the drinking of water during the days
of the change of seasons (tekufah), for fear of its contamination by blood.
I have found it written that one must be careful during any of the four changes of seasons, so as to avoid harm and danger. In the
season of Nissan (spring, the Passover period), the waters of Egypt were actually transformed into wine; in the season of Tamuz
(summer), when God commanded Moses and Aaron to speak to the rock, so that waters might flow forth from it, and they disobeyed,
striking the rock instead [Num. 20:8-12], they were punished, and blood flowed forth from the rock [...]; in the season of Tishri
(autumn), because then Abraham sacrificed his son Isaac and from his knife fell drops of blood, which alone were sufficient to transform
all waters; and in the season of Tevet (winter), because it was then that the daughter of Jeptha was sacrificed and all the waters became
blood [...]. It is for this reason that the Jews, living in the lands of the Occident, completely abstain from drinking water during any
change of the seasons (39).
Even at the end of the 16th century, the Marranos of Bragana, in northern Portugal, on trial before the Inquisition of Coimbra, proved
themselves perfectly well aware of the dangers lurking in the night air upon the approach of any change of season. It was then that,
according to the ancient traditions of the Judaizers [Christians who believe in circumcision ], rays and veins of blood (rai e veie de
sangue) penetrated the waters of wells and fountains at the setting of the sun. A wonderful and extraordinary phenomenon was
observed at this point, because the waters turned into wine; and anyone drinking of them would undoubtedly lose his life in the
cruelest way. It then became necessary to have recourse to particularly effective and powerful antidotes, identified by tradition in the
ceremony of tempering, which consisted of throwing three glowing-hot coals into the polluted waters; or of ironing the same waters
by dipping a red-hot horseshoe into them.
Neglecting these precautions was said to cause certain death to anyone drinking those toxic and pestiferous potions. Death was said to
fall upon the victim at the first onset of winter, when his vines lose their last leaf (40).
Sabato Nacamulli (Naccam),
p. 151]
a Jew of Ancona who later converted to Christianity under the name of Franceso Maria Ferretti, provided a critical summary of the rites
relating to the change of seasons (tekufah), when the waters were capable of dangerously transforming themselves into deadly blood.
Four times in the year, they pray that God might, at any moment, [at any] points or minutes [of the compass], turn all the waters into
blood; they therefore abstained from drinking water at such times, because they firmly believed that if anyone drank the water at that
moment, his abdomen would certainly swell, and he would die a few days afterwards; they, therefore, keep bread, a piece of iron, or
something else in those waters at such times, and this, in their vanity, they called tecuf (41).
Perhaps linked to these popular beliefs was the custom among relatives in mourning to pour out, onto the ground, all water contained in
recipients kept in the house of a dead person. In German-ritual Jewish communities, they actually believed that the Angel of Death
intended to immerse his deadly sword in those waters, transforming them into blood, and thus threatening the lives of the relatives and
all persons known by the deceased (42).

In the German-language territories, rivers, lakes, rivers and torrents possessed an ambiguous and disturbing fascination. Many of the
presumed ritual murder victims had emerged from those very same waters, cast forth onto the river banks of Saxony by floods and
currents.
The muddy waters of the Severn and the Loire, the Rhine and the Danube, the Main and Lake Constance, with their ebb and flow,
revealed that which was intended to remain hidden, becoming the fulcrum of many tales awaiting discovery.
Moreover, even the Christian populations of the regions traversed by these waterways were convinced, from ancient times, as Frazer
tells us, that the spirit of the rivers and lakes claimed their victims every year, particularly during precise periods, such as the days
around Assumption Day (43). People considered it dangerous to bathe in the waters of the Saale, the Sprea and the Neckar, and even
Lake Constance, for fear of becoming involuntary sacrifices to the cruel gods of the river. Thus, on St. Johns Day, at Cologne,
Schaffhausen, Neuburg in Baden, as well as at Fulda and Regensburg in Swabia, as well as in the Swiss valley of Emmenthal, there was
wide-spread fear that new victims of the lethal waters of the rivers and lakes would be added to those of previous years, to satisfy the
demands of the imperious spirits hovering over the waves. Jews and Christians observed the ebb and flow, fearful and simultaneously
bewitched, possessed by an overwhelming fascination. No ritual homicide ever occurred, nor could it occur, at the seaside.

NOTES TO CHAPTER NINE


1. In this regard, see A. di Nola, Antropologia religiosa, Florence, 1971, pp. 91-144; R. Le Deaut, La nuit pascale, Rome, 1963, p. 281.
2. Midrash Shemot Rabbah 17, 3-5, 19, 5; Ruth Rabbah 6; Shir Ha-shirim Rabbah 1, 35; 5; Midrash Tanchumah 55, 4; Pesiktah de-Rav
Kahah 63, 27.
3. In this regard, see Haggadat ha-midrash ha-mevor. Haggadah shel Pesach by Z. Steinberger, P. Barzel and A.Z. Brillant, Jerusalem,
1998, pp. 65-69; N. Rubin, The Beginning of Life. Rites of Death, Circumsciscion and Redemption of the First-Born in the Talmud and
Midrash , Tel Aviv, 1995, pp. 102, ss (in Hebrew); I.G. Marcus, Circumcision (Jewish), in J.R. Strayer, Dictionary of the Middle Ages. III:
Cabala-Crimea , New York, 1983, pp. 401-412; Sh. J.D. Cohen, Why Arent Jewish Women Circumcised? Gender and Covenant in
Judaism, Berkely (Calif.), 2005, pp. 16-18.
4. A useful argument, intended to link the meanings of redemption, implemented through the sign of the blood of the Passover lamb on
the doors of the house of the Jewish people of Egypt, with the saving meaning of the Cross, may be found in Justine Martyr (Triphone,
111).
5. Cfr. Sefer Nizzachon Yashan (Nizzahon Vetus). A Book of Jewish-Christian Polemic, by M. Breuer, Ramat Gan, 1978, p. 50 (in
Hebrew). For the same argumentation on the links between the blood of circumcision, that of the sacrifice of Isaac and that of the
Passover lamb, see also Shelomoh di Worms, Siddur (Book of Prayers), Jerusalem, 1972, p. 288.
6. Cfr. H.E. Adelman, Sacrifices in the History of Israel,http://www.achva.ac.il/maof.2000_9.doc (google), pp. 5-6. See also the chapter
dedicated to this argument in the thesis presented by my assistant in the Department of Jewish History at Bar-Ilan University, I.
Dreyfus, Blood, Sacrifice and Circumcision among the Jews of the Middle Ages , Ramat Gan, 2005, pp. 11-16.
7. In this regard, see J. Parkes, The Conflict of the Church and the Synagogue, London, 1934, pp. 116-117. The paragon between Isaac
and Jesus was known, among the Fathers of the Church, by Origin: and his use of it suggests that he knew it was quoted in the
synagogue.
8. Midrash Mechiltah, Pascha 7, 11: Shemot Rabbah 12, 13, 15, 11.
9. Cfr. Sh. Spiegel, Me-haggadot ha-akedah: piyut al shechitat Izchak we-te-chiyato le-R. Efraim mi-Bonn (Of the Story of Sacrifice of
Isaac: A poetical composition on the immolation of Isaac and this resurrection, written by the rabbi Efraim of Bonn), in M. Marx,
Alexander Marx Jubilee Volume, New York, 1950, pp. 493-497 (in Hebrew). It is significant that Yiddish theater traditionally represents
the sacrifice of Isaac as a drama of death and resurrection (cfr. M. Klausner, The Sources of Drama, Ramat Gan, 1971, p. 186 ([in
Hebrew]).
10. Tosofot ha-shalaem 22, 14. The term tossaphists [rabbinical commentators], the rabbi to whom the establishment of this liturgical
custom is attributed, refers to the learned of the Talmudic academies in the Franco-German lands between the 12th and 14th centuries.

11. On this argument, see in particular, S. Spiegel, The Last Trial, New York, 1967; I.G. Marcus, From Politics to Martyrdom. Shifting
Paradigms in the Hebrew Narratives of the 1096 Crusade Riots , in Prooftext, II (1982), pp. 40-52; I.J. Yuval, Two Nations in Your
Womb. Perceptions of Jews and Christians , Tel Aviv, 2000, pp. 173-175 (in Hebrew); H. Soloveitchik, Religious Law and Change. The
Medieval Ashkenazic Example , in AJS Review, XII (1987), pp. 205-221; Id., Halakhah, Ermeneutics and Martyrdom in Medieval
Ashkenaz, in The Jewish Quarterly Review, XCIV (2004), pp. 77-108, 278-299.
12. Midrash Beresit Rabbah 60, 3; Wairah Rabbah 37, 4; Kohelet Rabbah 10, 15; Midrash Tanchumah (Bechukkutai) 7. See also,
Josephus, Ant. Jud . 5, 10.
13. In this regard, see J. Bermans recent study, Medieval Monasticism and the Evolution of Jewish Interpretation to the Story of
Jepthahs Daughter in The Jewish Quarterly Review, XCV (2005), pp. 228-256; E. Baumgarten, Remember that Glorious Girl.
Jepthahs Daughter in Medieval Jewish Culture , in The Jewish Quarterly Review, XCVII (2007).
14. Cfr. Y.H. Yerushalmi, Zakhor. Storia ebraica e memoria ebraica, Parma, 1983, pp. 57-58.
15. In this regard, see L.A. Hoffmann, Covenant of Blood. Circumcision and Gender in Rabbinic Judaism, Chicago (Ill.), pp. 95-135.
16. Midrash Tachumah 57, 6.
17. Aharon b. Yaakov Ha-Cohen, Orchot Chayim (The Paths of Life), Berlin, 1902, vol. I, p. 12; Bechayeh b. Asher, Kad ha-kemach
(The Amphora of Flour), Venice, Marco Antonio Giustinian, 1546, s.v. milah (circumcision); Id., Beur al ha-Torah (Comment on the
Penteuch), Naples, Azriel Ashkenazi Gunzenhauser, 1492, on Genesis 17:24.
18. Yaakov Ha-Gozer, Zichron berit ha-rishonim (On Circumcision), by Yaakov Glassberg, Berlin-Cracow, 1892, p. 5.
19. Cfr. M. Klein, Et la-ledet. Mihagim we-masorot be- edot Israel ( A Time to Give Birth. Traditional Customs and Uses of the
Community of Israel), Tel Aviv, 2001, pp. 157 ss.; A. Gross, Taame mizwat ha-milah. Zeramim we-hashpa ot historiot biyme
habenaym (The Motives for the Precept of Circumcision. Historical Currents and Influences in the Middle Ages), in Da at, XXI
(1989), pp. 93-96; I.G. Marcus, Tikse yaldut. Chanichah we-limmud ba-chevrah ha-yehudit biyme ha-benaym (The Ceremonies of
Girlhood. Initiation and Learning in Jewish Society of the Middle Ages), Jerusalem, 1998, pp. 20-21, 34; Dreyfus, Sacrifice and
Circumcision, cit., pp. 11-16; Cohen, Why Arent Jewish Women Circumcised, cit., pp. 31-32.
20. Anon, Shaare Zedeq, cit., c. 22v; Aharon b. Yaakov Ha-Cohen, Orchot chayim, cit., pp. 13-14; Yaakov Ha-Gozer, Zichron berit
harishonim, cit., pp. 14-21; Izchak b. Avraham, Sefer ha-eshkol. Hilkot milah, yoledot, chole we gherim (Book of the Precepts of
Circumcision, etc), Halberstadt 1868, p. 131. In this regard, see also H.L. Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice. Human Blood and
Jewish Ritual, London, 1909, pp. 136-137.
21. Jacob Mulin Segal (Maharil), Sefer ha ha-minhagim. The Book of Customs , by Sh. Spitzer, Jerusalem, 1989, pp. 482 ss (in Hebrew);
Yuspa Shemesh, Mihage Warmaisa (The Customs of Worms), Jerusalem, 1992, vol. II, p. 71. In this regard, see also J. Trachtenberg,
Jewish Magic and Superstition. A Study on Folk Religion , Philadelphia (Pa.), 1939, pp. 154; 170; Cohen, Why Arent Jewish Women
Circumcised ?, cit., pp. 32-40.
22. In this regard see Hoffman, Covenant of Blood, cit., pp. 96-135.
23. Yaakov Ha-Gozer, Zichron berit-ha-rishonim, cit., p. 61. See also in this regard S. Goldin, The Ways of Jewish Martyrdom, Lod, 2002
(in Hebrew).
24. Machazor Vitry, by H. Horovitz, Jerusalem, 1963, p. 626.
25. Zohar (parashat Bo),c. 35b.
26. ibidem, c. 41a.
27. Ibidem., c. 36a.
28. Ibidem, cc. 39b-40a

29. In this regard, see Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb, cit., pp. 109-150; Blood and Sacrifice, cit., pp. 28-30.
30. On this point, see in particular Hoffman, Covenant of Blood, cit., pp. 96-135.
31. Zohar (parashat Bo), c. 36a.
32. On the meaning and origins of the charoset, understood as memorial of blood, see in particular Yuval, Two Nations in Your
Womb, cit., pp. 258-264.
33. On the rather extensive bibliography on ritual murders of 1329 in the Duchy of Savoy, linked to the preparation of the charoset, see,
among others, Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice, cit., pp. 190; J. Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, Philadelphia (Pa.), 1961, pp.
130 ss; M. Rubin, Gentile Tales. The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews, New Haven (Conn.), 1999, p. 108; M. Esposito, Un procs
contre les Juifs de la Savoie en 1329 , in Revue Historique, XXXIV (1938), pp. 785-801. According to the text of their confessions, the
Jews of Savoy had carried out that rite consuming the human charoset loco sacrificii [at the sacrifice location] at Pesach, considering
that they were approaching Redemption in so doing (credunt se esse salvatos).
34. The arrival in Savoy of the English Jews expelled in 1290 is documented by R. Segre, Testimonianze documentarie degli ebrei negli
Stati Sabaudi (1297-1398), in Michael, IV (1976), pp. 296-297. In the lists of Jews of the Duke, there appears the name of Manisseo
Menasheh) anglico, Crestecio (Ghershon) anglico, Elioto (Elahu) anglico, etc.. See O. Ramrezs recent study, Les Juifs et le crdit en
Savoie au XIVe sicle , in R. Bordone, Credit e societ: le fonti, le techniche e gli uomini. Secc. XIV-XVI, Asti, 2003, pp. 55-68.
35. In this regard, see R. Ben Shalom, Un accusa di sangue ad Arles e la missione francescana ad Avignone nel 1453, in Zion, XVIII
(1998), pp. 397-399 (in Hebrew).
36. Alphonsus de Spina, Fortalitium fidei, Nuremberg, Anton Koberger,10 October 1485, cc. 190-192.
37. Ibidem, c. 192: Copiosissime vivus sanguis Infantis effundebatur in predicto vase (in quo Judaei consueverunt recipere sanguinem
Infantium circumcisorum [...] et deinde fructibus diversis, scilicet pomus, piris, nucibus, avelanis et ceteris, que habere potuerunt, in
partes minuitissimas dividentes, sanguinem illius Infantis Christiani in predicto vase miscuerunt et de illa confectione horribili omnes
illi Judaei comederunt [Approximately: The living blood of the child flowed copiously into the vessel (in which the Jews were
accustomed to capture the blood of their circumcised children [...] and then they mixed various fruits, like apples, pears, nuts, hazelnuts,
etc., whatever they might have had on hand, cut into extremely fine bits, into the vessel containing the blood of the Christian child and
then all the Jews ate of that horrible confection].
38. On the tradition of the tekefot (literally, seasons), rooted among the Jews of the German-speaking lands, above all starting in the
years following the First Crusade, see in particular Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition, cit., pp. 275-258; E. Baumgarten,
Mothers and Children. Jewish Family Life in Medieval Europe , Princeton (N.J.), 2004, p. 238, no. 130; Ead., Remember that Glorious
Girl, cit. (which examines a broad range of Medieval Ahkenazi sources, in large part manuscript, on this topic).
39. Abudarhamha-shalem, b A.J. Wertheiemer, Jerusalem, 1963, pp. 311-312. On the religious texts of Ashzenazi Judaism, which
include the tradition of the tekufot, from the Machazor Vitry to the manuscript of the work Kevod ha-chuppah (The Honour of the
Nuptials) by Chaike Hurwitz, see ibidem, p. 413.
40. On the testimonies of the Marranos of Bragana relating to the tekufot, recorded in the protocols of the Inquisition of Coimbra, see
in detail the pioneering study by my excellent student C.D. Stuczynski, A Marrano Religion? The Religious Behaviour of the New
Christians of Bragana Convicted by the Coimbra Inquisition in the Sixteenth Century (1541-1605), Ramat Gan, Bar-Ilan University,
2005, pp. 32-35 (cum laude doctoral thesis).
41. Francesco Maria dAncona Ferretti, Le verit della fede christiana svelate alla Sinagoga, Venice, Carlo Pecora, 1741, pp. 342-343.
42. Cfr. Y. Bergman, Ha-foklor ha-yehudi (Jewish Folklore), Jerusalem, 1953, p. 38; Ch. B. Goldberg, Mourning in Halachah. The
Laws and Customs of the Year of Mourning , New York, 2000, pp. 56-59 (It is customary that people pour out all the water that is in the
house, where the deceased is dying, because the Angel of Death whets his knife on water, and a drop of the blood of death falls in).
43. Cfr. Frazer, The Golden Bough, cit., VII, pp. 26-30.


REVISION DATE SEPT. 14, 2007
ROSH HOSHANA, NIGHTFALL (5768)
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CHAPTER TEN
BLOOD, LEPROSY AND CHILD MURDER IN THE HAGGADAH
Over the course of the first two evenings of Pesach, during the ritual dinner of the Seder, all persons at the table read the Haggadah, a
liturgical text containing the account of the exodus of the people of Israel from Egypt based on the Biblical narration and rabbinical
materials, together with the benedictions concerning the foods symbolic of the Jewish Passover, among them the unleavened bread
(mazzot), charoset , bitter herb (maror), and lambs foot. The text of the Haggadah is often ornamented by miniatures, tables and
woodcuts illustrating the salient stages of the history of the Jews in the land of the Pharaohs, as well as to the events linked to their
miraculous salvation and the perilous journey undertaken towards the Promised Land. The illustrations were not selected by accident;
in addition to reflecting the artistic tastes of the Jews of various epochs and localities, the illustrations were intended to stress and focus
upon particular historical or legendary events and underlying messages made indirectly perceptible through these images, while
updating their content (1).
Very rarely do the illustrations distance themselves from the text of the Haggadah and refer to legends of the Midrash presenting a few
similarities with the Passover. One of these passages, which is anomalous insofar as it concerns the matter under discussion, but was
surprisingly widespread despite its difficult and delicate nature, is the passage describing the Pharaoh, stricken with leprosy and cured
by the blood of Jewish boys, cruelly killed for that very purpose. The Midrash Rabbah in fact reports that the Pharaoh was punished with
leprosy by God, and that his physicians advised him to cure himself by means of health-giving baths in the blood of Jewish children. One
hundred and fifty children of the nation of Israel are said to have been killed every day, from morning till night, to supply the Egyptian
despot with the precious medicament. Cries of pain and desperation of the children of Israel, as well as of their fathers and mothers,
bereaved of their tender offspring, are said to have risen to high heaven, accompanied by prayers for redeeming vengeance (2).
p. 154]
The anonymous Sefer Ha-Yashar, an ethical text composed in the 13th century, illustrated the tragic legend with a plethora of detail,
extending the dimensions of the massacre and transforming it into authentic history.
When God smote the Pharaoh with the illness, the latter turned to his magicians and wise men so that they might cure him. The latter,
so that he might be cured, prescribed that the sores be covered with the blood of children. At this point, the Pharaoh, heeding their
counsel, sent his functionaries to the land of Goshen so that they might abduct Jewish children. The order was carried out, and the
infants were taken by force from their mothers laps to be presented to the Pharaoh every day, one by one, it was then that his physicians
killed them and, with their blood, bathed the sores on his body, repeating the operation for days at a time, so that the number of
butchered children reached the number of three hundred seventy five (3).
The grisly legend of the massacre of the Jewish children sacrificed to restore health to the monarch of Egypt, while it remained almost
ignored by Iberian, Italian and Oriental Judaism, met with predictable success and a warm reception among Jews of the Franco-German
territories and the Ashkenazi communities of northern Italy. As early as the 11th century, the famous French exegetist Rashi (R.
Shelemoh Izchaki) of Troyes reminded his readers that the Pharaoh contracted leprosy and (to get well) killed the children of Israel to
take baths in their blood (4). This account was followed by later, other well-known rabbis and commentators, such as Yehudah Loeb of
Prague and Mordekhai Jaffe of Cracow. The topos [traditional theme or motif] was definitively established and was to enjoy a long life in
Hebrew and Yiddish (5).
Finally, and this is hardly surprising, the legend of the Pharaoh bathing in Jewish blood became very closed linked to the ritual of
Pesach.

The texts of Medieval Ashkenazi Judaism therefore hastened to place this innocent blood in precise relationship with the tradition of
mixing the red wine into the dough of the charoset, the fruit preserve eaten during the Seder dinner as a memorial of blood (6). Izchak
ben Moshe, 13th century Austrian ritualist, explicitly stated that The precept to drink wine of a red color (during the Seder dinner) is in
remembrance of the leprosy said to have struck the Pharaoh, to cure himself of which he immolated suckling infants (of the Jews) and
moreover in remembrance of the blood of the Passover lamb and the blood of circumcision (7).
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After the blood of the circumcision, the Passover lamb, the sacrifice of Isaac, the sacrifice of martyrs for the faith, the pure and innocent
blood of Jewish children sacrificed to the therapeutic requirements of the enemies of Israel, an open path, safe and promising, led to the
ritual celebrations of the Seder of the Jewish Passover. But to enable the topos to become even more deeply rooted, in all its mysterious
and disturbing aspects, in the popular mind, conveying messages which were in fact alternative messages, accompanied by polemics of
burning contemporary interest, the legend needed to be cemented in place through the crude force of images, fantastic and unreal in
outward appearance only. These were the origins of the woodcuts of the Jewish victims of perverse infanticide in the illustrations of the
Haggadah (8) .
The first testimonies to this iconographic topic are handed down to us in five Hebrew manuscripts, all originating in Bavaria and the
centers of the Rhineland (Nuremberg in particular) and may be chronologically situated in the second half of the 15th century, i.e., the
period of the most widespread dissemination of ritual murder accusations in the German-speaking lands. The miniatures are of crude
workmanship, restricted to reproducing, often only suggesting, the essential elements of the tale, which was presumed to be well known
to the reader (9).
A rather more detailed and revealing example of the iconography of the leprous Pharaoh appears in the most famous and oldest
Haggadot with printed illustrations: that of Prague in 1526 (there is a second edition with important variants, dating back to the end of
the century), of Mantua in 1560 (republished in 1568) and Venice in 1609 (10). In the Haggadah of Prague, the image is used to illustrate
that section of the text which describes the sufferings and laments of the children of Israel forced to perform forced labor in Egypt. The
woodcut depicts a scene of amazing crudity (11). On the right the crowned Pharaoh, curled up in a large tub of wood with staves, is
enjoying a bath of fresh blood, poured in by an obliging domestic servant by means of a suitable recipient. On the left and in the center
of the panel, some armed thugs, monstrous and cruel, dressed as soldiers and German peasants, are shown massacring innocent
children, decapitating them, quartering them, and skewering them like thrushes on pikes and swords. Other children await their tragic
fate with resignation. The points of the lances emerge from the open gash of the circumcision wound, while dismembered little bodies
litter the ground.
In the so-called second Haggadah of Prague, the scene is repeated with some redundant and lachrymose added touches. In the center
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of the picture, a desperate mother, with her breasts exposed, attempts hopelessly to flee, carrying her unhappy infants with her (12). The
butchery of the preceding edition is further confirmed with an abundance of detail. I believe there can be little doubt that this image is
modeled after the Massacre of the Innocents during King Herods reign in Palestine (Matthew 2:16), as depicted in a woodcut of the
Ultraquist Passional, published in Prague in 1495. The latter was a Bohemian adaptation of the Passional Sanctorum of Jacopo de
Voragine (1230-1298), while the scene in question is very similar, in terms of both crudity of detail and persons depicted (with the
natural exception of the Pharaoh engaged in these cruel ablutions), to that in the Haggadah, published in that same Bohemian city
decades later (13).

In the Haggadah of Mantua (1560 and 1568), the image of the Pharaohs bath is not so crude and is better organized; in some ways, it is
rather more interesting and instructive (14). The woodcut is divided into three sections; the scene takes place in a sumptuous palace,
illuminated by large windows and divided by portals and columns. In the right-hand panel, some soldiers and functionaries are taking
babes in arms away from anguished mothers, while, in the left-hand panel, the Pharaoh is seen taking his bath of blood in a wooden tub,
assisted by two servants. The central section of the scene, the most detailed, depict the hall of the palace, resembling a place of worship.
Here, the children are shown being brought in by solders, and delivered to a personage responsible for butchering the victims. These
persons butcher them with a knife, placed on an altar standing at the end of the room, causing the blood to gush forth in streams,
collected in a suitably prepared vessel (15). The analogies with the classical iconography relating to ritual murder are surprisingly
precise here, and certainly intentional.

The scene of the bath of blood appears with a few major differences in the Haggadah of Venice published in 1609 (16). On the left, armed
soldiers take children by force from the Jewish mothers, while on the right, a crowned Pharaoh with his pock-marked body, emerges
erect from his wooden bathtub. This time, the butchers cut the throats of the children in such a way that the blood flows directly onto the
diseased body of the Egyptian monarch, without bothering to collect it in vases or recipients kept ready for the purpose. The important
novelty in this scene consists of the fact that the pitiless
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assassins are shown dressed like Turks, their heads covered with typical turbans. The artist, presumably working at Venice, where the
Haggadah was printed, obviously considered it preferable, out of justifiable prudence, to associate the authors of this savage crime with
Islam and the Koran of Mahomet, with the soldiers of the Great Turk and the unpopular Ottoman Empire, rather than depict them as
good Christians subjects of the Serenissima.
But the message of these images is substantially identical, and provides an answer to the question of why Ashkenazi Judaism should
have chosen precisely this legend, out of so many in the Midrash, as its very own, linking it by force to the rites of the Passover. It is
certainly true that the account presupposes the same ambiguous attraction to the mysterious and fascinating curative powers of blood,
and childrens blood in particular, as did surrounding Christian German society. This attraction and fascination often developed into a
true and veritable obsession. Those writers attempting to stress the love-hate relationship (or, more cautiously, a hostility-intimacy
relationship) linking Jews and Christians in this context are therefore correct. We refer to those writers who lived side by side in the
Alpine valleys and along the river banks furrowing the regions in which German was the mother tongue and the Jews spoke Yiddish (17).
But that is not all. These images were intended to provide a response, of irrefutable historical obviousness and vivid suggestiveness, to
the ritual murder accusation linked with the celebration of the rituals of the Pesach. The accusation was therefore turned on its head, or
generally subordinated to the crime of child murder for ritual or curative purposes, which was then demoted in the scale of seriousness,
as an aberration of which the enemies of the Jews (including the Christians) were also guilty.

Circumcised children of Israel had also been sacrificed by superior order so that their blood might be drained from their bodies in their
hour of martyrdom and thus be capable of ensuring Redemption.
One intention of analogous indication emerges in all its obviousness from the illustration accompanying the aggressive invocation
against nations refusing to accept the God of Israel (Shefoch, Pour out your wrath against the peoples who do not recognize you), a
characteristic liturgical formula, with openly anti-Christian meanings, recited after the Passover meal, which we shall dwell upon further
along. In this case, the scene contained in the Haggadah of Venice of 1609 (18) depicts a group of necromancers, dressed as Moors, with
their typical oriental turbans,
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surrounded by crowds of demoniacal, dancing Negroes, while magicians and enchanters attempt to raise the dead on the other hand.
The caption, written in rhyme, is significant, and revelatory of the underlying message: Consumed be the ignorant kingdoms/ which
serve demons and believe in necromancy (19).
Now, the accusation made against the Jews of practicing magic and necromancy, often confused with the practical Cabbalah and
assimilated to it, was public knowledge, as was the close relationship, often uncritically presupposed, between necromancy, ritual
murder and the magical uses of blood. Even Pope Pius V Ghisleri, when he decided to expel the Jews from the Pontifical State by the bull
Hebraeorum gens in 1569, making an exception for those of Rome, Ancona and Avignon, accused them of practicing divinatory and
magical rites with pernicious and diabolical consequences for Christians (20). The illustration accompanying the invective against the
nations who refused to accept the God of Israel, the Goyim, was intended to turn the accusation around: it was not the Jews who were
the necromancers and magicians, the spell-weaving charlatans of prodigious potions, the seductive soothsayers and macabre exorcists,
but also, and above all, the other nations and peoples who did not accept the God of the Israelites. In any case, Jews were not the only
people who practiced vain and dangerous sciences of this kind; on the contrary, the Jews were in authoritatively good company, together
with the Moslems and Christians.
Once again, the iconography of the Haggadah implied the emergence, from the narrative and liturgical texts, of every possible debating
point useful in analyzing the message of the Pesach, prudently camouflaged within a historical framework. Its readers must have
understood this.
Another tragedy inflicted upon the children of Israel emerges from the Biblical text of Exodus. The cruel order of the Pharaoh to drown
all new-born Jewish males in the Nile so that their people might not multiply (Ex. 1:22) promptly found easily recognizable equivalents
in the iconography of the Haggadah. In the edition of Prague of 1526, the scene is depicted on a bridge with turreted piers and typically
German and medieval architecture, like many bridges on the Rhine, the Rhne and the Danube. Here, a few peasants are depicted
flinging defenseless infants into a few the waters below, while a mother, also on the bridge, is depicted as seized with desperation (21).
The broad panel depicting this episode from the Haggadah of 1560, shows infants being thrown from the bridge into the waters of the
river while a few mothers rush down onto the exposed gravel riverbed in a hopeless attempt to reach the bank and save their children
from the rapids, while others give way to despair, raising their arms to Heaven (22).
p. 159]
The Haggadah of Venice of 1609 contained two interesting illustrations of this episode. The first scene depicts the inside of a Jewish
home, in which the husband and wife sleep in separate beds to avoid sexual relations, precursor of tragedy: the birth of a son might, in
fact, lead to his inevitable killing by the Egyptians. In confirmation of their justifiable concern, the merest glimpse of an exterior scene is
depicted, showing a few figures on the river bank, while the waters sweep away the bodies of drowned infants (23). In the second scene,
which takes place in the presence of the Pharaoh, seated on the throne, a few servants on the river bank throw poor nursing infants into
the river, torn from their mothers bosom, while the heads of the miserable drowned babes are seen protruding from the raging waters
(24).
The reminder of the problematical relationship between waterways and human sacrifice and the many victims of mysterious childkillings revealed by the ebb and flow of the rivers, propelling the bodies of the victims onto the banks, and the miracles performed by the
holy martyrs of ritual murder, [alleged to be] capable of floating upriver, against the current, in a stupendous manner and returning
miraculously to the surface, was certainly present, in this case, in both the minds of the person illustrating the images and the readers
looking at them, repeatedly, each succeeding year, during the convivial and liturgical Pesach celebration. The underlying message was
dazzlingly obvious, and often of immediate current interest. The Children of Israel, too, had been martyred, torn from their mothers and
thrown into the mysterious and deadly waters of the Nile, the river par excellence, the river of paradigmatic significance. The role of the
victims and butchers was anything but fixed and established in a clear and definitive manner.

The iconography of the Haggadah obviously could not fail to contain a scene depicting the sacrifice of Isaac, who was thus closely
connected to the ritual of Pesach. In fact, in the Haggadah published in Venice of 1609, young Isaac is depicted as down on his knees
before the pyre, with his arms folded, as if in silent and resigned prayer, waiting for Abraham, with his knife raised above his body, to
carry out the inevitable sacrifice (25). A similar attitude towards death may be found in a miniature taken from a Jewish code,
originating in Germany, and dating back to the third decade of the 15th century (26). Here, the scene, located in a forested countryside,
shows a Jew (probably a rabbi) with a thick head of hair and flowing beard, in patient submission, waiting to be executed. Behind him,
the executioner is preparing to strike off his head with his sword. The victim, like Isaac, in the scene of the
p. 160]
Haggadah , in depicted as down on his knees with his hands joined in prayer, prepared to die for the sanctification of the name of God
(27).
It is interesting to note that another illustration taken from the same code depicts the same scene, presumably located in the same place,
of another young Jew, this time with a thick head of hair but beardless, placed on a wooden table to be tortured by fire. The executioner
is at his side and is heating the pincers red-hot (28). The victims body is nude and blood gushes forth from the stumps of his legs, which
are cut off at the feet, and his arms, which are now without the two hands. More blood flows from the place of circumcision, which the
young man hopelessly attempts to hide with the stumps of the hands, indicating that he has been cruelly castrated. Of similar
workmanship, certainly cruder than the depiction of the sacrifice of Isaac in the Haggadah of Venice, is a woodcut unexpectedly
contained in the first edition of the responses of the medieval German ritualist, Asher b. Yechiel, published in 1517 (29). Here, Abraham,
with a grim expression and a dark, stiff-brimmed hat pressed down on his head, like a brigand, and wearing a cloak with long fluttering
hems, brandishes a huge butchers knife and looms over poor Isaac, prepared to slaughter his son for the love of God. The boy, nude on
an enormous stack of wood, appears anything but resigned to his sad fate, raising his legs in a terrified one last hopeless effort at selfdefense. The iconography in this case is obviously German, crude and pitiless (30).
Nor is there any shortage of representations of poor Simon of Trent, of equal crudity, on the Christian side. One little-known woodcut,
contemporary with the Trent crime and probably manufactured in Alpine Italy, the poor child, disheveled and stretched out on his side
on a crude table, is being pitilessly butchered as if he were a hog which he actually resembles, right down to his features. Around him,
a group of Jews, with sinister, gory faces, with the distinctive sign on their clothing, within the folds of which the image of an
abominable sow is visible, appear intent upon cruelly vivisecting him. The butchers are wearing eyeglasses to protect their vision during
the cruel operation, protecting the eyes from the victims spurting blood. The overall image is frankly repulsive, and not at all likely to
arouse sentiments of piety and compassion (31).
It should be noted that, in the concept of the Christianity of the German territories during the Middle Ages, the circumcision of Christ,
his crucifixion and the ritual murder, were considered symmetrical agonies (32).
p. 161]
It should not surprise us that sacred art would assimilate this vision, translated into images. Thus, in one painting depicting the
circumcision of Jesus, originating in Salzburg or the central Rhineland and dated 1440, the amputation of the Messiahs foreskin is
depicted as an odious and almost lethal surgical operation. Around the Christ child, engaged in a helpless effort to escape the mortal
incision, press several bearded and coweled Jews. The mohel, his head covered with the ritual mantle (tallit) is depicted as a cruel and
menacing. Similarly, in an altar painting in the Liebfrauenkirche in Nuremberg, dating back to the half of the 16th century and depicting
the same subject, the godmothers, with caricature-like Jewish faces, crowd around the poor child with the terrorized face. The Jews wear
the ritual mantle, bearing Sybillene writings in the holy language, while the mohel, dressed in black, resolute and pitiless, is about to
lower the knife on the defenseless body
(33) .
An iconography of the circumcision of Jesus of this type may be observed to be similar, in both design and execution, to the
representation of the martyrdom of Little Simon of Trent in a painting of the Alto Adige school, dating back to the first half of the 16th
century. Here as well, a large group of bearded, big-nosed Jews, with a grim appearance and caricature-like features, crowd around the
naked, glorious body of the little martyr, the new Christ, intent on performing their cruel Passover rite on his miserable body (34). The
themes of blood, circumcision, the crucifixion and ritual murder were closely linked in the collective imagination, are eagerly reflected in
the artistic expressions of the Germanic world of the late Middle Ages, among both Jews and Christians (35).

NOTES TO CHAPTER TEN

1. On the illustrations of the Haggadahin the manuscripts and printed editions, there is an exceptionally extensive bibliography. See,
among others, C. Roth, The Illustrated Haggadah, in Studies in Bibliography and Booklore, VII (1965), pp. 37-56; B. Narkiss, Medieval
Illuminated Haggadot , in Ariel, XIV (1966), pp. 35-40; M. Metzger, La Haggadah enlumine, Leyden, 1973; Y.H. Yerushalmi,
Haggadah and History , Philadelphia (Pa.), 1975.
2. Shemot Rabbah, 1, 34. In this regard, see L. Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, Philadelphia (Pa.), 1946, vol. II, pp. 296-304.
3. Anon., Sefer Ha-Yashar, Furth, 1768, c. 94a.
4. Rashi (R. Shelomoh Izchaki di Troyes), Perush la-Torah (Comment on the Pentateuch), with reference to Esther 2:23.
5. It should be noted that none of the classical Biblica exegetists of Sephardic Judaism, from Abaham Ibn Izra to Moshe ben Nachman,
from Levi ben Gherson to Izchak Arama, to Izachak Abravanel, paid any attention to this legend.
6. See, in particular, the arguments of I.J. Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb. Perceptions of Jews and Christians, Tel Aviv, 2000, p.
258- 264 (in Hebrew).
7. Izchak b. Moshe, Or Zarua, Zhitomir, 1862, c. 117b. See also M.M. Kasher, Haggadah Shelemah, New York, 1961, p. 95.
8. See, in particular, the excellent and well-documented argument of D.J. Malkiel, Infanticide in Passover Iconography, in Journal of
the Warburg and Courteauld Institutes, LVI (1993), pp. 85-89.
9. Cfr. ibidem, p. 88-89.
10. Haggadah shel Pesach, Prague, Ghershom Cohen, 1526; Haggadah shel Pesach, Mantua, Giacomo Rufinelli, 1560, Seder Haggadah
shel Pesach , Mantua, Ya akov Shalit Ashkenazi, 1568; Seder Haggadah shel Pesach, Venice, Giovanni De Gara, 1609. On the second
Haggadah of Prague, see C. Abramsky, Two Prague Haggadahs, Verona, 1978.
11. See fig. 1
12. See fig. 2. One rare copy of the second Haggadah of Prague is conserved at the Valmadonna Trust Library in London.
13. Utraquist Passional, Prague, Jan Camp, 1495, c. 24a. Cfr. Ch. Wangrow, Haggadah and Woodcut, New York, 1967, pp. 109-110. See
fig. 3.
14. See fig. 4
15. See fig. 6.
16. This is the thesis advanced by Malkiel, Infanticide in Passover Iconography, cit., pp. 96-99.
17. See fig. 7.
18. The caption of the scene is in Italian in Hebrew characters.
19. The caption of the scene is in Italian in Hebrew characters.
20. Omnium perniciosissimum est, sortilegiis, incantationibus magisque superstitionibus et maleficiis dedititi (sc. Judaei)
quamplurimos incautos atque inforos Satanae praestigiis inducunt [Approximately: The worst thing of all is that the Jews are
dedicated to spells, incantations and great superstitions, leading many incautious persons to be deceived by the wiles of Satan] The bull
Hebraeorum gens was promulgated on 26 February 1526 (Bullarium Romanum, Turin, 1852-1872, vol. VII, pp. 740-742). See in this
regard K.R. Stow, Catholic Thought and Papal Jewry Policy (1555-1593), New York, pp. 34-36.
21. See fig. 8
22. See fig. 9

23. See fig. 10


24. See fig. 11. In this regard, see Yerushalmi, Haggadah and History, cit., plates 25, 51-52, B. Narkiss, The Passover Haggadah of Venice
1609, Jerusalem, 1974, p. 12.
25. See fig. 12.
26. Hamburg, Staats- und Universittsbibliothek, Cod. Hebr. 37. The manuscript is dated 1427-1428.
27. See fig. 13.
28. See fig. 14.
29. Ahser b. Yechiel (Rosh), Sheelot w-teshuvot. Responsa, Constantinople, 1517.
30. See figures 15 and 16. This woodcut of the sacrifice of Isaac was reprinted in the second half of the Sixteenth Century in the editions
of Isac Prossnitz at Cracow (cfr. A. Yaari, Hebrew Printers Marks, Jerusalem, 1943, pp. 29, 141.
31. See fig. 17. The image is reproduced by A.M. Hind, Early Italian Engraving II: Florentine Engravings and Anonymous Prints of Other
Schools . Figs. 1-171, New York London, 1938, fig. 74, and subsequently reproduced in Occhiali da vedere. Arte, scienze e costume
attraverso gli occhiali, Carl Zeiss Foundation, Istituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza, Cataloghi di mostre, Firenze, 1985, vol. II, p. 30,
no. G1, in H. Schreckenberg, The Jews in Christian Art, Gttingen, 1996, p. 280, fig. 6j.
32. In this regard, see L. Steinberg, The Sexuality of Christ in Renaissance Art and in Modern Oblivion, New York, 1983, pp. 57-65.
33. See figure nos. 19 and 20. The two images are reproduced in Schreckenberg, The Jews in Christian Art, cit., pp. 144-145, figures 1
and 3.
34. See fig. 22. The table is conserved at the Museo provinciale dArte di Trento. Cfr. L. Dal Pra, Limmagine di Simonino nellarte dal XV
al XVIII secolo , in L. Rogger and M. Bellabarba, Il principle vescovo Johannes Hinderbach (1465-1486), fra tardo Medievo e
Umanesimo, Atti del Convegno promosso dall Biblioteca Communale di Trento, 2-6 October 1989, Bologna, 1992, pp. 445-481, table 19.
35. On the relationship between the circumcision of Christ, blood and ritual homicide in late Medieval Christian iconography in the
German-speaking territories, see B.Blumenkranz, Juden und Judentum in der mittelalterlichen Kunst, Stuttgart, 1965, p. 85; W.P.
Eckert, Motivi superstiziosi nel processo agli ebrei di Trent , in Rogger and Bellabarba, Il principe vescovo Johannes Hinderbach, cit.,
pp. 390-391.

REVISION DATE SEPT. 14, 2007


ROSH HOSHANA, NIGHTFALL (5768)
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CHAPTER ELEVEN
THE DINNER AND INVECTIVE: THE SEDER AND THE CURSES
In the depositions, and, if you wish, the confessions under torture, of the Trent defendants under indictment for Simoninos so-called
ritual murder, ample space, at the request of the inquisitors, was given to the preparation of the Seder of Pesach in the respective
houses, to the reading of the Haggadah and the particular rites of the festival. The inquisitors inquired about the order of the prayers,
their content, the salient phases of the celebration, the foods eaten, and the various roles played by the participants in the collective

ritual. The persons under interrogation responded, apparently without reticence, here dwelling at length to illustrate in detail the
unfolding of the Seder, here more succinctly, restricting themselves to cored the most significant moments.
At this point, the question must be raised whether these descriptions and reports, extorted under torture, were authentic or real;
whether they were the fruit of suggestive pressures brought to bear by the inquisitors, intended to confirm their prejudices, the
stereotypes and the superstitions which they carried in their minds and in those of the Christian society of which they were the
expression, and to evaluate the assumptions of the accusation which were at the origin of the trials. In other words, an attempt should be
made to determine whether these crude and embarrassing confessions were largely the result of suggestion, and were, so to speak,
recited and written under dictation. To do so, we must, first of all, strip the matter of its most delicate component, consisting of the
admitted use of the blood of a Christian child, dissolved in wine and mixed in the dough of the unleavened bread, while restricting
ourselves to a mere verification of the details of the depositions in all other respects, of which these admissions constitute the broad
corpus.
Tobias da Magdeburg, the Jewish physician and expert ophthalmologist, was, according to those who knew him, both Jews and
Christians, among the numerous patients he had in the Fossato district, was a bad-tempered and unpleasant individual. From the
Jewish point of view, he was considered
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ignorant; he had a very poor knowledge of the holy language and his adherence to Jewish laws was anything but scrupulous. Samuele da
Nuremberg, the recognized head of the small Jewish community of Trent, certainly did not consider him a saint, but he, Samuele, was
prepared to supply him, Tobias, more or less voluntarily, with indispensable religious services. At Pesach, then, to enable Tobias to
celebrate the Seder at home according to the rules, Samuele supplied him with the crisp unleavened bread and, above all, the
shimmurim, the so-called solemn unleavened bread, prepared with particular care and pierced by the finger of the head of the house,
his wife and servants, before being put in the oven (1).
The shimmurim, three for each of the first two evenings of the Jewish Pesach during which the Haggadah was read and the Seder was
held, were prominently displayed in a pan as the symbolic main course of the feast, to be eaten by the guests during the most important
phase of the liturgical ceremony (2). Tobias knew that when the unleavened bread had been kneaded, it had to be placed in the oven
immediately, to avoid over-heating it or allowing it to get soggy, thus causing it to ferment and become unsuitable for the ritual. It was
then that Samuele was able to make the following long-anticipated solemn announcement: This unleavened bread has been prepared
according to the rules (3).
This same Samuele referred to the traditional first appearance of the Passover dinner. It was then that the head of the family sat at the
head of the table and poured out the wine into the beaker, upon which he had recited the benediction and sanctification of the festival
(kiddush), while the other guests poured themselves wine, each into their cups. The pan with the three solemn unleavened loaves
(shimmurim) were placed in the center of the table, awaiting the collective recitation of the Hagadah (4). Tobias descended into greater
detail, stating that:
In the first days of the Passover, during the evening, before dinner, and also on subsequent days, in the evening, before dinner, the head
of the family, seated at the head of the table, mixed the wine in the cup and so did the other guests; then they placed a basin or pan in
the middle of the table, into which the three unleavened loaves were placed, one after the other; in the same pan, they placed an egg,
meat and other foods which were to be eaten during the dinner (5).
At this point, as Mohar (Meir), the son of Mos the Old Man of Wrzburg, recalled in his deposition, all the participants in the ritual
banquet raised the pan with the three shimmurim
p. 165]
and the other foods, together, and recited, together, the introductory formula of the Haggadah, composed in Aramaic, which opened
with the words Ha lachm aniya, This is the bread of affliction which our fathers ate in the land of Egypt (6).
He then added one of the culminating and most significant moments of the entire Seder, when the tension was broken, fantasy broke
free from its bonds and the words were distinctly pronounced, one by one, to be savored and tasted in their full significance: the ten
plagues of Egypt, or as the Ashkenazi Jews called them, the ten curses. Dam, the blood, opened the list, to be followed by the frogs
(zefardea), lice (kinim), and ferocious animals (arov); then came the plagues of the animals (dever), the ulcers (shechin), hail (barad),
locusts (areh), darkness (choshekh). In a terrible and deadly crescendo, the plagues concluded with the death of the first born Egyptians
(makkat bechorot). According to the custom long established among the Ashkenazi Jews, the head of the family then solemnly dipped

the index finger of the right hand into the cup of wine, which was before him, and as he announced each individual plague, he moved his
finger inside the glass, towards the outside, rhythmically splashing the wine onto the table.
Samuele da Nuremberg had no difficulty in reciting the names of the ten plagues, in Hebrew, from memory and in order, explaining that
these words meant the ten curses which God sent to the Egyptians, because they didnt want to liberate His people (7). The Christian
Italian notaries had obvious difficulty in transcribing that machine-gun burst of Hebraic terms, pronounced with a heavy German
accent, into Latin characters, but they did their best, almost always obtaining moderately satisfactory results. The record gives Samueles
list as follows: dam, izzarda (the frogs, zefardea, was apparently too harsh for their ears), chynim, heroff (for arov, with a variant of little
importance), dever, ssyn (for schechin, ulcer), porech (barad, hail, pronounced in the German way, bored, were inadequately
understood), harbe, hossen (for choshekh , darkness) and finally, maschus pchoros (makkat bechorot), which rendered the term of the
plague according to the Ashkenazim diction, makkas bechoros). But it was all more or less comprehensible, both in words and
meanings.
In one of the depositions taken from Anna of Magdeburg, Samueles daughter-in-law, she recalled her mother-in-law sprinkling the
wine onto the table, plunging her finger into the glass and reciting the ten curses, but she did not remember the precise order. A
Haggadah was then produced and Anna took it and read
p. 166]
the text quickly, starting with dam, blood, translating the various terms correctly (8).
Tobias, for his part, was able to repeat the precise order of liturgical functions in which the head of the household accompanied the
reading of the ten curses while splashing the wine onto the table with his finger. He had no difficulty in reciting the ten plagues of Egypt,
which he obviously knew by heart, in Hebrew, in the correct sequence. But he got mixed up when he tried to translate or interpret the
various terms, revealing a rather poor knowledge of Hebrew. He thus confused arov, the plague of the multitude of the wild beasts, with
raav, famine, and arbeh , the locusts, with the word harbe, which sounds similar, and means a lot in Hebrew. In his own way, he
interpreted the plague of the pestilence of animals, dever, as the destruction of persons, and harad (porech for bored, again), as storm
at sea, instead of in the sense of hail. And again, for him, the death of the first-born children was to be considered an epidemic of
general plague (9).
In sum, Tobias was certainly not very cultivated in Hebraic studies, which he had perhaps somewhat neglected in order to concern
himself with medicine. At any rate, he had the ritual formulae well in mind, reciting them automatically as he did each year. The
interpretations were his own, even the more abstruse, as well as the grammatical errors in Hebrew, a language which he knew rather
badly, in contrast to Samuele da Nuremberg, Mos the Old Man, of Wrzburg and Angelo da Verona (10). Like the inquisitors, the
notaries who were in this case responsible for transcribing [what were certainly] his words, were interested in learning more about the
Seder and its rituals; they were cannot have been responsible for his interpretive blunders and linguistic mistakes.
At this point, in the traditional reading of the Haggadah, according to the custom of the Ashkenazi Jews, the curses against the
Egyptians were transformed into an invective against all the nations and enemies hated by Israel, with explicit reference to the
Christians. From each of these plagues may God save us, but may they fall on our enemies. Thus recited the formula reported by rabbi
Jacob Mulin Segal, known as Maharil, active at Treviso around the last twenty years of the 14th century, in his Sefer ha-minhagim
(Book of Customs), which unhesitatingly identified the adversaries of the Jewish people with the Christians, who deserved to be
cursed. It seems that this custom was in force among German Jews even before the First Crusade (11). The sprinkling of the wine, which
was a surrogate of the blood of the persecutors of Israel, onto the table,
p. 167]
simultaneously with the recitation of the plagues of Egypt, recalled the cruel punishment said to have come from the vengeful sword of
God (12).
A famous contemporary of Maharil, Rabbi Shabom of Wiener Neustadt, has also confirmed the anti-Christian significance of the
sprinkling of the wine during the reading of the plagues of Egypt.
When they name the ten plagues of Egypt, each time, they dip the finger into the cup of wine standing in front (of the head of the
family) and they pour a little bit of it out, onto the table [...] saying: From this curse may God save us. The reason is that the four cups
of wine (which must be drunk during the recitation of the Haggadah) represent a wish for the salvation of the Jews and a curse against
the nations of the world. Therefore (the head of the family) pours the wine out of the glass with his finger, signifying that we Jews shall
be saved from such curses, which shall, by contrast, fall upon our enemies (13).

It should be noted that the ritual of the wine and the curses was practiced only in Jewish communities of German origin, while it was
quite unknown among Jews of Iberian origins (Sephardim), or Italian and Oriental Jews.
The old man, Mos da Wrzburg recalled times past, when he was the head of the family at Spira and then Magonza. During the
Passover evening, he had sat at the head of the table with the guests and directed the Seder and the reading of the Haggadah, sprinkling
the wine onto the table while he clearly pronounced the names of the ten plagues of Egypt. He then informed his inquisitors that,
according to the Ashkenazi tradition, the head of the family added these words: Thus we implore God that these ten curses may fall on
the gentiles, enemies of the faith of the Jews, a clear reference to the Christians (14). According to Israel Wolfgang, who was, as usual,
well informed, the famous and influential Salamone da Piove di Sacco, as well as the banker Abramo da Feltre and the physician
Rizzardo da Regensburg at Brescia, all complied with the ritual of reciting the ten curses and symbolically pouring out the wine against
the nations hostile to Israel.
Mos da Bamberg, the wandering Jewish guest in the Angeleo da Veronas house, testified to this custom, at which he had been present
during the Seder in Leone di Mohars house at Tortoa. Mos the master of Hebrew, who lived at the expense of Tobias, the physician,
remembered well from the time in which his house was located in the district of the Jews of Nuremberg (15).
Tobias himself, as the head of the family, had directly guided those parts of the Seder and recalled the details, which
p. 168]
were furthermore repeated every year at Passover without variation. He therefore announced to the judges at Trent that when the head
of the family had finished reading those words (the ten plagues), he then added this phrase: Thus we implore God, that you shall
similarly send these ten plagues against the Gentiles, who are the enemies of the religion of the Jews, intending to refer, in particular, to
the Christians
(16) . For his part, Samuele da Nuremberg, sprinkling the wine onto the table from the inside of his chalice, also took as his starting
place the tragedies of the Pharaohs to curse the Christian faith unambiguously: We invoke God that he may turn all these anathemas
against the enemies of Israel (17).
The Seder thus became a scandalous display of anti-Christian sentiment, exalted by symbolic acts and significances and burning
imprecations, which was now using the stupendous events of the exodus of the Jews from Egypt simply as a pretext. In Jewish Venice
during the 17th century, the ritual characteristics related to the reading of this part of the Haggadah were still alive and present, as
shown by the testimony of Giulio Morosini, which is to be considered quite reliable.
When the head of the family refers to these ten blows, he is brought a bowl or basin, and at the name of each one, dipping the finger
into his glass, and drips it inside the cup and continues, gradually emptying the glass of wine as a sign of the curses against the
Christians (18).
Subsequently, the head of the family, after drinking another glass of wine, invites the guests to eat part of the three solemn unleavened
loaves, the shimmurim, first all by itself and then together with the charoset and the bitter herbs, reciting the mandatory benedictions.
At this point, the dinner true and proper dinner began. Samuele reported that the head of the family took the unleavened bread and
divided it one by one, giving one piece to each (of the guests), then drank the wine in his cup, and the others did likewise; after which
they all started to eat, and thus they did the next day (19).
Similarly, Tobias da Magdeburg recounted that the head of the family took the first unleavened loaf in the pan and gave part of it to
each person present, and did the same with the second and third unleavened loaf (the shimmurim), giving a part of it to each person
present. He then took a glass full of wine [...] and gulped it down, and immediately afterwards, the other guests also took their glasses
p. 169]
and drank the wine, each from his own glass. Then the dinner started (20).
When the meal was finished and the related benediction had been recited, before drinking the fourth glass of wine, the wine with which
the advent of final redemption augured itself, the participants in the ritual united in reciting, all together, a new series of violent
invective against the peoples having rejected the God of Israel, in a clear allusion to the Christians. The formula opened with the words
Shefoch chamatecha el ha-goim asher lo yedaucha and, in the Ashkenazi ritual, contained particularly virulent overtones: Vomit your
anger onto the nations which refuse to recognize you, and their kingdoms, which do not invoke your name, which have devoured Jacob

and destroyed his seat. Turn your anger upon them, reach them with your scorn; persecute them with fury, cause them to perish from
beneath the divine heaven.
This was one of the most potent, explicit and incisive curses against the gentiles contained in the Passover liturgy of the Seder. This
invective appears to have been unknown in ancient times, and it is first found in the Machazor Vitry, composed in France between the
11th and 12th centuries. In all probability, the text, of one hundred verses extrapolated from various Psalms, was introduced into the
Haggadah of the Franco-German Jewish communities during the Medieval period (21).
The meaning was obvious. Messianic redemption could only be built upon the ruins of the hated Gentile world. In reciting the curses,
the door of the room in which the Seder was kept were half-ajar, so that the prophet Elias would be enabled to intervene and announce
the promised rescue. The anti-Christian invective was intended to prepare and facilitate Elias entry. As we shall also see below, the
magical cult of the outrage and anti-Christian evil omen was one of the principal elements characterizing the religious fundamentalism
typical of the Franco-German environment of the Middle Ages, and its so-called passive Messianism, which was aggressive and
ritualized (22).
Maestro Tobias, according to his statements to the judges at Trent, after dinner, devoutly recited the formula of the curses of Shefoch
and did the same both the evenings during which the Seder was performed and the Passover Haggadah read (23). Israel Wolfgang, as
well, who had participated in Samuele da Nurembergs ritual dinner, recalled the moment in which they had solemnly pronounced
Shefoch (Oh God, send your anger against the peoples which do not wish to glorify you), cursing the Christians (24).
p. 170]
The custom of reciting the curses of the Shefoch attributing anti-Christian connotations to them was still in force among the Jews of
Venice in the 17th century, as Giulio Morosini attests with reference to the Ashkenazi formula:
Each one raises his glass of wine [...] they curse the Christians and the other nations, all included under the name of Ghoim, Gentiles,
all intoning these words, after they have eaten their fill and are very drunk: Cast thy anger upon the Ghoim, Gentiles, which have not
recognized you and on the kingdoms which have not invoked your name. Cast your anger upon them and may the fury of your anger
consume them. Persecute them with your fury and destroy them (25).
The reading of this second series of curses was perhaps accompanied by demonstrative actions, such as that of flinging the wine from
the basin into which it had been poured during the recital of the ten plagues of Egypt out of the windows and into the street: Egypt was
thus transformed into Edom, and the persecutors of Israel were now solidly identified with the representatives of the surrounding
Christian world.
The convert Paolo Medici reported on the existence of these rather picturesque customs, which also featured stentorian invectives
against the Gentiles.
The head of the house intones aloud verse 6 of Psalm 78: Effunde iram tuam in gentes, quae te non noverunt. (Shefoch chamatecha el
hagoim asher lo yedaucha ), and one person in the house runs to the window, takes the basin containing the wine of the curses, which
was poured into the basin during the recitation the ten plagues inflicted on Egypt by God, and throws the wine into the street, the
meaning of which, by way of this verse of the Psalm, was to inflict thousands of curses on all those who were not members of Judaism,
and against the Christians in particular (26).
In substance, the so-called confessions of the defendants during the Trent trials relating to the rituals of the Seder and the Passover
Haggadah are seen to be precise and truthful. Apart from the details of the use of blood in the wine and the unleavened bread, of which
we shall speak somewhat further along, the sporadic insertion of which into the text is insufficient to invalidate the general picture, the
facts described are always correct. The Jews of Trent, in describing the Seder in which they had participated, were not lying; nor were
they under the influence of the judges, who were presumably ignorant of a large part of the ritual being described to them. If the accused
dwelt at length upon the virulent anti-Christian meaning which the ritual had assumed in the tradition of
p. 171]
that Franco-German Judaism to which they belonged, they were not indulging in unverifiable exaggeration. In their collective mentality,
the Passover Seder had a long since transformed itself into a celebration in which the wish for the forthcoming redemption of the people
of Israel moved from aspiration to revenge, and then to cursing their Christian persecutors, the current heirs to the wicked Pharaoh of
Egypt.

NOTES TO CHAPTER ELEVEN


1. On the preparation of the unleavened break and the shimmurim, the unleavened bread, under supervision and most important, see A.
Toaff, Mangiare alla giudia. La cucina ebraica in Italia dal Rinascimento allet moderna, Bologna, 2000, pp. 147-149.
2. The pan with the symbolic Pesach foods generally contained, in addition to the three shimmurim, i.e. the solemn unleavened loaves,
hard-boiled eggs, the lambs hoof, the charoset, i.e, the fresh and dried fruit preserve, bitter herbs, lettuce and celery (cfr. R. Bonfil,
Haggadah di Pesach , Milan, 1962, pp. XXXII-XXXVI). To these foods, some people added various other things, including other types
of bitter herbs and two types of meat, roast and boiled, and fish and egg, and almonds and walnuts (cfr. Giulio Morosini, Derekh
Emunah. Via della fede mostrata agi ebrei , Rome. Propaganda Fide, 1683, pp. 551-552).
3.Quia ipse Thobias non habet clibanum in domo sua ad coquendo fugatias nec panem, eo tempore quo faciunt dictas fugatias seu
azimas predictas, subito quamprimum sunt facte oportet quod ponantur in clibano, ut bene sint azime et quod Samuel habet clibanum
in domo sua [...] dicto tempore Samud dedit sibi de fugatiis azimis, qui Samuel quando sic dabat fugatias dicebat: Iste fugatiae sunt
aptate sicut debent (cfr. A. Esposito and D. Quaglioni, Processi contro gli ebrei di Trento, 1475-1478. I: I processi del 1475, Padova,
1990, p. 328). For his part, Samuele da Nuremberg interrogatus quin pinsavit pastam temporibus preteritis in domo ipsius Samuelis,
cum qua fecerunt azimas predictas, respondit quod famuli ipsius Samuelis fecerunt azimas et pinsaverunt pastam cum qua fecerunt
azimas; dicens tamen, quod nihil refert an masculi vel femine faciant dictas azimas (cfr. ibidem, p. 252).
4. Ante cenam paterfamilias se ponit in capite mense et accipit unum ciatum in quo est de vino et quem ciatum ponit ante se [...] et alii
de familia circum astantes habent singulum ciatum plenum vino; et in medio mense ponit unum bacile, in quo bacili sunt tres fugatie
azimate [...] quas tres azimas ponunt in dicto bacili et in eodem bacili etiam ponunt aliquid modicum de eo quod sunt commesturi in
cena (cfr. ibidem, p. 252). Israel Wolfgang referred to the shimmurim as migzos (recte: mazzot, mazzos according to the Asnhenazi
pronunciation), solemn unleavened bread (cfr. G. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, Trento, 1902, voI. Il, p. 18).
5. In die Pasce eorum de sero, ante cenam, et etiam in die sequenti de sero, antecenam, paterfamilias judeus se ponit ad mensam et
omnes eius familie se ponunt circa mensam. Qui paterfamilias habet ciphum plenum vino, quem ciphum ponit ante se, et omnes alii
circumstantes habent singulum ciatum plenum vino; et deinde in medio mense ponunt unum bacile seu vas, in quo ponunt tres azimas
sive fugatias [...] ponendo dictas fugatias unam super aliam; in quo bacili etiam ponunt de ovis, de carnibus et de omnibus aliis de
quibus volunt comedere in illa cena (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, pp. 325-326).
6. Dicit quod benedicunt postea dictas fugatias [...] dicendo hec verba: Holcheme hanyhe (recte: Ha la-chm aniy) et certa alia verba
que ipse ignorat, que verba significant: panis iste, et nescit quid aliud significent (cfr. ibidem, p. 379).
7. Et paterfamilias ponit digitum in ciatum suum et illum balneat in vino [...] et deinde aspergit cum digito omnia que sunt in mensa,
dicendo hec verba in Hebraico, videlicet dam, izzardea, chynim, heroff, dever, ssyn, porech, harbe, hossen, maschus pochoros, que verba
significant decem maledictiones quas Deus dedit populo Egiptiaco, eo quod nolebat dimittere populum suum [And the head of the
family places his finger in his glass and bathes his finger therein [] and then sprinkles all those present at table with it, saying these
words in Hebrew, that is, dam, izzardea, chynim, heroff, dever, ssyn, porech, harbe, hossen, maschus pochoros, which words mean the
ten curses that God inflicted on the Egyptians who did not want to let His people go] (cfr. ibidem, p. 252).
8.Cfr. [Benedetto Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica sul martirio del beato Simone da Trento nellanno MCCCCLXXV dagli ebrei ucciso,
Trento, Gianbattista Parone, 1747, pp. 151-152.
9.Et postea (paterfamilias) ponit digitum indicem manus dextrae in ciphum et intingit seu balneat digitum predictum in vino [...] et
deinde cum eodemmet digito balneato in vino, ut supra, paterfamilias aspergit ea que sunt super mensa, dicendo hec verba in Hebraico,
videlicet: dam, izzardea, chynim, heroff, dever, ssyn, porech, harbe, hossech, maschus pochoros, que verba significant in Latino istud,
videlicet: dam, sanguis izzardea, rane chynym, pulices heroff, fames dever, destructiones personarum ssyn, lepra porech,
fortuna in mari seu procella harbe, multum hossech, tenebre maschus pochoros, pestilentia magna. Que omnia verba suprascripta
dicuntur per dictum patremfamilias in commemoratione illarum decem maledictionum, quas Deus dedit Pharaoni et toto populo
Egypti, quia nolebant dimittere populum suum [And after (the head of the family) put the index finger of the right hand in his glass
and having bathed his finger in the wine [] and, using the finger bathed in wine, as stated above, the head of the family sprinkles those
at table, saying these words in Hebrew, namely, izzardea, chynim, heroff, dever, ssyn, porech, harbe, hossech, maschus pochoros, which
words mean in Latin the following, to wit, dam, blood izzardea, frogs chynym, fleas heroff, famine dever, the destruction of
persons ssyn, leprosy porech, loss of wealth in storms at sea harbe, multitude hossech, darkness maschus pochoros great
pestilence. All of these words are spoken by the head of the family in memory of the ten curses which God inflicted on the Egyptians and
on the whole population of Egypt, because they did not want to let His people go] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p.
326).

10. Tobias did not hesitate to confess to the Trent judges to the limitations of his own Hebraic culture: ipse Thobias est illetteratus
homo et quod docti in lege suo hoc scire debent [that Tobias was uneducated and that the doctors in law should know that] (ibidem,
p. 318).
11. Cfr. Jacob Mulin Segal (Maharil), Sefer ha-minhagim (Book of Customs), by Sh. Spitzer, Jerusalem, 1989, pp. 106-107. On the antiChristian meaning of these invectives, contained in the Haggadah according to the custom of the German Jews, cfr. I.J. Yuval, Two
Nations in Your Womb. Perceptions of Jews and Christians , Tel Aviv, 2000, pp. 116-117 (in Hebrew).
12. In this regard, see Sh. Safrai and Z. Safrai, Haggadah of the Sages. The Passover Haggadah, Jerusalem, 1998, pp. 145-146 (in
Hebrew).
13. Cfr. Shalom of Neustadt, Decisions and Customs, by Sh. Spitzer, Jerusalem, 1977, p. 134 (in Hebrew).
14. Postea dictus paterfamilias dixit suprascripta verba, idem paterfamilias iungit hec alia verba: Ita imprecamur Deum quod similiter
immittat predictas .X. maledictiones contra gentes, que sunt inimice fidei Iudeorum, intelligendo maxime contra christianos, et deinde
dictus paterfamilias bibit vinum [After the head of the family said these words, he added these other words: Thus we pray God to
inflict ten similar curses on the Gentiles, who are enemies of the Jewish faith, meaning the Christians, more than anything else, and
then the head of the family drank the wine] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 363). Et (Thobias) dicit quod quando
dictus paterfamilias dixit suprascripta verba, postea etiam addit hec alia: Ita imprecamur Deum quod similiter immittat suprascriptas
decem maledictiones contra gentes quod adversantur fidei Iudaice, intelligendo maxime contra Christianos [And (Tobias) said that
when the head of the family said these words, after that he added these other words : Thus we pray God that He may inflict ten similar
curses on all the people who are enemies of the Jewish faith] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 326).
15. Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, pp. 16-32.
16. Et (Thobias) dicit quod quando dictus paterfamilias dixit suprascripta verba, postea etiam addit hec alia: Ita imprecamur Deum
quod similiter immittat suprascriptas decem maledictiones contra gentes quod adversantur fidei Iudaice, intelligendo maxime contra
Christianos [And Tobias said that when the head of the family said the above mentioned words, after that he added the following,
among other things: Thus we call upon God similarly to inflict the above mentioned curses against the Gentiles (or people) who are
enemies of the Jewish faith, meaning, most of all, against the Christians] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 326).
17. Et que verba postea quem dicta sunt per patremfamilias, idem paterfamilias dicit hec alia verba: lta nos deprecamur Deum quod
immittat omnes predictas maledictiones contra eos qui sunt contra fidem Iudaicam, intelligendo et imprecando quod dicte
maledictiones immittantur contra Cristianos [And that after the head of the family said these words, he said these other words: Thus
we pray God that He may inflict all these curses on those who are enemies of the Jewish faith, meaning and praying that these curses
would befall the Christians] (cfr. ibidem, p. 352). In the light of the Hebrew sources, such as Maharil and Shalom da Wiener Neustadt,
who testify to the ancient custom of the Ashkanazi Jews of cursing the Christians during the recitation of the ten plagues of Egypt, W.P.
Eckert is therefore in error on this point (Motivi superstiziosi nel processo agli ebrei di Trento, in I. Rogger and M. Bellabarba, Il
principe vescovo Johannes Hinderbach, 1465-1486, fra tardo Medioevo e Umanesimo, Atti del Convegno held by the Biblioteca
Comunale of Trent, 2-6 October 1989, Bologna, 1992, pp. 393-394) considers this to be a truth presumed by the Trent judges and
suggested to the defendants by coercive means.
18. Cfr. Morosini, Derekh Emunah. Via della fede mostata agli ebrei, cit., p. 559.
19. Et hiis dictis, paterfamilias accipit dictas fugatias et unamquamque dividit de unaquaque fugatia partem suam unicuique, et deinde
ipse paterfamilias bibit vinum quod est in ciato suo, et similiter alii astantes bibunt vinum suum et postmodum omnes cenant, et
similiter faciunt die sequenti de sero (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, pp. 252-253).
20. Et post suprascripta paterfamilias accipit primam fugatiam que est in bacili, ut supra, et unicuique ex astantibus dat partem suam,
et similiter facit de secunda et de tertia fugatia, dando partem suam unicuique. Et deinde accipit ciphum plenum vino [...] et illud vinum
bibit; et deinde omnes alii circumstantes accipiunt ciatos suos plenos vino, ut supra, et unusquisque bibit de ciato suo, postque cenant
orimes (cfr. ibidem, pp. 326-327).
21. On the initial introduction of the curses of Shefoch into the text of the Haggadah of the medieval Ashkenazi environment, see, among
others, M.M. Kasher, Haggadah Shelemah, New York, 1961, pp. 177-180; E.D. Goldshmidt, Haggadah shel Pesach, Jerusalem, 1969, pp.
62-64; R. Bonfil, Haggadah di Pesach, Milan, 1962, pp. 122-123 ( It may nevertheless be presumed that the custom became widespread
during the Middle Ages, during the period of the first great persecutions, during the Crusades [...] during the period in which the first
accusations of ritual murder were made against the Jews. The custom of opening the door [...] probably also dates back to that period, in

which such an act was caused by the fear that behind the door there might be placed the body of some murdered child and that the
murder might be blamed on the Jews).
22. In this regard, see, in particular, G.D. Cohen, Messianic Postures of Ashkenazim and Sephardim, in M. Kreutzberg, Studies of the
Leo Baeck Institute, New York, 1967, pp. 117-158; Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb, cit., pp. 140-145; Safrai and Safrai, Haggadah of
the Sages , cit., pp. 174-178.
23. Et finita cena, paterfamilias dicit hec verba: Sfoch chaba moscho hol ha-goym. Similiter dicit quod fit in die sequenti de sero, post
Pascha [And after dinner, the head of the family pronounces these words, Sfoch chaba moscho hol ha-goym. He does the same the
evening of the following day, after Passover] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 327). It should be noted that the
Hebrew words are recorded by the Italian notary according to Tobias Ashkenazi pronunciation, and therefore chamatech, da tua ira,
is rendered as chamosch (chaba moscho).
24. Cfr. [Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., p. 149; Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, p. 18. Even in the case of
Israel Wolfgang, the formula of Shefoch, reported according to the Ashkenazi pronunciation, is distorted by the notarys record (Sfoco
hemosco hai hagoym honszlar lho ghedalsecho ), but seems entirely intelligible.
25. Cfr. Morosini, Derekh Emunah. Via della fede mostrata agli ebrei, cit., p. 559.
26. Cfr. Paolo Medici, Riti e costumi degli ebrei, Madrid, LucAntonio de Bedmar, 1737, p. 171.

REVISION DATE SEPT. 14, 2007


ROSH HOSHANA, NIGHTFALL (5768)
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CHAPTER TWELVE
THE MEMORIAL OF THE PASSION
The use of the blood of Christian children in the celebration of the Jewish Passover was apparently the object of minute regulation, at
least according to the depositions of all the defendants in the Trent trials. These depositions describe exactly what was prohibited, what
was permitted, and what was tolerated, all in meticulous detail. Every eventuality was foreseen and dealt with; the use of blood was
governed by broad and exhaustive case law, almost as if it formed an integral part of the most firmly established regulations relating to
the ritual. The blood, powdered or dessicated, was mixed into the dough of the unleavened or solemn bread, the shimmurim not
ordinary bread. The shimmurim in fact, three loaves for each of the two evenings during which the ritual dinner of the Seder was
served were considered one of the principal symbolic foods of the feast, and their accurate preparation and baking took place during
the days preceding the advent of Pesach .
During the Seder, the blood had to be dissolved into the wine immediately prior to recitation of the ten curses against the land of Egypt.
The wine was later poured into a basin or a cracked earthenware pot and thrown away. The performance of the ritual required only a
minimum quantity of blood in powdered form, equal in quantity to a lentil.
The obligation to procure blood and to use it during the Passover ritual was the exclusive responsibility of the head of the family, i.e., a
responsible male with a dependent wife and children. Bachelors, widowers, guests and employees, all those without dependent family,
were exempt. In view of the difficulty of procuring such a rare and costly ingredient, it was anticipated that the wealthiest Jews would
provide blood for the poorest Jews, an eccentric form of charity benefiting heads of families disinherited by fate.
Samuele da Nuremberg reported that:
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The evening before Pesach, when they stir the dough with which the unleavened bread (the shimmurim) is later prepared, the head of
the family takes the blood of a Christian child and mixes it into the dough while it is being kneaded, using the entire quantity available,

keeping in mind that the measure of a lentil is sufficient. The head of the family sometimes performs this operation in the presence of
those kneading the unleavened bread, and sometimes without their knowledge, based on whether or not they can be trusted (1).
Maestro Tobias restricted himself to recalling that every year, the blood, in powdered form, is kneaded into the dough of the
unleavened bread prepared the evening before the feast, and is then eaten on the solemn day, i.e., the day of Passover (2). This
testimony was confirmed by Mohar (Meir), the son of Mos the old Man of Wrzburg (3), as well as by the convert Giovanni da Feltre,
who had seen his father Schochat (Sacheto) perform the ritual while still living at Landshut in Bavaria (4).
Isacco da Gridel, Angelo da Veronas cook, admitted to kneading the shimmurim containing blood for eight years, preparing it for the
celebration of the Seder. Joav of Franconia, Tobias domestic servant, recalled the custom from as much as seventeen years back, when
she was in service with a rich Jew from Wrzburg. Mos da Bamburg, the traveler staying with Angelo of Verona, in his long deposition,
stated that he had personally performed this operation when he was head of the family in Germany. Later, when he moved to Italy, he
had seen it performed at Borgo San Giovanni, in the Piacenza region, in the home of money lender Sacle or Sacla (Izchak), who inserted
the blood into the unleavened bread while his wife Potina kneaded the dough. Vitale, Samuele da Nurembergs agent, attested to the
custom as a result of having seen it performed for three consecutive years by his uncle, Salomone, at Monza.
The subject matter of these depositions was also confirmed by the women involved. Bella, the wife of Mayer da Wrzburg, reported that
she had seen her father preparing the shimmurim from the time she was a child at Nuremberg, in preparation for the first two evenings
during which the Seder used grains of dried blood in the dough. Sara, Tobiass wife, recalled that her first husband, Elia, whom she
married at Marburg, had used blood for this purpose, and that she had also seen the practice in many Jewish homes in Mestre (5). Bona,
Angelo da Veronas sister, stated that she had seen the brother placing the [dried] blood, [dissolved and] diluted in water, into the dough
of the unleavened and so-called solemn bread, the shimmurim, which was kept under surveillance, and had to be eaten during the
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first two evenings of the festival, during the Seder. Angelo himself, took a bit of the Christian childs [dried] blood and dissolved it in
water, then poured the water containing the blood into the dough with which they then made the unleavened loaves, three of which
Angelo and the others members of his family and Bona herself ate during the Passover evening feast, while the other three members ate
it the evening of the next day (6).
Angelo da Veronas report was rather more detailed. After having briefly recalling that the Ashkenazi Jews take a small quantity of the
blood and they put it in the dough with which they later make the unleavened bread which they eat during the solemn days of the
Passover.
He went on to provide a detailed description of the rite of preparing the shimmurim with blood (7). First of all, he explained to the
judges, the ritual action was carried out as a sign of outrage against Jesus Christ, whom the Christians claim is their God. He then
continued, supplying whatever clarification he considered dutiful and necessary: Eating unleavened bread with Christian blood in it
means that, just as the body and powers of Jesus Christ, the God of the Christians, went down to perdition with His death, thus, the
Christian blood contained in the unleavened bread shall be ingested and completely consumed.
How much truth there was to this key anti-Christian interpretation of the presumed Jewish hematophagia [blood-eating] through the
medium of unleavened bread, and just how much was invented to please the inquisitors concerned, is unknown. It is however a fact that
Angelo supplied a very colorful and credible representation of the ritual, utilizing the correct formulae from the classical Jewish liturgy.
They place the blood in their unleavened loaves in this manner: after placing the blood in the dough, they knead it and stir it around to
prepare the unleavened bread (the shimmurim). Then they poke holes in it, pronouncing these words: Chen icheress chol hoyveha,
which, translated, means Thus may our enemies be consumed. At this point, the unleavened loaves are ready to be eaten (8).
This Hebrew invective is not an invention. It may in fact be found among the blessings and curses pronounced during the so-called
Haggadah of the Jewish New Year (Rosh Ha-Shanah) just before the feast dinner. On this occasion, the reading of the various
formulae was accompanied by the consumption of vegetables and fruit, in addition to fish and a lambs head, recalling, by means of a
pun on their Hebrew names, the type of blessing or curse which the reader intended
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to pronounce. Leeks are called cart, and the invective associated with its name was known as she-iccaretu (iccaresu in the Ashkenazi
pronunciation) col hoyevenu, that is, may all our enemies be exterminated (consumed according to Angelo) (9). The original
inspiration was, as usual, Biblical and prophetical (Mich. 5:9) And all thine enemies shall be cut off (we-chos hoyevecha iccaretu). At

this point, it becomes much more difficult to dismiss the insertion of these Hebrew-language execrations into the ritual of the Christian
blood added to the solemn unleavened bread as merely the extemporaneous and extravagant invention of Angelo da Verona, softened
up with torture.
From Samuele da Nuremberg and Angelo da Verona, from Maestro Tobias and Anna da Montagnana, all the accused at Trent were
agreed in affirming that the head of the family, who was required to perform the task of directing the reading of the Haggadah, did not
shake the blood into the wine before starting the Seder or during the initial phases of the celebration, but only when they were about to
recite the ten curses of Egypt. Recalling the years of his stay in the Jewish quarter of Nuremberg with various employers such as
Lazzaro, Giosia and Mosh Loff, Mos da Ansbach, the teacher of Tobiass children, stated that the head of the family placed the blood in
the wine at the precise moment of the commemoration of the so-called ten curses, i.e., the plagues of Egypt (10).
The learned Mos da Wrzburg, the Old Man, explained that:
The head of the family takes a bit of the blood of the Christian child and drops it in his glass full of wine [...] then, putting his finger in
the wine, with that wine where the blood of the Christian child has been shaken, he sprinkles the table and food on the table with it,
pronouncing the Hebraic formula in commemoration of the ten curses, which God sent to the refractory Egyptian people who refused to
liberate the Jewish people. At the end of the reading, the same head of the family, referring to the Christians, utters the following words
(in Hebrew): thus we beseech God that he may similarly direct these ten curses against the gentiles, who are enemies of the Jewish
faith (11).
Giovanni da Feltre, the converted Jew, recalled the years of his youth, spent in lower Germany, when his father performed on the ritual
of the Seder of Passover, Both evenings, my father took blood and shook it into his chalice of wine before beginning the Passover
dinner, then sprinkled it on the table cursing the Christian religion (12).
After the reading of the last part of the Haggadah, the head of the family performed the act of adding the blood to the wine to transform
the wine into a potion symbolically intended to represent
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the cruel death of Israels enemies, immediately before the ten curses. This part of the text of the Haggadah opens with the words: (The
Lord) made us leave Egypt with a strong hand, with the arm extended, with immense terror, with signs) and with prodigies: this is the
blood (zeh ha-dam) (13). The reason why the haematic fluid of the Christian boy was dissolved in the wine of the ten curses at this
point was revealed by Angelo da Verona:
The Jews performed this act in remembrance of one of the ten curses which God inflicted upon the Egyptians when they held the
Jewish people in bondage: one of the plagues was Gods transformation into blood of all the waters in the land of Egypt (14).
As usual, Israel Wolfgang provided some sense of order for these various rituals. The young painter recalled participating in a Seder held
in the house of a certain Jew named Chopel, at Gnzenhausen, near Nuremberg, in 1460. Chopel used coagulated, pulverized blood,
shaken into the wine prior to the recitation of the ten plagues. This was accompanied by the following declaration in Hebrew: This is
the blood of a Christian child, (zeh-ha dam shel goi katan). According to what may be gathered from Israel Wolfgangs account, after
the reading of this fragment of the Haggadah, which began with the words zeh ha-dam, This is the blood, the head of the house
brought the ampoule containing the powdered blood to the table, added a bit of the contents to the wine in his chalice, and recited the
analogous formula beginning with the same words, zeh ha-dam, but in reference to the blood of the Christian child, not in reference to
the first plague of Egypt.
He then went on to the reading of the ten curses, the sprinkling of the wine onto the table, and the recitation of the invectives against the
goyim the Christians. Obviously, the formula, This is the blood (zeh ha-dam) of a Christian child was transmitted [from generation
to generation] orally; the text of the Haggadah was alleged not to contain this text.
Israel Wolfgangs revelations continued. In 1474, he [said he] had participated in the celebration of the Jewish Passover at Feltre, at
Abramos house (Abramo being a money lender in that city). On that occasion, Wolfgang had seen the head of the family add the blood
to the dough of the solemn unleavened bread (migzo = mazzot), that is, the shimmurim. During the evening ritual of the Seder, Abramo
da Feltre, in preparation for the reading of the ten curses, came to table with a glass phial containing a small quantity of dried blood,
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the size of a nut, and shook a pinch of it into the wine, pronouncing the usual formula of the zeh ha-dam: This is the blood of a
Christian child. He then began the recitation of the plagues, pouring the wine onto the table and cursing the gentiles hostile to Israel
(15).
Lazzaro, employed at Angelo da Verona, also told the judges that he had seen the rite performed by his uncle Israel, the influential
Ashkenazi banker at Piacenza, who occupied the function of treasurer in the Jewish community of the Duchy of Milan (16). According to
him, Israel, during the recitation of the plagues, diluted the blood into the wine, pronouncing the Hebrew words which meant: This is
the blood of a Christian child (zeh ha-dam shel goi katan) (17). In this regard, Mos of Bamburg confirmed the descriptions of the other
defendants, referring to Leone of Mohar, a money lender active at Tortona, with whom he had stayed as a guest in the past, during the
Seder of Passover (18). As often happened, Leone, in the act of adding the dried blood to the wine before the recitation of the ten curses,
turned to his guests with the required Hebrew phrase: zeh ha-dam, This is the blood of a Christian child.
It should be obvious that only someone with a very good knowledge of the Seder ritual, an insider, could describe the [precise] order of
gestures and operations as well as the Hebrew formulae used during the various phases of the celebration, and be capable of supplying
such [a wealth of] detailed and precise descriptions and explanations. The judges at Trent could barely follow these descriptions,
forming a vague idea of the ritual, which was so foreign to their experience and knowledge that they could only reconstitute it in [the
form of] nebulous and imperfect images. The Italian notaries, then, had their work cut out for them in [attempting] to cut their way
through this jungle of incomprehensible Hebrew terms, pronounced with a heavy German accent. But on the other hand, what
interested them, beyond the particulars of difficult comprehensibility, was establishing where these Jews used Christian blood in their
Passover rites, adding it to the unleavened bread and the wine of the libation. Imagining that the judges dictated these descriptions of
the Seder ritual, with the related liturgical formulae in Hebrew, does not seem very believable.
Goi katan , little Christian, the expression used in referring to the ritual murder victim, who was usually nameless, is said to have been
used during the act of adding his blood to the symbolic foods
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to be exhibited and consumed in the Seder dinner. This expression, although not at all neutral in view of the negative and pejorative
connotations attributed to Christians in general, was certainly less contemptuous than the term normally used by German Jews with
reference to a Christian child. [For example], the word shekez possesses the sense of something abominable, while the feminine,
shiksa or shikse, is a neologism used, in particular, in reference to Christian girls engaged in romantic relations with young men of the
race of Israel (19). The diminutive [Italianized] term of endearment, scigazzello, was in use among the Ashkenazi Jews of Venice until
relatively recent times. At any rate, the words shekz, sheghez, or sceghesc, employed in a contemptuous manner to refer to the children
of those faithful in Christ, viewed as some of the [most] abominable expressions of [all] creation, was in widespread use in all cities with
communities of German Jews, even in Northern Italy (20).
It should be noted that the term is absent from the records of the Trent trials; but the terms goi (literally, people nation), with
reference to Christians generally, and goi katan (little Christian), in the sense of a child belonging to the faith in Christ were used
instead.
In his fierce invective against the Jews, the Venetian convert Giulio Morosini did not fail to censure the virulently anti-Christian
education imparted by Jews to their children, according to Morosini, as well as the offensive terminology utilized by Jews in Hebrew to
insult Christian children and their churches.
You are accustomed to instilling in those little children, along with their mothers milk, the observance and the concept of the Law and
the holy language, with Hebrew names for many things [...] This is so that they may easily and soon understand the Law and Bible. But
at the same time, you inculcate hatred against the Goyim, that is, the Gentiles, by which name you refer to the Christians, never missing
a chance to curse them, and make your children curse them. Thus, the name most frequently used against [Christian] children is
Sciekatizim, that is, Abominations, which is also the word you use in reference to the Idols, as you are accustomed to call them. In the
same manner, you abominate our Churches with your synonym, Tonghav, which also means Abomination. And you very often warn
them to flee the Tonghav , not to speak to the Sceketz and other, similar terms of abuse (21).
In the eyes of the Ashkenazi Jews of Trent, it was obvious that the ritual obligation to use the blood of Christian children in the Passover
celebrations was exclusively incumbent upon heads of families, and not on other members of the community. The rule, enounced to the
judges by Israel, the son of Samuele da Nuremberg,
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was that Jewish fathers of families in the feast of Purim, before dinner, take a small quantity of the blood of a Christian child, put it in
their cup full of wine and sprinkle the table with it (22). Angelo of Verona placed it in the category, not of ritual regulations, but of
customs (Hebrew, minhagh, Latin mos) and, as always with patience and in a summary manner, explained that the established custom
is that the head of the family, and no one else, must place the powdered blood in the unleavened blood in the time of the Passover (23).
Mos da Wrzburg, for his part, reported that, up to the time when he had been the head of a family in various places in Germany, it had
been considered obligatory to provide blood for the Passover rites. Subsequently, since he no longer occupied the role of head of family,
he had been exempted from performing this duty (24). Mos da Bamberg also stated that, as long as he had been the head of family in
Germany, he had procured the blood for the Passover Seder. He then went into service with various Jewish families at Ulm and other
centers in Franconia, and was considered exempted from this custom (25).
In this regard, it should be noted that the pre-eminent role of the head of family (paterfamilias, a rendering of the Hebrew ha-al ha-bait,
patron of the house), in the celebration of the Passover rites, particularly, in the medieval Ashkenazi environment, is attested to by
many manuscript and printed texts with comments on the Haggadah of Pesach. Among other things, these texts stress that the
obligation of the ritual washing of the hands (netilat yadaim) at the beginning of the Seder was only incumbent upon the head of the
family, almost exclusively entrusted with the reading of the Haggadah, while all the guests were exempt. Beniamin di Meir of
Nuremberg, at the beginning of the 16th century, testified to the existence of this custom, stating that he had observed it to be
widespread in all the Jewish communities of Germany. I have noticed that, most of the time, wrote the German rabbi, the ritual
washing of the hands (in the Passover Seder) is performed only by the head of the family, while the guests do not wash their hands at all
(26).
On the other hand, procuring the raw material required for performance of the blood ritual was not an easy job, involving costs which
the heads of poorer families could not afford. It was therefore anticipated that the heads of poorer families were exempt from a task
which proved too costly for them, as was unhesitatingly admitted by the ancient expert Mos of Wrzburg when he explained to the
inquisitors of Trent that the Jews naturally require the blood of a Christian child, but
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if they were poor and could not afford any blood, they were relieved of the expense (27).
Rich Jews, often in a mixed spirit of prodigality and magnanimity, took over the beneficial task of assisting the poorer Jews by supplying
the precious fluid required, although obviously in minute amounts. Isacco of Gridel, Angelo of Veronas cook, recalled that, when he was
in service with the head of a family at Cleberg, a rich relative of his wife supplied them a small preparation of dried blood at no charge,
stating that it was customary to do this for the poor. The blood had been acquired from the well-known rabbi Shimon of Frankfurt
(28). Mos of Bamberg, the professional traveler, also recounted that he had had a dependent family until 1467, and, since his indigence
was well known to all, he was supplied with powdered blood of a size equal to a nut by Salamone, a rich merchant from lower
Germany, and sometimes by Cervo, a wealthy Jew from Parchim in Mecklenburg, who gave him no more than half a spoonful (29).
The rite of the wine, or blood, and curses had a dual significance. On the one hand, it was intended to recall the miraculous salvation of
Israel brought about through the sign of the blood of the lamb placed on the door-posts of Jewish houses to protect them from the Angel
of Death when they were about to be liberated from slavery in Egypt. It was also intended to bring closer final redemption, prepared for
through Gods vengeance on the gentiles who had failed to recognized Him and had persecuted the Jewish people. The memorial of the
Passion of Christ, relived and celebrated in the form of an anti-ritual miraculously exemplified the fate destined for Israels enemies. The
blood of the Christian child, a new Agnus Dei, and the eating of his blood, were premonitory signs of the proximate ruin of Israels
indomitable and implacable persecutors, the followers of a false and mendacious faith.
The old man, Mos da Wrzburg, stressed both the significance of the blood rite and the curses, from the positive memorial of the blood
of the lamb on the door-posts of the houses and the negative memorial of the passion of Christ, scorned and abhorred.
According to the laws of Moses, it is commanded to the Jews that, in the days of the Passover, every head of family should take the
blood of a perfect male lamb and place it (as a sign) on the door-posts of the dwellings. Nevertheless, since the custom of taking the
blood of
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the perfect male lamb was being lost, and, in its place, (the Jews) now used the blood of a Christian boy [...] and they do this and
consider it necessary as a negative memorial (of the Passion) of Jesus, God of the Christians, who was a male, rather than a female, and
who was hanged and died on the cross in torment, in a shameful and vile manner (30).

Israele, Samuele of Nurembergs son, referred to the rites ancient value in a response to his judges relating to the significance which
came to be attributed, over time, to the mixing of the blood into the unleavened bread. We consume it in the unleavened bread he said,
as a memorial of the blood with which the Lord commanded Moses to paint the door-posts of the doors of Jewish houses when they
were the slaves of the Pharoah (31).
On the other hand, Vitale of Weissenburg, Samueles agent, preferred to confer a second meaning upon the rite, that is, that of an
upside-down memorial to the Passion of Christ, considered as an emblem and paradigm of the fall of Israels enemies and of divine
vengeance, forewarning of final redemption. We use the blood, he declared, as a sad memorial of Jesus [...] in outrage and contempt
of Jesus, God of the Christians, and every year we do the memorial of that passion [...] in fact, the Jews perform the memorial of the
Passion of Christ every year, by mixing the blood of the Christian boy into their unleavened bread (32).
The origins of the ritual of the use of blood in the Passover dinner are not very clear; nor do we know the names of the rabbinical
authorities who presumably taught it. The only defendants in the Trent trials able to shed any light on the subject were Samuele da
Nuremberg and Mos da Wrzburg, both of whom possessed a high degree of Hebrew culture, the fruit of many years of arduous study
in the most famous Talmudic academies (yeshivot) in Germany. Neither Samuele nor Mos were able to provide precise answers in this
regard, entrenching themselves behind the hypothesis that the ritual was based on ancient traditions which were only transmitted
orally, for obvious reasons of prudence, and that no written traces of it remain in the tests of ritual law. Just when these traditions were
formed, and why, was, for them, an unresolved mystery, enveloped in the mists of the past.
Samuele vaguely attributed these traditions to the rabbis of the Talmud (Iudei sapientiores in partibus Babiloniae), who were said to
have introduced the ritual in a very remote epoch, before Christianity attained its present power. Those scholars, united at a learned
congress,
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were said to have concluded that the blood of a Christian child was highly beneficial to the salvation of souls, if it was extracted during
the course of a memorial ritual of the passion of Jesus, as a sign of contempt and scorn for the Christian religion. Over the course of this
counter-ritual, the innocent boy, who had to be less than seven years old and had to be a boy, like Jesus, was crucified among torments
and expressions of execration, as had happened to Christ (33). Another praiseworthy addition was circumcision, to make the symbolic
similarity more obvious and significant. We do not know how firmly convinced Samuele was of what he said; but it seems certain that
the judges were highly gratified with this kind of macabre confession. This does not detract from the fact that the allegations of this Jew,
at least in historical and ideological terms, if not in relation to the practical application of the [alleged] ritual in the case of little Simon,
were quite plausible.
Mos, the Old Man of Wrzburg, was even vaguer than Samuele, noting that the blood ritual was not recorded in any of the ritualistic
scripts of Judaism, but was transmitted orally, and in secret, by rabbis and scholars in Jewish law. Mos nevertheless confirmed that the
Christian boy who was to be crucified during the rite in commemoration of the Christs shameful Passion had to be less than seven years
old and of the male sex (34).
In accordance with Samuele da Nurembergs statements (we believe that the blood of the sacrificed Christian boy is of great benefit in
the salvation of our souls), it was the custom, attributed to the participants in the blood ritual, to perform collective acts, even if only
symbolic, to stress their intervention in the ceremony, such as that of touching the victims body. All those present placed their hands,
now one and now the other, as if to suffocate the child, because the Jews believe that they render themselves meritorious before God by
demonstrating their participation in the sacrifice of a Christian child. Isacco da Gridel, Angelo da Veronas cook, in effect, affirmed this
in his confession, by describing his own participation in a ritual child murder committed at Worms in 1460, according to him (35).
In a certain sense, this behavior recalled the collective funereal rituals proper to the Judaism of the German territories during medieval
times, testified to, among other things, in the writings of Rabbi Shalom of Wiener Neustadt. These writings include a description of the
hakkafoth, the circular procession around the coffin of the deceased by the persons
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present at the funeral to drive evil spirits away from the soul of the deceased, which reveals undoubted links with the Cabbalah; the
collective custom of placing the hand on the casket or the tomb to implore divine mercy in favor of the deceased; and finally, the custom
of placing a tuft of grass, a clod of earth, or a stone or pebble on the mound to testify to their own presence at the burial (36).
While Samuele da Nuremberg maintained more or less deliberately vague with regards the origins of the custom of using the blood of
the Christian child in the rituals of the Jewish Passover, he was very precise in discussing the persons who had transmitted and taught

him these regulations orally. David Sprinz had actually been his rabbi and teacher, with whom Samuele had studied lovingly and with
great success thirty years before, in the yeshivah of Bamberg, and later in the yeshivah of Nuremberg. Samuele knew that Sprinz had
since moved to Poland, but didnt know whether or not he was still alive (37).
David Tebel Sprinz was actually a rather well-known rabbi. Born in 1400, he had governed the Talmudic academy of Bamberg until
1448, and moved to Nuremberg around the middle of the century, taking control of the local yeshiva. He was still alive in 1474, carrying
on his activity at Poznn in Poland (38). Samueles information in this respect was therefore correct, although we have no way of
knowing how much truth there might be in his assertions relating to the subject of the teachings which Sprinz is alleged to have
imparted orally in relation to the blood rituals. It is, however, a fact that three German rabbis, all of top-level importance, were
implicated in the Trent trials in various ways relating to the transmission of traditions relating to ritual child murder, the use of blood in
the Jewish Passover and the contemptuous commemoration of the Passion of Christ.Together with David Tebel Sprinz of Bamberg, we
find the names of Jodenmeister Mosh of Halle, who also moved to Posnn just like his predecessor, and Shimon Katz, president of the
rabbinical tribunal of Frankfurt am Main. It seems hardly accidental to me that none of the Ashkenazi rabbis from the most famous to
the least well-known active in the German-origin Jewish communities of northern Italy is mentioned in the trial records; the only
rabbis mentioned are ones whose activity was always carried on in Germany.
The observation that neither Italian Jews nor Italian Jewish communities were ever accused of committing ritual child murders
compelled the Trent judges to investigate this phenomenon in order to determine whether or not the Italian Jews were simply unaware
of the custom or
p. 185]
rejected it as contrary to the principles of Judaism, in contrast to the Jews of Germanic origin.
If he had been able to speak freely, Samuele, from the lofty height of his Hebraic doctrine of Ashkenazi origin, might have replied with
ill-concealed scorn that Italian Jews were not authoritative because they were ignorant in terms of rabbinical culture, not very
observant, and very careless about the observation of ritual standards (39). Instead, he restricted himself to admitting that Italian Jews
did not possess this custom in their texts, nevertheless adding, immediately afterwards, that it appeared in the texts of Jews from
overseas, an intentionally inexact term, perhaps an allusion to the Judaism of Babylonia and, indirectly, to Ashkenazi ultramontane
Judaism (40).
On the other hand, even if we consider the confessions of Samuele and the other defendants to have been sincere and valid, and even
accepting the realities of the dissemination of a ritual of this kind among the Jews of Medieval Germany, it appears beyond doubt that
as also emerges from the records of the Trent trials in the world of Ashkenazi Judaism, there were people who rejected this ritual,
considering it in conflict with Jewish law. The persons responsible for the scandalous plural child murders at Endingen, in Alsace, in
1462, confessed that they had feared that any one of them might have revealed the details of the crime to the elders of the local Jewish
community, knowing that the elders would have unhesitatingly reported them to the police authorities (41).
Returning to the facts of the Trent case, [at least] according the confession of Samuele da Nuremberg, in the days preceding the Jewish
Passover, the defendants are alleged to have instructed Maestro Tobias to meet two German Jewish travelers passing through Trent in
those days to inquire whether they were prepared to agree to abduct a Christian boy and conceal him in Samueles house. But the two
Ashkenazi Jews, David and Lazzaro of Germany, decisively rejected the proposal, notwithstanding the fact that it was accompanied by
an offer of the considerable sum of one hundred ducats. They had no intention of getting mixed up in matters of this kind.
The words of the two travelers clearly reveal their capacity as emissaries from the Jewish communities of Germany, who were, as usual,
invited to Italy every year, in the spring, to arrange for the purchase of cedars for the autumnal feast of the Capanne or Frascate
[little sheds and covered market stalls; the Jewish Feast of the Autumn Harvest] (Sukkot). In general, the objective of these specialist
wholesale
p. 186]
suppliers of ritual oranges for German Judaism was the Italian Riviera, particularly, San Remo. Lazzaro and David, on the other hand,
were headed for Riva on the Lago di Garda, where they knew that what they were needed could be found in the green orchards
surrounding that delightful body of water (42).
Even the commemorative pamphlet on little Simon, who was now a saint, published in Rome one hundred years after his death, with the
obvious intention of recalling the facts relating to his martyrdom through education and admonishment, found space to praise the noble
act of these two Jews in denouncing a ritual which they found detestable, considering it a true and proper betrayal of Jewish teachings.

The consideration that precisely a clearly hagiographic source, such as the Summary of the Life and Martyrdom of Saint Simon, Child of
the City of Trent , a text which is moreover openly anti-Jewish, should preserve and translate their words in a sense of positive
appreciation, constitutes grounds for reflection. If nothing else, it sounds like a confirmation of the existence of a general belief that
Ashkenazi Judaism was anything but monolithic in this sense.
They (Lazzaro and David) prudently responded that they did not wish to commit similar follies and that they (with Mosh) wished
them ill, because God did not command such things; on the contrary, He says, Thou shalt not kill, and that child murder was a new
ceremony and against the law, which did not wish Gods followers to shed innocent blood, such as that of a child, just because the child
was a Christian. And if they thought about these things properly, they would discover that they were entirely invented, because there was
no basis for them in the texts. Apart from that, they said that it was not right for a Jew to eat blood, as these men wished to do, by
kneading the unleavened bread with a certain amount of blood (43).
This same Giovanni da Feltre, the converted son of Shochat da Landshut, a person far from inclined to find anything justifiable in Jews
and Judaism, had no difficulty in admitting that, in Germany, the ritual of blood of using the blood of Christian children in the
ceremonies of the Jewish Passover was only practiced by fundamentalist orthodox Ashkenazi sects. The same Summary of the Life and
Martyrdom of Saint Simon briefly reports the ex-Jews explicit notes in this regard. The convert Giovanni said that not all the Jews do
this; but that sometimes, out of contempt for Christ and in revenge for the tribulations which they suffer because of that same Christ,
our Lord (44). It goes without saying that the problem did not even exist among Italian Jews, the Sephardim, or oriental Jews, who
made up the overwhelming majority
p. 187]
of the medieval Jewish world. But this majority was not always the most self-assertive, experiencing a serious inferiority complex
compared to an Ashkenazi Judaism which considered itself the inimitable prototype of true religious orthodoxy (which was, moreover,
created in its own image and resemblance) (45). Medieval Ashkenazi Judaism made up a hermetically sealed orthodoxy, which fed upon
itself, confined by a myriad of minute ritualistic regulations, which they considered binding on all, the mere memorization of which
constituted an arduous and almost impossible task.
According to Samuele da Nuremberg, the blood ritual was a secret rite, the rules of which were only transmitted with due prudence and
circumspection (46). The convert Giovanni da Feltre confirmed this (47). Entering into increasingly greater detail, Mos da Wrzburg
recalled a presumed rabbinical recommendation to keep the rite a secret from women and girls not having yet reached their religious
majority, i.e., any age less than thirteen, because they are fatuous and incapable of keeping a secret (48). The inferiority of women and
minors on a religious level, in addition to idiots and lunatics, was contemplated by Jewish ritual law (halakhah), which discriminated
between these categories while largely or completely exonerating them from compliance with the positive precepts of Jewish law.
It is advisable at this point to mention the most significant text of anti-Christian polemics, the Toledot Yeshu (literally, The Stories of
Jesus), or The Jewish Counter-Gospel. This was a virulently defamatory biography of Jesus dating back to between the 4th and 8th
century, disseminated first in Aramaic and later in Hebrew, in slightly different, or grossly divergent versions of the same text, written
with the obvious intention of distorting the Christian religious identity by demolishing and ridiculing its memory. Systematic contempt
for the figure of Christ and the Virgin Mary, described as a woman of easy virtue, formed the basis of a satirical and mocking tale,
presented as a sort of side-show rivaling the Gospels themselves (49).
It is not surprising that this classic of anti-Christian polemical writing found an attentive and highly satisfied readership among Jews all
over the world, from the Islamic countries to Spain and Italy. It is even less surprising that the Jews of Germany adopted this text both
enthusiastically and devoutly, as attested by the fact that almost all manuscripts of the Toledot Yeshu appear to have been written by
Ashkenazi copyists, and that all of the translations of this text into Judeo-Hebraic dialect are in Yiddish.
p. 188]
In one Yiddish manuscript of the Toledot Yeshu, the scribe admonishes the reader to be cautious and practice the necessary
circumspection.
Hidden dangers lurking unexpectedly as a result of excessive trust, as well as of unjustifiable complacency. Women, children and the
feeble-minded were to be kept at a safe distance, as well as overly curious and intriguing Christians. This treatise should be transmitted
orally, and should not be read in public; nor should it be read to women or children, all the less so to feeble-minded persons. Its reading
in the presence of Christians who understand German should certainly be avoided (50).

In another manuscript, also of German origin, containing the Toledot Yeshu together with other anti-Christian scripts, which I recently
held in my hands personally, the warnings are even more explicit. The oral transmission of secret texts was energetically enjoined upon
all readers to avoid serious hazards and to ward off the serious problems which might possibly originate in surrounding Christian
society.
Ask thy elders, and they will tell thee (Deut. 32:7). This booklet contains a tradition transmitted orally, by one person to another; it
may be put in writing but not printed, for reasons due to our bitter exile. Beware of reading this text before children and persons of
scanty understanding, or all the more so before the uncircumcised who understand German. For this reason, he who is wise shall know
how to understand and maintain silence, because these are unpropitious times. If he is able to keep silent, he shall receive mercy (from
God); Gods just reward shall be upon him, and his work shall be before him. Publicizing this text is an extremely serious matter, and it
cannot be revealed to all, because we can never know what tomorrow has in store for us and we can trust no one. I have written the text
in intentionally allegorical and obscure language, because we have been selected the Chosen People and we are permitted (by God) to
use mysterious imagery (51).
Mos da Wrzburg certainly know which precedents to mention in describing the recommendation to avoid discussion of the counterritual of the Passion of Christ and the use of the blood of Christian children in the Passover celebrations among women, children and the
feeble-minded, who are unable to keep a secret. Among the Jews of Germany, these precautions were quite understandable. Their
violent anti-Christian feelings and expressions, both ideological and ritualistic, in which these feelings found an outlet and a reflection
necessarily had to be surrounded by a protective aura of secrecy and omert [fatalistic manliness] because any indiscretion in this
regard, either deliberately or through naivet, could be the precursor of struggle and tragedy.

NOTES TO CHAPTER TWELVE


1. In vigilia Pasce sui, dum pinsatur pasta de qua postea faciant azimas, paterfamilias accipit de sanguine dicti pueri Cristiani et de illo
sanguine ponit paterfamilias in pasta dum pinsatur, et sic ponitur et plus et minus prout paterfamilias habeat multum de sanguine
predicto; et quod si poneret tantum quantum est unum granum lentis, sufficit; et quod sic paterfamilias ponit dictum sanguinem in
pasta, aliquando videntibus illis qui pinsant panem (sc. pastam) et aliquando non; et quod si illi qui pinsant panem (sc. pastam) sunt
persone fide, paterfamilias ponit sanguinem videntibus illis qui pinsant, et si non sunt fide ponit secrete [Approximately: On the eve of
their Passover, when they are kneading the dough for the unleavened bread, the head of the family takes the blood of a Christian child
and places some of it in the dough which they are kneading, in greater or lesser quantities according to whether the head of the family
had a lot of it or not; and that if he adds as much a single lentil, it is enough; and that thus the head of the family places the said blood in
the dough, sometimes those kneading the dough see him do it and sometimes he does it in secrecy] (cfr. A. Esposito and D. Quaglioni,
Processi contro gli ebrei di Trento, 1475-1478. I: I processi del 1475, Padova, 1990, pp. 251-252).
2. Et dicit quod (Iudei) accipiunt sanguinem pueri Cristiani et illum faciunt coagulare et deinde illum exiccant et de eo faciunt
pulverem, quem pulverem postea ponunt singulis annis in pasta azimarum, quas faciunt in vigilia Paschae sui, quas azimas postea
comedunt in die solemni, videlicet in die Paschae eorum [And he said that (the Jews) take the blood of Christian boys and allow it to
coagulate and they dry it and make a powder of it, and place it in the dough of the unleavened bread every year, on the eve of their
Passover, and eat it on the solemn day, namely, during their Passover] (cfr. ibidem, p. 318).
3. (Iudei) ponunt (sanguinem) in azimis suis seu fugatiis, quas comedunt in festo Pasce sui [(The Jews) place (blood) in their
unleavened bread, which they eat during their Passover feast] (cfr. ibidem, pp. 378-379).
4. Pater ipsius [...] de dicto sanguine ponebat in pasta, de qua pasta faciebat fugatias, et hoc ante festum Pasce eorum; quas fugatias ipsi
Iudei postea comedebant in dicta die Pasce [The father [...] placed some of the blood in the dough, from which they make the
unleavened bread, and does so before the Passover feast; which these Jews ate on Passover day] (cfr. ibidem, p. 125).
5. Cfr. G. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, Trent, 1902, voI. II, pp. 1-32.
6. Wien, sterr. Nationalbibl., Ms. 5360, cc. 186r-189v. Information and translation by D. Quaglioni.
7. (Iudei) de dicto sanguine accipiunt aliquam particulam et ponunt in pasta, de qua pasta postea faciunt fugatias azimas, et de quibus
fugatiis aimis postea comedunt inter se in die solemni, videlicet in die Pasce [(The Jews) take a few particles of the blood and place it
in the dough, from which they make their unleavened bread, and later they eat it amongst themselves on the solemn day, namely, on
Passover] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 287).
8. (Iudei) ponunt illum sanguinem in eorum azimis et illum postea comedunt [...] in contemptum Iesu Cristi, quem Cristiani dicunt
esse Deum suum; et quod ideo ponunt in eorum azimas sanguinem, quia posteaquam positus est sanguis in pasta, illam pastam pinsant

et graminant, et deinde faciunt fugatias, quas fugatias postea punetant dicendo ista verba: Chen icheress chol hoyveha. Que verba
sonant in lingua Latina: Cos sya consumadi li nostri inimizi. Et postea dictas fugatias commedunt, que commestio fagatiarum cum
sanguine significat quod ita corpus et virtus Iesu Cristi Dei Cristianorum ita penitus morte consumptum est et consumpta, sicut iste
sanguis qui est in fugatiis ex commestione penitus consumitur [Approximately: (The Jews) place the blood in their unleavened bread
and afterwards they eat it [] in contempt of Jesus Christ, whom the Christians say is their God, and that the reason they put the blood
in their unleavened bread, is because after the blood is placed in the dough, they knead the dough and shape it, and make their
unleavened bread out of it, and they eat it, saying these words: Chen icheress chol hoyveha, which means in Latin: Thus may all our
enemies be consumed. And then they eat the unleavened bread, and in eating it with the blood in it, it means that the body and virtue of
Jesus Christ the God of the Christians was thus punished by death and consumed, thus, the blood in the unleavened bread is thus
consumed is consumed at a common meal] (cfr. ibidem, p. 293). For the Hebrew words which appear in the text, see [Benedetto
Bonelli], Dissertazione apologetica sul martirio del beato Simone da Trento nellanno MCCCCLXXV dagli ebrei ucciso, Trent,
Gianbattista Parone, 1747, p. 145.
9. Machazor le-Rosh Ha-Shanah (Liturgical Form for the Jewish New Year), Yeh razon shel Rosh Ha-Shanah (New Years Wishes),
s.v. cart (porro). On the so-called Haggadah del Capodanno ebraico and its content, see A. Toaff, Mangiare alla giudia. La cucina
ebraica in Italia dal Rinascimento allet moderna , Bologna, 2000, pp. 134-135.
10. The depositions from Mos da Ansbach, a young person nineteen years old, on this matter are reported in detail in Divina, Storia
del beato Simone da Trento , cit., vol. lI, pp. 20-21.
11. In die Pasce ipsorum Iudeorum, ante cenam, unusquisque Iudeus paterfamilias accipit modicum de sanguine pueri Cristiani et illum
ponit in uno ciato pieno vino, quem ciatum postea ponit super mensa, circa quem mensam omnes de dicta familia circumstant; et
paterfamilias ponit digitum in ciato suo, in quo est commixtus sanguis pueri Cristiani, et deinde curo eodem digito balneato in vino
aspergit totam mensam et ea omnia que super mensa sunt, dicendo certa verba Hebraica, per que in effectu commemorantur decem
maledictiones quas Deus dedit Pharaoni et Egiptiis, quia nolebant dimittere populum Iudaicum; dicens quod posteaquam dictus
paterfamilias dixit suprascripta verba, idem paterfamilias iungit hec alia verba: lta imprecamur Deum quod similiter immittat predictas
.X. maledictiones contra gentes, que sunt inimice fidei Iudeorum, intelligendo maxime contra Cristianos [On the Jewish Passover,
before dinner, each Jewish head of a family takes a small quantity of the blood of a Christian child and places it in a glassful of wine, and
they put the glassful of wine on the table, around which all members of the family are sitting; and the head of the family places his finger
in his glass, containing the wine mixed with the blood of a Christian child, and then, after bathing his finger in it, he sprinkles the entire
table around which the people are sitting, saying certain words in Hebre, by means of which they commemorate the ten curses which
God inflicted on the Egyptians, who didnt wish to release the Jewish people, after which each Jewish head of a family says the above
words, after which he adds these words: 'Thus we pray God that he may inflict ten similar curses against the peoples who are enemies of
the Jewish people, meaning, most of all, the Christians] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., vol. I, p. 356).
12. Pater ipsius [...] in die Pasce Iudeorum, ante cenam et etiam in die sequenti post Pascha ante cenam, accipiebat de dicto sanguine et
de illo ponebat in ciato suo, in quo erat vinum, et deinde aspergebat mensam maledicendo fidem Cristianorum [Their father [...] on
Passover, before dinner as well as before dinner the following day, takes some of the blood and puts it in his glass, containing wine, and
sprinkles the table, cursing the Christian fait] (cfr. ibidem, p. 125).
13. The brief text of the Haggadah is the following: Con prodigi, questo il sangue (zeh ha-dam), come detto: Far prodigi in cielo e
in terra [With miracles, this is the blood (zeh ha-dam), as it is said: I will do miracles in the Heaven and Earth] (cfr. R. Bonfil,
Haggadah di Pesach, Milan, 1962, pp. 62-63).
14. Hoc fecerunt in memoriam unius ex .x. maledictiones quas dedit Deus Egyptiatiis quando retinebant populum Hebraicum in
servitute et quod inter ceteras maledictiones Deus convertit omnem aquam terre Egypti in sanguinem[This they do in memory of the
ten curses inflicted by God on the Egyptians when they held the Hebrews captive and that, among these multiple curses, God changed all
the water of Egypt into blood] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 287).
15. Israel Wolfgangs long and detailed report by is reproduced in Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, pp. 16-19.
16. Israele di Lazzaro managed the principal lending bank at Piacenza from 1449 until at least 1472 and was the treasurer of the Jewish
community of the Duchy of Milan in the years 1453-1454. In 1479, he was still alive and represented the heirs of Benedetto da Como in
the negotiations for renewal of the money lending permit in the city of Como (cfr. Sh. Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan,
Jerusalem, 1982, voI. I, pp. 126, 131-133 etc.).
17. On Lazzaros deposition, cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., voI. II, pp. 23-25.
18. Cfr. ibidem, pp. 25-32, who presents an exhaustive exposition of the details of Mos Bambergs long deposition.

19. In this regard, see E. Carlebach, The Anti-Christian Element in Early Modern Yiddish Culture, in Braun Lectures in the History of
the Jews in Prussia, Ramat Gan, Bar-ilan University, X (2003), 2003, p. 17.
20. For the introduction of the term shegez, shekez (cosa abominevole) [something abominable] to indicate the Christian children in
Judeo-Italian dialect, see, among others, G. Cammeo, Studi dialettali, in il Vessillo Israelitico, LVII (1909), p.214; A. Milano, Glossario
dei vocaboli e delle espressioni di origine ebraica in uso nel dialetto giudaico-romanesco , Florence, 1927, p. 254; V. Colorni, La parlata
degli ebrei mantovani, in Id., Judaica Minora. Saggi sulla storia dellebraismo italiano dallantichit allet moderna, Milan, 1983, p. 614
(the author attempts to provide a less problematical and embarrassing connotation of the term, proposing that it be translated as street
urchin or little rascal, scamp).
21. Cfr. Giulio Morosini, Derekh Emunah. Via della fede mostrata agli ebrei, Roma, Propaganda Fide, 1683, p. 157.
22. Iudei patresfamilie in festo Pasce ante cenam, accipiunt modicum de sanguine pueri Cristiani et de illo ponunt in suo ciato pieno
vino, et cum eo aspergunt mensam [The head of the Jewish family, before the Passover dinner, takes a small quantity of the blood of a
Christian child and places it in his glassful of wine, and sprinkles the table with it] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p.
192).
23. Ita est de more, ut patresfamilias ponunt pulverem sanguinis Cristiani in dictis altimis in dicto tempore [It is their custom to place
the blood of a Christian child in their unleavened bread at that time] (cfr. ibidem, p. 295).
24. Ipse non curavit habere sanguinem, quia non erat paterfamilias, quia soli patresfamilias sunt illi qui debent habere (sanguinem) et
qui utuntur [He was not worried about obtaining any blood, because he was not the head of a family, because only the heads of
families had to obtain it (blood) and possess it] (cfr. ibidem, p.358).
25. Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., voI. II, pp. 25-30.
26 On this argument and on the preeminent role of the head of the family in the celebration of the rites of Pesach in the Ashkenazi
environment, see, in particular, Sh. Safrai and Z. Safrai, Haggadah of the Sages. The Passover Haggadah, Jerusalem, 1998, p. 106 (in
Hebrew).
27. Sanguis pueri Cristiani est summe necessarius ipsis Iudeis, videlicet patribusfamilias ipsorum Iudeorum.Et si esset aliquis pauper
Iudeus, qui non possit haberi de sanguine, excusaretur [The blood of a Christian boy is absolutely necessary for these Jews, namely,
the heads of Jewish families; anyone who cannot obtain blood, is excused] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p.356).
28. Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., voI. II, pp. 22-23. La biografia di Shimon Katz, rabbino a Francoforte sul Meno
dal 1462 al 1478 , is found in I.J. Yuval, Scholars in Their Time. The Religious Leadership of German Jewry in the Late Middle Ages,
Jerusalem, 1984, pp. 135-148 (in Hebrew).
29. Cfr. Divina, Storia del beato Simone da Trento, cit., vol. II, pp. 26-27.
30. Secundum legem Moisi, precipiebatur ipsis Iudeis quod in die Pasce unusquisque paterfamilias acciperet de sanguine agni masculi
sine macula, et de illo sanguine poneret super liminaribus hostiorum domorum suarum; et quod inter ipsos Iudeos est sublata illa
consuetudo de accipiendo sanguinem dicti agni masculi sine macula, ut supra dixit, et in eius locum modo utuntur sanguine pueri
Cristiani [...] et hoc faciunt et ita dicunt esse necessarium in pessimam commemorationem Iesu, Dei Cristianorum, qui fuit suspensus et
qui fuit masculus et non femina, et qui vituperose et turpiter in cruce et in tormentis mortuus est [According to the laws of Moses, the
Jews were commanded that each head of the family should take the blood of male sheep without fault and pain the lintels of their
doorways with it, and that these Jews, having neglected this custom, of taking the blood of a male sheep without fault, as set forth above,
instead, they use the blood of Christian boys [] and they do this and say that this is necessary in bad memory of Jesus, the God of the
Christians, who was hanged and who was a male and not a female, and who was shamefully and vilely hanged on the cross and died in
torment] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 357).
31. Illa esio sanguinis Cristiani et quare ita illum comedunt in fugatiis [...] est commemoratio sanguinis quem Dominus dixit ad Moisem
ut deberet spargere super liminaria hostiorum domorum Iudeorum, quando ipsi Iudei erant in servitute Pharaonis (cfr. ibidem, p. 186).
32. (Iudei) haberent sanguinem [...] in (malam) memoriam Iesu [...] in contemptum et vilipendium Iesu, Dei Cristianorum, dicens
quod omni anno faciut memoriam dicte passionis [...]; ipsi Iudei faciunt memoriam diete passionis lesu omni anno, quia ponunt de
sanguine pueri Cristiani omni anno in eorum azimis sive fugatiis [Approximately: (The Jews) obtain blood [...] in bad memory of Jesus
[] in contempt and outrage of Jesus, the God of the Christians, saying that every year, they perform a memorial of the said Passion [];
these Jews perform a memorial of Jesus, because they place the blood of a Christian boy in their unleavened bread every year] (cfr.
ibidem, p. 220).

33. Quod iam multis et multis annis (et aliter nescit dicere quot anni sint, nisi quod credere suo fuit antequam fides Cristiana esset in
tanta potentia), quod Iudei sapientiores in partibus Babiloniae seu locis vicinis, ut dicitur, fecerunt consilium inter se, et ibi deliberatum
fuit, quod saluti animarum ipsorum Iudeorum; et quod talis sanguis non poterat prodesse nisi extraheretur de puero Cristiano; et qui
puer Cristianus, dum sic extraheretur sanguis, interficeretur ea forma qua fuit interfectus Iesus, quem Cristiani colunt pro Deo; et qui
puer Cristianus debeat esse etatis annorum septem vel infra et quod non sit maioris etatis .VII. annis, sed potius sit minoris etatis;
dicens quod si esset femina Cristiana non esset bona ad sacrificium suum, videlicet ad extrahendum sanguinem, et talis sanguis
mulieris, licet minoris etatis .VII. annis, non esset bonus. Et ratio quia curo Iesus, quem nos Cristiani colimus pro Deo, fuerit crucifixus
et in eius contemptum et vilipendium hoc faciant, conveniens putant ipsi Iudei quod ille a quo extrahant sanguinem debet esse masculus
et non femina [Approximately: He said that many, many years ago (he didnt know how many, but he believed that it was before the
Christian faith became so powerful), the Jewish wise men in parts of Babylon or nearby, it is said, held a council and decided that the
blood of Christian boys killed in this manner was good for the souls of the Jews, and that this blood could only be extracted from a
Christian boy; and that the Christian boy, when his blood was extracted, had to be killed in the same manner as Jesus, whom the
Christians claim is their God, and that the Christian boy must be seven years of age or less, and that he could not be older than seven,
but that he could be younger, saying that if it was a woman it was no good for their sacrifice, i.e., to extract the blood, and that the blood
of such a woman, even if she was less than seven years of age, was no good. And the reason for this is, that Jesus, whom the Christians
claim is their God, was crucified and they do this in contempt and outrage against them, since these Jews think that the person from
whom one extracts the blood").
34. "Quod apud ipsos Iudeos non reperitur scriptum, sed inter ipsos ita dicitur apud doctos et peritos in lege, et istud habetur ex
successione memorie, et tenetur pro secreto inter ipsos Iudeos [...] et quod necesse est quod talis sanguis sit sanguis pueri Cristiani
masculi et non femine, et qui non sit maioris etatis 7 annorum [That no text will be found among those Jews, but that it was said
among those same Jews and experts in the law, and that they handed it down from generation to generation in memory, and it was kept
secret among those Jews [] and that it was necessary for this blood to be the blood of a Christian boy and not a girl, and that he could
not be more than 7 years old] (cfr. ibidem, p. 357).
35. Quod omnes praedicti astantes posuerunt manum ad suffucandum illum, ponendo modo unus, modo alius manum, et quod omnes
praedicti Judaei adjuverunt ad interficiensum, quia existimant omnes Hebraei quod ille multum promereatur apud Deum, qui adjuverat
ad interficiendum aliquem puerum christianum ["That all those present placed their hands on him to suffocate him, some of them
placing one hand, some of them both hands, and that all the above mentioned Jews helped kill him, because they thought that all those
Hebrews would be promoted before God who helped kill that Christian boy in any way]. Deposition of Isacco da Gridel del 28
Novembre 1475. Cfr. [BonelIi], Dissertazione apologetica, cit., p. 144. On this argument, see also Divina, Storia del beato Simone da
Trento, cit., voI. II, pp. 34-36. It should be noted that, according to the trial records, the defendants accused of the ritual murder at
Valras in 1247 claimed that they had performed the rite of crucifixion out of revenge against Jesus, responsible for the tragic exile of the
Jewish people (debebant eam crucifigere per illum prophetam, qui vocatur Jesus, per quem sunt in captivitate et in deffectu ipsius hec
fecerunt) [they must crucify him for the prophet whom they call Jesus, for whom they are in captivity and they did it because of that]
and that the participants had placed their hands on the child (quod omnes tetigerunt puellam causa venie) [and they all touched the
child to obtain indulgence]. Cfr. M. Stern, Urkundliche Beitrge ber die Stellung der Ppste zu den Juden, Kiel, 1895, voI. II, p. 51.
36. On these funeral rites, proper to German Judaism, see Hilkhot w-minhage R. Shalom mi-Neustadt (Rules and Customs of rabbi
Shalom of Wiener Neustadt), by Sh. Spitzer, Jerusalem, 1997, p. 188; A. Unna, Miminhage yahadut Ashkenaz (Among the Customs of
the Jews of Germany), in A. Wassertil, Yalkut minhagim, Jerusalem, 1976, voI. II, p. 34.
37. Et dicit ipse Samuel se scire predicta et ea didicisse non quod legerit in scripturis suis, sed quia dici audivit et didicit a quodam
preceptore Iudeo qui vocabatur magister David Sprin, qui regebat scolas in Bamberg et in Nurremberg, sed quo preceptore ipse Samuel
didicit iam .XXX. annis preteritis. Et dicit interrogatus, quod dictus magister David ivit postea in Poloniam et nescit an vivit vel sit
mortuus (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 253).
38. On the life and rabbinical activity of David Tebel Sprinz at Bamberg, Nuremberg and Poznn, see Germania Judaica, Tbingen,
1987, vol. III: 1350-1519, t. I, p. 76; vol. III, t. II, pp. 1014-1015; Yoseph b. Mosh, Leqet yosher, by J. Freimann, Berlin, 1904, p. XXV,
par. 30; Yuval, Scholars in Their Time, cit., pp. 369-377.
39. Samuele in fact is said to have claimed that ignorant Ashkenazi were not aware of this custom either. Maestro Tobia da Magdeburg,
as we have seen, although he was a physician, was not very well versed in Hebraic culture, seeking to persuade the inquisitors that he
had become aware of the blood ritual only having come into contact, at Trent, with the same Samuele, with Mos the Old Man da
Wrzburg and with Angelo da Verona. Tobias [...] se numquam usum fuisse dicto sanguine nec unquam dici audivisse de dicto
sanguine, nisi hiis diebus quibus Samuel, Moises et Angelus sibi dixerunt (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 318).
40. Et dicit quod ipsi Iudei Italici non habent istud in scripturis suis, sed bene dicitur quod de hoc est scriptura inter Iudeos qui sunt
ultra mare (cfr. ibidem, p. 251).

41. On this argument, see K. von Amira, Das Endinger Judenspiel, Halle, 1883; R. Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder. Jews and
Magic in Reformation Germany , New Haven (Conn.) London, 1988, pp. 18-22.
42. (Lazarus et David de Alemania) responderunt se nolle intromittere in illa re, quia dicebant se esse impeditos ad faciendum alia,
quia volebant ire in Riperiam territorii Brixiensis ad emendum de citronis, causa portandi illos in Alemaniam [(Lazarus and David of
Germany) said they didnt want to get mixed up in this business, because they said they were prevented from doing otherwise, because
they wanted to go to Riva in the Brescian region and buy citrus fruit, to take it to Germany] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit.,
vol. I; p. 242). Many Central European Jewish communities provided themselves with the palm (tulavim) and cedar (etroghim) leaves
necessary for the celebration of the festivities of the Capanne (Sukkot), purchasing them at San Remo and on the Italian Riviera. The
1435 statutes of San Remo provided for the sale of cedar and palm leaves to Jews, who were granted the option of choosing cedars in
compliance with the ritual requirements, when the leaves were still attached to the trees (cfr. R. Urbani and G. Zazzu, Ebrei a Genova,
Genoa, 1984, p. 22). Other destinations favored by these emissaries of the Ashkenazi Jewish communities responsible for purchasing the
ritual cedar leaves, were Lago di Garda region, celebrated in the responses of rabbi Mordekhai Jaffe in the mid-16 century, followed by
Puglia and the Florentine countryside (cfr. A. Toaff, Il vino e la carne. Una comunit ebraica nel Medioevo , Bologna, 1989, pp. 124,127,
and soprattutto Sh. Schwarzfuchs, De Gnes Trieste. Le commerce millnaire des cdrats, in G. Todeschini and P.C. Ioly Zorattini, Il
mondo ebraico. Gli ebrei tra Italia nord-orientale e Impero asburgico dal Medioevo allEt contemporanea, Pordenone, 1991, pp. 259286).
43. Ristretto della vita e martirio di S. Simone fanciullo della citt di Trento, Rome, Filippo Neri alle Muratte, 1594, pp. 9-10.
44. Ibidem, pp. 26-27.
45. In an important essay, Isadore Twersky (The Contribution of Italian Sages to Rabbinic Literature, in Italia Judaica, I, 1983, p. 390)
stresses the sturdy, sometimes aggressive, Ashkenazi sentiment of allegiance which characterizes central and Eastern Europe at this
time, where Ashkenazi origins are flaunted and the scrupulous rigidity of Ashkenazi precedent is held aloft.
46. (Iudei) habent istud pro secreto, et unus narrat alteri ex successione, et aliter non reperitur scriptura inter ipsos Iudeos
[Approximately: (The Jews) keep this a secret, and tell it from generation to generation, and that otherwise it was not written down
among these Jews] (cfr. Esposito and Quaglioni, Processi, cit., voI. I, p. 251).
47. Et dicit quod alii Iudei similiter ita faciunt, prout ipse vidit fieri et audivit, dicens quod predicta fiunt secretissime inter ipsos [And
he said that the other Jews did the same, just as he saw and heard it being done, saying that it was a big secret among them] (cfr.
ibidem, p. 125).
48. Secundum consilium doctorum Iudeorum dicitur quod mulieres nec masculi minores .XIII. annis non debent interesse quandodicti
pueri interficiuntur, nec etiam illud debent scire, quia mulieres et minores tredecim annis sunt faciles et leves et nesciunt tenere secreta
(cfr. ibidem, pp. 357-358).
49. In the vast bibliography relating to the Toledot Yeshu, see, in particular, S. Krauss, Das Leben Jesu nach judischen Quellen, Berlin,
1902; Hugh Schonfield, Toledot Yeshu According to the Hebrews, London, 1937; R.Di Segni, Il Vangelo del Ghetto. Le storie di Ges:
leggende e documenti della tradizione medievale ebraica , Roma, 1985; D. Biale, Counter-History and Jewish Polemics against
Christianity. The Sefer Toldot Jeshu and the Sefer Zerubavel , in Jewish Social Studies, VI (1999), pp. 130 ss.; Carlebach, The AntiChristian Element in Early Modern Yiddish Culture , cit., pp. 8-17.
50. Cfr. Krauss, Das Leben Jesu nach judischen Quellen, cit., pp. 10-11.
51. The manuscript, a late copy of the Toledot Yeshu and other anti-Christian polemic writings, is in Hebrew and appears under the
name of Maas ha-Nozr (The Truth About the Nazarene). It appears to have been copied in Germany around 1740 on a somewhat
older copy of the text. It was put up for sale at Jerusalem by the Judaica Jerusalem auction house on 5 January 2005. For a summary
description of the text in English, see the auction catalogue (p. 58, n. 122).

p. 189]
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
TO DIE AND KILL FOR THE LOVE OF GOD

In the late 14th century or early 15th century, a woman from Esztergom, in northern Hungary, wrote to the authoritative rabbi Shalom
of Wiener Neustadt with an urgent and pathetic inquiry. Some years previously, in her native country, on a Sabbath day, the local
Christians had assaulted the Jews, threatening to baptize their children by force. Seized by despair, the poor woman, to prevent her
children from forced conversion, seized a knife and piously killed them. She then fled, taking refuge in Poland. But she was now seized
by remorse and was turning to the learned rabbi to find out how to expiate her guilt and earn Gods pardon. Shalom of Wiener Neustadt
had no hesitations of his kind and promptly reassured the woman that, in this kind of tragic situation, the Jewish mother had acted for
the better and in an appropriate manner, and was did not therefore deserve to be punished in any way (1).
Years before, in April 1265, when the Christians assaulted the Jewish district of Coblenz, in the Lower Rhineland, a Jew, fearing his
family might be baptized by force, decided to kill his wife and four children, cutting their throats with a knife (2). He then turned to
Rabbi Meir da Rothenburg, one of the greatest authorities of Ashkenazi Judaism, asking if he should do penitence for that cruel action.
Suicide for the sanctification of God is certainly permitted, replied the rabbi, while, as regards the killing of other persons for the
same reason, one must search for and find evidence in the texts. Any action of this type has been considered acceptable and even
permissible for some time. We have personally learned and verified as true the fact that many illustrious Jews have killed their own
children and wives (under similar conditions) (3).
p. 190]
The fact that the mother from Esztergom and the father from Coblenz questioned the rabbi at all, asking what type of repentance was
required, under Jewish law, for persons guilty of killing their own children to protect them from baptism, thus sacrificing them for the
love of God, is a clear indication of a fear on their part that such actions might be quite incompatible with the dictates of the halakah, the
ritual laws of Judaism. This fear, or if one prefers, this sense of uncertainty, must have been rather widespread among the Jewish
populations of the German territories, as well as among their rabbis, as in the case of Meir da Rothenburg, since, rather than justify such
behavior on the basis of Jewish law, they preferred to recall illustrious precedents, which had, in effect, rendered these actions
permissible by adoption. The call to suicide and mass child murder, as well as to examples of collective martyrdom, such as that of
Coblenz in 1096, was indirect, but nevertheless obvious.
In fact, the phenomenon of martyrdom among German Jews at the time of the First Crusade had no significant precedents in Judaism
capable of explaining and justifying the phenomenon. Jewish chronicles written subsequent to those events, intended to describe the
behavior of the Jews of the communities of the Valley of the Rhine in these situations, offered no excuse at all, nor did they appear to
feel the need for justification of any kind. Under such tragic and exceptional circumstances, the choice to act contrary to the innate
instinct to survive, and to love and care for ones children, was irrational, spontaneous and unpremeditated. The rational dictates of
Jewish law could have no influence in such a situation (4).
German Jews were terrorized by the possibility of forceful conversion to Christianity. They were even more frightened of the possibility,
which became a tragic reality in many cases, of seeing their own children violently dragged to the baptismal font. With obsessive
insistence, the German Jewish communities, until the end of the beginning of the Crusades, addressed repeated and often useless
appeals to their rulers so that their children might be protected from forced baptism (5). Supplications to this effect are said to have
been repeated over the following centuries, wherever there were Jewish nuclei of German origin, even in the regions of Northern Italy,
becoming one of the distinctive features of Ashkenazi conduct (6).
To the teachers who killed their pupils, the mothers who cut the throats of their children, the fathers who killed their wives and children,
conversion to Christianity represented a repellent and abhorrent eventuality. From their earliest childhood, the Jews
p. 191]
of the Franco-German territories had been taught to view the Christian faith as a despicable religion, barbarous and idolatrous,
dedicated to the worship of images and holy cadavers. Baptism and the forced conversion of the Chosen People to the religion of their
cruel and ignorant persecutors was surely the quickest passport to a base and corrupt life, deserving the severest divine punishment in
both this world and the next. Death, death without hesitation of any kind, was to be considered a beneficial and desirable alternative (7).
In view of the intolerable menace hanging over the souls of the tender infants, born to be brought up in the love of the True God and
according to His sacred dictates, yet fated to be immersed against their will in the contagious waters of baptism, the lethal blade was the
sole adequate response. The blood shed by these innocent children, put to death for the love of God, was said to have served to bring
forward the time of redemption. Their sacrifice, like that of the uncontaminated lambs offered as a holocaust on the altar of the Temple,
was thought to help arouse Divine vengeance against their idolatrous persecutors. This vengeance was to be consummated from on
High, in the Heavens, but needed to be prepared on Earth. Gods vengeance, and that of the fathers and mothers, compelled to shed the
precious blood of their children by the extreme arrogance of the Christians (8).

Sometimes the synagogue was destined to be chosen as the favorite location for the sacrifice of these children and the sanctification of
Gods name. The place of prayer conferred solemnity and rituality upon the drama being performed. The Holy Ark with the rolls of the
Law (Aron ha-kodesh ), the pulpit, also called the almemor (or himah or tehah in Hebrew) (9), the benches upon which the faithful were
accustomed to sit, were all bathed in the blood of the uncontaminated victims, while laments combined with invocations, litanies and
imprecations, opening the way to Heaven. The sacred nature of the Temple failed to slow the arm of those who rose up to immolate, nor
did the act reek of sacrilege. Quite the contrary, these surroundings constituted the most appropriate theatre for this act of sublime
martyrdom. The story of Isacco, son of David, sacristan (parnas) of the synagogue at Magonza, who committed suicide during the first
Crusade killing his children and mother and setting fire to the place of prayer, seems illuminating in this regard (10).
In those days, the great majority of the Jewish population of Magonza, after uselessly seeking refuge in the bishops palace, met death in
an indiscriminate massacre. Few of their lives were spared. Among them, Isacco, the
p. 192]
sacristan of the synagogue, had personally been compelled to accept conversion to Christianity. But after a few days, the poor convert,
a