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THE
EEFOEMATION IN EUEOPE
IN THE TIME OF CALTIN.
VOL. VIII.
LONDON ; PRINTED BY
.SP0TTI6W00DE iSD CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
r
2^ ^^c^y^
^ /%^
FACSIMILE OF A PORTION OF THE AUTHORS MANUSCRIPT.
FACSIMILE OF THE AUTHOR'S SIGNATURE.
HISTORY
OF
THE EEFOEIATION IN BUEOPE
IN THE TIME OF CILVIN.
BY THE EEV. J. H. MEELE D'AUBIGNE, D.D.
TRANSLATED BY
WILLIAM L. R. GATES,
JOINT AUTHOR OP WOODWARD AND CATES'3 ' ENCTCLOPjEDIA OF CHRONOLOGY'
EDITOR OF ' THE DICTIONARY OF GENERAL BIOGRAPHY ' ETC,
Les choses de petite durde ont contume de devenir fauces, quand elles ont passe leur
temps.
* An rfegne de Christ, il n'y a que le nouvel homme qui soit floriesant, qui ait de la
vigueur, et dont 11 faille faire cas.'
Calvin.
VOL. VIII.
SPAIN, ENGLAND, GERMANY
LONDON :
LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO.
1878.
T
All rights reserved.
PEEFACE.
WITH this volume we complete the publication
of the work of M. Merle d' Aubign^ on the his-
tory of the Reformation. The ten volumes published
by the author himself and the three posthumous
volumes are the fruit of his long labours, begun in
1817, and continued almost uninterruptedly until
1872.
It was in 1817, immediately after his ordina-
tion to the ministry, and in the course of a visit
to Germany undertaken to perfect his theological
studies, that M. Merle d'Aubign^ conceived the
project of writing this history. Germany was at
that time celebrating at Eisenach the third centenary
of the Reformation. The people were in a state of
great excitement. Humiliated by long-continued
oppression and irritated by severe suffering, Ger-
many, which had so long been the theatre and the
victim of the sanguinary wars of the Empire, had at
length risen with an impetuous energy and a fervour
of feeling which were irresistible, and had powerfully
contributed to the overthrow of the imperial warrior
who had appeared to be invincible. Rescued thus
VIU PREFACE.
and into their closets. Finally I should wish that
this history should be thoroughly Christian, and cal-
culated to give an impulse to true rehgion. I would
show by the evidence of facts that the aim of the
Reformation was not so much to destroy as to build
up — not so much to overthrow that which was in
excess, superstition, as to impart that which had
ceased to exist, the new life, and holiness, the essence
of Christianity, and to revive or rather to create
faith. I shall begin to collect materials, and I will
dedicate my history to the Protestant churches of
France.' *
Thus, in his youthful dreams, did the pious
descendant of the refugees of the sixteenth century
sketch out the leading featm-es of the monumental
work, to the execution of which he thenceforward
uninterruptedly devoted himself. At this day when,
by means of many collections, innumerable docu-
ments relating to the Reformation have been placed
within the reach of all, it is not easy to imagine
the amount of labour and research which it cost
]\Ierle d'Aubign^ to enter as he did into intimacy
with the reformers and to master their most secret
thoughts. Eighteen years had passed away before
he was prepared, in 1835, to present to the public
the first volume of his work.
In a preface worthy of the subject, he said : — ' It
is not the history of a party that I purpose writing ;
but the history of one of the greatest revolutions
that was ever wrought in the condition of the human
* Journal de Merle d'Auhigtii.
PREFACE. IX
race ; the history of a mighty impulse imparted to
the world three centuries ago, the results of which
are still universally recognised. The history of the
Keformation is not identical with the history of
Protestantism. In the former everything bears the
impress of a regeneration of humanity, of a social
and religious transformation which has its source in
Grod ; while in the latter we too frequently observe
a considerable falling away from first principles, the
action of party spirit, sectarian tendencies, and the
stamp of petty personalities. The history of Pro-
testantism might possess interest for Protestants
alone ; the history of the Reformation is for all
Christians, nay, rather for all men.'
We are thus made acquainted by the author's
own statement with the purpose which he had con-
ceived ; and it is for the reader to judge how far
that purpose has been accomplished. This judgment
has indeed been already pronounced. It declares
that the work of Merle d' Aubigne, everywhere learned
and accurate, animated and attractive, approaches in
some passages the very perfection of literary art.
Amongst these passages are the pleasant and lively
pages in the first volumes devoted to the youth of
Luther, and in the posthumous volumes the chapters
of a more serious and severe character devoted to
Calvin and his work at Geneva.
Little is wanting to the completion of the monu-
ment erected by Merle d'Aubigne. It is to be
regretted that we cannot follow John Knox in
Scotland, or Marnix in the Netherlands, to the full
X PEEFACE.
accomplishment of their work. In these countries
the temple door is closed before us just as our feet
are pressing the threshold. To complete his history
the author would have required two more years of
life and of labour ; and this was denied him. Every-
thing, however, that is essential to the history of the
Reformation is narrated in these thirteen volumes.
Those portions of the work which have been
most recently published are not in all cases the
latest written. Some of them were written long ago
and have never been retouched. It is not to be
supposed that the author would have published these
without alteration. M. Merle d'Aubign^'s method
of procedure in composition was as follows : — First,
he would make a summary study of an important
period, and rapidly sketch its history ; next, he
would refer to the original sources, collecting around
him all the documents which he could discover, and
sometimes making a long journey for the purpose of
consulting a manuscript preserved in some library.
He would then plunge again into his theme, familiar-
ising himself thoroughly with its form and its colour,
so as to make it real and present to his mind, and
see it as it were with his own eyes. And, finally, he
would rewrite the story, completing and giving life
to his narratives, and depicting the scenes for the
reader as he had already done for himself. The
result of this process was an entirely new work.
A third and even a fourth recasting was not
seldom undertaken before the author was satisfied :
so vast and so complex was that spiritual movement
PEEFACE. XI
which he had undertaken to describe, so numerous
and almost inexhaustible were the documents of all
kinds which he continued to examiiie throughout his
life.
Some of the later chapters, and particularly that
which relates to Germany, had not been subjected to
this revision. The editor, however, has not felt him-
self at liberty to suppress these chapters, both on
account of their intrinsic value, and because they
contain information not accessible to general readers.
We hope that they will be read with interest and
profit.
The editor wishes here to express his thanks to
Mr. Gates for his valuable assistance as translator
of the last three volumes of the work into English.
The editor has now fulfilled what he con-
siders a duty to the Christian public, by presenting
to them this last volume of a work the composition
of which was not only the principal occupation, but
also the principal enjoyment of ' the noble life, con-
secrated to toil,' * of J. H. Merle d'Aubigne.
* Jules Bonnet, Notice sur Merle d^Aubigrd, Paris, 1874.
NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR.
This closing volume of tke ' History of the Reformation ' is
enriched with a facsimile of the famous Indulgence issued by
Pope Leo X., the sale of which by Tetzel in Germany, in 1517,
provoked the bold and memorable denunciation of the traffic by
Luther in the ninety-five theses which he affixed to the church
door of Wittenberg. The fac-simile is taken from a copy of
the Indulgence very recently acquired by the Trustees of the
British Museum. So far as is known, no facsimile has been
published before, nor has any previously printed copy possessed
the merit of complete accuracy. It has therefore been thought
worth while to place an absolutely exact reproduction of so
important an historical document within reach of the readers
of Merle d'Aubigne's work, although, by the accident of its
recent acquisition, it can only appear in the last instead of
the first volume, its most appropriate place.
At the request of the Publishers an interesting statement
has been contributed illustrative of one passage in the Bull of
Indulgence hitherto somewhat obscure but of remarkable signi-
ficance. (See Appendix.')
A General Index to the eight volumes of this series — ' The
Reformation in the Time of Calvin ' — has been specially prepared
by the Translator for the English edition ; and it is hoped
that this Index will be found sufficiently copious, detailed, and
accurate.
CONTENTS
OP
THE EIGHTH VOLUME.
Preface . . . . . . Page v
BOOK XIV
THE SPANISH MAETYES.
CHAPTER I.
THE AWAKENING IN SPAIN.
(1520-1536.)
Torquemada — The Alumhrados — Lutheran Books in Spain — Jolin
d'Avila — The secret of his eloquence — His manner of speaking
of the Saviour — His pastoral activity — His influence over St.
Theresa — Sancha de Carile — Agitation of men's minds — The
first Spanish Reformer, Eodrigo de Valerio — His conversion —
His asceticism — His study of the Scriptures — John de Vergara
and his brothers — A Theological Disputation^Peter de Lerma —
Elis departure from Spain — Departure of Louis of Cadena — -
Pursuit of John d'Avila — Alfonso Virves — His imprisonment — ■
His rescue from the Inquisition by Charles V. . . Page 1
CHAPTER II.
BEFOEMATION AND INQUISITION.
Eodrigo de Valerio — John Egidius, a scholastic preacher — Valerio
and Egidius — Conversion of Egidius — Trial and release of
Valerio — Eloquence of Egidius — Ponce de la Puente and Vargas
XVI CONTENTS.
— Intimacy of the Three Friends — Their harmonious activity —
Uncontroversial preaching — Their influence — Opposition —
Advance of Spiritual Religion — Eloquence of Ponce de la Puente
— Desire of Charles V. to hear him — Attached to the Emperor!s
household — Death of Vargas— Egidius left alone at Seville —
Condemnation of Eodrigo de Valerio — His Death in Prison
Page 25
CHAPTEE III.
SPAIN OUT OF SPAIN.
(1537-1545.)
The Three Brothers Enzinas — Their character and their studies —
Their friendship with George Cassander — Their reading of
Melanchthon's Works — Francis Enzinas — Translation of New
Testament — Friendship with Hardenberg — Letter to Alasco —
Visit to Paris — James Enzinas — A Martyr at Paris — Heroism of
Claude Lepeintre — John Enzinas — Conversion and zeal of San
Eomano — His Letters to Charles V. — His arrest — His indigna-
tion — His release — Journey to Eatisbon — Interviews with the
Emperor — Second arrest — In the Emperor's suite — His suiferings
and his steadfastness ....... 45
CHAPTEE IV.
PRESENTATION OF SPANISH NEW TESTAMENT TO CHARLES V.
BY ENZINAS.
(1542-1546.)
Enzinas at Louvain — The Spanish New Testament — Enzinas at
Antwerp — The Printing begun — Debates on the Title — Com-
pletion of the Work — Pedro de Soto, Confessor to Charles V. —
His instigation to persecution — Abuse of the Confessional —
Dedication of Enzinas's Work to the Emperor — Enzinas at
Brussels — His feeling in the Emperor's presence — Presentation
of the Spanish New Testament to the Emperor — Eeply of Charles
V. — The Book submitted to the judgment of De Soto — Enzinas
in the Convent of the Dominicans — The Doctrines of De Soto —
Treason— A Snare — The Mask dropped by De Soto — Argument
of Enzinas — Excitement in the Convent — Arrest of Enzinas —
His Dejection in the Prison — Consoled by Giles Tielmans — The
CONTENTS. XVll
Examination — The Defence — -Intercession — Spiritual Consolations
— A Preacher in Bonds — Hopes deceived — A Horrible Persecu-
tion — The Queen's Chaplain — His Trial and Plight — Escape of
Enzinas — The walls of Brussels cleared — His arrival at Mechlin
— At Antwerp — A legend — Another legend — Correspondence
with Calvin — Enzinas at Wittenberg — James Enzinaa at Kome —
liis arrest, trial, and condemnation — His martyrdom — Grief of
Francis ......... Page 70
CHAPTER V.
FANATICISM AND BROTHERLY LOVE. JUAN DIAZ.
(15i3-lo47.)
Studies of Diaz at Paris — His friendship with James Enzinas —
Visit to Geneva — Representative of the Reformed at Ratisbon —
Meeting with Malvenda — Discussions — Threats — Denunciations
— Alonzo Diaz in Germany — His interview with Malvenda —
Discovery of his brother's place of refuge — Intercourse between
the two brothers — Hypocrisy of Alonzo — Fratricide . .119
CHAPTER VI.
Sl'AKIAEDS IN SPAIN.
(1534-1542.)
Bartholomew Carranza — Don Domingo de Roxas — Confession of the
True Doctrine by de Roxas — -Augustine Cazalla — Don Carlos
de Seso — The Marchioness of Alcagnices — Carranza's Progress —
The Reformation spread by his Books — Carranza, Primate of
Spain — His imprisonment — San Romano in Spain — Led to exe-
cution — His glorious death — The Martyrs of the Reformation —
Death of San Romano not fruitless — Growing boldness of the
Evangelicals .... .... 135
CHAPTER VII.
QUEEN JOANNA.
(BoB.v 1479— Died 155.5.)
A shameful Captivity — Joanna's Youth — Her Marriage — Her
Opposition to the Catholic Rites — Isabella's Scheme for excluding
VOL. VIII. a
XVm CONTENTS.
her from the Throne — Intrigues of Ferdinand — Meeting of
Ferdinand and Philip — Conspiracy of tlie Two Princes — Death
of Pliilip — A Mournful Journey — Confinement of Joanna at
Tordesillas — Her aversion to Romish Ceremonies — 111 treatment
— Bitter Complaints — Was Joanna a Lutheran? — Her Christian
Death — A Victim of the gloomiest Fanaticism . . Page 152
BOOK XV.
ENGLAND.
CHAPTER I.
THE THREE PARTIES WHICH DIVIDED ENGLAND.
(1536-1540.)
Birth of Edward VI. — Death of the Queen — A new wife sought by
the King — Relations of Henry VIII. with the Swiss — English
students in Switzerland — A Letter to Calvin — Works of Swiss
Theologians — The King's opinions on these Works — Reginald
Pole — Made Cardinal — Legate beyond the Alps — Anger of Henry
VIII. — Pole in Prance and Belgium — Failure of his Mission —
His return to Rome — German Divines in England — Protracted
discussions— Ill-will of some of the Bishops — Fruitless attempts
at conciliation — Departure of the German Doctors — Melanch-
thon's Letter to Henry VIII 169
CHAPTER II.
HENRY VIII. SUPREME HEAD OE THE ENGLISH CHURCH.
(1538.^
Gardiner^His return to England — Instigation to persecution —
Sampson, Bishop of Chichester — A Conspiracy against the Re-
i'ormation — A return to old usages — The Minister John
Nicholson — His Treatise on the Lord's Supper — His Appeal to
the King — Appearance before the King — Examination — His
Confession of Evangelical Doctrine — His resolute Deolaratioa on
the Sacrament — Cranmer's Answer — The King's anger — Nichol-
son condemned to be burnt — His Execution — Flatteries addressed
to the King 191
CONTENTS. XIX
CHAPTER III.
THE SIX .ARTICLES.
(1538-1540.)
Negotiations for the King's Marriage — Their failure — Printing of
the Bible at Paris — The Printing stopped — -Completion of the
Work in London — Divisions — Attempted Compromise — Its
failure — The King's fears — The Six Articles — '^ranmer's Oppo-
sition — Latimer's Resignation of his See — The King's advances
to Cranmer, Cromwell, and Norfolk — Cranmer's Time-serving
— Five Hundred sent to Prison — Peeling in Germany — The
Articles condemned at Wittenberg and Geneva — Melanohthon's
Letter to the King of England — The King appeased — Puerile
Games ..... ... Page 210
CHAPTER IV.
HENr.Y VIII. AND ANNE OF CLEVES.
(1539-1540.)
Anne of Cleves — Praises uttered of her — Her simple character —
Her arrival in England — The King's disappointment — His desire
to get rid of her — His fear to break off the engagement — The
Marriage celebrated at Greenwich — Henry's Complaint to Charles
V. — Ill-will of Charles — ^The King's distrust — Preaching of the
Gospel ordered by Cromwell — Gardiner's Sermon — Barnes's
Sermon — His boldness — His imprisonment — Numerous editions
of the Bible 231
CHAPTER V.
DISGRACE AND DEATH OF CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.
(1510.)
Cromwell threatened — Loaded with honours by the King — The
King's intention — ■ The King's Letter to Cromwell — Arrest of
Cromwell — Foolish charges — The real motive of the blow —
CromweU abandoned by all his Friends — Defended by Cranmer
a2
XX CONTENTS.
alone — Cranmer's Letter to the King — The Bill of Attainder —
Heresy — The Accuser — No Trial — The Examination — The Bill
carried in both Houses — Condemnation — Cromwell's Letter to the
King — The King's hesitation — Catherine Howard^ The Queen
sent away — Cromwell on the Scaffold — His profession of Faith
— His Confession and Prayer — His Death — His Character.
Page 247
CHAPTER VI.
DIVORCE OF ANNE OF CLEVES.
(1640.)
Singular impartiality — A Pi-ocession of Martyrs, three Evangelists,
three Papists — Preparations for Divorce of the Queen — A shame-
ful Comedy — The King's hypocrisy — Convocation of the Clergy —
The Marriage declared void — The Divorce accepted by Anne of
Cleves 271
CHAPTER VH.
CATHERINE HOWARD, A CATHOLIC QUEEN.
(15iO.)
Marriage of the King with Catherine Howard — His return to
Catholicism — Royal infallibility — Catholic reaction — Bonner,
Bishop of London — A young Martyr — The Prisons filled — The
King praised by Francis L — Martyrdom of a Reader of the Bible
■ — Conspiracy against Cranmer — The Archbishop's firmness —
Charges against him — The King's hesitation — His determination
to save him — Cranmer before the Privy Council — The King's
Ring — Cranmer's Enemies confounded — The King's love for the
Queen — Terrible Revelations — Guilt of the Queen — Cranmer's
Visit to her — Frenzy of the Queen — Cranmer's Emotion — Con-
demnations and Executions — ^The Queen Executed — Her Guilt
undoubted — Convocation of the Clergy- — A sharp blow struck at
Convocation by Cranmer — Remarkable Progress of the Reforma-
tion . . 282
CONTENTS. XXI
CHAPTER VIII.
CATHEKINE PARR, A PROTESTANT QUEEN.
(15i2.)
Eiohard Hilles, a London Merchant — His Studies and Eeadings —
Cranmer's cautious promotion of the Reformation — Amendment in
Doctrine — Catherine Parr — Her Character — Another Plot against
Cranmer — ^His Forgiveness of his Enemies — Several Martyrs —
Marbeck's English Concordance — Henry's Complaints against
France — - His Alliance with Charles V. — War with France —
Sympathies of the Italians — Persecutors punished . Page 311
CHAPTER IX.
THE LAST MARTYRS OF HENRT's REIGN.
(1545.)
Session of Parliament — The King's Speech — The Rod and the Royal
Schoolmaster — Anne Askew — Her Trial — Examinations — Her
Release — -Again Imprisoned — Her Steadfastness — Her Discretion
— In Prison — Condemned to be Burnt — A Royal Proclamation —
Anne Askew tortured by the Lord Chancellor — Led to Execution
— Death of the Martyrs — Approaching triumph of their Doc-
trines 327
CHAPTER X.
QUEEN CATHERINE IN DANGER OF DEATH.
(1546.)
The Queen's piety — Her rash zeal — Conversations with the King —
The King offended — Conspiracy of the Catholic Leaders — The
King's distrust — A Prosecution ordered— The Bill of Indictment
— The Queen unsuspecting — The Indictment in her hands — Her
Distress — Her Interview with the King — Her Declaration —
Rescue — Astonishment of her Enemies — Her Forgiveness of
them ......... 343
XXU CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XI.
CLOSE OF THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII.
(1546— January 1547.)
Disgrace of Gardiner — Two Parties at the Court — The Howards
and the Seymours — Ambition of the Howards — Proceedings
against Norfolk and Surrey — The King's impatience — Searches —
A Divided House — Execution of Surrey — Humble Appeal of
Norfolk — Inflexibility of the King — Last Hours of the King —
His Death — His Will — Henry VIII. to be condemned as a Man,
a King, and a Christian Page 359
BOOK XVI.
GERMANY.
CHAPTER I.
PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY.
(1520-1536.)
The Reformation a Resurrection — Pretended Unity of Rome —
All kinds of Progress produced by the Reformation — John
Bugenhagen — His Conversion— Named 'Pomeranus' — The Re-
formation embraced by German Towns — Magdeburg, Brunswick,
Hamburg — Pomeranus at Hamburg — LUbeck . . . 375
CHAPTER II.
THE PRINCIPALITY OF ANHALT.
(1522-1532.)
The Princes of Anhalt — Duke George — His Anxieties — His Reso-
lution — Luther's Letter — Prince Joachim — WUrtembera; —
Westphalia — Paderborn — Hermann, Elector of Cologne — Peace
of Nurnberg 389
CONTENTS. XXIU
CHAPTER III.
TRIU>rPH OF THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTEK.
(1533.)
Melchior Hoffmann — Bernard Rottmann — Rottmann's Marriage —
John Matthisson of Haarlem — John Bockkold of Leyden —
Bernard Knipperdolling — Disorders at Munster — The Visionaries
in power — Their Enemies expelled — Destruction of Books and
Works of Art — John of Leyden in power — Terror . Page 401
CHAPTER IV.
THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTER. EXCESSES.
(153.5.)
The King of the Universe — Pride and Luxury — A Supper — An
Apostolate — Cruelty . ...... 414
CHAPTER V.
THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTEE. CHASTISEMENT.
(1535-1536.)
Siege and Famine — Vain Efforts — The Assault — Capture of
Munster — Executions — Luther's Opinion — Three Causes of the
Disorders — The Fingerpost ...... 420
TRIUMPH IN DEATH.
DEATH OF LUTHER.
(Febkuaey 18, 1546.)
Luther at Eisleben — Sense of his approaching end — Serenity of his
Faith — His last testimony — His last breath . . . 428
APPENDIX.
Transcript of ' Indulgence ' of Leo X [421]
GENERAL INDEX to Volumes I.-VIH. . . ,435
LIST OF PLATES.
Facsimile of the Author's Handwriting . to face, Title-page
Facsimile of ' Indulgence ' issued by Pope
Leo X., AND SOLD by Tetzel . . „ page [421]
HISTORY
OF THE
REFORMATION IN EUROPE
IN THE TIME OF CALVIN.
BOOK XIY.
THE SPANISH MARTTES.
CHAPTER I.
THE AWAKENING IN SPAIN.
(1520—1535.)
THE Church of Spain had long preserved its inde-
pendence with regard to the papacy. It was at
the time of the ambitious and monopolising Hilde-
brand that it began to lose it.
At the period of the Reformation it had been sub-
ject to the pope for more than four hundred years,
and great obstacles were opposed to its deliverance.
The mass of the people were given to superstition ;
the Spanish character was resolute to the degree of
obstinacy ; the clerg}^ reigned supreme ; the Inquisi-
tion had just been armed Avith new terrors by Ferdi-
nand and Isabella; and the peninsular situation of
VOL. VIII. B
2 THE "REFOEilATION IX EUROPE. book xiv.
the country seemed inevitably to isolate it from those
lands in which the Reformation was triumphant.
Xevertheless many minds were, up to a certain
point, prepared for evangelical reform. In almost
every class the Inquisition excited the liveliest dis-
content. Towards the close of the fifteenth century,
a man was often to be met with traversing Spain,
surrounded by a guard of fifty mounted attendants
and two hundred foot-soldiers. This man, whose
name was Torquemada, was the terror of the people ;
and consequently in his progresses he displayed the
greatest distrust, imagining that everyone was bent
on assassinating him. On his arrival at any place,
when he sat down to table, he trembled lest the
dishes brought to him should have been poisoned.
For this reason, before partaking of any food, he used
to place before him the horn of a unicorn, to which
he attributed the virtue of discovering and even of
neutralising poisons. Universal hatred accompanied
him to the tomb. Torquemada, the first inquisitor-
general, caused eight thousand persons to be put to
death, and a hundred thousand to be imprisoned and
despoiled of their goods. Whole provinces rose
against this horrible tribunal.* ' They steal, they
kill, they outrage, ' wrote the chevalier de Cordova,
Gonzalo de Ayora, speaking of the inquisitors to the
first secretary of King Ferdinand. ' They care
neither for justice nor for God himself.'f '0 unhappy
Spain !' cried Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, councillor for
the Indies, in his distress. ' ]\Iother of so many heroes,
how this horrible scourge dishonours thee ! 'J
• Llorente, Histoire de T Inquidtion, i. p. 285.
t Ihid. p. •Uii, X Martyris, Epi':t. Lib., ep, 333.
CHAP. r. THE ALUMBEADOS. 3
Meanwhile the universities were being eiiHght-
ened. Various writings, especially those of Erasmus,
were much read ; and while doctors and students
learned to scrutinise more closely the state of the
Church, a spirit of inquiry began to penetrate those
ancient institutions. There were, besides, scattered
here and there in the towns and in country-places,
some Christians, called Alumbrados, who sought after
an inward light and applied themselves to secret
prayer. These pious Mystics were better prepared to
receive divine truth.*
More than this, political circumstances were
favourable to the introduction of the Reformation.
Spain was at this time under the same sceptre as
Germany and the Netherlands, and the rays of light
emanating from the Scriptures could not but reach it.
The emperor Charles the Fifth, who was fighting
against the Reformation in Germany, was to be the
means of bringing it into the country of his very
Catholic ancestors. The young Alfonso Valdes, his
secretary, who was with him at Brussels in 1520,
and afterwards at Worms in 1521, was at first struck
with horror at seeing the boldness with which Luther
attacked the authority of the pope. But what he
saw and heard led him gradually to comprehend the
necessity for reformation. Consequently, when writ-
ing from Brussels and Worms* to his fi'iend Peter
Martyr d'Anghiera, Yaldes sorrowfully exclaimed,
' While the pontiff shuts his eyes and desires to see
Luther devoured by the flames, the whole Christian
community is near its ruin, unless God save it.'f
* Llorente, Histoire de V Inquisition, ii. p. 3.
+ Martvris, Ejyp., pp. 689, 722.
b2
4 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xir.
Books more dangerous to Rome tlian those of
Erasmus reached Spain. A printer of Basel, the very
year in which Charles was elected emperor (1519),
packed up carefully for transport beyond the Pyre-
nees some precious merchandise not yet prohibited
in the peninsula, because as yet unknown there. It
consisted of various Latin works of Luther.* In
1520 the ' Commentary on the Galatians,' and after-
wards other writings of the reformer, were trans-
lated into Spanish.^ The union existing between
Spain and the- Xetherlands had led many Spaniards
to settle in the latter country, and it may possibly
have been one of these who translated them. It is at
least certain that they were printed at Antwerp, and
that merchant vessels carried them thence into Spain.
]\Iany noble minds were stirred up and became
attentive to what was passing in Germany. Francis
de Angelis, provincial of the Order of the Angeli,
who had been present at the coronation of the em-
peror, was still more enlightened than Yaldes himself.
Being sent back to Spain after the Diet of Worms
upon an important mission, he stopped at Basel.
There he visited Pellican, and in a conversation
which he had with him he showed himself almost in
agreement with Luther.| All these circumstances
arousing the attention of Rome, Leo X. sent (March
20, 1521) two briefs lo Spain to demand that the in-
troduction of the books of the German reformer and
his partisans into that country should be checked;
and Adrian YI., the successor of Leo, called upon the
* Frobenius to Lutlier, February 14, 1519. — Walch., xt. p. 1631.
t ' Libellus Lutberi de libertate Christiana et de servo arbitrio in
Ilispanicum idioma translatus.' — Gerdeaius, Ann., iii. p. 16S,
I Melcb. Adami, Tifce Throl.,-p. iSs,
CHAP. I. JOHN D AVILA. 5
government to assist the Inquisition in the accom-
plishment of this duty.*
But in Spain itself evangelical truth was then
preached with earnestness, though not with the
fulness, clearness, and purity of the reformers. There
was in Andalusia a young priest who from about
1525 preached with extraordinary power. His name
was John d'Avila. ' The fervour,' says one of his
biographers, ' with which he exerted himself to sow
the heaveidy seed of the Word of God in the hearts
of men was almost incredible. 'f He strove both to
convert souls estransed from God, and to lead those
who were converted to go forward courageously in
the service of God. He employed no more time in
the composition of his morning addresses than he did
in delivering them. A long preparation would in
his case have been impossible, on account of the
numerous engagements which his charity drew
upon him from all quarters. ' The Holy Spirit
enlightened him with his light and spoke by his
mouth; so that he was obliged to be careful not to
extend his discourses too much, so abundant was the
source from which they flowed.'
Seeing the great number of souls converted by his
word, the question was asked, what was the chief
source of his power? Is it, they said, the force of the
doctrine, or the fervour of his charity, or the ten-
derness of his fatherly kindness, joined to ineffable
humility and gentleness? He has himself decided
this important point, and answered the inquiry. A
* Llorente, Histcdre de I' Inquisition, i. p. 419.
t Works of Jolm d'Avila, translated by Arnauld d'Andilly. Paris,
1773.
6 THE EEFOKMATION IN EUEOPE. book xtt.
preacher, struck by D'Avila's success, and desiring
the like for himself, begged him for some advice on
preaching, and on the way to render it efficacious. ' I
know no better way,' he replied, ' than to love Jesus
Christ. ' This is the true science of homiletics.
Jesus Christ and his love was indeed the strength
of his eloquence. It was by setting before sinners a
dying Jesus that he called them to repentance. ' We,
Lord,' he cried, ' have transgressed, and thou bearest
the punishment ! Our crimes have loaded thee with
all kinds of shame, and have caused thee to die upon
the cross ! Oh ! what sinner would not at this sight
lament over his sins ! ' * But D'Avila pointed out at
the same time in this death a means of salvation.
' They bind him with cords,' he said ; ' they buffet
him; they crown him with thorns; they nail him on
the cross, and he suffers death thereon. If he is thus
treated it is because he loved you, and would wash
away your sins in his own blood! Jesus, my
Saviour, thou wast not content with these outward
sufferings; it has pleased thee to endure also inward
pain far surpassing them. Thou hast submitted to
the stern decree of thy Father's justice ; thou hast
taken upon thee all the sins of the world. Lamb
of God, thou hast borne the burden alone; thou hast
sufficed thereto, and hast obtained for us redemption
by thy death. We have been made the righteous-
ness of God in thee, and the Father loves us in his
well-beloved Son. Let us not be afraid of praising
him too much for the entire blotting out of our sins,
the privilege bestowed by God on those whom he
justifies by the merits of Jesus Christ. This exalts
* Works of John d'Avila. p. 071.
CHAP. I. HIS PREACHING. 7
the greatness of those merits which have procured
them so much blessedness, although thej' were so un-
worthy of it. Lord, be glorified for ever for this.' *
Nevertheless, John d'Avila, while he recognised
the necessity of justification by the death of Christ,
had a less distinct conception of it than the reformers,
and gave it a less prominent place in his teaching
than they did. It was on its efficacy for sanctification
that he especially dwelt. He committed indeed the
error of placing love in the chapter of justification,
instead of placing it, like the reformers, in that of
sanctification, which is its true place. But he could not
too much insist on the transformation which must
be wrought in the character and life of the Christian.
' What,' he cried, ' is it conceivable that Jesus Christ
should wash, purify, and sanctify our souls with his
own blood, and that they should still remain un-
righteous, defiled, impure?'. . . . He sometimes
employed strange figures to inculcate the necessity of
this work. ' A creature having but the head of a
man,' he said, ' all the rest of its body being that of
a beast, would be considered a horrible monster. It
would be no less monstrous, in the sphere of grace,
that God who is righteousness and purity itself should
have for his members unrighteous, defiled, and cor-
rupt men.'f
D'Avda laboured not only by his discourses, but
likewise by his conversations and letters in promoting
the kingdom of God in the souls of men. He was
benevolence itself. He consoled the afilicted, encou-
raged the timid, aroused the cowardly, stirred up
* Works of John d'AvUa, pp. 684, 685, 688, 714, 716, 717.
t Ibid. pp. 710, 712.
8 THE EEFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
the lukewarm, fortified the weak, sustained those who
were tempted, sought to raise up sinners after their
falls, and humbled the proud. His letters are mostly
far superior to those of Fenelon. They are at least
much more evangelical.* ' I tell you this,' he wrote
to some friends in affliction, ' only in order to assure
you that Jesus Christ loves you. Ought not these
words, that a God loves us, to fill with joy such poor
creatures as we are? ' f ' Eead the sacred wiitings,'
said he in another letter to those who wished for in-
struction, ' but remember that if he who has the key
of knowledge, and who alone can open the book, does
not give the power to comprehend, you will never
understand it.' %
D'Avila possessed the gift of discernment. He
did not, indeed, entirely escape the influence of
the period and of the country in which he lived ;
but we find him exposing the pretended revelations
of Madeline de la Croix, who deceived so many,
and undertaking the defence of the pious Theresa
de Cepedre, when persecuted by the Inquisition.
Theresa, born at Avila in 1515, of a noble family,
had so much zeal even in her childhood that she
one day quitted her father's house with her brother
to go and seek martyrdom amongst the Moors. A
relative met the two children and took them back.
She was from that time divided between the love of
the world and the love of God, throwing herself
alternately into dissipation and into the monastic life.
This woman, the famous St. Theresa, was one of
• There are four books of them, containing in all 162 letters, generally
very lengthy.
"t ^\.rks of lyAvOa, p. 007. J Hid. p. 95.
CHAP. I. ST. THERESA. 9
those ardent spirits who rush by turns to the two
extremes. Happily she met with D'Avila, whose
judgment was more mature than her own, received
his instructions, and, by his means, became confirmed
in spiritual life. Her writings, full of piety, and even
attractive in style, were translated by tlie Jansenists,
like those of D'Avila.* He was the fi-iend and direc-
tor to a poor soldier, who, having been discharged in
1536, was converted, and turned his house into an
hospital, for which he provided by the work of his
own hands, and thus became founder of the Order of
Charity. D'Avila gave to this charitable Christian,
who was called Jolm de Dieu, the wisest counsels,
the sum of which was, ' Die rather than be unfaithful
to so good a Master.'
One day a young girl, named Sancha de Carile,
daughter of a senor of Cordova, was preparing to go
to court, where she had just been appointed maid of
honour to the queen. She wished first to have a con-
versation with John d'Avila, and was so touched by
his words that she thenceforth abandoned the court
and the world. Instead, however, of entering a con-
vent, she remained in her father's house, and there
devoted herself till death to the service of Jesus
Christ, whom she had found as her Saviour.f It was
for Sancha de Carile that D'Avila composed his prin-
cipal work, entitled Audi, Jilia, et vide (' Hearken,
daughter, and consider 'J), Ps. xlv. 10. D'Avila
did not side with the doctors and disciples of the
* Llorente, Sistoire de V Inquisition, ii. 6, 138. ^^'orks of D'Avila,
p. 122.
t Works of D'Avila, p. 397.
X It is an exposition of Christian doctrine, viewed not from the
dogmatical, but from the spiritual and practical point of view.
10 THE EEFOKMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
Reformation, who were continually increasing in
number in Germany. He differed from them,
indeed, on several points, but on others approached
them so nearly that his preaching could not but pre-
pare men's minds to receive the fulness of evangelical
doctrine. The Inquisition understood this.*
The period which elapsed between 1520 and 1535
was an epoch which prepared the way for reforma-
tion in Spain. In the universities, in the towns,
and in country places many minds were silently in-
clining towards a better doctrine. The Reformation
was then like fire smouldering under the ashes, but
was to manifest itself later in many a noble heart.
Nevertheless, from time to time the flame became
visible. A peasant, a simple man without any cul-
ture whatever, who had busied himself only about
his fields, had by some means received Christian
convictions.f One day, when in company with
some relations and friends, he exclaimed, ' It is
Christ who, with his own blood, daily washes and
purifies from their sins those who belong to him,
and there is no other purgatory.' It seems that the
poor man had only repeated a saying which he had
heard in some meeting, and which had pleased him,
without being penetrated by the truth which he
had expressed. When, therefore, he was cited be-
fore the inquisitors of the faith, he said, ' I have
certainly held that opinion, but, since it displeases
your reverences, I willingly retract it.' This did
not satisfy the priests. They heaped reproaches
* Llorente, Histoire de t Inquisition, ii. p. 7.
t ' Homo simplex, ruri perpetuo addictus, &c.' — Moutanus, Inquisi-
tionis hispaniccs artes, p. 31.
CHAP. r. AN EXAMINATION. 11
upon him. ' They may have feared,' says the author
of the Artifices of the Spanish Inquisition^ ' that
their inquisitive faculties would stagnate and rot
unless they set about finding some knavery in the
man, thus pretending to find knots in a bulrush
— nodus in scirpo.'' ' You have asserted that there
is no purgatory. Ergo you believe that the pope is
mistaken — that the councils are mistaken — and that
man is justified by faith alone.' In short, they un-
folded before him all the doctrines which they called
heresies, and charged the unfortunate man with them
as if he had actually professed them. The poor pea-
sant protested ; he confidently maintained that he
did not even know what these doctrines meant. But
they insisted on their charge, and showed him the
close connexion which subsists between all these
dogmas. The poor man had been deprived of the
ordinary means of instruction; but these priests, who
were more opposed to the Gospel than water is to
fire, saj^s the narrator, taught and enlightened him.
Those who boasted themselves to be the great extir-
pators of the truth became its propagators. The
peasant of whom We speak thus attained to the ful-
ness of the faith which hitherto had only just dawned
upon him. It was a striking example of the won-
derful way in which Divine Goodness sometimes calls
its chosen ones. There were many other such in-
stances.' *
The chief reformer of Spain was to spring from a
higher class. He was born in Andalusia, the Baetica
* ' Adoranda hie maxime est divina proTidentia erga eos quoa elegit
. . . cujus rei, vel is ipse rusticus luculentum exemplum esse possit.' —
Montamis, Artes Inq. hisp., pp. 32, 33.
12 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book sit.
which in the eyes of the ancients was the fairest and
happiest of all the countries in the world. Near
rocky mountains, on a vast plain of picturesque and
solemn aspect, lies Lebrixa, an ancient town about
ten leagues from Seville on the Cadiz side. Here
lived Rodrigo de Valerio, a young man of a rich and
distinguished family. He had, in common with the
Andalusians, great quickness of apprehension ; fancy
spai'kled in his speech, and his temperament was very
cheerful. Like them, he was distinguished by his
love of pleasure, and it was his glory to surpass in
its indulgence all the young men with whom he asso-
ciated. He generally lived at Seville, a town called
by the Romans 'little Rome' {Romula)^ which had
long been a centre of intelligence, and where the
Alcazar and other monuments recalled the magnifi-
cence of the Moorish kings. Rodrigo had received a
liberal education, and had learned a little Latin ; but
this had been speedily forgotten amidst the diversions
of youth. There was not a hunt nor a game at which
he was not present. He was to be seen arriving at
the rendezvous mounted on a superb horse, richly
equipped, and himself magnificently attired.* Easy
and skilful in bodily exercises, he carried away
every prize. Full of grace and elegance, he suc-
ceeded in winning the favour of fair ladies. His
delight was to mount the wildest horse, to scale the
rocks, to dance with light foot, to hunt with horn and
hound, to draw the cross-bow or shoot with the
arquebus, and to be the leader of fashionable young
men in every party and at every festival.
* ' In equis, in equorum apparatu, in ludis, in vestium luxu, in vena-
tionibus, etc' — Ai-tes Inq. hisp., p. 260.
CHAP. I. RODRIGO DE VALERIO. 13
All at once Valerio disappeared from society. He
was sought at tlie games, in the dance, at the races,
but was nowhere to be found. Everyone was asking
what had become of him. He had abandoned every-
thing. The pleasures of the world had oppressed and
wearied him, and he had found all void and bitter-
ness. What ! thought he, play the lute, make one's
horse caper, sing, dance .... and forget what it
is to be a man ! A. voice had cried in his heart that
God was all in all. He had yielded to no human in-
fluence ; God alone had touched him by his Spirit.*
The change was for this reason all the more remark-
able. The lively affections of his heart, which had
hitherto rushed like a tempestuous torrent down-
wards towards the world, now rose with the same
energy towards heaven. ' A divine passion,' says a
contemporary, ' suddenly seized him.f Casting off
his old inclinations, and despising human judgment,
he applied his whole strength, both of mind and body,
so zealously to the pursuit of piety, that no worldly
affection seemed to be left in him.' If Rodrigo had
then retired to a convent, all would have been en
regie, and everyone would have admired him ; but
no one could understand why, while renouncing
pleasure, he did not immediately shut himself up in
one of those human sanctuaries to which alone the
world at that time gave the patent of a devout life.
Some, indeed, of the remarks made on him were very
natural. He had passed from one extreme to the
other, and in his first fervour he exposed himself to
* Llorente, Hi^cdre de V Inquisition, ii. p. 148.
t ' Repente divinus quidem furor eum corripit.' — Montanus, pp. 260,
269.
U THE KEFOR^^ATION IN EUROPE book xit.
the ridicule of his old companions. The young man
who had hitherto been remarkable for the delicacy of
his manners, the elegance of his discourse, and the
splendour of his dress, displayed now a somewhat
repulsive roughness and negligence.* Sincere and
upright, but as yet unenlightened, unacquainted in-
deed with any other pious life than that of ascetics,
it is not astonishing that he threw himself at first
into an exaggerated asceticism. He thought that he
shotild thus renounce the world more completely and
make a more perfect sacrifice to the Lord. He has
lost his head, said some ; he is drunk, said others.
But on closer observation the true fear of God was to
be seen in him, a sincere repentance for the vanity of
his life, an ardent thirst for righteousness, and an
indefatigable zeal in acquiring all the characteristics
of true piety. But one thing above all occupied his
mind. We have seen that he had learned Latin.
This knowledge, which he had despised, now be-
came of the greatest service to him. It was onlv
in this language that the sacred writings could
be read ; he studied them day and night ; f by
means of hard toil he fixed them in his memor)'-,
and he had an admirable gift for appl}*ing the
words of Scripture with correctness and promp-
titude. He endeavoured to regulate his whole con-
duct by their teaching; and people perceived in
him the presence of the Spirit by whom they were
dictated.
Valerio became one of the apostles of the doctrines
* ' In cultu corporis antea molliciilo et splendido, turn vero horrido et
sordido apparetat.' — Montanus, p. 261.
t ' Sacras litteras diu noctuque rersabat.' — Ibid.
CHAP. I. JOHN DE VERGARA. 15
of Luther and the other reformers.* ' It was not
in their own writings that he had learned these. He
had derived them directly from the Holy Scriptures.
Those sacred books, which, according to some, are
the source of such various doctrines, then produced
in every country of Christendom the same faith
and the same life.' He soon began to diffuse around
him the light he had received. People were astonished
at hearing this young layman, who had recently made
one of every party of pleasure, speaking with so
much fervour. ' From whom do you hold your com-
mission ? ' asked some one. ' From God himself,'
replied he, ' who enlightens us with his Holy Spirit,
and does not consider whether his messenger is a
priest or a monk.'
Valerio was not the only one to awaken from
sleep. A literary movement in the path opened by
Erasmus had, as we have already said, prepared the
way of the Gospel in Spain. One of its chiefs was
John de Vergara, canon of Toledo, who had been sec-
retary to Cardinal Ximenes. An accomplished Greek
and Hebrew scholar, he had pointed out some errors
in the Vulgate ; and he was one of the editors of
the Polyglot of Alcala. ' With what pleasure do I
learn,' wrote the scholar of Rotterdam to him in 1527,
' that the study of languages and of literature is
flourishing in that Spain which was of old the fruitful
mother of the greatest geniuses.' John de Vergara
had a brother named Francis, a professor of Greek
literature at Complutum (the present Alcala de
Henares). Alcala, near Madrid, the seat of the fore-
most university in the kingdom next to Salamanca,
* IJorente, Jiistoire de I' Inquisition^, ii. p. 148.
16 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
was at this epoch a centre of intelligeuce, and had ac-
quired a European renown. A breath of freedom and
life seemed to have passed over it. John and Francis,
with another Spaniard, Bernardin de Tobar, ap-
parently their brother, put forth their united efforts
to revive the pursuit of literature in their native land,
and kindled bright hopes in the breast of the prince
of the schools. Calling to mind, as was his wont, the
stories of ancient times, Erasmus compared these
three friends of letters to Geryon, king of the Ba-
learic Islands, the most powerful of men, of whom the
poets had made a giant with three bodies. ' Spain,'
said he, ' has once more its Geryon, with three bodies
but one spirit, and the happiest anticipations are
excited in our minds.' * The modern Geryon, how-
ever, failed to win the honour of the triumph promised
by Erasmus. In the Inquisition he met the Her-
cules who vanquished him. These eminent men had
found their way through the love of learning to the
love of the Gospel ; and John had carried his audacit}'
to such a pitch that he aimed at correcting the A^ul-
gate. Hereupon certain monks who knew nothing
of Latin beyond the jargon of the schools raised the
alarm. John and Tobar were arrested by the in-
quisitors of Toledo, cast into a dungeon, and called
upon to renounce the heresies of Luther. This charge
they had not at all anticipated. It was not by the
reformer, but by his opponent, Erasmus, that thev
had been attracted to the Holy Scriptures. Being as
yet weak in faith, they thought they might declare
themselves unacquainted with Lutheranism ; and
they were released. Certain penances, however, were
" ' Km'sus Hispanias habere suum Genjonem, sed auspicatissimum,
tricorporem quidem, sed unanimem.' — Erasmi Epp., lib. xx. ep. 15.
CHAP. I. A THEOLOGICAL DISPUTATION. 17
imposed on them, and they were placed under the
surveillance of the Inquisition?*
At this time, between 1530 and 1540, a great
theological controversy was being carried on in the
university of Alcala. One of the champions was
Matthew Pascual, a doctor distinguished for his ac-
quirements in learning — he was master of Hebrew,
Greek, and Latin — for his love of letters, of the Holy
Scriptures, and of a doctrine more pure than that of
the monks. The discussion had become animated ; and
the opponent of Pascual, in the heat of the conflict,
exclaimed — ' If the case be as Doctor Matthew main-
tains, it would follow that there would be no purga-
tory ! ' Pascual had probably said with St. John
that the blood of Jesus Christ his Son deanseth us from
all sin. He replied simply — ' What then ? ( Quid
turn ?) ' The monks were all agitated at these
words. ' He said Quid turn ! He denies purgatory.'
He was forthwith committed to the prison of the
holy fathers,f from which he was not liberated till
long afterwards, and then with the loss of all his
property. He then left Spain. Two monosyllables
had cost him dear.
There was resident at Alcala at this time a man
who far surpassed the Vergaras and the Pascuals, and
whose judgments were universally accepted in Spain
as oracles. J This was Peter de Lerma, abbot of
Alcala, canon, professor of theology, and chancellor
of the university, skilled in the oriental languages,
* Llorente, Histoire de l' Inquisition, ii. pp. 7, 8. JSpp. Th. Mori ct
Lud. Vives, col. 114.
t ' Propter hoc unum verbum, sine mora in custodiam SS. PP. est
ti-aditus.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 156.
{ ' lUius judicium instar oraouli.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 1.58.
VOL. VIII. C
18 THE IJEFOKMATTON IN ECTOPE. book xiV.
■which he had studied in Paris, and well versed in
Scholastic theology. He was highly esteemed through-
out the whole Peninsula. He was consulted on the
greatest affairs of state ; and many had recourse to
him as to a touch-stone which at once indicated to
them what was good and what was evil. As he was
wealthy and belonged to a noble family of Burgos,
he had great influence. From an early age he gave
himself up to the reading of the Holy Scriptures,
convinced that without them it was impossible to
attain any real knowledge of holy things. At an
advanced age he read the works of Erasmus. His
mind was enlightened by them; and he acknowledged
that the studies pursued at the universities served
only for vain display. A new form was given to his
activity, and his words were henceforth remarkable
for their freedom, their simplicity, and their vigour.
' Draw,' said he, ' from the oldest sources ; do not take
up opinions upon the sole authority of any masters,
however sohd they may be.' Words like these were
altogether new in the Catholic churches. Peter de
Lerma was a kindly old man, now aged about seventv.
The monks, regardless of his age, his attainments, or
the authority which he enjoyed, had him cast into
prison by their agents. His opponents attacked him
in private conferences. But the aged doctor, find-
ing that the best reasons were of no avail with his
enemies, that they refused to listen to the truth, and
had no regard for innocence, declared that he would
hold no more discussion with Spaniards, and required
them to summon learned men of other lands, capable
of understanding the evidence laid before them. To
the inquisitors this seemed to be horrible blasphemv.
CHAP. I. PETER DE LEEMA. 19
' Would it not be ssaid,' they exclaimed, ' that the holy
fathers of the Inquisition may be in error, and that
they are unable to comprehend a hundred others
better than you ? ' They assailed him Avith insults,
they plagued him in the prison, they threatened him
with torture. The poor old man at last, enfeebled
by age and by persecution, and not yet sufficiently
established in the faith, as was usually the case with
the converts of Erasmus, complied with the demands
of his persecutors. He then withdrew to Burgos,
his native place. Melancholy weighed him down.
The energies of his soul were crushed. His hopes
for the future of his people had vanished. He bowed
down his head and suffered. Informed ere long that
it was intended to arrest him, he fled to Flanders;
then went to Paris, where he died dean of the Sor-
bonne, and professor of theology in that university.
The preaching of the old man was not fruitless in
Spain. Like John d'Avila and others, he was one
of those Spanish evangelicals who did not make use
of Luther's name, but asserted that they preached
simply the primitive doctrines of the Apostles. This
came to much the same thing. The tint was only
a little softened and less powerful.
Louis of Cadena, one of his nephcAvs, had suc-
ceeded him as chancellor of the university of Alcala.
By his elegant Latinitj', and his acquaintance with
Hebrew, Arabic, and Greek, he acquired great repu-
tation among men of letters. Convinced that if Spain
were ever to become great, it was necessary to give
her an impulse towards light and liberty, he under-
took, notwithstanding the fate of his uncle, to bring
to an end the reign of Scholasticism. Information
c 2
20 THE HEFORJIATION IN EUROPE. book xrv.
was laid against him, as one suspected of Lutheran-
ism, before the Inquisition at Toledo ; and he was
compelled to fly in order to escape the dungeons of
the holy office. The Inquisition in those days lost
no opportunity of putting an extinguisher over any
light divinely kindled in Spain, of suppressing
thought and checking its progress.* Louis betook
himself likewise to Paris, where, like his uncle, he
restrained his zeal to avoid exposure to fresh perse-
cutions.!
John d'Avila himself, the apostle of Andalusia,
whose only thought was the conversion of souls, and
who did not meddle with controversies, found that
the monks, enraged and provoked by his refusal to
engage in disputation, denounced him to the Inquisi-
tion as a Lutheran or alumbrado. In 1534, an in-
auspicious year for evangelical Spain, this humble
pastor was arrested at Seville, and cast into the
prisons of the holy office. But his enemies, impelled
by blind hatred, had not even informed the arch-
bishop of Seville, Don Alfonso de ]\Ianriqne, who was
at this time Grand Inquisitor. The prelate, who
cherished the highest esteem for John d'AvUa, was
aff"ected on hearing what his subordinates had just
done. He pointed out that this man was no Luthe-
ran, but was only seeking to do good to the souls of
men. D'Avila was consequently acquitted, and he
continued quietly to preach the Gospel till his death.
The inquisitors, by fastening the name ' Lutheran '
on everything pious, rendered indirect homaofe to
Lutheranism.J
' Llorente, ii. p. 456. Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 123.
t Llorente, ii. pp. 480-4-31. J Llorente, iii. pp. 6, 7.
cnAi\ I. ALFONSO \'IEVES. 21
Maiirique was not alone in occasional opposition
to the fanaticism of the inquisitors. Charles the Fifth
himself, although strongly opposed to everything
which appeared to him heresy, seems to have had
some relish for solid preaching. His fine under-
standing preferred it to the fables of the monks. He
had for his chaplain a Dominican monk named Alfonso
Virves, an accomplished orientalist and a good theo-
logian. Charles took him with him when he travelled
in Germany; and he not only liked to hear him
preach, but also associated with him in his numerous
journeyings with a certain degree of intimacy. After ■
his return to Spain, the emperor would hear no other
preacher. Certain monks who coveted the privilege
of preaching before the emperor were filled with envy
and hatred. They inveighed against A'irves. In vain
he contended, according to the dictates of his con-
science, for what he believed to be true piety ; these
wretches uttered shameless calumnies against him, and
obvious falsehoods, and resorted to malicious intrigues.
This was their usual method.* Virves esteemed the
fine genius of Erasmus, but censured him for his too
great freedom. He asserted that his wish was to
secure Spain against Lutheranism. But he had seen
in Germany the leading reformers, had enjoyed
friendly intercourse with them, and declared that he
renounced the attempt to recall them from their
errors.f This was ground enough for a prosecution;
and without any regard to the wish of the emperor,
* ' Tarn impiidentibus calmnniis, tarn evidentibus mendaciis, tarn
nialitiosis artibus.' — Erasmi E^tp. lib. xviii. ep. 2.
t Virves, Epist., Eatiabon, April 15, 15.32. Burcberi Spicil., v. pp.
12-lG.
22 THE EEFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
the inquisitors arrested his chaplain, threw him into
the prison of the Holj' Office at Seville, and in
eager haste prepared to sacrifice him. The news of
their proceedings reaching Charles the Fifth ; he was
astonished and indignant. He was better acquainted
with Virves than the inquisitors were. He deter-
mined by energetic action to foil the conspiracies of
the monks. He felt confident that Virves was the
victim of an intrigue. He even banished Manrique,
the inquisitor-general, who was compelled to retire to
his diocese, and died there. Charles did more than
this. He addressed to the Holy Office, July 18, 1534,
an ordinance prohibiting the arrest of a monk before
laying the evidence before the council and awaiting
its orders. But the emperor, all-powerful as he was,
was not powerful enough to snatch a victim from the
Inquisition. Yirves, whose only crime was that of
being a pious and moderate Catholic, had to undergo
for four years all the horrors of a secret prison. He
says himself that they hardly gave him leave to
breathe. The inquisitors overwhelmed him with ac-
cusations, with interdictions, with libels and with
words, he says, which one cannot hear without
being terrified. He adds that he was charged with
errors, heresies, blasphemies, anathemas, schism, and
other similar monstrosities. To convince them, he
undertook labours which might be likened to those
of Hercules. He exhibited the points which he
had drawn up by way of preparation for an attack
on Melanchthon before the diet of Ratisbon. But
all -was useless. The tribunal condemned him in
1537 to abjure aU heresies, among others those of
Luther, to be confined in a monastery for two years,
CHAP. I. Ills LIBERATIOK. 23
and to abstain from preacHng for two years after his
liberation. The poor man had to appear in the
cathedral of Seville, and to retract, among other propo-
sitions, the following : — ' A life of action is more meri-
torious than a life of contemplation. — A larger number
of Christians are saved in the married state than in
all other states.' Charles the Fifth, determined at all
cost to rescue his chaplain from imprisonment, applied
to the pope, who by a brief of May 29, 1538, ordered
that Virves should be set at liberty, and be again
allowed to preach. Charles now nominated him bishop
of the Canary Islands. After some hesitation, the
pope consented to the appointment, and in 1540 the
heretic was invested with the episcopal mitre. In
the following year he published at Antwerp his
PhilippiccB Disputationes, i]i which his objections to
the doctrines of Luther are set forth. In the same
book, however, he asserted that heretics ought jiot
to be ill-used, but persuaded, and this especially by
setting before them the testimonies of Holy Scripture ;
because all Scripture given by inspiration of God is
profitable, says St. Paul, for doctrine, for reproof for
correction. Alfonso Virves was one of those Spaniards
whom the Inquisition prevented from becoming
evangelical, but could not succeed in making papis-
tical and ultramontane.*
Virves was not the only Spaniard who imbibed
in Germany views which nearly approached to those
of the Reformation. Several learnt more than he
did in the land of Luther, and exerted an influence
on the Peninsula. Curiosity was awakened, and
people wanted to know what that reformation was of
* Llorente, ii. pp. 8-14.
■2-i THE EKFOEMATION IN EUROFE. book xiv.
which SO much was said. Spain, rigid and antique,
began to be astir. Meetings were held in the country
and secret associations were formed. The Inquisi-
tion, astonished, turned in all directions its search-
ing eyes. In vain were learned theologians sent to
Germany and other lands for the purpose of bringing
back to the church of Rome those who were leaving
it. The doctors themselves returned to Spain, con-
quered by the truth against which they were to fight.*
Many of them became victims to their faith after
their return to their native land ; others became
martyrs in foreign lands.
* ' Qui ad alios illuminandos amandati erant, ipsimet lumuie capti
ad nos redierunt, deceptique ab haereticis.' — G. de Illescas, Mist. Fcmtif-
ficaly Catolica, i. p. 672,
CHAP. II. 25
CHAPTER 11.
EEFOEJIATION AND INQUISITION.
SEVILLE and Valladolid were the two principal
seats of the awakening. These towns were at
this time, properly speaking, the two capitals of
Spain. In both of them evangelical Christians used
to meet together secretly to worship God in spirit
and in truth, and to confirm each other in the faith
and in obedience to the commandments of the Lord.
There were monasteries nearly all the members of
which had received the doctrine of the gospel. It had,
moreover, adherents scattered about in all parts of
the Peninsula. Rodrigo de Valerio, the lay reformer
of Spain, continued his labours in Seville. He held
conversations daily with the priests and the monks.
' Pray how comes it to pass,' he said to them, ' that
not only the clergy but the whole Christian commu-
nity is found to be in so lamentable a condition that
there seems to be hardly any hope of a remedy for
it? It is you that are the cause of this state of
things. I.'he corruption of your order has corrupted
everything. Lose no time in applying an efficient
remedy to so vast an evil. Be yourselves transformed
that you may be able to transform others.' ^^alerio
supported these eloquent appeals by the declarations
of Holy Scripture. The priests were astonished and
indignant. ' Whence comes the audacity,' they said,
' with which you assail those who are the very lights
26 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUKd'E. BOOK xiv.
and pillars of the Church ? * How dare a mere lay-
man, an unlettered man, who has been occupied
solely in secular affairs and in ruining himself, speak
with such insolence? . . . Who commissioned you,
and where is the seal of your calling? ' 'Assuredly,'
replied Valerio, candidly, 'I did not acquire this wisdom
from your corrupt morals ; it comes from the Spirit of
God, which flows, like rivers of living water, from
those who believe in Jesus Christ. As for my bold-
ness, it is given by him who sends me. He is the
truth itself which I proclaim. The Spirit of God
is not bound to any order, least of all to that of a
corrupt clergy. Those men were laymen, plain
fishermen, who convicted of blindness the whole
learned synagogue, and called the world to the know-
ledge of salvation.'
Thus spoke Rodrigo ; and he was distressed to see
all these priests ' unable to endure the shining light of
the Gospel.' One great consolation was given to him.
The preacher of Seville cathedral at this time was
John Gil, or Egidius, a doctor, born at Olvera, in
Aragon, and educated at the university of Alcala.
He possessed the qualities of an orator ; for he Avas a
man of fine character and of keen sensibility. But
these essential qualities, instead of being developed at
the university, had lain dormant. The intellectual fa-
culty alone had been cultivated. There was a fire in the
man's nature, but it had been quenched by Scholastic-
ism. Egidius had plunged into the study of the theo-
logy of the schools, the only science then in vogue
in Spain. In this he had distinguished himself, had
* ' Unde ilia audacia qua in sanctos pati-es eccltsise luiuina atque
columnas . . . inveheretur ? ' — JMoutaiiiis, pp. 261, -202.
CHAP. n. JOHN EGIDIUS. 27
won the highest academical lionuurs, and had become
professor of theology at Siguenza. He was not con-
tent with letting the Word of God alone; he openly-
avowed contempt for the study of it, ridiculed such
members of the university as diligently read the
sacred books, and with a shrug of the shoulders used
to call them ' those good Biblists.' Peter Lombard,
Thomas Aquinas, Scotus, and other doctors of the
same class, were the men for him. His flatterers
went so far as to allege that he surpassed them. As
the reputation of Egidius was spreading far and wide,
when the ofiice of chief canon or preacher of the
cathedral of Seville became vacant, the chapter unani-
mously elected him, and even dispensed with the trial
usual in such cases. Egidius, absorbed in his Scho-
lastic books, had never preached in public nor studied
the Holy Scriptures. He nevertheless fancied that
nothing could be easier to him than preaching, which
in his view was an inferior office. He expected even
that he should dazzle his hearers by the blaze of
Scholasticism, and attract them by its charms. He
therefore ascended the pulpit of the cathedral of the
capital of Andalusia. A numerous congregation had
assembled, and expecting something wonderful were
very attentive. The illustrious doctor preached, but
after the Scholastic fashion. Having put forward
some proposition, he explained its various meanings.
The terms which he made use of were those of the
schools, and his hearers could hardly understand
them. What frivolous distinctions ! What profit-
less questions ! The preacher thought it all very
fine : his audience felt it to be very tiresome. They
gave him, however, a second and a third hearing ;
28 THE REfOKMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
but it ^vas always the same — dry and wearisome.
The famous theologian was thus the least popular
of the preachers, and Egidius saw his congregation
lessening day by day. His sermons fell into the
greatest contempt among the people. Those who
had imprudently called him to the post began to
consider how they could get rid of him; and the
preacher himself, anxious about his reputation and
the usefulness of his ministry, began to look out for
a less brilliant position, in which people might make
more account of him.*
Rodrigo had gone with the nmltitude, and was
one of those who were dissatisfied with these Scho-
lastic discourses. But he was gifted with the dis-
cerning of spirits, and beneath the Scholastic doctor
he had been able to recognize the orator and his in-
disputable abilities. He was grieved to see the gifts
of God thus thrown away, and he resolved to speak
frankly to Egidius. ' Divine Providence,' says the
chronicler, ' impelled him to this course.' Having
made request, therefore, for an interview with the
canon, Valerio, received by him with some feeling of
surprise, but still with kindliness, began at once to
speak to him about the function of the Christian orator.f
This function, in his vieAv, was not to set forth certain
theses and anti-theses, but to address the consciences
of men, to present Christ to them as the author of
eternal salvation, and to press them to throw them-
selves into the arms of this Saviour, that through him
they might become new creatures. ' You are in need
' Magno contemptui esse coepit, quo in die magis magisque aueto.
— Montanus, p. 258.
t ' Eum exacte edocuit Ohristiani concionatoris ofRcium.' — Montanus,
p. 258.
CHAP. n. VALERIO AND EGIDIUS. 20
of other studies,' he said to the schoolman, ' other
books, and other guides than those which you have
chosen.' Egidius was at tirst astounded ; his pride
rebelled. ' What audacity ! ' he thought ; ' this man
sprung from the common people, ignorant and of
feeble understanding, dares to criticize me, and con-
hdently to teach me, a man with whom he is hardly
acquainted ! '* Nevertheless, the natural kindliness of
Egidius, and the reflexion that Rodrigo was speaking
of the art of preaching, in which he had miserably
failed, repressed this first emotion. He kept his self-
possession and listened attentively to the layman.
Rodrigo frankly pointed out to him the defects of his
manner of preaching, and exhorted him to search the
Scriptures. ' You will never succeed,' he said, ' in
becoming really powerful as a teacher unless you
study the Bible day and night. 'f He told him that
in order to preach salvation he must first have found
it himself, and that out of the abundance of the heart
the mouth must speak. A few hours sufficed for the
enlightenment of Egidius; and from this time he be-
came a new man. J How many years had he lost, both
as student and as professor ! ' I perceive,' said he, ' that
all the studies and all the labours of my past life have
been A'ain. I now enter upon the new path of a wis-
dom of which I did not know the A B C The
weariness and dejection of Egidius were now over
and he felt great peace and joy. He saw God open-
ing to him the treasury of his love. ' The heavens
* ' Otetupescekit primo Egidius . . . IJnus e media plebe, idiota etc'
— Montanus, p. 258.
t Llorent-^, ii. pp. 139, 140.
X ' Fuit divina monenti tanta spiritus Dei \-is in dicendo ut ab ea
hora jEgidius in alium vinim mutatus.' — Montanui?, p. 269.
so THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xrv.
were beginning to be serene and the earth peaceful.'
Egidins was naturally very open-hearted, frank, and
sincere. The gospel, the great revelation of God's
love, had. for him an unspeakable charm. He re-
ceived it joyfully, and his heart resounded with a
new song. He studied the Holy Scriptures, prayed,
meditated, and read good authors ; and thus made
progress in the knowledge of true theology.
Rodrigo de Valerio was made glad by the won-
derful change which God had wrought through his
ministry; and the victory Avhich he had won raised
still higher his burning zeal. He began to proclaim
the gospel not only in private meetings, but in pub-
lic, in the streets and squares of the town, near the
Giralda, the convent of Buena Vitta, the Alcazar,
and on the banks of the Guadalquivir. He was de-
nounced to the holy office, and when he appeared
before the tribunal of the Inquisition he spoke ear-
nestly about the real church of Christ, set forth its
distinguishing marks, and especially insisted on the
justification of man by faith. This took place a little
while after the conversion of Egidius, whose new
faith was not yet known, and who still enjoyed in
society the reputation of a scholar and a good Catho-
lic. Glad of an opportunity of repaying his great
debt, he came before the tribunal and defended his
friend. He thus exerted an influence over the
judges, and they took into consideration the lowliness
of Valerio's family and the rank which he held in
society. Moreover, they said, Valerio is tainted with
insanity, and it can hardly be necessary to hand over
a madman to the secular power. His goods were con-
fiscated, he was exhorted to return to the right path,
and was then set at liberty.
CHAP. n. I'REACHING OF EGIDIUS. 31
The astonishing change which had been effected
in Egidius was soon remarked at Seville. Now
fully persuaded of the need of repentance and faith,
and possessing salvation by personal experience,'"
his preaching was henceforth as simple, affectionate,
and fervent as it had before been cold, ignorant, and
pedantic. Abstract propositions and fruitless dispu-
tations now gave place to powerful .ippeals to con-
science and to entreaties full of charity. General
attention was aroused. Once more a multitude
thronged the noble cathedral, erected on the very
spot on which the Arabs had formerly built a mag-
nificent mosque, in which neither altar nor image was
to be seen, but which was brilliant with marbles and
lamps. The Christians were now summoned to hear
the good news by bells in the summit of the Moham-
medan tower, the Giralda, whence the muezzins had
once called the people to prayer. This was the sole
remnant of the mosque, and it gave its name to the
church. Jesus Christ now took the place of the false
prophet and the vain forms of the papacy; and many
believed in the grace of the Son of God. In the dis-
courses of Egidius there was a charm which was felt
alike by the educated and the ignorant. He was the
most animated and the most popular preacher who had
ever appeared at Seville ; and his history shows, better
perhaps than that of any other preacher, that the first
quality of an orator is a heart burning with love
and with fervent emotion. Pectus facit oratorem.
This man had received from God the excellent gift of
penetrating the souls of those who heard him with
a divine fire f which animated all their deeds of
* ' Prsecipue sua ipsiiis experientia erat edoctus.' — Montanus, p. 263.
t ' Ig-neam quamdam pietatis facem.' — lUd., p. 231.
32 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
piety and fitted them to endure lovingly the cross
with which they were threatened. Christ was with
him in his ministry, says one of those who were
converted by him; and this divine master himself
engraved, by the virtue of his Spirit, the words of
his servant on the hearts of his hearers.* Valerio
was the layman of the Reformation ; Egidius became
its minister.
He was not long alone. During his residence at
Alcala, three students were observed to be united in
close friendship with each other. These "were John
Egidius, Constantine Ponce de la Fuente, and Vargas.
Now these two old fellow-students arrived at Seville.
The Castilian, Constantine Ponce de la Fuente, was
born at St. Clement, in the diocese of Cuenga. The
inhabitants of these districts concealed under an aspect
of coldness a free and boisterous gaiety. Ponce de
la Fuente was certainly one of these people. He had
a caustic humour, was a lover of pleasure, and ardent
in all that he did. His youth had been somewhat
dissipated, and for this he was afterwards reproached
by his enemies. But he possessed also good sense
and a moral disposition, which soon led him to em-
brace a more regular life, even before he was ac-
quainted with the gospel. He never lost, however,
his cheerfulness and his wit. He was animated by
a strong desire to gain solid knowledge, and at the
same time he felt great aversion to the pedantry
and barbarism of the schools. In some respects he
was like Erasmus. He was a son of the Renaissance,
and, like his master, enjoyed ridiculing the ignorance
* ' Adesse Ohristiim qui verba, eo externe miuistrante, in ipsis visceri"biis
suorum virtute spiritus siii exaraxet.' — Ibid., p. 201.
CHAP. II. PONCE DE LA FUENTE AND VARGAS. 33
of the monks, the fooleries of the preachers, and the
hypocrisy of the pharisees. Although he had not
the genius of the great man of letters, in some points
he surpassed him. There was more depth in his
faith and more decision in his character. Contradic-
tory qualities met in his nature. He Avould hurl in
all directions his satirical darts, and yet he was full
of benevolence and generosity, and was always ready
to give assistance to anyone. It was, moreover, said
of him that no one ever loved or hated him mo-
derately. His acquaintance with the liuman heart,
his knowledge of the egotism and the indifference
which are found even in the best men, made him
very scrupulous in the selection of his friends. But
he deeply loved the few to whom he was attached ;
and with his great accj[uirements he combined a free
and cordial manner.
Ponce de la Fuente was apparently detained at
Seville by the report of the conversion of Egidius
and of the great sensation which his discourses were
producing in that town. Like Vargas, he hungered
and thirsted for a truth which should satisfy all his
wants, and which was as yet unknown to him. That
which these two were still in search of, they learnt
that the third had found. They hastened to his
presence. They found Egidius convinced that the
knowledge of Christ surpasses everything besides,
so that in order to obtain it there is nothing which
ought not to be given up. He had found it the chief
good. He had gained it by faith, and he was pre-
pared for the sake of keeping it to lose all that he
possessed. The communion of the three friends be
came more and more intimate, their friendship sweeter
VOL. VIII. D
34 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
and sweeter.* In their intercourse with each other
they found so much solace and so much profit to
their souls that when they were parted they sighed
for the moment when they should meet again. Their
souls were one. Egidius made known evangeUcal
truth to his old fellow-students; and on their part
Vargas, and still more de la Fuente, ' the extent of
whose knowledge was marvellous,' f gave hun a whole-
some impulse, under the influence of which he made
rapid progress both in sound literature and true
theology. The brotherly affection which united them
filled their hearts with joy; and this joy, says a re-
former, was perfumed with the sweet odour of the
service of God.
The three friends formed a plan, and combined
their efforts to spread true piety around them. Egidius
and de la Fuente divided between them the work of
preaching. Their manner of speaking differed. While
Egidius had much openness of heart, de la Fuente
had much openness of intellect. In the discourses
of Egidius there was more fire; more light in those
of de la Fuente. The former took souls captive; the
latter enlightened understandings, and obtained, says
a historian,! as much and even more applause than
his master. This means doubtless that his influence
was still more powerful. Vargas had undertaken
another department, that of jaractical exegesis. At
first he explained in the church the Gospel according
to St. Matthew, as Zwingli had done at Zurich; and
afterwards the Psalms. § These three evangelists
* ' Familiaris consuetude atque ai'cta amicitia.' — Montanus, p. 266.
t ' Oonstantini Fontii, viri ad prodigium usque eruditi.' — Ibid.
X Llorente, ii, p. 273.
§ A learned and pious historian, M'Orie, who devoted much attention
CHAP. II. HAKMONIOUS ACTIOX. .35
spoke with a sacred authority, and Avith admirable
unity. ' What harmony,' people said, ' prevails be-
tween Egidius, Constantine, and Vargas ! ' But no-
body suspected that the word spoken by these three
powerful teachers was the evangelical doctrine then
being preached by Luther, Farel, and the other re-
formers. There was no more reference to them in
the discourses of the Spaniards than if they had not
existed. All those souls which thirsted for the truth
would have been alarmed at the names of these men,
heretics in their eyes ; but they were attracted by
the words full of grace and truth which were those
of John, Peter, and Paul, nay, rather of Jesus him-
self. The sheep entered into the fold in which were
already those who were elsewhere called by Melanch-
thon and by Calvin, without in the least suspecting
the fact. Their strong but invisible bond of union
was Christ, whose grace operated silently but with
the same efficacy on the banks of the Elbe, the
Rhone, and the Guadalquivir.
The reputation of Ponce de la Fuente was ere
long as widespread as that of Egidius. There was
one feature in his character which doubled, nay,
which multiplied a hundredfold the force and result
of his preaching. He was free from vanity. This
besetting sin of the orator, a vice which paralyses
his influence, had no place in him. He was quite
exempt from that exalted opinion of himself which is
so natural to the human heart, and especially to the
to the history of the Beformation in Spain, states that Vargas first ex-
plained the Epistle to the Romans. But Montanus de Montes, a con-
temporary and friend of Egidius, says—' Prcelegehat evangdium Matthcei,
quo absoluto accepit Psalmos.' P. 281.
D 2
36 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiT.
public speaker. He had recovered the first of all
loves — the love of God; and this so filled his soul
that it left no room for any other. He was indififerent
to the praises of his hearers, and his only thought
was how to win their hearts for God. His reputation
procured him several calls. The chapter of Cuenga
unanimously invited him to be preacher at the cathe-
dral. By accepting the invitation he would have
gained an honourable position in his own province;
but he chose rather to remain the curate of Egidius.
Some time afterwards a deputation arrived at Seville,
commissioned to announce to de la Fuente that he
was called to succeed the titular bishop of Utica as
preacher at the metropolitan church of Toledo, an
office of high honour and very much sought after.*
No one doubted that he would accept a place which
was the object of ambition to so many men. De la
Fuente, having no wish to leave Seville, where a
great door was opened to him, declined the ofi"er.
The canons persisted in their application, pressed
him and seemed bent on compelling him. In order
to get rid of their importunity, Ponce availed himself
of an objection which was certainly in character with
the turn of his mind. In the church of Toledo a
dispute was at this time going on between several
members of the chapter and the cardinal-archbishop
John de Martinez Siliceo, who had decreed that the
candidates elected by the chapter should be bound to
prove that they were descended from blameless ances-
tors. Now de la Fuente had no reason to fear this rule
more than any other ; but being driven to extremities,
* ' Capitiilum cum honoriflca legalione aceersetat.' — Montanus,
p. 270
CHAP. ir. OPPOSITION. 37
lie replied to the deputies witli an arch smile that ' the
bones of his ancestors had rested in peace for many-
years, and that he "R-ould not disturb their repose.'
It was inevitable that the labours of these evan-
gelical men should arouse at Seville a lively opposi-
tion. The more the hearers of the three evangelists
were rescued by their preaching from the darkness
of ignorance, and the more they shook off the dust of
the middle ages, so much the more they esteemed the
noble men to whom they were indebted for the light,
and the less respect they felt for the troop of hypo-
crites who had so long destroyed their souls by their
teaching.* Consequently the palace of the Inquisi-
tion resounded with complaints, and nothing but
threats was to be heard in the castle of Triana,
situated in a suburb of Seville, in which the tribunal
of the holy office was established. The evangeUsts,
however, had friends so numerous and so powerful
that the inquisitors did not dare at present to attack
them. They turned their attention to the other
preachers, endeavoured to awaken them, and implored
them to defend the faith of Rome, now so terribly
shaken. And, in fact, the priests attached to ancient
superstitions ere long arose as out of a long sleep
and warmed their torpid zeal. The fire of Rome, well-
nigh extinct, was rekindled. There were two camps
in Seville. Over the cathedral floated the banner of
the gospel ; in almost all the other churches was raised
the flag of the papacy. A contemporary asserts that
it was the flag of Epictetus, and he thinks that these
priests were rather inferior to the Stoic philosopher.f
* 'Yilesceret vero indies assidua congressione lucis hypocritarum
turba.' — Montanus, p. 266.
t ' Ad Epicteti Stoici placita . , . eo Epioteto inferior.' — Ibid., p. 238.
38 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv,
' Unstring your rosaries and your beads more fre-
quently,' said the priests ; ' get many masses said ;
abstain from meat ; go on pilgrimage ; have such and
such dresses, such an aspect, and other poor things
of the like kind.'* ' A fine mask of piety,' people
used to say ; ' but if you examine these things more
closely, what do you find ? ' At the cathedral, on the
contrary, the preachers urged their hearers to read
the Holy Scriptures ; they set forth the merits of a
crucified Saviour and called upon men to place all
their trust in him. The evangelical preachers were
fewer in number than the others, but around them
were gathered the best part of the population. Gradu-
ally the books of the Roman service were laid aside
and gave place to the gospel. Many hearts were
attracted by the Word of God. The religion of
form lost many of its adherents, and the religion
of the spirit gained them. Among these were seve-
ral inmates of the convent of the Hieronymites, in
San Isidro del Campo. But for the Inquisition, the
Reformation would have transformed Spain, and se-
cured the prosperity and welfare of its people.
Ponce de la Fuente, above all, charmed his hearers
not only by the beauty of the doctrine which he pro-
claimed, but also by the purity and elegance of his
language, and by the overpowering bursts of his
eloquence. Those who heard it exclaimed, 'A
miracle ! ' f Ponce was a great observer, and this
both by nature and by choice. He took his stand as
* 'De ei'eljris jejuniis, de mortificatione, vestitu, sermone, vultu . .
ad missas complures, ad saororum locorum frequentationes, et ad multa
alia nugamenta.' — Montanus, p. 2.38.
t •' Accesserat ea Hispaniss liuguas peritia et facundia qu:e quibus-
cumque illius studiosissiinis miraculo asset.' — Ibid., p. 27ii.
CHAP. II. ELOQUENCE OF DE LA FUENTE. 39
it were upon a height, and set himself to consider
attentively all that presented itself to him — physical
phenomena, moral affections, and human affairs.* By
means of his learning, his experience, and his know-
ledge of the Holy Scriptures, he was able to contem-
plate as from an elevated position all things human
and divine. He had also an accurate judgment, a
quality of the first importance to a preacher. He
had a sense of the just value of things; discretion
not only guided him in all his actions, but also inspired
all his words. This explains the popularity which
he ere long enjoyed. In his view the tact of the
orator should teach him to avoid whatever would
uselessly shock the hearer, and to seek after every-
thing which could bring souls to salvation. On the
days when he preached, Seville cathedral presented
the finest spectacle. His service was usually at eight
o'clock in the morning ; and the concourse of people
was so great that as early as four o'clock, frequently
even at three, hardly a place in the church was left
vacant.f It was openly asserted in Seville that Ponce
de la Fuente surpassed the most illustrious orators of
his own age and of the age which had preceded it.J
In spite of the extraordinary popularity which he en-
joyed, he had remained one of the simplest of men,
free from the love of money, without ambition, satis-
fied with frugal diet, with a small library, and not
caring for that wealth for the sake of which certain
* ' Videbatur enim veluti a specula quadam humana omnia negotia
contemplari.' — Montaniis, p. 278.
t ' Tantus erat populi concursua ut quarta, ssepe etiam tertia, nootis
hora vix in templo inveniretur commodu3 ad audiendum locus.' — Ibid.,
p. 279.
J ' Clarissimos anteoelluit.' — Ilid., p. i'78.
40 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
public pests, said one of his friends, ravaged the
church of God. He had given proof of this by re-
fusing the rich canonry of Toledo.
During many years Seville, more fortunate in this
respect than any other town in Spain,* heard the
pure gospel of Christ proclaimed . Besides the service
in the cathedral, there were meetings of a more pri-
vate character in some of the houses. The abundant
harvest which the fertile soil of Spain afterwards
yielded was the fruit of these laborious sowings. f De
la Fuente, Egidius, and Vargas, men as remarkable
for their doctrine as for their life, were the first great
sowers of the good seed in the Peninsula. ' They
deserve,' said one of their good friends, ' to be held
in perpetual remembrance.' Who can tell what
might have happened in Spain if the work of these
three associated Chi'istians could have been longer
carried on? But on a sudden Egidius found himself
deprived of his two companions in arms, and this in
most diverse ways.
Charles the Fifth happened to be in Spain jvist
at the time when Ponce de la Fuente was achieving
the greatest success. The emperor came to Seville;
and in consequence of the high praise of the preacher
which reached him from all quarters he wished to
hear him. Charles was delighted. He was fond of
fine things, and the same doctrines which, when pro-
fessed in Belgium, in some obscure conventicle by a
cutler or a furrier, he punished as frightful heresies,
did not oiFend him when they came from the lips of
* ' Ea m-bs omnium totius Hispanioe felioissima.' — Montanus, p. 240.
t ' Ilia enim messis qu£e per totos jam octo aut decern annos colligitur,
ex iUa laboriosa novatione proyenire certum est.' — Ibid.
CHAP. n. CHARLES V. AND DE LA FUENTE. 41
a great orator, and were proclaimed to an immense
crowd in the most beautiful church in Spain. He
almost believed that talent was orthodox. We have
moreover remarked that one of the characteristics of
de la Fuente was to preach the pure gospel, avoiding
everything which might shock his hearers. The
emperor sent for him to the palace. Charmed with
his conversation, his intelligence, and his polished
and agreeable manners, he named him one of his
chaplains. To this appointment he soon added the
office of almoner, and invited him to follow him be-
yond the Pyrenees. De la Fuente, being attached to
Seville, would gladly have declined the call, as he had
those from Cuenca and Toledo. But this time it was
3
his sovereign who called him. The will of Charles
the Fifth was law, and there was no way of escape.
Moreover this call, in his judgment, came from God
himself. He, therefore, prepared for his departure.
Strange to say, the emperor charged him to accom-
pany his son Philip into the Netherlands and to
England.* ' I intend,' he said, ' to show the
Flemings that Spain is not without her amiable
scholars and eminent orators.' De la Fuente, there-
fore, accompanied Philip. He afterwards rejoined
Charles in Germany, discharged the duties of chaplain
to him, and had the opportunity of making the
acquaintance of some of the reformers.
The departure of Ponce de la Fuente left the
Roman party at Seville more at ease. They resolved
now to get rid first of Vargas. This theologian, who
perhaps had neither the tact of de la Fuente nor the
* ' Oonatantinus (de la Fuente) a Osesare et Alio Philippo ascitiis
Hiapali discedere oogeretur,' — JMontanus, p. 282.
42 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
fervour of Egidius, was just on the point of being
cited before tbe tribunals wben he died. Egidius
thus left alone felt keenl}' the loss of his friends. He
was to have no more intimate communion, no more
familiar conversations. The illustrious preacher en-
countered everywhere hostile looks, and had no
longer a friendly ear into which he could pour his
sorrow. His singular openheartedness exposed him
more than others to hatred. Simple and candid, when
called to speak from the chief pulpit of Seville, he
attacked the enemies of the light more openly and more
frequently than his colleagues had done.* Conse-
quently, his adversaries, full of anger against him,
put into circulation the most unfavourable reports of
his orthodoxy. They surrounded him with secret
agents, who were instructed to pick up his sayings and
to spy out his proceedings ; and they schemed among
themselves what course they must take to get rid of
a man whom they detested. Egidius was left alone;
but even alone he was a power in Se\dlle. If his
enemies could succeed in overthrowino; him, the
Inquisition would then reign without a rival. Un-
fortunately for these fanatical men, Egidius cou.nted
a large number of friends among all classes. After
a careful examination of all the circumstances, they
had not courage publicly to accuse him. There was
need of the briUiant popularity of which he was
subsequently the object to raise their irritation to
such a pitch that they determined to proceed to
extremities.
The inquisitors did not stop here. Rodrigo de
* ' Qui ut simplicitate ingenii et auctoritate praestabat, apertius et
frequentius lucis hostes lacessetat.' — Montaims, p. 266.
CHAP. II. VALERIO CONDEMNED. 4.3
Valerio, after having been set at liberty, on the
ground, they said, that he was merely mad, had re-
frained, by the desire of his friends, from publicly
preaching the gospel. Unwilling, hoAvever, to do
absolutely nothing, he had gathered together a cer-
tain number of his friends and had in a familiar way
interpreted to them the Epistle of St. Paul to the
Romans, that ocean, as Chrysostom called it, which
meets us everywhere at the beginning of the awaken-
ings.* Some of those who listened to him persevered
in the faith ; others, at a later time, rejected it.
Among the latter in particular was Peter Diaz, who
having forsaken the gospel entered the Society of
Jesuits and died at Mexico.f But the brave Rodrigo
could not long submit to this restriction. Ought he
to shrink, he said to himself, from exposing his
liberty, or even his life, when the gospel was at
stake? Others had given their lives for a less object
than this. He was in hope, moreover, of arousing
by his own example other combatants who should
finally win the victory. He, therefore, laid aside
timid precautions and began again to point out pub-
licly the errors and superstitions of Rome. He was
once more denounced, and was arrested by the Inqui-
sition, which was quite determined this time not to
let slip the pretended madman. He was sentenced
to imprisonment for life and to wear the san benito,
a cloak of a yellow colour, the usual garb of
the victims of the Inquisition, Every Sunday and
* ' A Valerio Nebriasensi ex d. Pauli epistolse ad Romanes familiari
interpretatione (-veritatem) ante didicerat (Diazius).'— Montanus, p. 268.
f Peter is not to be confounded -with one of the two brothers Juan
and Alfonso, wliose tragic history holds a place in the annals of the
Reform ation.
44 THE REFOEMATIOS IN EUROPE . book xiv.
feast-day, Yalerio was taken, as well as other peni-
tents, by the familiars of the holy otfice to Saint
Saviour's Church, at Seville, to hear both the sermon
and the high mass. He appeared as a penitent with-
out repentance. He could not listen to the doctrine
of the monks without in some way sho-\ving his oppo-
sition to it. He would sometimes rise from his seat,
and, while the whole assembly fixed their eyes on
him, put questions to the preacher, refute his doc-
trines, and entreat his hearers to take care they
did not receive them.* Rodrigo could not hear a
doctrine contrarv to the gospel without his whole
soul being stirred within him. The inquisitors,
steadily persuaded of his madness, at first excused
these interpellations, which to them seemed to be the
clearest proof of his malady. But the discourses of
this insane man were so reasonable that they pro-
duced an impression. The inquisitors at length
confined him in a convent on the coast of San Lucar,
where all society was forbidden him; and here he
died at about the age of fifty. His san henito was
exhibited in the metropolitan Church of Seville, with
this inscription: — Rodrigo Vaierio, a fake apostle who
gave out that he was sent of God. It was after the
departure of de la Fuente from Seville that the final
sentence was pronounced against Yalerio.
* ' Saepe e sua sede surgens, spectante universo populo, concionatoribus
contradixit.' — Montaniis, p. 204.
CHiP. III. 45
CHAPTER III.
SPAIN OUT OF SPAIN.
(1537—1645.)
THE Spaniards who at this epoch distinguished
themselves by the purest faith were those who,
having been by various circumstances transported into
Germany and the Netherlands, were there brought
into contact with the Reformation and its most
remarkable men. Thus it happens that respecting
these we possess the inost detailed information. We
are, therefore, called to look in this chapter and the
following ones at Spain out of Spain.
While Seville was a great evangelical centre in
the South, and the foremost town in Spain at the
epoch of the Reformation, there were also cities in
the north of the Peninsula which were distinguished
by some remarkable features, particularly Valladolid
and Burgos. The latter town, situated in a fertile
country, and once the capital of Castile, gave birth
to four young men, who were afterwards noted for
their devotion to the gospel, but who spent most of
their lives beyond the Pyrenees. These were James,
Francis and John de Enzinas, sons of a respectable
citizen of Burgos, who had kinsmen of noble rank
and high connexions, and Francis San Romano, of
more humble origin, but whose parents were ' good
Jionest people.' His father was alcalde of Bribiesca.
46 THE REFOEJUATION IX EUROPE. BOOK sir.
These four young men, almost of the same age,
were comrades at Burgos/"' For various reasons they
quitted the town in their youth. The father of the
Enzinas, a man in his way ambitious for his children,
and holding firmly by his authority as a father, con-
tinued to rule his sons even after they had attained
their majority. He sent them to complete their edu-
cation at the university of Louvain, partly because
the course of study there was of a more liberal cast
than in Spain, and partly because he had kinsmen
settled in the Xetherlands, some of whom were at the
court and enjoyed the favour of Charles the Fifth.
It appeared to him that a fine career was there open
to their ambition, and that they would perhaps ulti-
mately rise to the high position of their father. They
were indeed to find a career, but one of a more noble
and glorious kind.
The Enzinas, having arrived in the Xetherlands
before 1540, applied themselves zealously to their
studies. They were all of them, and especially
Francis, desirous of discovering all that was true and
good, fully determined to communicate to others the
truths which they had acquired, filled with courage
to defend them against all attacks and with perse-
verance to continue in the face of danger faithful to
their convictions.f They had the Spanish tempera-
ment, depth and fervour of soul, seriousness and
reflectiveness of understanding; and some faults of
their nature were corrected by Christian faith. Their
' Quern olim in nostra civitate adolescentem puer familiariter novi,'
says Francis Enzinas of San Komano. — Memoirs of JEuzinas, ii. p. 174.
t ' Virum grayem admodum constantemque et fortem in iis asserendis
defendendisque quae vera atque recta esse discendo comperisset.' — Camera-
I'ius, ^lehiiichthonh Vita, p. 324.
CHAP. Ill, THE THREE ENZISAS. 47
language had not only stateliness but thought. The
sense of honour did not in them degenerate into
pride, as is so often the case; and their religious faith,
by the influence of the gospel, Avas preserved from
superstition. They have been known under different
names in different countries. Their family name
Enzinas, which in Spanish denotes a species of oak,
was as usual hellenized in Germany, where they bore
the name of Dryander, and was turned into French
in France, where they were sometimes called
Duchesne.
These three young men had a taste for literature,
and made rapid progress in it. Mobile the truly noble
and liberal bent of their intellect separated them from
the theologians who were virtually imprisoned within
the walls of the Scholastic method and doctrine, their
naturally religious disposition, the common charac-
teristic of their countrymen, led them to seek out
the pious men of their day. Two of these were the
means of bringing them over from Roman Catholic-
ism to evangelical Protestantism; both of them con-
ciliatory men, who, though they belonged especially
to one of the two categories, maintained at the same
time some relations with the other. One of them
stood on the Catholic side, the other on the Protest-
ant; but they had both been desirous of bringing
about a reconciliation between the Reformation and
Catholicism. One of these men was George Cassander,
born in 1515, probably in the island of Cassandria,
at the mouth of the Scheldt. He was a good scholar,
and was a perfect master of languages and literature,
.law and theology, and taught with great reputation
in various universities in the Netherlands. Sincerely
48 THE EEFOEMATIOX IN EUKOPE. book xrr.
pious, he miide it the purpose of his hfe to demon-
strate the agreement of the two parties in essential
doctrines and to endeavour to unite them. With
this intent he published various works.* The empe-
ror Ferdinand at a later time requested him to work
for this end. The Enzinas associated themselves with
him. An intimate friendship grew up between them;
they had frequent conversations and wrote to each
other when separated. f But while the Catholics
thought that Cassander conceded too much to the
Protestants, the latter, and especially Calvin, com-
plained that he conceded too much to the Catholics.
He did, iu fact, remain always united with the Roman
church, declared that he submitted to its judgment,
and openly condemned schism and its authors.
The three brothers, endowed with an honest
spirit, werq resolved to get to the bottom of things.
The spirit of Cassander, timid, as they thought, and
the inadequacy of flie reforms which he allowed to be
desirable, displeased them; and they gradually with-
drew from him. They looked for better guides, and
studied the Holy Scriptures. B)' public report they
heard of Melanchthon, and they began to read and
to meditate on his writings. He was their second
teacher, more enlightened, more evangelical, and
more illustrious than the first. ]Melanchthon laid
open to their understanding in a luminous manner the
sacred Epistles. He revealed to his reader the grace
of Jesus Christ, and this without the asperity and the
■ ' De officio pii viri in hoc dissidio religionis. Consultatio de articulis
iidei inter papistas et protestantes controTersis, &c.
+ ' lUustrium et clarorum virorum epistolK, sciiptse a Belgis Tel ad
Belgas,' pp. 55, 58. Lugd. Batav., 1617.
CHAP. HI. FRANCIS ENZINAS. 49
violent language which are sometimes to be met
with in Luther. Melanchthon's moderation charmed
them. They had found their master.
About the close of 1537, Francis Enzinas, then
from twenty to twenty-five years of age, was recalled
by his family to Burgos. His relative, Peter de
Lerma, had just been prosecuted by the Inquisition.
It was supposed that the views for which proceedings
had been taken against him Mere to be attributed to
his sojourn at Paris. Those inhabitants of Ikirgos
who had sent their sons to foreign universities were
alarmed lest their children and theinselves should
be subjected to the severities of the Inquisition. This
was mainly the cause of the return of Francis to
Burgos. ' At that time,' says he, ' I Avas assailed
by earnest remonstrances on the part of my parents,
and I began to be looked on with suspicion by many
great persons, because I would not comply with their
requirements and give up the studies, the savour of
which I had already tasted.' * His aged uncle,
Peter de Lerma, was at tliis time at Burgos. Francis
went to see him, and found him imhappy and dis-
pirited, unable to reconcile himself to the thought of
living in a country where a man must either be in
agreement with the Inquisition or become its victim.
' Ah ! ' said he, ' I can no longer remain in Spain. It
is impossible for men of learning to dwell in
safety in the midst of so many persecutors.' What
though he was now nearly eighty years old ? What
though he must renounce, if he quitted Spain, all
his goods and all his honours? He determined to
* Memoirs of Enzinfus, ii. pp. 172, 173.
VOL. VIII. E
50 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE book xiv.
seek after another abode in whicli he miglit end his
da3's in peace. He would not hear of delay either
on account of the season of the year, when storms
are most to be dreaded, or on account of the war
which was raging beyond the Pyrenees. He was
resolved to leave Spain immediately. Perhaps he
was encouraged not to put off his departure bj'^ the
thought that the younger Enzinas might be of some
service to him in carrying out his project. The old
man embarked on a vessel which was sailing for
Flanders. On his arrival there he betook himself
to Paris, where he had formerly resided. During his
first stay in the capital of France, De Lerma had
been made doctor of the Sorbonne; he now found
himself the most aged member of the University.
His friends, persuaded that he had been persecuted
unjustly, received htm with much respect. He spent
four years at Paris.
Francis had returned to Louvain. A great thought
had by this time taken possession of his mind. His
supreme desire was to see Spain converted to the
gospel. XoAV what means so mighty for this end as to
give to the land the Word of God, and what a happi-
ness it would be for him to enrich his native country
with this treasure ! In former aces the Bible had
been translated, but the Inquisition had flung it into
the flames. Hardly a single copy had escaped;*
and Spaniards proudly boasted of the fact that their
language had never served to dishonour the Book of
God by exposing it to profane eyes. Enzinas, in
common with others, supposed that the Xew Testa-
ment had never yet been translated into Spanish. He
* M'Ciie, HpfoniKitiuii in Sjjnin, pp. 4UC. 414.
CHAP. III. enzijStas and ALASCO. 51
therefore zealously undertook this task. But when
he had made a beginning he felt that it was not in
the Netherlands that he could conveniently accom-
plish it. The superstitions prevalent around him,
and the annoyances which he had to endure on
the part of the fanatical ultramontanes, made him
ardently long to leave Louvain. At the same time
he felt the need of a visit to Wittenberg, to talk
over his work with Luther and Melanchthon, that he
might profit by their larger knowledge. He was
already acquainted with their writings, but he wished
lor their counsel, and desired an introduction to them.
Enzinas had met Alasco at Louvain in 1536, when
the latter, after leaving Poland, had directed his steps
to the Netherlands. He had been struck with the
aspect, at once serious and gentle, of the Polish
noble, and he had admired the air of stateliness and
dignity which invested his whole person.* But he
had not yet percei^'ed ' the treasures which lay
hidden in the depth of his soul.' Subsequently,
Albert Hardenberg arrived at Louvain. They talked
tosrether about John Alasco, and Hardenbers; ex-
pressed himself with all the warmth of a friend.
' How can I name to you,' he said, ' all the gifts
which God has bestowed on him, his eminent piety,
his pure religion, the sweetness and the benevolence
of his disposition, his Avonderful acquaintance with
all the liberal sciences, his aptitude for languages?
. . . Li these respects he surpasses all other men.' f
These words of Hardenberg kindled in the heart
* ' Cum gravitatem illam vultus pari suavitate conjimotam, et totius
corporis majestatem vere heroicam contemplarer.' — Gerdesius, iii. Monu-
menta, p. 83.
t ' Divinitus donatus prje ceteris mortalibu.s.' — Ibid.
E 2
5:2 THK EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xir.
of Enzinas a warm love for Alasco; and ere long,
he says, the little spark became a great flame.* He
would fain have gone to him in all haste ; but he
was detained at Louvain by insuperable obstacles.
He attempted to write to him ; but when he read over
his letter, abashed and anxious, he threw it away.
At last he set out ; but when he had reached Antwerp
he found himself compelled to go back to Louvain.
xvTot long after his return he heard that Alasco's wife
was there. She was, as we have seen, a native of this
town. Francis hastened to her dwelling. He saw
the wife and the daughter of his friend ; he almost
fancied that he saw the friend himself. He availed
himself of the opportunity to write to the man for
whom he had conceived one of those great and in-
tense aflFections which are sometimes found in healthy
natures. He wrote to Alasco as a soldier who stands
near his captain. It appears that his parents had
destined him for a military career, and he knew the
almost inflexible will of his father. He had had
conflicts to go through. A Spanish noble, doubtless
for the purpose of encouraging him to enter upon
the career which his father had chosen, had presented
him with a beautiful and antique sword, 'Although,'
wrote the young soldier of Christ to Alasco, ' I should
see the whole world taking up arms against me,
because in spite of the advice of respected men I
dedicate myself to study, I would not slight the gifts
which God in his goodness, and without any deserv-
ings on my part, has given me. I will strive like a
man to propagate the truth which God has revealed
* ' Scintillula ignis . . . ut totum fere pectus conflagi-aro viJeretiir.' — •
OerJt'sius, iii. Munumenta, >6''i.
CHAP. III. LETTER OF ENZINAS. 53
to US. But for this purpose I must fly far from this
Babylonish captivity, and betake myself to some
place where piety is not proscribed, and where a man
may devote himself to noble studies. I have decided
to go to Wittenberg, to the university which pos-
sesses so many learned professors, where knowledge
of such various kinds is to be found, and which enjoys
the approbation of all good men. I think so highly
of the knowledge, the judgment, and the gift of
teaching of Philip Melanchthon, that for his sake
alone, to enjoy the conversation and the instruction
of so great a man, I would fly to the ends of the
world.* Aid me in my project. This you may
do by giving me letters to facilitate my access to
Luther, Melanchthon, and other scholars, and to
obtain for me their kindly regard.'
This was not all. Enzinas delivered to Alasco's
wife, as an act of homage to her husband, the antique
and valuable sword presented to him by a Spanish
noble. 'You will say to me,' he adds, '"What
would you have me do with a sword? " I know that
you are armed with a better, one which penetrates
deeper than any other, the Word of God. But 1
send you this as a token of the love that I bear to
you, and of the respect that I feel for the gifts which
God has given you.' This letter is dated May 10,
1541.
Francis Enzinas was not able to go immediately
to Wittenberg. He had to undertake a journey
to Paris in the summer of 1541, partly to see his
elder brother then residing there, and partly to attend
* ' Vel ad extremmn orbem advolare.' — Gerdesius, iii. p. 85.
54 THE REFORMATION IX EUROPE. book xiv.
on his aged uncle, Peter de Tierma, -who was now
drawing near to his end. The young man was
thus with his aged kinsman on two most solemn
occasions — his departure from Spain, and his death.
Francis found him weakened, but still enjoying the
use of his fine faculties. He went frequently to see
him, and they had long and confidential inter^dews.
The suavity of the old man, and his seriousness un-
mixed with severity, charmed and delighted Francis,*
who from infancy had always loved and honoured
his relative, and now esteemed it a privilege to tes-
tify to the last his respectful affection. His parents
wrote to him from Burgos to take the greatest care
of his aged uncle. He therefore went daily to see
him, and his visits made glad the heart of the old
man. Suddenly, in the month of August 1541,
Peter de Lerma exchanged the miseries of this
world for the joys of the life eternal.f The patri-
arch of eighty-five and the youth of twenty-five
were together at this solemn moment. Life was just
beginning for Francis at the time when it was ending
for his uncle ; and the former, like the latter, was to
experience all its burdens. As the sole representa-
tive of the family, he gave the old man honour and
reverence till his death.J
At Paris, Francis had found, as we have stated,
his elder brother James, who had gone thither by his
father's command to complete his studies ; and it
* ' Ciijua suavi colloqiiio et minime molesta gravitate mirifice delec-
taljar.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 166.
t Miserias hujus mundi cum seterna vita conunutaTit.' — Memoirs of
Eiiziniis, ii. p. 166, in the scholarly edition of M. Campan. (Brussels,
1SG2,)
t ' U.>ciue ad cineres sunima sura eum reverentia prosecutus.' — Ibid.
CHAP. III. JAMES ENZINAS.
is possible tliat this interview may have been the
real purpose of his journey. James had, like his
brother, a noble and independent mind, a sensitive
conscience, and a pure and innocent nature which
unsuspectingly showed itself as it was. This open-
ness of character exposed him to great danger. To
these qualities he added a very refined taste, which
enabled him to appreciate instinctively the works
of intellect and the productions of art. James was
already convinced of the great truths of the gospel,
but his faith was strengthened during his stay at
Paris ; and he exerted a beneficial influence on some
of his fellow-countrymen who were stud}ing there at
the same time.
In this capital he did not find everything answer-
ing to his expectation. The professors were mostly
bigots, who had a very small stock of knowledge, but
nevertheless assumed a consequential air, although the
little philosophy which they possessed made them really
less intelligent than if they had had none at all. The
students had little good-breeding, nor did they show
any desire for really liberal researches. James Enzinas
was deeply moved by the heroism of the martyrs,
and the cruelty of their executioners made hiixi
shudder. One day a very young man named Claude
Lepeintre, about twenty years of age, was conducted
to the Place Maubert, to sufiPer there the last penalty.
He had resided three years at Geneva, serving, it
appears, an apprenticeship to a goldsmith. In that
city he had found the gospel. After his return to
Paris, his native place, ' he had endeavoured to im-
part to his friends the knowledge of eternal salva-
tion.' Some people of the house in which he carried
56 THE REFORMATION IX EUROPE. book xiv.
on l^'is trade as a goldsmith ' could not endure the
sweet savour of the gospel of the Son of God,' and
therefore took him before the criminal judge, Avho
condemned him to Be burnt alive. He appealed to
the parliament, which, as Claude refused to recant,
added that he should forthwith have his tongue cut
out. Without change of countenance the pious
young Christian presented his tongue to the exe-
cutioner, who seized it with pincers and cut it off.
It is even added that with it he struck the martyr
several blows on the cheek. He was then placed in
a car to be taken to the stake. Several evangelical
Christians, students and others, such as James En-
zinas, his friend the advocate Crespin, and Eustace
of Knobelsdorf, would not leave him till his death.
His martyrdom was described by all three of them.
WhUe on his way to the Place j\raubert he was
subjected, say these eye-witnesses, to 'numberless
insults which they cast at him. But it was wonderful
to see his self-possession and constancy, and how he
passed on with a light heart. It might have been
thought that he was going to a banquet.' He alighted
of his own accord from the car, and stood by the post
to which they bound him by coiling chains about his
body. The crowd excited against him assaUed him
with outcries and insults ; but he bore them with un-
speakable calmness. His tongue having been torn
out, he could not speak ; but his eyes were steadily
tixed on heaven, as on the abode which he was about
to enter, and whence he looked for help. The exe-
cutioner covered his head with brimstone, and when
he had finished sho-wed him with a threatening air
the lighted torch with which he was going to set
CHAP. ITI. JOHN ENZIXAS. 57
fire to the pile. The young martyr niade a sign
that he would willingly suiFer this death. ' This
youth,' says Knobelsdorf, one of the eye-witnesses,
' seemed to be raised to a more than human eleva-
tion.' ' This most happy end,' says another witness,
Crespin, ' confirmed those who had begun to have
some sense of the truth, to which the Lord gave
before our eyes a true and living testimon}'' in the
person of Claude.' *
James had employed his leisure hours in com-
posing in Spanish a catechism v/hich he thought
adapted to impress on the minds of his countrymen
the great truths of the gospel. Confirmed in his
faith by the martyrdom of Claude Lepeintre, weary
of his Paris life, and anxious to publish his work, he
went to Louvain and thence to Antwerp. This town
offered facilities for printing it, and the ships bound
for Spain easily conveyed the books when printed
into that countrj'. Francis, on his return from Paris,
stayed for some time in Belgium, and next went to
Wittenberg, where freedom of studies was possible,
and where Melanchthon was to be found.
John Enzinas, the youngest of the three brothers,
was also a lover of the gospel ; but he led a more
peaceful life than the elder ones. He had chosen the
medical profession, and had settled in Germany. He
became a professor at the university of Marburg, and
acquired a certain reputation by his works on medi-
cine and astronomy, and by the invention of various
* Illust. et Clar. Virorum Ejjp. selectee, a Belgis vel ad Belgas scrip-
tse ; Leyden, 1617. Ep. from Knobelsdorf to Oassander, July 10, 1542 ;
from Janies Dryander to Cassauder, pp. 88-45, 55, 60. Crespin, Act is
des Martyrs, iii. p. 127.
58 THE KF.FOE.MATIOX IN EUliOPE. TJOOK xiT.
instruments useful for the advancement of those
sciences. But in the annals of the Reformation his
name is less conspicuous than those of his brothers.
Another young Spaniard, like the Enzinas a
native of Burgos, and a friend of theirs, was in 1540
at Antwerp, whither James had already gone, and
Francis Hkewise was to go. San Romano, of whom we
have previously made mention, had devoted himself
to trade, and his business affairs had called him into
the Xetherlands. There was a fair-time at Antwerp,
during which it was usual for the merchants of various
countries to settle their accounts. As San Romano
was a very intelHgent young man, and was, moreover,
already acquainted with the merchants of Bremen,
he was commissioned by their creditors, his country-
men, to go to Bremen to claim and receive what was
owing to them. Another Spaniard was associated
with him. It will be remembered that Jacob Spreng,
provost of the Augustines of Antwerp, had taken
refuge in this tovsm after his escape from the perse-
cutions of the inquisitors. He was now preaching
the gospel there with much power.* San Romano,
whose business had not concluded so quickly as he
might have OTshed, was desirous of learning some-
thing about the doctrine which was being preached in
Germany, and which was hated in Spain. Although
he knew very little of German, he entered the
church. He drew near, he listened, and his attention
was soon riveted. To his great surprise he under-
stood the whole sermon. f He was intensely interested,
enlightened, and convinced. He felt pierced as by
' See vol. vii. p. 5(1?.
t ' Totam concionem intellexit.' — Memoirs of Enzinn?, ii. p. \~Q.
CHAP. III. SAN ROMANO. 59
an arrow from the hand of God,* and was greatly
moved. The orator's discourse made his heart burn
within him.f Something new and strange was going
on. No sooner was the service over than, forgetting
all matters of business, he hastened to the preacher.
The latter received him with much kindness, and took
hirn to his house.
There, when they were alone, San Romano re-
called to Spreng what he had said, repeating the
whole discourse as if he had learnt it by heart. He
told him the impressions which it had produced on
his heart, and thus earnestly entreated him: ' Pray
explain to me moi'e clearly this doctrine which I
begin to relish, but which I do not yet thoroughly
understand.' The pastor marvelled at tbe vehemence
of the young man and at his sudden conversion.
The liveliness of his new-born faith, which seemed
resolved to subdue everything, this first ardour
of a striking transformation, astonished him. He
counselled San Romano to restrain himself and not
to fail in prudence; but at the same time he taught
him carefully and kindly the great truths of salva-
tion, San Romano remained for three days in the
pastor's house. Nothing could induce him to go out.
He had seemingly forgotten the business on which
he had come to Bremen. A divine ligbt shone
more and more clearly in bis mind. During these
three days he was completely changed, like Paul at
Damascus, and became a new man. J
* ' Divino quodam oestro pei'citus.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 176.
t ' Ipsum iuflammavit concionatoris oratio.' — Ibid.
X ' Toto triduo . . in alium quemdam hominem prorsus noTum est
immutatus.' — Ibid., -p. 178.
60 THE EEFOEMATIOX IX EUROPE. BOOK xiv.
When this time had elapsed, San Romano went
to pa)' some attention to his business, entrusted it to
his companion, and then several times returned to
converse further with his new guide. The words of
the gospel had laid hold on him ; they were Jiis only
theme of thought by day, his only dream by night.*
He would not miss one of Spreng's sermons. When
he returned to his abode he wrote them down and
then read them over to the pastor. More than this —
he openly professed the truth which he had learned.
' This man,' thought Spreng, ' is certainly not hke
the rest of the world, Other men make a gradual
progress, but he has learnt all in a few days. He
seems to be saturated with the Word of God,
although apparently he has read so little of it. He
despises the world and the life of the world ; he
despises everything for Christ, whose Word he fear-
lessly spreads abroad.' f He was anxious not only
for the salvation of those about him, Ijut wrote long
letters to his friends at Antwerp. ' I give thanks to
God,' he said to them, ' who led me to a man by
whose instrumentality I found Jesus Christ, my true
Saviour, and from whom I have gained a knowledge
of the Holy Scriptures, which I cannot sufSciently
prize.' He exhorted them all to turn to God, if
they would not perish for ever with those who led
them astrav. Lamenting the cruelty of Spain and
the blindness of the Spaniards, ' Alas ! ' he said, ' they
will not open their eyes to contemplate the glorious
* ' Nihil toto die meditabatur, nihil nocte somniabat, prseter eas sen-
tentiaa.' — ^Temoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. \7^.
t Letter from Sprang to Enzinas, Jan. 6, 1546. Archives of Pro-
testant Seminary at Strasbm-jr.
CHAP. III. HIS LETTERS TO CHARLES V. 61
light of the gospel, nor give attentive ear or mind
to the manifest counsels of God who calls them to
repentance.' He therefore formed a resolution. ' I
purpose,' said he, ' returning to Antwerp, to see
whether the light of divine knowledge may not
enlighten the hearts of my friends. I shall then pro-
ceed to Spain, to endeavour to convert to the true
worship of God my relations and our whole city,
which is at present shrouded in the horrible dark-
ness of idolatry.'* In the ardour of his first love,
San Romano imagined that nothing could resist a
truth, all the sweetness and power of which he him-
self knew so well. But, alas ! it was by the flames
of martyrdom that he was destined to illuminate his
country.
His zeal no longer knew any limits. He wrote
to Charles the Fifth earnestly conjuring hina to
acknowledge worthily the great benefits of God, by
faithfully fulfilling his duty. ' Allay the dissensions
of Christendom,' he said, ' that the glory of God
may by your means be made manifest in the world;
re-establish in Spain and in every country which is
subject to your sway the pure doctrine of Christ our
Saviour.' San Romano wrote thus two or three
times to the emperor. At the same time he wrote
■some evangelical books in Spanish. All this was
done in one month, or at most in forty days, while
he was awaiting the answer to the letters which he
had written to Antwerp.
These had been well received by his friends, and
they had instantly understood from what malady he
* ' Postea in Hispaniam commigrare ut parentes ac totam deniqiie
civitatera nostram converteret.' — Memoirs of Eir.in(is,ii. -p. 1H2.
62 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK xrr.
was suffering.* Far from thmking of their own sal-
vation as he implored them, they only thought how
to ruin him, and set all their ingenuity to work to
entrap him. ' Ah ! ' they wrote in terms of endear-
ment, 'if only you return to Antwerp, the great
things of which you speak will, without the least
doubt, be accomplished.' At the same time they
came to an understanding with the Dominican monks,
some of whom they appointed to watch for the mo-
ment at which he should enter the city. ' You are
to seize on him,' said they, ' you are to question him
about his father, and if he differs from you in the
least on this subject you are to put him to death, or
throw him into some pit in which he will be buried
as a living corpse.' f
The poor man, whom the answer of his friends
had filled with hope and joy, mounted on horseback,
saying to himself that he should be able without
great difficulty to convert all the Spaniards to the
true religion. He arrived, passed the gates, and
entered the town ; but all at once the monks in am-
bush surrounded him, dragged him from his horse, and
led him off as a prisoner to the house of a tradesman
who was devoted to their cause. J There thej- bound
him hand and foot and began searching his baggage.
They found in it a good many books in German,
French, and Latin ; some were by Luther, others by
Melanchthon, and the rest by Qilcolampadius and
other equally suspected authors. They even dis-
' 'Quo morbo laboraret.' — M'ejnoirs ofEnziimx, ii. p. Isj..
t ' In aliquod antrum, quasi vivum cadaver insepultum detruderent.' —
lUd., p. 184.
X 'Ex equo deponunt, et captivum in sedes cujusdam mercatoris de-
ducunt.' — Ibid., p. ISO.
CHAP. III. ARKEST OF SAN ROMANO. 03
covered, to their great horror, insulting pictures of
the pope. They turned angrily to him, saying,
' Thou art a perfect Lutheran.' San Romano, having
fallen so unexpectedly into an ambush, was con-
fused, excited, and inflamed with wrath. He was a
true Spaniard, calm while nothing disturbed him, but
when hurt in any way, giving vent to the passions
of a soul on fire. He had known the gospel too
short a time to have become wise as a serpent and
harmless as a dove. He was no longer master of
himself. 'You are rascals,'* he exclaimed. 'lam
not a Lutheran, but 1 profess the eternal wisdom of
the Sou of God, whom ye hate. And as to your
dreams, your impostures, your corrupt doctrines, I
abhor them with all my heart.' ' What, then, is thy
religion?' asked the monks. ' I believe in God the
Father, Creator of all,' replied San Romano, 'and I
believe in God the Son, Jesus Christ, who redeemed
mankind by his blood, and who by delivering them
fi-om the bondage of the devil, of sin, and of death,
established them in the liberty of the gospel.' ' Dost
thou believe,' asked the monks, 'that the pope of
Rome is the vicar of Christ, that all the treasures of
the church are in his hands, and that he has power to
make new articles of faith and to abolish the others ? '
' 1 believe nothing of the sort,' exclaimed San Ro-
mano, horrified. ' I believe that the pope, like a
wolf, disperses, leads astray, and tears in pieces the
poor sheep of Jesus Christ.' ' He blasphemes ! ' said
the Spaniards. ' You shall be put to death, and by
fire,' cried the monks. ' I am not afraid to die,' re-
plied he, ' for him who shed his blood for me.' The
* ' Pessimi netulones.' — Miinoirs of Enzincis, ii. p. 18>!.
64 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
mouks then lighted a fire ; but they contented them-
selves with burning all his books before his face.
But when he saw the Xew Testament throAvn into
the flames, he could contain himself no longer. ' He
is mad,' said the Spaniards; and they carried him,
bound, to a certain tower, six leagues from Antwerp,
where they kept him for eight months in a dark
dungeon. Admitting, however, that a want of mo-
deration was excusable in the state of extreme
agitation into which he ^\■as thrown, his fellow-
countrymen caused him to be set at libert}'.
San Romano then betook himself to Louvain,
knowing that he should find there friends of the gospel.
Here he met with Francis Enzinas, who had not yet
set out for Paris, and who, knowing the inexperience,
boldness, and zeal of his countryman, and the dangers
which awaited him, spoke to him frankly and wisely,
advising him not to undertake, as he had purposed,
the conversion of all Spain. ' Remain,' said he, ' in
the calling to which G od has called you ; you may be
able to do much good in your business. Do not set
yourself to speak about religion to every person
whom you meet, nor to cry out like a madman at the
top of your voice in the streets and public places.
Perhaps you may not be able to reply to the argu-
ments of your adversaries, nor to confirm your own
by good authorities. If God has need of you he will
call you, and it will be time then to expose yourself
to every peril.' ' You say truly,' replied San Romano,
' and for the future * I will speak more modestly.'
But there Tvas in this young man a fire which
nothing could extinguish. His ruling passion was
* Memoirs of Eiizinat, ii. p. lils.
CHAP. III. SAN ROMANO AT KATISBON. Go
the desire to do everj^thiiig in his power which he
believed calculated to save mankind and to glorify
God. He had a wonderful fervency of spirit which
prompted him to perpetual efforts, even to what
many would, perhaps, call an excess of piety and
charity. This has often been the case with the most
eminent Christians. The words of Scripture were
true of him : The zeal of thine house hath eaten me
up. Scarcely had he promised Enzinas to be more
prudent, when he set out with a few friends for
Ratisbon, where the Imperial Diet had been opened
in April (1541), and where Charles the Fifth then
was. The prince was showing, as they said, much
favour towards the Protestants. He desired, in fact,
to obtain the support of the evangelical party for the
war against the Turks who were attacking Austria.*
San Romano, therefore, believed the moment to be fa-
vourable for attempting the conversion of Charles. He
did not mention his design to his companions. WhUe,
however, he went on his way in silence, he reasoned
within himself that the truth of the gospel was ob-
vious, and that if the emperor, whom the Spaniards
regarded as master of the world, should once receive
it, he would spread it abroad throughout Christen-
dom, and throughout the whole world. And he
thouo-ht that if vulgar fears should hinder him from
speaking to Charles, he would be taking upon him-
self an immense responsibility.
No sooner had he arrived at Ratisbon than he
requested and obtained an audience of the emperor.
He entreated him to make use of his power to
repress the fanatical proceedings of the Inquisition.
* See tte opening speecli of the Diet. — Sleiclan, ii, p. 125 sqq.
VOL. VIII. F
66 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
' Sire,' said he, ' the true religion is to be fourd
amongst the Protestants, and the Spaniards are
sunk in abominable errors. Receive worthily the
true doctrine of the Son of God, which is proclaimed
so clearl)' in the Germanic churches. Repress all
cruelty, re-establish the true worship of God in
your states, and cause the doctrine of salvation to
be proclaimed throughout the world.' Long and
bold as San Romano's discourse was, the emperor
listened to it very patiently. It was not mere
ranting.* ' I have this matter much at heart,' re-
plied Charles, pleasantly, ' and I will spare no pains
for it.' San Romano withdrew full of hope.
A conference was now going on at Ratisbon be-
tween the Romanists and the evangelical party, who,
at the emperor's request, were endeavouring to come
to an agreement. Charles's moderation might well
be the result of his desire to do nothing: which misfht
interfere with an arrangement. But no desire was
manifested to render justice to the Reformation. On
the contrary, Luther wrote to the Elector of SaxonJ^
All this is only pure popish deceit. It is impossible
to bring Christ and the Serpent to an agreement.'!
Fanatical Catholics, both Germans and Spaniards,
were already indulging in acts of cruelty towards
the evangelical Christians. At this spectacle San
Romano felt his hopes vanish. He did not, however,
lose heart ; but appealed a second and a third time
with great boldness to the emperor, receiving none
but gracious replies from him.
* ' Longam atque audacem orationem . . . audivit imperator pa-
tienter." — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 200.
t ' Es ist unmbglich Christum zu vergleiclien mit der Sclilangen.' —
Lulh., Ejyp., V. p. 3f6.
CHAP. III. SECOND ARREST OF SAN ROMANO. 67
The Spaniards in Charles's suite were less politic
than himself, and they displayed much irritation at
the language of their countryman. When, therefore,
the young Christian of Burgos desired to speak a
fourth time with the monarch, they had him carried
off and put into prison. Their fury rose to the
highest pitch, and weary of the consideration shown
to him, they were about to seize the audacious young
man and throw him without further ceremony into the
Danube.* The emperor prevented this, and ordered
him to be tried according to the laws of the empire.
He was then thrown into a deep dungeon, where he
was kept in chains. According to some accounts,
he was bound to the wheels of a chariot, dragged
in the train of the emperor, and even transported to
Africa, whither Charles at this time betook himself
on a famous expedition. f This story appears to us
very improbable. However that may be, on the day
when he was released from prison he was cruelly
bound and chained together with real criminals, with-
out the least regard to his social position or the cause
for which he had been arrested, and thus conducted
on a miserable cart either into Africa or into Spain.
One of the Spaniards who had accompanied him on
the way from Louvain to Ratisbon approached the
cart, and, surprised at the barbarous manner in which
his friend was treated, asked him, ' What is the mean-
ing of this? Why are you here in company with
criminals and treated with such ignominy?' Poor
San Romano, constant in his faith and hope, raised
* 'Volebant eum, sine mora, in Danubium prEBcipitem dare.' — Me-
moirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 202.
t ' Etiam (ut audivi) in ipsam Africanam expeditionem.' — Ih., p. 206.
p2
68 TEE KEFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
his arms as high as he could, saying, ' Do you see
these iron chains? They will procure me in the
presence of God greater honours than all the pomp
and magnificence of the emperor's court. glo-
rious bonds ! you will soon shine like a crown of
precious stones. You see, my brother, how my arms
and legs are bound and how my whole body, weighed
down by these irons, is fastened to the cart, without
being able to stir. But all these bonds cannot pre-
vent my spirit, over which the emperor has no au-
thority, from being perfectly free,* nor from rising
to the dwelling of the eternal Father to contemplate
heavenly things, nor from being there continually
refreshed by the sweet society of saints. Ah ! would
to God that the bonds of this mortal body were
already severed and that my soul could even now
take flight to my heavenly home ! It is my firm
assurance, that soon, instead of these transient chains,
everlasting joy in the glorious presence of God will be
given me by the just Judge.' Such was the faith of
the martyrs of the Reformation. There was some-
thing within them that was free, liberrimus animus.
There the emperor had nothing to command, nothing
to say. Thus it was that after the night and bond-
age of the iliddle Ages, our modem freedom took
its rise. Holy and glorious origin ! San Romano's
friend was so astonished and touched by these words
that he ' shed a torrent of tears.' His grief was so
intense that he could not speak, and ant^wered only
by tears and sighs. But soon the guards, noticing
* ' Nihil tamen obstant hsec omnia vinciila, quin meua animus alioqui
liberrimus, in quern nihil habet juris imperator.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii.
p. 204.
CHAP. [ir. HIS SUFFERINGS. 09
perhaps this conversation, drove on at a great rate,
and the friends were separated.*
San Romano on his arrival in Spain was delivered
over to the Inquisition of Valladolid. The inquisi-
tors threw him into a dark prison, ' a most horrible
subterranean hole,' says the French translator. They
subjected him to far more cruel treatment than he
had ever experienced from the soldiers ; and he
suffered more than in the great dangers which he had
incurred at sea, from the chains with which he was
loaded, and a thousand other torments. This took
place in 1542, and San Romano remained in prison
about two years. f
* ' Nimium in via properatant.' — Memoirs of Enzmas, ii. p. 206.
t The conclusion of San Romano's story will he found in ch. vi. infra.
70 THE EEFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
CHAPTEE IV.
THE NEW TESTAMENT IN SPANISH PRESENTED TO CHARLES
THE FIFTH BY ENZINAS.
(1542—1545.)
WHILE these events were passing, Francis Enzi-
nas was working at Wittenberg under the eye
of Melanchthon at his translation of the New Testa-
ment. The work was at last completed, and there
remained only to print it and send it to Spain. For
this purpose Enzinas was to go to Antwerp. He set
off, therefore, from Wittenberg in the month of Janu-
ary 1543, just after his friend San Romano had been
confined in the dungeons of Valladolid. He first
proceeded, by very bad roads, and in the midst of
winter, to Embden, where he wished to see John
Alaseo. ' We conferred on several matters, which
he has no doubt communicated to you,' wrote Fran-
cis to Melanchthon. Thence he went to the con^-ent
of Adnard, in the neighbourhood of Groningen,
where Hardenberg then was. This man's regard for
the gospel had abated, and he had determined to pass
the rest of his days in peace in his convent. Enzinas
endeavoured to induce him openly to profess the doc-
trine of the gospel. In this he succeeded. Hardenberg
left the convent and went to Cologne. Francis went
to Louvain, where he arrived in March 1543.*
* Memoirs of Enzinas, i. pp. 9-13.
CHAr. IV, EXZINAS AT LOUVAIN. 71
The moment was not favourable. The Inquisition
and the secular power itself were both preparing their
terrors. There was an under-current of agitation in
the city ; hatred or fear was everywhere rife. Enzi-
nas had many friends in the city ; but knowing that
he came fi"om Wittenberg, and pretending that he
' smelt of sulphur,' those with whom he was most
intimate, far from lavishing on him marks of tender
affection, as formerly, remained mute and trembled
in his presence. He well understood the reason.
The very day after his arrival, the Attorney-General,
Peter du Fief, cast into prison, as we have seen else-
where,* all of the evangelical party who fell into his
hands. An uncle whom Enzinas had at Antwerp,
Don Diego Ortega, invited him to go and see him,
and he was received in that town with open arms.
At this period he was alternately at Antwerp, Brus-
sels, and Louvain.
The persecution which had befallen a great num-
ber of his friends now absorbed all his thoughts; but
when the storm had somewhat abated, his project of
publishing his Spanish translation of the New Tes-
tament again engaged his attention. Being modest,
as distinguished men generally are, he felt some hesi-
tation when he considered how great an enterprise it
was, especially for a young man like himself. ' I do not
wish,' he said, 'to accomplish this work in obedience
to my own impulse alone.' He therefore consulted
several men belonging to different nations and emi-
nent for their learning and wisdom. All of them
approved his project, and begged him to hasten the
* Vol. vii. p. 675,
7-2 THE KEFOEMATION IN ETTKOPE. book xiv.
printing. ' Since the birth, of Jesus Christ,' said
some of the monks, even among the superstitious, ' so
great a benefit has never been offered to the Spanish
people.' ' I could wish,' said another, ' to see that
book printed, were it even with my own blood.' *
Enzinas took another step even more humble, and
which might have compromised him It was neces-
sary that theological books should receive the sanction
of the faculty of theology. 'Assuredly,' said Enzi-
nas, ' this was never required, nor ought to be re-
quired, for the Holy Scriptures. But no matter.'
He sent his translation to the dean of Louvain by
a monk of his acquaintance. The members of the
faculty, after conferring together, replied, ' We do not
know Spanish; but we know that every heresy in the
Netherlands proceeded from reading the sacred books
in the vulgar tongue. It would, therefore, be advis-
able not to furnish the common people ia Spain with
an opportunity of refuting the decrees of the Church
by the words of Jesus Christ, the prophets, and the
apostles. f But since the emperor has not forbidden
it, we give neither permission nor prohibition.' This
reply was at least candid and ingenuous.
Enzinas did not pay much regard to the advice
of the theologians of Louvain ; but the work would
have had a much larger circulation if it had been
sent out under their sanction. Now both prudence
and zeal incited him to do everything to ensure the
success of his enterprise. Having met with this re-
'Vel BUG sanguine librum impressum.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, i.
p. 140.
t ' Responsandi ex prophetarum, Christi, et apostolorum scriptis ad-
versua Ecclesias decreta.' — Ibid., p. 146.
CHAP. IT. THE SPANISH NEW TESTAMENT. 73
fusal, he contented himself with communicating his
manuscript to Spanish scholars, who declared that
thej' had collated the most important passages, and had
found the translation very faithful. They urged him,
therefore, to hasten the publication of so beneficial a
work.* He now went once more to Antwerp, intend-
ing to have his book printed there ; but he was soon
to discover that his application to the theologians of
the university of Louvain, by spreading in a certain
circle a report of his enterprise, sufiiced to throw
great obstacles in his way.
There were, in fact, at this time in the Low
Countries dignitaries of the Spanish Church whose
eyes were open and who would not fail to use every
eflFort to hinder the printing of the Holy Scriptures
in Spanish. Amongst others was the archbishop of
Compostella, Don Caspar d'Avalos, a man whom
Spanish devotees considered, on account of the per-
fection of his ultramontane doctrine, as a divinity
among mortals,^ but Avhom men of sound judgment
regarded as a fanatic. Filled with abhorrence for the
holy doctrine of the gospel, he took every opportu-
nity of contending against and uprooting it. He
was the first to oppose the translation of Enzinas.
' To publish the New Testament in Spanish,' said he,
' is a crime worthy of death.' One day, when the
archbishop and the translator were both at Antwerp,
the former preached. The Spaniards, who were at
this time numerous at Antwerp, were present, and
* ' Utilis ilia admodum, atque proficua futura sit opera.' — Gerdesiua,
Hist. Reform., iii. p. 166.
t 'Ut divinum quoddam numea inter mortales existimetur.' — Me-
moirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 126.
74 THE REFORMAriON IN EUEOPE. book xiv,
many others came out of mere curiosity. Enzinas
slipped into the church, and, wishing to hear well,
succeeded in placing himself close to the illustrious
preacher. The latter, according to the taste of the
Romish priests, delivered a controversial sermon, and
it must be confessed that he had reasons for doing so.
He thundered against the books which set forth the
doctrine of the gospel. He did not preach, said
Enzinas, he vociferated, and strove by furious cla-
mour to stir up hi-s audience and excite the people to
sedition.* He went even further. Without naming
Enzinas, he hurled covert words at him, never sus-
pecting that the man whom he was attacking was
sitting close by him.-j-
Francis, whether after or before this sermon we
do not know, went to Stephen Meerdmann the printer,
and the following conversation took place : —
Enzinas : ' Are you willing to print a Spanish
translation of the New Testament ? '
Meerdmann : ' Quite willing ; such a work is de-
sired by many.'
Enzinas : ' Is there any need of a license ? '
Meerdmann : ' The emperor has never forbidden
the printing of the Holy Scriptures, and the New
Testament has been printed at Antwerp in almost
every European language. If your translation is
faithful it may be printed without permission.'
Enzinas : ' Then prepare your presses ; I take the
responsibility of the translation; do you take that
* ' Insanis vociferationibus, non dicam conoionantem, sed vere furen-
tem, et coucionem ipsamadseditionemexcitantem.' — Memoirs of Enzinas,
ii. p. 128.
f ' Non pauca ille in te oblique dicitur ejaculatus . . . cum tu ipse
proximus illi sederes . . . , quern tamen ipse non potuit agnoscere.' — Ibid.
CHAP. IT. ITS TITLE-PAGE. 75
of the publication. Of course I bear the cost my-
self.'
There was nothing underhand in all this. The
enterprise of Enzinas was well known, and some ap-
proved, while others blamed it. Anyone who wished
was admitted to the translator's house. One day,
when he had some members of his family with him,
and before he had sent the copy to the printer, an old
Dominican monk, who scented some heretical design
underneath it all, presented himself at his door.
After the customary salutations, he took up the first
page which lay on the table in manuscript and con-
tained the title and an epistle to the emperor. The
monk read : The New Testament, that is, the New Cove-
nant of our Redeemer and only Saviour Jesus Christ.
Francis had said Covenant because he had noticed
that the word Testament was not well understood ;
and he had inserted the word only before the word
Saviour to dissipate the error so common among the
Spaniards, of admitting other Saviours besides the
Son of God. ' Covenant,^ said the monk ; ' your trans-
lation is faithful and good, but the word Covenant
grates on my ears ; it is a completely Lutheran
phrase.' ' Xo, it is not a phrase of Luther's,' said
Enzinas, ' but of the prophets and apostles.' ' This
is intolerable,' resumed the monk ; ' a youth, born but
yesterday or the day before,* claims to teach the
wisest and oldest men what they have taught all
their life long ! I swear by my sacred cowl f that
your design is to administer to men's souls the
* ' Juvenculum heri aut nudius tertius natum.' — Memoirs of Enzinas,
i. p. 188. This is evidence of the youth of Enzinas.
t ' Jurare per sacrosanctam cucuUam.' — Memoire of Enzinas, i. p. 190,
76 THE EEFOEMATIOX IN EUROPE. book xit.
poisonous beverages of Luther, craftily mixing them
with the most holy words of the New Testament.'
Then turning to the relatives of Enzinas, he began
to rail like a madman, endeavouring by tragical words
to excite his o-\\-n family against him. Indeed, the
monk had scarcely finished, when Francis was sur-
rounded by his relatives, beseeching him, for the love
of them, to erase the unlucky word. He did so, in
order not to offend them, but he left standing the
phrase only Saviour^ to which the monk did not ob-
ject. He then sent the sheets to the printer who
put it to press and worked oflf a large number.
Having received this first printed sheet, Enzinas,
through excess of caution, communicated it to a
Spaniard of his acquaintance, an elderly, well-in-
formed, and influential man. ' Only Saviour I ^ cried
he, on seeing the title. ' If you will be advised by nie,
omit the word only, which will give rise to grave
suspicions.' Enzinas explained his reasons. The
Spaniard acknowledged the truth of the doctrine, but
denied the expediency of putting it so prominently
forward. The word was omitted, and the sheet had
to be reprinted.* The whole edition was some time
after ready to appear.
It was now the beginning of November 1543.
The emperor had just made war against the Duke
of Cleves, had conquered him, and had obtained
by the treaty of Venloo a portion of the states of
that prince. The duke's mother, the Princess Mary,
* The title stood finally thus : ' El Nuevo Testamento de nuestro
Redemptor y Salvador Jesu Ohristo, traduzido de Griego en lengua Oas-
tellana por Francisco de Enzinas, dedicado a la cesarea Magestad.
En Enveres, en casa de Estevan Mierdmanno, en el anno de mdxliii.'
' — In 8vo.
CHAP. IT. PEDEO DE SOTO. 77
a clever woman, had died of grief and indignation ; *
but the emperor was proud of his achievements, and
thought only of following up his triumphs of every
kind. It was to his Spanish troops in particular
that Charles owed this victory. A great number of
Spaniards of every rank accompanied him, and he
had just appointed as his confessor a Dominican from
the Peninsula, Pedro de Soto, who was afterwards
the first theologian of Pius IV., in the third convoca-
tion of the Council of Trent. At this time Soto
ranked, both in the Low Countries and in Germany,
among the most zealous of the Romish priests. He
sought to gain over ignorant minds, and knew how
to insinuate himself into the good graces of the
great. As he had the emperor's conscience at his
disposal he ' instilled into him his venom,! thus per-
verting the sentiments of a prince who was full of
clemency,' says Enziiias. But this supposed benig-
nity on Charles's part was an illusion. Policy was
his great guiding motive, and he was merciful or
harsh, according as the interests of his ambition
required. It is, however, true that Soto endeavoured
both by his sermons and otherwise to inflame
men's minds, and especially that of Charles, against
those whom he called heretics. Whenever the Do-
minican preached before Charles the Fifth and his
court, he was to be seen entering the church in a
lowly manner, his head sunk between his shoulders,
his cowl pulled over his forehead, his eyes fixed
* ' Cognitis pactionis hujua legibus . . . e vita, velut indignabunda,
excedens humanis valedixit.' — Ubbo Emmiu3, 832. Raake, Deutsche
Geschickte, iv. p. 295.
t ' Eum praesentaneo veneno pimgit.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 100,
78 THE EEFOKMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
on the ground, and his hands clasped.* One would
have thought him a man dead to the world, who
contemplated only heavenly things, and who would
not harm a fly.f He mounted the pulpit, threw
back his cowl and gravely saluted the emperor, and
the princes and lords who surrounded him. Then
he began his sermon, speaking with a low voice and
slow enunciation, but clearly and firmly, so that his
words sank the more impressively into men's hearts.
He recalled with enthusiasm the religion of their
ancestors and extolled the piety and zeal of Charles.
Then, affecting to be more and more moved, he
deplored with sighs and tears the ruin of religion and
the attacks made upon the dignity of the priest, and
conjured the emperor to tread in the way mai'ked out
for him by his predecessors. Having thus by feigned
modesty insinuated himself into the hearts of his
audience, he raised his head boldly, gave vent to
the passion by which he was animated, and brought
into play the powerful artifices suggested to him
by the Evil One. J He hurled the thunders of his
eloquence at his adversaries ; he aimed a thousand
shafts at them, and subdued his audience. But if
his violence took the assembly by surprise, he shocked
many, who thought with amazement ; ' We might
fancy we were listening to a man who had descended
from the abode of the gods on Olympus to announce
the secrets he had learned from Jupiter.' ' He was
seized,' said one of his hearers, ' with a diabolical
* ' Inflexo capite in humeros, oucullo usque ad oculos demisso, terrain
intuens, modeste, &c.' — Memoirs of Enzinm, ii. p. 100.
t ' Qui ne muscam quidem Isedere poasit.' — Ibid.
X ' TuQi admonet omnes machinas quas illi suggerit Satanse furor.' —
Ibid., p. 102.
CHAP. IV. HE INSTIGATES TO PERSECUTION. 79
fury, and seemed like a priest of the mysteries,
gesticulating and leaping in a chorus of the Furies.'*
He laid siege to the mind of the emperor, and in-
flamed the princes with hatred of the divine doctrine.
This he distorted and defamed; and he strove by all
means to extinguish the salutary light of the gospel
which God had rekindled in the midst of the dark-
ness. Turning towards the emperor and the princes,
he proclaimed in a prophetic voice, that God would
not be favourable to them until they should have
destroyed the apostates with fire and sword. He did
not conclude his discourse till he thought he had
constrained his hearers by his thundering eloquence
to burn all the laitherans.
Nevertheless it was quite manifest that the
emperor did not always use such diligence as De Soto
demanded of him in his seditious discourses. Dis-
quieted, therefore, and saddened because the monarch
appeared 'backward to persecution,' he appealed to
him in private, urging him to make confession ; and
it was in the retired chamber in which he received
as a penitent the master of the world that he sought,
by striking great blows, to drive Charles on to per-
secution. ' Most sacred Majesty,' he said, ' you are
the monarch whom God has raised to the highest
pitch of honour, in order that you may defend the
Church and take vengeance on impiety, and I am
the man whom God has appointed to govern your
conscience. Power has been given me, as your ma-
jesty is aware, to remit and to retain sins. If your
majesty does not purify the Church from pollution, I
* ' Yel in ipso furiarum clioro bacchantem.' — Memoirs of JSiisiaas,
ii. p. 100.
80 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
cannot absolve you, ego non possum te absolvere.'' He
even menaced him with the anger of God and the
pains of hell. Charles, who was easily intimidated
— even, as we know, by the approach of a comet —
' imagined himself already plunged iato the abyss
of hell.' * The monk, perceiving this, pressed his
point, and did not pronounce absolution until he had
extorted from the sovereign a promise to put the
heretics to death.
This narrative by a contemporary appears to us
perfectly authentic. There is, however, one point on
which we cannot follow it. We do not believe that
De Soto was a hypocrite and employed fraud and
treason, as this author seems to think, Charles's con-
fessor was, we believe, a fanatic, but a sincere fanatic ;
he really believed himself to be prosecuting error.
No sooner had De Soto obtained the promise of
Charles than he hastened to Granvella. It was said
at court that these two personages had made a com-
pact, by virtue of which the first minister never
thwarted the confessor in matters of religion. It
might be so ; but we believe that Charles did not
lightly submit his designs to the fanaticism of the
priests, nor would he, we repeat, give them the rein
unless it suited his policy.
On November 24, 1543, Charles the Fifth, after
having signed the treaty of ^^enloo, entered Brussels,
probably by the Louvain gate. Another personage
entered the city at the same time, but by the Ant-
werp gate. This was Francis Enzinas. He had, as we
have said, dedicated his translation to the emperor.
* ' Imperator existimat se jam nunc iu imo Tai'tari esse demersum.' —
Memoh-s of Eimnas, ii. p. lOG.
CHAP. IT. EXZINAS AT BRUSSELS. 81
' Most sacred majesty,' said he in this dedication,
' owing to versions of the Holy Scriptures, all men
can now hear Jesus Christ and his apostles speak
in their own languages of the mysteries of our
redemption, on which the salvation and the con-
solation of our souls depend. Xew versions are now
continually being published in every kingdom of
Christendom, in Itah", in Flanders, and in Germany,
which is flooded with them. Spain alone remains
isolated in her corner at the extremity of Europe.
My desire is to be useful, according to my abilities,
to my country. I hope that your majesty will ap-
prove of my work and protect it with your royal
authority.' This dedication was dated from Ant-
werp, October 1, 1543.
Enzinas did not wish his book to be offered for
sale until he had presented it to the emperor ; and he
had come to Brussels to confer with his friends as to
where he would have to go and how he should pro-
ceed. As soon as he had arrived he directed his
steps towards the palace, where, no doubt, one of
his acquaintances resided. On approaching he saw
to his great surprise the emperor himself just arriv-
ing at court, surrounded by a numerous suite.* At
this sight Francis greatly rejoiced. ' What a happy
augury! ' thought he; ' this opportune meeting should
certainly give me hope that my business will succeed.'
The question now was, how to get access to Charles.
Francis de Enzinas, whose family occupied an ho-
nourable position, had several distinguished kinsmen
* ' Eodem tempore quum ego, ad aulam accedebat (imperator).' —
Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 196.
VOL. VIIl. G
82 THE EEFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
and friends at court,* to whom he could apply. He
went, therefore, to their houses, but learned to his
great disappointment that some of them had not yet
arrived at Brussels ; and having visited the others,
he found that these great personages were infidels
Avho sco£Fed at religion as something far beneath
them. For them it was only an instrument of
government, and they were not at aU inclined to
compromise themselves with the emperor by becom-
ing patrons of Lutheranism. Enzinas withdrew,
disappointed in his expectations. ' Certainly,' said
he, ' I will not ask them to use their influence in
favour of a work which they detest. Moreover,
as I am connected with them either by friendship or
by blood, I am unwilling to annoy them, or do them
harm.' What, then, was to be done?
There was one bishop at court who was in high
favour with the emperor. This was Don Francisco
de Mendoza, son of the first marquis of Mondejar,
bishop of Jaen, a town not far from Granada and
Cordova. He was a man in the prime of life, grave,
candid, and open-hearted, pure in life, and a lover of
piet}-. Enzinas went one Saturday to the palace in
which the bishop lived. The latter received his
young and noble fellow-countryman affectionately,
and on learning that he came to speak with him about
his translation of the New Testament he displayed
the liveliest interest in the work.f ' I offer you my
services in the matter,' said he, ' and I will use aU my
influence with the emperor, to induce him to receive
• ' In aula habebam non paucos neque vulgares amicos et cognates.' —
Memoirs of Enzinns. i. p. 196.
t ' Xostrce XotI Testament! interpretationi unice favebat.' Ibid.,
p. 200.
CHAP. IV. BEFORE THE EMPEKOK. 63
your work favourably. Return to me to-morrow, and
we will then see his majesty.' The next day was
Sunday. A great crowd was stirring in the palace,
and magnificent preparations were being made for a
high mass which was to be celebrated before the em-
peror. There was a considerable number of musi-
cians, instruments, and singers. Enzinas shrunk back
at the sight of these preparations. ' I will return
to the town to see some of my learned friends,' he
said, ' and leave them to perform their play at their
leisure.'
After mass he came again. The bishop sent for
him and took him into a hall where a table was
prepared for the emperor's dinner. Charles arrived
shortly after, followed by a great number of princes
and lords. He entered with much dignity and sat
down to table alone.* The bishop and Enzmas stood
opposite to him duriiag the repast. The haU was
quite filled with princes and nobles. Some of them
waited at table, some poured out the wine, and others
removed the dishes. All eyes were fixed upon one
man alone. Charles the Fifth sat there like an idol
surrounded by its worshippers. But he was quite
equal to the part which he had to play. Enzinas ob-
served attentively the gravity of his appearance, the
features of his countenance, the grace of his move-
ments, and the heroic grandeur which seemed a part
of his nature. The young Spaniard was so deeply
plunged in meditation that he forgot the purpose
which had brought him there. At last he bethought
himself of it; but the great number of princes and
* ' Sinn-ulari quadam majestate procedens, solus assedit mensse.' —
Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 200.
o2
84 THE EEFORMTATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
lords around him and the interview which he was to
have with the emperor seemed to him something so
extraordinary that he was seized with fear. A sense
of the greatness of his cause, however, restored to
him some confidence. 'Ah!' thought he, 'if all the
princes in the world were assembled here I should
look upon them as ordained of God to bring my
project to a successful issue.' Then again the thought
of addressing this august, mysterious being, who sat
there alone and silent, waited upon by the greatest
personages of the empire, excited within him the
liveliest emotion. Amidst his agitation these words
of Scripture came to his mind : / will speak of thy
testimonies also before Icings^ and ivill not he ashamed.
These words frequently and fervently repeated in his
inmost soul* revived his sinking courage. ' Nothing
to me now,' said he, ' are all the powers of the world
and the fury of men who would oppose the oracles of
God.'
When dinner was finished and divers ceremonies
completed, the emperor rose and remained standing
for a while, leaning on a slender staff magnificently
ornamented, and as if he were in expectation that
some one might wish to speak with him. The first
to present kimself was a distinguished general who
enjoyed high authority and whose exploits rendered
him dear to Charles. He delivered to him some letters,
and having kissed his hand immediately retired. The
bishop of Jaen was the next to come forward, hold-
ing by the hand Francis de Enzinas. The bishop, in
a few grave words, recommended to the notice of
* Pb. cxix. 46. 'Hsec seutentia in animo meo frequenter atque
ardenter repetita, sic vires reficiebat, ' &c. — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 202.
CHAP. IV. CONVERSATION. 85
Charles the work which was dedicated to him, and
which was worthy, he said, of much honour. The
emperor then turned to Enzinas, and the following
conversation took place : —
The Emperor : ' What book do you present to
me?'
Unzinas : ' The New Testament, your imperial
majesty, faithfully translated by me, and containing
the gospel history and the letters of the apostles. I
pray your majesty to recommend this work to the
nation by your approval.'
' Are you, then, the author of this book? ' *
' Xo, sire, the Holy Spirit is its author. He
breathed inspiration into holy men of God, who gave
to mankind in the Greek language these divine
oracles of our salvation. I, for my part, am but the
feeble instrument who has translated this book into
our Spanish tongue.'
' Into Castilian ? '
' Yes, your imperial majesty, into our Castilian
tongue, and I pray you to become its patron.'
' What you request shall be done, provided there
be nothing in the work open to suspicion.'
' Nothing, sire, unless the voice of God speaking
from heaven, and the redemption accomplished by
his only Son, Jesus Christ, are to be objects of sus-
picion to Christians.'
' Your request wiU. be granted if the book be
such as you and the bishop say.' The emperor took
the volume and entered an adjoining apartment.
Enzinas was in amazement. The emperor to
imagine that he was the author of the New Testa-
• ' Tunc auctor es istiuB libri ? ' — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 206.
86 THE REFORMATION IN .EUROPE. book xit.
ment, and that the gospel could contain anything
suspicious ! He could hardly repress words which
would have ill-suited the place where he was.
' thing unheard of ! ' said he within himself, ' and
enough to make one shed tears of blood ! ' * Shortly
afterwards, by the bishop's advice, he returned to
Antwerp.
The next day the emperor ordered the bishop of
Jaen to hand over the volume to a certain Spanish
monk, a very celebrated man, fully capable of judg-
ing of the translation, and to request him to give his
opinion on the subject. The bishop accordingly de-
livered the book to this personage. Now this monk
was De Soto, the confessor of Charles V. When
the prelate saw the confessor again, the latter said :
' This book pleases me ; I highly approve of it ; there
are only a few remarks of little importance to make
on the translation I should like to see the
author and speak to him about it.' Enzinas commu-
nicated the invitation which he received to go to
Brussels to some of his friends and relations at Ant-
werp. ' Your return to Brussels,' said they, ' would
expose you to great danger.f If you wish to fall
into the hands of your enemies, go ; but understand
that in so doing you act with more boldness than
prudence.' ' I will go,' said he, ' to render an account
of my work, and this in spite of whatever may
liappen. I will omit nothing that is useful or neces-
sary to the advancement of the glory of God.' He
accordingly set out.
* ' O rem unam lacrymis plane aanguineia deplorandam.' — Memoirs of
Enzinas, i. p. 208.
t ' Rem esse cum vnaffao perioulo conjunctam.' — Ibid,, p. 212,
CHAP. IT. ENZINAS AND DE SOTO. 87
Enzinas met with the most friendly reception
from the bishop of Jaen, who encouraged him with
the best of hopes. The prelate, being indisposed,
ordered his steward to accompany his young friend
next day to the confessor's, at the Dominican con-
vent. Enzinas went thither at eight o'clock in the
morning, in order to be sure of finding him ; but he
was told that De Soto was at the house of M. de
Granvella. This was Nicholas Perrenot de Granvella,
chancellor to the emperor and father to the fomous
cardinal. Enzinas returned at ten o'clock, and re-
ceived the same answer ; at noon — still the same.
' We shall wait for him,' said Enzinas.
At one o'clock the confessor arrived, and the
steward having inti'oduced Enzinas, the monk threw
back his cowl and bowed his whole body, as if wor-
shipping a saint or saluting a prince. ' Don Francis,'
said he, ' I esteem myself very happy in having the
pleasure of seeing you to-day; I love you as my own
brother, and I have a high appreciation of the grace
which has been given you. I am naturally disposed
to be fond of men of intelligence and learning, but
especially of those who apply themselves to religion,
literature, and the advancement of the glory of God.
There is so much sloth, so much corruption in our
age, that if one of our nation is raised up to promote
these excellent things, it is a great honour to Spain.
I offer you, therefore, all that lies in my power.
This is certainly the due of one by whose means
the Spaniards are to recover the great treasure of
heavenly doctrine.* ' But,' added he, ' I cannot
* ' Oujus opera thesaiirum amplissimum coelestis doctrinse Hispani
homines sunt consecuti,' — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 218.
88 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
attend to this matter just now. Come back to me
at four o'clock.' Enzinas left the monastery and
went to one of his friends, a learned and Godfearing
man, who implored him not to trust to the monk,
for he was certain that he would have cause to repent
of it. ' I will do nothing rashly,' said Francis, ' but
if God should see fit to send me a cross, it will be
for my good.' He returned to the convent of the
Dominicans, and arrived there before the appointed
time.
De Soto was giving a lesson on the Acts of the
Apostles to about twenty Spanish courtiers who
wished to pass for lovers of literature, or perhaps to
become so. Enzinas sat down quietly beside them,
happy to have this opportunity of becoming ac-
quainted with the doctrines of the monk. He was
just at that passage in the first chapter, where it is
said that Judas, who had betrayed the Lord, fell
headlong and burst asunder in the midst. ' There-
fore,' concluded he, 'all traitors ought to be hung
and rent asunder in the midst ; ' * and he exhorted
his audience to fidelity towards the emperor, lest
they should fall into the condemnation of Judas.
Then coming to the election of an apostle by the
assembly of the disciples : — ' This method of election,'
said he, ' was only intended for those times ; since
then the election has been transferred to the emperor,
which is far preferable.' Besides laying down these
strange doctrines, the monk spoke incorrectly and
offended the ears of his hearers by low language. f
' Omnes proditores et suspendi et crepare medics debere'. — Memoirt
of Enzinas, i. p. 228.
t ' Spurco sermone miseras auditorum aures exercebat.' — Ibid., p. 226.
CHAP. IV. TEEACHEKY OE DE SOTO. 89
He did not know Latin, but with a view to make
what he said more wonderful, or rather more obscure,
he intermingled Latin words which were worse than
barbarous, and incessantly committed grammatical er-
rors. Enzinas, with his cultivated mind and refined
scholarship, suflFered tortures both from the words
and the matter. ' It was not without sighs and tears,'
said he, ' that I listened to him.'
The lesson was firdshed at four o'clock. Enzmas
then went up to the monk, who began anew his flat-
tering words ; but having in hand, he said, some very
important business, he begged him to return at six
o'clock. ' I will willingly wait at the convent,' said
Enzinas, and he began to walk up and down the
cloisters.
The confessor lost no time. He had gone to the
chancellor Granvella. ' There is a young Spaniard
here,' said he, ' who by his labours and his efforts
will soon convert the whole of Spain to Lutheranism,
if we do not prevent it.* He has resided with
Melanchthon ; he discusses religion, he blames the
decrees of the Church, approves the sentiments of its
adversaries, and is gradually alluring everyone to
his opinion. To spread the evil still farther he has
translated the New Testament into Spanish. ... If
it is allowed to be read in Spain, what troubles it will
cause ! How many thousand souls will be perverted
from the simplicity of the faith ! ' . . . Granvella was
appalled on hearing these words, and instantly gave
orders to arrest Enzinas.
At six o'clock the confessor retui'ned to the
* ' Ut paulo post totam Hispaniam ad lutheranismum converteret I '
— Metnoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 66.
90 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. boob. xiv.
monastery and conducted Enzinas to his apartment,
cajoling liim on the way with honeyed and delusive
words. When he had opened the doer, Francis
started. ' What monsters ! ' he thought. ' Eternal
God! what a number of idols!'* There were four
altars in the cell, and an image on each of them,
St. Christopher, St. Roch, and others, enshrined in
gold and surrounded by lighted tapers. Here it was
that De Soto addressed his prayers to his saints.
' Don Francis,' said the confessor, ' excuse me if
I make you wait still longer. I have not yet finished
my devotions ; permit me to conclude them while
I am walking. To while away the time, here is a
book, and the Bible besides.' He went out. The
book was entitled: 'On the Cai;se and Origin of all
Heresies ; by Alfonso de Castro, Franciscan.' The
author was an ignorant monk of Burgos, whom
Enzinas knew by report. However, he opened the
book. The cause of heresies, it was asserted, was
the reading of the Bible in the vulgar tongue ;
and the author exhorted the inquisitors to prevent
the Spaniards from imbibing such poison. Enzinas,
disturbed and agitated, could hardly refrain from
tearing the pages. He threw the book from him.
Then, on reflexion, he began to wonder whether the
confessor were not plotting some treason, and whether
his comings and goings had any other aim than that
of preparing to waylay him. In order to dissipate
these gloomy ideas, he took the Latin Bible and read.
After some time De Soto came in agaiu, and
taking up the New Testament which the emperor
* ' Deum immortalem ! qualia illic portenta, quot idolorum foimse ! '
— Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 236.
CHAP, IT. THE MASK DROPPED. 91
had sent to him, he requested Enzinas to sit down
beside him. Then lowering his eyebrows, and
wrinkling his forehead, as though to render his ap-
pearance the more formidable, he kept silence for
a while. At last he began : ' Francis, we two have
met here alone to confer upon the New Testament, in
the presence of God, the angels, and the saints whom
you behold on these altars. You regard the study
of this book as profitable to piety, and I consider it
injurious. Its prohibition has been the only means
of preserving Spain from the contamination of sects.
Francis, you have accomplished a most audacious en-
terprise, and done an impious deed in daring to pub-
lish a version of the New Testament in defiance of
the laws of the emperor and your own duty to our
holy religion. It is an atrocious crime which merits
more than mere death. Further, you have been in
Germany at the house of Philip Melanchthon ; you
extol his virtues and learning everywhere, and this
alone is considered with us a proceeding worthy of
capital punishment.* How deplorable it is that you,
still so young, and only beginning your studies, should
have fallen so low! It is my duty to consider the
good of the church universal rather than the safety
of a single man. Your crimes are so serious that
I know not how you can escape the penalty with
which you are threatened.' Enzinas was unspeakably
grieved at this speech. So much superstition, im-
piety, and cruelty overwhelmed him. At the same
time he knew that he could not escape the great
dangers which were impending over him. In this
* ' Quod unum apud nos extremo dignum supplicio judicatur.' — Me-
moirs of Enzinas, i. p. 246.
92 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
Dominican house he breathed the heavy and deadly
atmosphere of the Inquisition, and he seemed to be-
hold around him its terrible features, its chains, and
its instruments of torture.
Nevertheless he took courage and, bearing witness
to the gospel, extolled the unspeakable value of Holy
Scripture, and set forth the reasons which he felt to
be conclusive for reading it. ' The Old and New
Testaments,' he said, ' were given to us from heaven,
and there is nothing more salutary or more essential
to mankind. Apart from this book we should know
nothing of the only -begotten Son of God, our Saviour,
who, after having redeemed us by the sacrifice of
himself, raises us to heaven to live there with him
for ever. This is a doctrine which was never taught
by any philosopher, and is only to be diawn from
these sources. Without it, all human thought is
blind and barren, and no creature can obtain sal-
vation.' * He said that if it were a crime to go to
Germany and to confer with the scholars of that
country, it was a crime which had been committed
by the emperor, and by many princes and excellent
men who had conversed with Melanchthon, Luther,
and other doctors. He was still speaking when an
unpleasant apparition silenced him. The door had
opened, and a monk of hideous aspect entered the
cell. His eyes were fierce, his mouth awry, his as-
pect threatening. Everything about him betokened
a bad man, and one who was meditating some cruel
purpose. It was the prior of the Dominicans. He
turned towards Enzinas, and suppressing his malice,
* ' Ex istis fontibus haurieuda est (doctrina) sine quibus sterilis et
ceeca est liumana cogitatio.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 256.
CHAP. IT. EXCITEMENT IN THE CONVENT. 93
meekly withdrew his head from his cowl, saluted him,
and stated that his valet was below and was come to
call him to supper. This was the message agreed on
between the two monks as the signal that all was
ready. ' I know the way,' said Enzinas, who was
bent on prolonging the interview ; ' I shall find my
lodging without the aid of a servant ; please tell him
that he may return to the house.' The prior went
out. Enzinas then requested the confessor to tell
him his opinion of the translation, as the emperor
had asked for this, and it was indeed the object of
their conference. But the signal appointed had been
given, and the confessor put an end to the interview.
' It is too late now,' said he, ' come again to-morrow
if it suits you.' Enzinas, therefore, fearing to be
importunate, took leave of the monk, and De Soto's
servant conducted him as far as the courtyard. But
gloomy thoughts were crowding into his mind. As
he passed through the convent he had seen a number
of monks, in a state of eagerness and excitement, some
going up, others going down. In their looks he saw
strange agitation and fierceness. They cast upon him
sidelong glances expressive of terror ; they spoke low
to one another, and uttered words which Enzinas
could not understand.* It was evident that this im-
moderate agitation in the monastery and among the
inmates was occasioned by some unusual occurrence.
Francis conjectured what it might be ; it began to
arouse anxiety in his breast ; and he wondered
Avhether some great blow was about to fall on him.
* 'Videtam magnam monachorum turbam sursum deorsum cursi-
tantium, nescio quid inter se susurrantium. . , .' — Memoirs of Enzinns,
i. p. 266.
94 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
When he reached the courtyard a man, who was
a stranger to him, but who looked civil, came up and
inquired whether his name was Francis de Enzinas.
He answered that it was. ' I want to speak with you,'
said the stranger. ' I am at your service,' replied the
young Spaniard. They then passed on towards the
gate of the monastery. The vast convent of the
Dominicans with its outbuildings occupied a con-
siderable part of the present site of the Mint, opposite
the Theatre Royal, as well as some adjacent land.
The gate by which Enzinas had to go out opened
upon this place. As soon as it was unbarred he saw
a large body of men armed with halberds, swords,
and other weapons of war. They threw themselves
upon him in a threatening manner.* Meanwhile the
man who was in his company laid hold of his arms
and said, ' You are my prisoner.' ' There was no
need,' said Enzinas, ' to assemble such a troop of exe-
cutioners against a poor man like me. They should
be sent against brigands. My conscience is at peace,
and I am ready to appear before any judge in the
world, even before the emperor. I will go to prison,
into exile, to the stake, and whithersoever you may
please to conduct me.' ' I will not take you far,' said
the unknown. ' Had it been possible to decline the
mission which I am fulfilling, I assure you that I
should have done so. But the chancellor Granvella
has compelled me, asserting that he had received ex-
press orders from the emperor.' The prisoner, with
his guide and his guards, crossed a small street, and
arrived at the prison of the Vrunte, vulgarly called
* ' Qui kastis, gladiis ac multiplici armorum genera instruct! capiti
meo imminebant.' — Memoirs of JSnzinas, i. p. 268.
CHAP. IV. ENZINAS IN PRISON. 95
the Amigo, where the noble young man was confined,
for havmg translated_^ into good Spanish the gospel
of Jesus Christ. This took place on December 13,
1543.
The first four hours, from six at night till ten,
were very painful. Enzinas had a lively imagination,
and he saw before him great and numberless dangers,
among which death seemed to be the least. All these
perils were drawn up in battle array around him,
and he seemed actually to see them.* But they did
not appal him. ' How great soever may be the perils
which await me,' he said, ' by God's grace I possess,
for encountering them, a courage that is stronger and
greater than they are.' Nevertheless, the treachery
of the ' wicked monk ' tormented him so much that
he found it hard to endure. ' If t)nly,' he thought,
' he had made fair war on me, if from the first he
had shown himself my enemy. . . .' He remained
sunk in sorrow and dejection.
They had placed him in the apartment where
all the prisoners were ; but as he expressed a wish to
be alone, he was conducted to an upper chamber.
Weighed down with care, he was dejected and silent.
The man who had brought him there looked at him
and at length said, ' Of all those who have been
brought to this place, I never saw anyone so dis-
tressed as you. Bethink you, brother, that God our
Father cares for his children, and often leads them
by a way which they do not choose. Do not, there-
fore, be cast down, but have good courage. Your
age, your manners, your physiognomy, all bear wit-
* { '
' Pericula . . . non secua quam si omnia coram praevidissem.'-
Memoirs of HJnzinas, ii. p. 6.
96 THE REFORM ATIOK IN EUROPE. book xit.
ness to your innocence. If you have committed any
offence incident to youth, remember the mercy of
God.' Francis listened with astonishment to the
words of this man, and then related to him the cause
of his imprisonment and the means by which it was
effected. On hearing this, the man, whom he had
taken for one of the gaoler's servants, appeared to be
deeply affected, and going up to Francis embraced
him. ' Ah ! ' said he, ' I recognise in you a true
brother ; for you are a prisoner for the same gospel
for the love of which I have been enduring these
bonds for eight months. You need not be surprised,
brother ; for it is a characteristic of the Word of God
that it is never brought to light without being fol-
lowed by thunders and lightnings.* But I hear
some one coming up ; let us say no more for the pre-
sent.' This man was the pious and charitable Giles
Tielmans, of whom we have formerly given an ac-
count,f and who was afterwards burnt. From this
time he came to see Enzinas every morning and even-
ing, and spoke to him so forcibly and so tenderly that
Enzinas felt ready to suffer death to confirm the
truth of the gospel.
On the fourth day of his imprisonment, the impe-
rial commissioners, members of the Privy Council,
came to conduct the inquiry. They entered, with
great parade and a magnificence almost royal, into
the place where the prisoners were assembled. AH
the latter rose and retired, leaving Francis alone with
the commissioners.
The examination began in Latin. ' Francis,' said
* ' Nunquam in luoem erumpit, quin fulgura et tonitrua aubsequantur.'
— Momoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 16.
t Vol. vii. pp. 687-701.
CHAP. IT. EXAAIINATION. 97
the commissioners, 'you are to tell us the whole
truth, and in that case, although your cause is most
hateful, we shall treat you with gentleness, unless we
are obliged to wrest from you 6?//orce what we want to
know.' They then exhibited the papers on the basis
of which they proceeded to the examination. Enzinas
recognised the handwriting of the confessor of Charles
the Fifth. Two crimes especially formed the subject
of the inquiry. ' Have you been to Wittenberg ? '
' Yes.' ' Have you been acquainted with Melanch-
thon ? ' ' Yes.' ' What do you think of him ? '
Francis saw that he was caught, and that his answer
would put into the hands of his enemies ' a knife for
his own throat.' Still he did not falter. Never did
this noble young man disown his friends. ' I think,'
said he, ' that of all the men I ever knew he is the
best.'* ' How can you be so impudent,' exclaimed
his judges, ' as to speak thus of Melanchthon, a man
that is a heretic and excommunicated ? '
The commissioners now passed on to the second
point. ' In your translation of the epistle to the
Romans, chapter III., verse 28,' they said, ' we find
these words printed in capitals : Theeefore we
CONCLUDE THAT A MAN IS JUSTIFIED BY FAITH WITH-
OUT THE DEEDS OF THE LAW. For what reason,'
they continued, ' have you had this Lutheran maxim
set in capital letters ? It is a very grave oflFence, and
deserves burning.' f ' This doctrine was not devised
in Luther's brain,' replied Enzinas. ' Its soui'ce is the
mysterious throne of the Eternal Father, and it was
* ' Judicq hominem esse omnium quos ego unquam viderim optimum.'
— Memoirs of Enzinas, p. 54.
t ' Ingens facinus ac incendio digmim.' — IbicL, p. 60.
VOL VIII. H
98 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
revealed to the church by the ministry of St. Paul,
for the salvation of everyone who believeth.'
Meanwhile the tidings of the arrest of Enzinas
had burst upon Antwerp like a bomb-shell, and
spread grief among all his kinsfolk and his friends.
Irritated at one time by what they called the im-
prudence of the young man. at another filled with
compassion for the calamity which had befallen him,
they went without delay to Brussels, his uncle Don
Diego Ortega heading the party, and proceeded direct
to the prison. ' Thou seest now,' they said to him,
' the fruit of thy thoughtlessness. Thou wouldst not
believe what we told thee. What business hadst thou
to meddle with theology, or to study the sacred
writings ? Thou oughtest to leave that to the
monks. What hast thou got by it ? Thou hast
exposed thyself to a violent death, and hast brought
great disgrace and lasting infamy upon thy whole
race.' When he heard these reproaches Enzinas
was overpowered with bitter grief. He endeavoured
by great meekness and modesty to assuage the
anger of his kinsmen, and entreated them not to
judge of the merits of an enterprise by its result.*
' I am already unhappy enough,' said he ; ' pray do
not add to my pain.' At these words his kinsmen
were affected. ' Yes, yes,' they said, ' we know
thy innocence ; we are come to rescue thee if it be
possible, or at least to mitigate thy suffering.' They
remained, indeed, a whole week at Brussels ; they
went frequently to the confessor and to several great
* 'Ne opus alioqui laudabile ab eventu renim jestimarent.' — Memoir
of MiziiKis, ii. p. 50.
CEAr. IV. SPIRITUAL CONSOLATIONS. 99
lords, and earnestly entreated that Francis might be
set at liberty, and especially that the matter should
not be referred to the Spanish Inquisition, since in
that case his death would be inevitable. But they
returned to Antwerp, distressed at their failure,
though not without hope.
Enzinas had gradually recovered from his excite-
ment. Books had been brought to him, and he read
them diligently. There was one work especially
which made a deep impression on his mind. This was
the ' Supplication and exhortation of Calvin to the
Emperor and to the States of the Empire to devote
their utmost attention to the re-establishment of the
church.'* This work was highly praised by Bucer,
and Theodore Beza said of it that perhaps nothing
more vigorous had been published in that age.
' The perusal of this work while I was in prison,'
said Enzinas at a later time to Calvin, ' inspired me
with such courage that I felt more willing to face
death than I had ever felt before.' f
But his chief delight was m.editation upon the
Holy Scriptures. ' The promises of Christ,' he said,
' allay my sorrows, and I am wonderfully invigorated
by the reading of the Psalms. Eternal Gcd ! what
abundant consolation this book has afforded me !
With what delight have I tasted the excellent savour
of heavenly wisdom 1 That lyre of David so ravishes
me with its divine harmony, that heavenlj^ harp
excites within me such love for the things of God, as
* ' Supplex exhortatio ad invictissimum Osesarem Oarolum V. et illus-
trissimos principes/ &c., 1543. — Calv. 0pp., vi.
t ' Ut plane seutirem me ad mortem paratiorem qiiam ante fueram.' —
Cod. Genev., lla, fol. 07, August .3, 1545. Calv. 0pp., xii. p. 127.
H 2
100 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
I can find no words to express.' * He occupied him-
self in arranging some of the Psalms in the form of
prayers, and went on with his task till he had trans-
lated them all.f
Francis was not satisfied with meditation alone ;
he joined with it deeds of unremitting zeal and
charity. The prison discipline was not severe. The
gaoler, one John Thyssens, a man of about thii'ty-
eight, had long: carried on the trade of shoemaker,
and had afterwards undertaken by contract the main-
tenance of the prisoners. He was very negligent in
the discharge of his duties, and allowed a large
measure of liberty to the prisoners and their friends.
Inhabitants of Brabant, of Flanders, of Holland, of
Antwerp, and gentlemen of the court came to visit
Enzinas. In this way he saw nearly four hundred
citizens of Brussels, among them some persons of
quality. Many of them were acquainted with the
gospel ; others were ardently longing for the word of
God, and entreated Enzinas to make it known to
them. He knew the danger to which he exposed
himself by doing this, but he did not spare himself ;
and many gave glory to God because they had
received from a poor prisoner the pearl of great price,
the heavenly doctrine. ' There are more than seven
thousand people in Brussels who know the gospel,'
they told him ; ' the whole city is friendly to it ; J
* ' Profecto sic me Davidicum plectrum harmonia sua plane ccelesti
rapiebat.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 78.
t M. Oampan, editor of the Memoirs of Enzinm, conjectures that this
is the work -which was first puhlished in 1628, imder the title, Los
JPscdmos de David, dirigidos in forma de oraciones. — See Bibliotheca Wif-
feniana, p. 142.
X ' Universara civitatem in favorem evangelicse doctrinse propendere.
— Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 82.
CHAP. IV. HOPES. 101
and were not the people in fear of their lives they
would openly profess it.' It was hardly possible to
name a single town in Belgium or in Holland whose
inhabitants had not a desire to converse with him.
He was a captive who proclaimed liberty to free men.
' The word of God,' some of them told him, ' is making
great way amongst us. It grows and spreads day by
day in the midst of the fire of persecution and the
terrors of death.' Both men and women sent him
money, but this he declined to accept.
Charles the Fifth, who, as we have seen, had
arrived at Brussels on November 24, 1543, only
remained there till January 2, 1544. On February
20 he opened the diet of Spire, demanded large aids
both of infantry and cavalry, and in June set out at
the head of his army for France. He took Saint-
Dizier, advanced within two days' march of Paris,
causing great terror in that city, and concluded
peace at Crepy. He then returned to his own
dominions, and entered Brussels October 1, 1544.*
This news awakened hopes for Enzinas on the
part of his kinsmen at Antwerp, and the most
influential among them immediately set out to solicit
the release of the young man. They appealed to the
confessor, who was ready enough to make promises,
to the chancellor GlranveUa, to his son the bishop of
Arras, afterwards archbishop of Mechlin and cardinal,
and to Claude Boissot, dean of Poligny, master of
requests. They all gave kind answers, but these
were words and nothing else. The queen of France
visited Brussels, and a report was spread that all
* Sleidan, -vol, ii. 1)0011 xv. pp. 236-233. Pn2ners d'Etat, iii. p, 67.
102 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiy.
prisoners would at her request be liberated. Some
murderers, brigands, and other malefactors were,
indeed, set free; the first of them was a parricide;
but Eiizinas and the other evangelicals were more
strictly and severely kept than before.* At the
same time, the emperor having gone to Ghent, the
monks extorted from him some laws written in blood,-
which were promulgated in all the towns, and which
enabled them cruelly to assail the Lutherans at tJieir
own pleasure.f ' On a sudden there broke out in
Flanders a bloody persecution, a slaughter of Christian
people, such as had never been seen or heard of.'
From all the towns, not excepting even the smallest,
a great number of people and of leading men, on
being warned of the danger which was impending
over them, took flight, leaving their -ndves, their
children, their families, houses, and goods, which
were forthwith seized by the agents of the emperor.
But there was a large number who could not fly.
All the towers were filled. The prisons in the towns
had not room to hold the victims. They brought in
two hundred prisoners at a time, both men and
women. Some of them were thrust into sacks and
thrown into the water ; others were burned, be-
headed, buried alive, or condemned to imprisonment
for life. The like storm swept over Brabant, Hain-
ault, and Artois. The unhappy witnesses of this
butchery asserted that ' for many ages so many and
great cruelties had not been perpetrated, nor seen,
* ' At vero qui propter religfionem captiyi erant, multo angustius et
crudelius asservantur.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 374.
t ' Leges sanguine scriptae . ut liceret illis pro suo arbitrio in
Lutheranos grassari.' — Ibid., p. •3S4.
cnAr. IV. THE QUEEN S CHAPLAIN. 103
nor heard of in all the world.' Such was the joyful
entry which Charles the Fifth made into his good
country of Flanders and the good town of Ghent, in
which he was born.
Tidings of these things were brought day by day
into the prison at Brussels, frequently with a large
number of captives. When Enzinas and his friends
heard of the slaughter they were amazed and terri-
fied. Will there be any end to this ? they asked.
It might well be doubted whether such men would
ever be satiated with the blood of their fellow-men !
Enzinas began to regret that, from confidence in his
own innocence, and for fear of bringing the gaoler
into disgrace, he had not availed himself of several
opportunities which had offered of making his escape
from prison. A circumstance which soon occurred
helped to bring him to a decision.
The queen of Hungary, governess of the Nether-
lands, who, from a strange mixture of contradictory
qualities, was desirous, while obliged to execute the
persecuting decrees of her brother against evange-
lical Christianity, to feed upon the word of God,
had chosen for her chaplain one Peter Alexander, a
true Christian man. This minister faithfully con-
fessed his trust in the Saviour, both in preaching and
in conversation. ' All things needful for salvation,'
he said, ' are contained in the gospel. We must
believe only that which is to be found in the Holy
Scriptures. Faith alone justifies immediately before
God but works justify a man before his fellow-men.
The true indulgences are obtained without gold or
silver, by trust alone in the merits of Christ. The
one real sin which condemns is not to beheve in
104 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
Christ. The true penance consists in abstinence from
sin. All the merits of Christ are communicated to
men by faith, so that they are able to glory in them
as much as if they were their own. We must honour
the saints only by imitating their virtues. We
obtain a blessing of Grod more easily by asking for it
ourselves than through the saints.* Xo one loves
God so much as he ought. All the efforts and all the
labours of those who are not regenerated by the Holy
Spirit are evil. The religion of the monks is hypo-
crisy. The fast of God is a perpetual fast, and not
confined to this or that particular day. It is three
hundred years since the pure and real gospel was
preached ; and now whoever preaches it is con-
sidered a heretic'
It was a strange sight, this evangelical chaplain
preaching in the chapel of the most persecuting court
in Christendom. Alexander, too, after being fre-
quently accused, was at length obliged to hold a
theological disputation with the confessor De Soto, in
the presence of the two GranveUas. In consequence
of this disputation proceedings were instituted
against him. The confessor often came before
the emperor and declared that the whole country
would be ruined if this man were not severely
punished. One day a friend of Enzinas came to see
him in prison, and told him that the queen's preacher
had fled, because he found that if he stayed an hour
longer he would be ruined. Alexander was tried
and burnt in effigy, together A^nth his Latin and
* ' Facilius per nos ipsos quam per sanctos impetramus. . . .' Fifty-
six similar propositions had been brought together against Alexander. —
Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. pp. 390-411.
CHA.P. IV. ESCAPE OF ENZINAS. 105
French books. As for himself, he became first a
professor at the university of Heidelberg, afterwards
canon of Canterbury cathedral, and finally pastor of
the French church in London.
This flight brought Enzinas to a decision. On
February 1, 1545, after sitting a long time at table
at the evening meal, he felt more depressed than
usual without knowing why. The clock struck, it
was half-past seven. He then rose, as he was wont
to do, not liking protracted meals, and began to pace
up and down in a gloomy and dejected state, so that
some of the prisoners came up to him and said —
' Come, put away this melancholy.' ' Make you
merry, the rest of you, over your cups,' he answered ;
' but as for me I want air ; I will go out.' No one
paid any attention to what he said, nor did he himself
mean anything particular when he spoke. He con-
tinued walking about, uneasy, having some difiiculty
in breathing, and in great distress. He thus came to
the first gate, the upper part of which, constructed
of strong lattice-work, allowed him to see into the
street. Having approached it for the purpose of
looking out, he felt the gate stir. He took hold of
it and it opened easily. The second was wide open,
and the third was only closed during the night. We
have mentioned the negligence of the gaoler. Francis
was amazed at the strange circumstance. It seemed
to him that God called him ; he resolved to take
advantage of this unlooked-for opportunity, and went
out.
He reached the street and was there alone. The
night was very dark, but was lighted up from time to
time by the torches of passengers traversing the
106 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
streets or the squares. Enzinas, keeping a little on
one side, considered where he had better go. Every
refuge appeared to him open to suspicion and full of
danger. Suddenly he remembered one man of his
acquaintance, of Christian character, in whom he
placed implicit confidence. He betook himself to his
place of abode and called him. ' Come in and stay
with me,' said the man. Enzinas replied that it
appeared to him the safest plan to go out of the town
that very uight. ' Do you know,' he added, ' any
part of the walls at which it would be possible to
clear them ? ' ' Yes,' said the other, ' I will guide
you and will accompany you ^v^herever j'ou wish to
go.' The friend took his cloak and they set out.
They went on their way, quite alone in the darkness,
towards the walls. At night these parts were
deserted. They found the spot they were seeking
for, and scaled the wall. At that moment the
clocks in the town struck the hour of eight.* Their
flight had, therefore, occupied less than half an hour.
These two men cleared the wall as easily as if they
had prepared for it long before. Enzinas was out of
the town. ' I often found help of God,' said he,
' while I was in prison ; but never had I experienced
it as at this moment.' He resolved to proceed that
same night to Mechlin, and early the next morning
to Antwerp.
A thousand thoughts thronged his mind as he
went silently onwards in the darkness. The gloomy
fancies of the prison-house were succeeded by joyful
* ' Ciim hoia media octava audita esset, priusquam in carcere a mensa
surrexissem, eram jam in ipsis moenibus cum pulsaretur octava.' — Me-
mnirs of Enzinas, ii. p. i'20.
CHAP. lY. AT MECHLIN. 107
hopes. Much affected by his wonderful dehverance,
he saw in it a mystery, a hidden will of God.
' Assuredly,' he said, ' if I am set at liberty, it is to
the end that 1 may be ready for ruder conflicts and
greater dangers,' and as he walked on he prepared
himself for them by prayer. ' Father of our
deliverer Jesus Christ, enlighten my mind, that I
may know the hope of my calling, and that I may
faithfully serve the church of Jesus Christ even to
the latest day of my life.'
Thus, sometimes praying and sometimes con-
versing with the brother who accompanied him,
Enzinas arrived before Mechlin ; but as the gates of
the town were not yet opened, he had to wait a long
time. At five o'clock in the morning the otlicers of
the town ajapeared, and everyone was free to go in
or out. As Enzinas entered he saw in front of an
inn a vehicle just on the point of starting, in which
sat a man whose appearance was not calculated to
inspire confidence. Enzinas, however, inquired of
him whither he was going. The man replied, ' To
Antwerp ; and if you please to get up, the carriage is
quite ready.' This man was an agent of the inqui-
sitors, the secretary Louis de Zoete. He was one of
the great enemies of the Reformation ; he had insti-
tuted the proceedings against Enzinas, and had
mustered the witnesses for the prosecution. He was
now on his way to Antwerp, as bearer of a sentence
of condemnation issiiing from the imperial court,
by virtue of which he was to order the burning
of any evangelicals then in prison. The meeting
was not a pleasant one. Enzinas and De Zoete had
probably only casually seen each other. The young
108 THE EEFOBMATION IN EUROPE. DOOK XIT.
Spaniard, therefore, not recognising his enemy,
might with pleasure avail himself of his offer. In
this case it was more than probable that he would be
recognised during the journey by the police spy,
whose business was to track and seize suspected
persons, as a hunting-dog tracks the game. Zoete
might possibly find means of adding another to the
list of those whom he was going to burn alive.
' Get into the carriage,' said Enzinas to the Brussels
friend who accompanied him. He got in. The door
of the hotel at which Francis had knocked was not
yet opened. While waiting the two friends, one in
the carriage, the other in the street, were talking
on various subjects ; and the owner of the carriage
hearing them took part likewise in the conversation.
At length the door opened. 'Go with this gentle-
man,' said Francis to his friend ; ' for my part I
must travel faster, and shall go on horseback.' The
people of the inn, who were acquainted with him,
welcomed him with great demonstrations of joy ;
and on learning his position gave him a good
horse. Without losing a moment he mounted and
set out. He soon overtook the carriage and saluted
its occupants. ' !Make good speed,' said hLs friend.
' I will go so fast,' he replied, ' that if all the
scoundrels in Brussels are determined to pursue me
they shall not catch me.' It seems impossible that
De Zoete should not have heard this, and it must have
given him something to think about.*
In two hours Enzinas was at Antwerp. Un-
willing to expose his kinsmen and friends to danger,
he alighted at an inn, with which he was doubtless
* Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. pp. 420-425.
CHAP. IV. A LEGEND. 109
familiar, as he had already been at Antwerp several
times, and in which he believed that he should be
safe. In the evening his travelling companion arrived
at Antwerp. As soon as he saw Enzinas he ex-
claimed : ' You wUl be greatly astonished to hear in
what company I have come, and who it is that
you talked so much with at Mechlin ! ' ' Who was
he, then ? ' ' The worst man in the whole country,
Louis de Zoete.' Enzinas thanked God that he had
so spell-bound the eyes and the mind of the perse-
cutor, that while he saw and spoke with him he had
not recognised him. The next day two persons from
Brussels, strangers to Enzinas, arrived at the inn.
Enzinas meeting them at table or elsewhere, said
to them : ' What news from Brussels ? ' 'A great
miracle has just taken place there,' they replied.
' And pray what may it be ? ' ' There was a
Spaniard who had lain in prison for fifteen months,
and had never been able to obtain either his re-
lease or his trial. But the host which we worship
has procured him a miraculous deliverance. The
other evening, just at nightfall, the air suddenly
shone around him with great brightness. The three
gates of the prison opened miraculously before him,
and he passed forth from the prison and from the
town, still lighted by that splendour.' ' See, my dear
master,' said Enzinas afterwards to Melanchthon,
' the foolishness of the popular fancy, which in so
short a time dressed up in falsehood a certain amount
of truth. It is quite true that three gates were
found open, else I should not have got out. But as
to the brightness, the light of which they speak, I
saw no other than that of the lanterns of passengers
110 THE EEFORMATIOX IN EUROPE. book xiv.
in the street.* T attribute my deliverance not to the
wonderful sacrament which these idolaters worship,
but solel}' to the great mercy of God, who deigned
to hear the prayers of his church.'
Along with this popular rumour another was
current in Brussels, but in higher circles. The
emperor was at this time at Brussels, which town
he did not leave till April 30, 1545. Don Francis
de Enzinas was not an ordinary prisoner ; not a
working-man, a cutler, like Giles Tielmans. An
eminent family, a good education, learned attain-
ments, talents, the title of Spaniard, and of a Spaniard
highly spoken of in high places, these were things
greatly esteemed by many at court. Charles the
Fifth himself was far from being unconscious of their
importance. He had promised his protection to
Enzinas if there were nothing bad in his book, and
many persons assured him that there was, on the
contrary, nothing but good in it. How, then, could
he put to death a scholar for having translated into
good Spanish the inspired book of the Christians ?
According to public rumour the judges had said :
' "We cannot honourabh- extricate ourselves from this
cause ; the best plan is to set the man free secretly.'
It was added that when the gaoler had announced
the flight of Enzinas to the president, the latter had
replied : ' Let him go, and do not trouble about it ;
only do not let it be spoken of.' If this version were
the true one, it would explain the circumstance of
Zoete's not appearing to recognise Enzinas. But
Enzinas himself did not credit it, and it is pro-
' ' Nullum ego vidi luminis splendorem, nisi tsedanim quje tunc in
plateis circumferebantiu-.' — Mt-moirs of Enzinrs. ii. p. -li?fi.
CHAP. IV. CALVIN AND ENZINAS. Ill
bable that it had no better foundation than the first
story.
Fruncis remained a month at Antwerp. On his
release from prison he had sent the news to his
friends, and had received their congratulations.
Among these friends were two of the most illustrious
of the reformers, Calvin and Melanchthon, between
whom, whatever may be thought of it, there were
many points of resemblance. Calvin was the man, said
Enzinas, whom he had alwaj's most warmly loved.*
He had written a short letter to him, somewhat
unpolished in style.' f Calvin replied to his friend
immediately in a letter which breathed the most
affectionate feeling, and which Francis thought very
remarkable. It praised his labours and his Christian
conduct. ' Oh,' said Enzinas, ' in how kindly a
manner he can speak of things which in themselves
are not deserving of praise ! ' J This singular kind-
liness of Calvin, which then struck all his friends,
has since been much called in question. Enzinas
replied to him (August 3) : ' Our friendship,' said
he, ' is now sealed ; between us there is a sacred
and perpetual alliance, which can only be broken
by the death of one of us. What do I say ? I
have this sweet hope, that when bodily ties shall be
broken, we shall enjoy this friendship in a future
life with more exquisite delight than we can in this
mortal flesh. Not till then shall we live a life truly
blessed, and one which shall endure for ever in the
' ' Quem ego semper impensissime amavi.' — Dryander Oalvino
Aug. 8, 1545. '
t ' Epistolio subnistico.' — Ibid.
X ' Quod laude dignum non est, oiBciose prsedicare.' — Ibid.
112 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
presence of God and in the society of the holy angels.
Nevertheless, while we are still in this exile, and
while we labour earnestly and unremittingly in our
calling, each according to the ability which he has
received from the Lord, let us cultivate our friend-
ship by fulfilling all its obligations. My dear Calvin,
I have a most grateful sense of the affection which
you profess for me, and I wUl spare no pains to make
myself worthy of it. You will find in me a sincere
friend. . . . With respect to the pamphlet which you
have addressed to the States of the Empire, Luther
has read it and praises it very heartily. Melanch-
thon very highly approves it. Cruciger is wonder-
fully fond of you, and cannot sufficiently commend
any production of yours. As to tbe censures of
others you need not trouble yourself about them.'*
Enzinas not only wrote to Melanchthon, but also
went to him. He arrived at Wittenberg in March,
rather more than two years after leaving the town.
He related in detail to his master what had befallen
him, and what he had seen during these two years ;
and Melanchthon, struck with his narrative, begged
him to write and publish it. ' An account of the
cruelties practised towards Christian people in the
Netherlands,' he said, ' which you have seen with
your own eyes, and which you have in part expe-
rienced, for your life was in danger, might if pub-
lished be of great service for the future.' f Enzinas
at first hesitated. ' At the very time,' said he, ' when
* Dryander OalTino. Sibl. de Geneve, MS. 112. This letter, which
we liave formerly had occasion to quote, is vmpuhlished. [It has just
been published in Caiv. 0pp., xii. p. 126.— EnrroK.]
I ^lemuirs of J^iiziiiaf:, i. p. 7.
CHAP. IT. JAMES ENZINAS AT ROME. 113
I was driven about by the fury of the tempest, I
endured patiently my personal suflFerings, considering
them by far inferior to the perils of my brethren.
How then can I, in this hour when, thanks he to
God, I am in port, set myself to recount my own
history, in seeming forgetfulness of the wounds of
the church ? ' As Melanchthon pressed the point,
Francis declared that he would yield in obedience to
his command. The friend of Luther, thus satisfied,
wrote to Camerai'ius (April 16, 1545) : ' Our Spaniard,
Francis, has returned, miraculously delivered, with-
out any human aid, at least so far as he knows. I
have begged him to write an account of these things,
and I will send it to thee.' The interest which
Melanchthon took in these facts perhaps justifies the
place ^vhich we have assigned them in the historj' of
the Reformation.
Other sorrows were to overtake the Spaniards
who were scattered about far from their native land.
James Enzinas, the eldest brother of Francis, had
hardly got his Spanish catechism printed at Antwerp
before he received his father's orders to go to Rome.
The ambitious father was desirous of honours and
fortune for his eldest son. He was aware of James's
talents, but he was unaware of his attachment to the
evangelical faith, and had no doubt that if he were at
Rome he would make his way to the higher dignities
of the church. It was glory of another kind which
James was to find there. Pie was bitterly grieved ;
he would have greatly preferred to go to Witten-
berg. But his conscience was so tender, his cha-
racter so simple and straightforward, his obedience to
his father so absolute, that he felt bound in duty to
VOL. VIII. I
11-1 THE EEFOEMATION IX EUROPE. BOOK XIV.
set out for tlie metropolis of the papacy. There he
spent two or three years, taking no pleasure in it,
sorrowing over all that he witnessed, and not by any
means ingratiating himself with the hierarchy. His
abilities, his attainments, his character were esteemed ;
but he was far from gaining anything thereby. On
the contrary, melancholy, dissatisfaction, and even
disgust, took possession of him at everythiug around
him. He saw things not only contrary to Christian
truth, but contrary to uprightness and to virtue.
He felt that he was in a wrong position, and entreated
his father to allow him to leave Italy, but in vain.
The old man, considering the path which two of his
sons were pursuing in Germany, probably believed
that he should at least save the eldest by keeping him
at Rome. The frank disposition of James did not
allow him entirely to hide his convictions, especially
from his fellow-countrymen. Francis also, who knew
him well, was very much alarmed about him. He
had no doubt that his brother, if he remained at
Rome, would be ruined. He therefore implored him
to cross the Alps. James did not indulge in any
delusions. He knew that, instead of the honours of
which his father was dreaming, he could hope for
nothing in the city of the pope but disgrace and
death. He determined, therefore, to yield to the
entreaties of his brother, and made ready to depart.
He might, doubtless, have quitted Rome by stra-
tagem, and have secretly escaped. But he was
too candid entirely to conceal his purpose. One of
his country-men was informed of it, and hastened to
denounce him to the Inquisition as a heretic. James
was then arrested and thrown into strict confinement.
CHAP. IT. HIS TRIAL. 115
His arrest made a great noise. A Spaniard accused
of Lutheranism ! A man of learning and of an
ancient family opposed to the Church ! An enemy of
the pope living close by the pope ! What strange
things ! The Inquisition, therefore, determined to
make of this trial an imposing affair. There was ' a
great assembly of the Romans ' to attend at his
examination. James appeared in the presence not
only of the inquisitors, but also of the cardinals,
bishops, and all Spaniards of eminence then at Rome,
and of several members of the Roman clergy. If
the popes had been unable, notwithstanding their
efforts, to keep Luther in their hands, they had now
at least one of his disciples in their power. James
Enzinas, in the presence of this imposing assembly,
perceived that God gave him suddenly, and at Rome
itself, an opportunity of glorifying him and of doing,
once for all, the work to which he had desired to
consecrate his whole life. He took courage. He
understood perfectly well that the ' lion's mouth '
was opening before him, the gulf of death. But
neither the solemnity of the hour, nor the brilliancy
of the court, nor the thought that he was about to
be swept away by a fatal stroke, nor all that was
dear to him on earth, could make him swerve from
the straight path. ' He maintained with great con-
stancy,' says the chronicler, ' and with hoi}' boldness
the true doctrine of the gospel.' He did more.
Standing thus in the presence of the princes of the
Roman church, and of all their pomp, he thought
that fidelity required him to expose their errors.
' He forthwith condemned,' says the narrator, ' the im-
pieties and diabolical impositions of the great Roman
I 2
116 THE KEFOEMATION IN EUROrE. book xjt.
antichrist.' At these words a thrill ran through the
assembly. The whole court was in commotion.
The prelates, annoyed at what they heard, were
agitated as if under the influence of some acute
nervous irritation. They cried out in astonishment
and anger. The Spaniards especially could not
contain themselves. ' All at once, not only the
cardinals, but those of his own country who were
present, began to cry aloud that he ought to be
burnt.'*
After a little reflexion, however, the court was of
a different opinion. If the Spaniard should publicly
condemn in Rome his so-called errors, the glory of
the papacy, it was thought, Avould be all the greater.
The speaker was surrounded and was told that if he
would appear in the public square and retract his
heresies, the Church would once more receive him as
one of her children. His fellow-countrymen pressed
around him and depicted the honours to which he
might then attain. But on such a condition he
would not redeem his life. He would rather glorify
Christ and die. The wrath of his enemies burst
forth afresh. ' These fierce ministers of all impiety
and cruelty,' says the chronicler, ' became more
violent than before.' James then ascended the pile,
asserting with immovable courage that all his hope
was in Christ. ' Unawed by the pompous display
which, surrounded him, and by the ostentatious de-
votion of his countrymen, with his heart ever fixed
on God, he passed on boldly and firmly into the
midst of the flames, confessing the name and the
truth of the Son of God to his latest breath. Thus
* Crespin, Actes des Martyrs, book iii. p. ITO.
CHAP. IV. HIS MARTYRDOM. 117
did this good servant of God end his life by a glorious
martyrdom, in the midst of all impiety, and, wonder-
ful to tell, in the very city of Rome.'*
At the news of his death his brothers and his
friends were filled with sorrow. Francis at first felt
only the blow which had fallen on his tenderest
affections. At the very time when he was in daily
expectation of embracing his brother he learnt that
all that was left of him was a handful of ashes which
were cast into the Tiber. This cruel death, taking
place just when Charles the Fifth was endeavouring
to crush Protestantism, aud the black clouds which
were gathering in all directions, filled him with the
most melancholy thoughts. ' God is surely preparing
some great dispensation of which we know nothing,'
he said. All around he saw only disorder and con-
fusion. In this hour of dejection he received a
sympathetic and consoling letter from Calvin.f The
reformer directed his friend's thoughts to the blessed
life which is after death, and in which it is the pri-
vilege of the faithful to dwell with Christ. ' I am
not ignorant,' replied Enzinas, ' how true are the
things which you write to me. But we are men,
and the infirmities of the flesh beset us. We cannot,
nay, we ought not, to cast off all sense of sorrow.
But in the midst of this distress I rejoice that there
was given to this brave Christian so much constancy
in the profession of the truth, and I am persuaded
that for some wise purpose my brother has been
* Orespin, Acies, book iii. p. 170.
t ' Grata mihi fuit tua consolatio de casu frati'is acerbissimo.' — Un-
published letter from Francis Dryander (Enzinas) to Oalvin. Bibl. de
Geiieve, MS. 112. (Since published in C'alv. 0pp., xii. p. 510.)
118 THE KEFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
removed to that eternal assembly of the blessed, in
which the loftiest spirits now greet him with this
song of triumph: These are they who have washed
their robes and made them white in the blood of the
Lamb.' Francis in his grief did not forget his native
land. ' God grant,' said he, ' that the tidings of this
divine fire, wherewith my brother's soul glowed, may
be diffused in every part of Spain, to the end that
the noblest minds, stimulated by his example, may
at length repent of the impiety in which at present
they are living.' * This letter from Enzinas to Calvin
was written from Basel, April 14, 1547.
* ' Utinam vero hgec divina incendia per omnes Hispaniae fines spar-
gantur.' — C'alv. 0pp., xii. p. 510. Theodore Beza places the martyrdom
of James Enzinas in 1545; Dr. M'Crie in 1-546. As the letter of Enzi-
nas to Calvin is dated in April 1547, might not his death be with more
probahHity assigned to the early months of this year ?
iiy
CHAPTER V.
FANATICISM AND BEOTHEKLY LOVE. JUAN DIAZ.
(1545—1547.)
History, both sacred and profane, opens, so to
speak, with the enmities of brothers. Cain and Abel,
Atreus and Thyestes, Eteocles and Polynices, Romu-
lus and Remus, inaugurate with their murderous
hatred the origin of human society or the beginning
of empires. This remark of an eminent thinker, M.
Saint-Marc Girardin, may be carried farther. In the
first days of Christianity, Jesus, when announcing to
his disciples the tribulations which awaited them,
said : The brothei^ will deliver up the brother to death.
Similar unnatural conduct is likewise to be met with
at the second great epoch of Christianity, that of the
Reformation. Strange ! that a doctrine so worthy to
be loved should be enough to arouse hatred against
those who profess it, and even hatred of so monstrous
a kind as to show itself in fratricide.
Brotherly love is one of the most beautiful features
of human nature. A brother is a friend, but a friend
created with ourselves. Brothers have the same
father^ the same mother, the same ancestors, the same
youth, the same famil}', and many things besides in
common. A brother is not merely a friend whom
120 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK xrv.
■we meet and cling to, altliougli that is no small
blessing ; he is a friend given by Grod, a second self.
But just in proportion to the sacredness of the bond
of brotherhood is the depth of the evil when it is
disregarded. The nearer brother stands to brother,
the deeper is the wound inflicted when they clash.
The noblest feelings of our nature are then trampled
under foot, and nothing is left but the most egotistic,
the most savage instincts. The man disappears, and
the tiger takes his place. While the history of the
Reformation brings before us examples of the ten-
derest brotherly affection, as, for example, in the
case of the Enzinas, it presents us also with some
of those tragic catastrophes which must draw from
us a cry of horror.
Among the Spaniards who were studying at Paris
about 1540 there was, besides James Enzinas. a
young man from Cuenca, named Juan Diaz. After
making a good beginning in Spain, he had gone in
1.532 to complete his studies at Paris, at the Sor-
bonne, at the College Royal, instituted by Francis I.
There, by his progress in learning, he had soon
attained a distinguished position among the students.
At first he applied himself, like a genuine Spaniard,
to scholastic theology. He became intimate with one
of his fellow-countrymen, Peter Malvenda, a man
older than himself, and a doctor of the Sorbonne, who
was subsequently much employed by Granvella and
by Charles the Fifth. Malvenda was a man rich in
resources, but also full of prejudices, superstitions,
and the pride which is the usual characteristic of the
Roman doctors. Diaz, on the contrary, was cha-
racterised by great meekness, benevolence, candour
onvp. V.
JUAN DIAZ. 121
and simplicity, integrity, plain-dealing, prudence and
purity of life. Having a deep sense of the value of
the sacred writings, he was anxious to read them in
the original, and therefore studied Hebrew and Greek
with unflagging earnestness. The reading of the
sacred books opened before him a new world. The
conflict between two doctrines which was agitating
Christendom began within himself What ought he
to believe ? Diligent in prayer, says one of his bio-
graphers, he very fervently prayed God to give him
the pure knowledge of his holy will.* He became
intimate with his fellow-countryman, James Enzinas,
and they read the Scriptures together, James giving
an explanation of them. The eyes of Diaz were
opened, and the same Spirit which had inspired the
sacred writers made known to him the Saviour whom
they proclaimed. He clung to him by faith and
henceforth sought for righteousness in him alone.
He gave up the scholastic theology, embraced the
gospel, and became the associate of men who shared
his own convictions. Among these were Claude de
Senarclens, Matthew Bude, son of the illustrious
William Bud^, and John Crespin, son of a juriscon-
sult of Arras, advocate to the parliament of Paris.
Impressed with the beauty of evangelical doctrine,
Diaz was convinced that he must not hide it. He
burned ' to exhibit it before the world,' he said.
He felt at the same time the need of gaining more
knowledge and more power, and of being strength-
ened in the faith by experienced teachers. He there-
fore left Paris and betook himself to Geneva with
Matthew Bude and Crespin, ' for the purpose of see-
* Orespin, Ades des Martyrs, art. Jfws.
122 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
ing the state of the church in that town and the
admirable order which was established there.' Diaz
stayed in the house of the minister Nicholas des
Gallars. This visit took place in 1545.*
After ha^dng conversed with the great reformer,
set forth his faith, and received his approval of his
doctrine as good and holy, Diaz felt it desirable to
visit the evangelical churches of Germany. His stay
extended to about three months, and he then went
first to Basel, afterwards to Strasburg. Bucer and
his friends were delighted with the young Spaniard,
with his acquirements, his talents, his agreeable
manners, and especially with his piety. Admitted to
familiar intercourse with them, he entered more and
more fully into the knowledge of evangelical doctrines
and affairs. He enjoyed the conversation of these
Christian people and the free and hearty manners
which prevailed among them. He had no thought
of quitting Strnsburg ; but a circumstance which
occurred about six months afterwards led to his
removal.
As the Protestants declined to recognise the
Council of "Trent, which had been opened in December
1545, the Elector Palatine had proposed a colloquy
between the two parties, and this conference opened
at Eatisbon, January 27, 1546. Bucer had been no-
minated one of the delegates on the part of the Refor-
mation ; and the Senate of Strasburg, judging that a
Spanish convert from Catholicism to Protestantism, a
man rich in knowledge and in vu'tue, would carry
much weight in the discussion, associated Diaz with
* Oalv. EpjJ- Op2>., xii. pp. 130, 150. — ' Apud GaUasium.' — Ibid.
p. 330.
CHAP. V. AT EATISBON. 123
his friend. At Ratisbon, Bucer and Diaz found as
champions of the papacy, Malvenda, whom Diaz
had known at Paris, Cochlaeus,* and the Carmel-
ite monk BiUik. These three were determined to
maintain the extremest doctrines of the papacy ; for
seeing that the council was assembled they feared
that if they made any concession they would be
struck with the same anathemas as the Protestants.
Without hesitation Diaz went to see Malvenda.
Malvenda was his senior, and he ought to pay his
respects to him. Perhaps he hoped that the ties
which had formerly united them would give him
some hold on the mind of his countryman. Pre-
senting himself, therefore, with one of his friends, he
told him with the utmost simplicit}^ that he was come
to Ratisbon with Bucer for the purpose of defending
the doctrines of the Reformation. Malvenda could
believe neither his own eyes nor ears. He re-
mained for a short time astounded, as if some
monster had made its appearance.f The expres-
sion of his countenance and the restlessness of his
movements displayed his astonishment and alarm.
At length he said : ' What ! Juan Diaz at Ratisbon !
Juan Diaz in Germany, and in the company of Pro-
testants ! . . . No, I am deceived ; it is a phantom
before me, resembling Diaz, indeed, in stature and in
feature, but it is a mere empty image ! ' The young
Spaniard assured the doctor that he really was there
present before him. ' Wretched man,' said Mal-
venda, ' do you not know that the Protestants will
* Oalv. 0pp., xii. p. 253.
t Bericlit von dem Kegensb. CoUoq. von G. Major, Wittenberg, 1546 ;
Von M. Bucer, Strasb., 1546.— Oalv., 0pp., xii. p. 252.
124 THE EEFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
pride themselves far more on having gained over
to their doctrine one single Spaniard than if they
had converted ten thousand Germans or an infinite
number of men of other nations ? ' Diaz wondered
at these words, for it seemed to him that the sove-
reign will could convert a Spaniard as easily as a
German. Malvenda, then, no longer in doubt as to
the real presence of Piaz in flesh and blood before
him, assailed him with questions blow after blow.
' Hast thou been long in Germany ? What ails thee
that thou hast come into these parts ? Dost thou
understand the doctrine of Martin Bucer and the
other Germans ? ' and so forth. Diaz, with more
presence of mind than his master, replied quietly and
modestly : ' I have been almost six months in this
country. My object in coming was to see here
religion established in its purity, and to confer with
the learned men who are to be found here. The
true knowledge of God is before everything ; and
in a matter so important I would rather trust my
own eyes than the false reports of evil men. I had
a wish to see this poison ; and as I find that the
churches of Germany are in agreement with anti-
quity, and have in their favour the perpetual consent
of the apostles and prophets, I cannot reject their
doctrine.' *
This admiration for Germany very much asto-
nished Malvenda. ' Oh ! ' cried he, ' it is an ex-
ceedingly Avretched lot to live in this country. For
any man who loves the unity of Rome, six weeks'
sojourn here is a burden as oppressive as six years ;
* Crespiu, Acies des Martyrs, book iii. p. 173.
CHAP. T. DIAZ AND MALVENDA. 125
uay, say rather six centuries. Six days in Germany
make me older than a long lifetime. Every honest
man must beware of what is taught here. Much
more must thou, Diaz, beware, who belongest to a
land in which the religion of our holy mother the
Church has always flourished. IJespect, therefore,
thine own reputation, and do not bring dishonour on
thyself, nor on thy family, nor on the whole Spanish
nation.' As Diaz was accompanied by one of his
friends, Malvenda, embarrassed, did not pursue the
subject farther. But they agreed to meet again.
Malvenda prepared to make use of his fine
rhetorical powers in striking the heaviest blows for
the purpose of bringing back into the Roman fold
this sheep which as he thought had gone astray.
When Diaz made his appearance again, this time
alone, Malvenda said : ' Dost thou not perceive all
the dangers which are threatening at once thy body
and thy soul ? Dost thou not see the formidable
thunderbolts of the pope, the vicar of the Son of
God, which are about to fall upon thee ? And dost
thou not know with what a horrible execration those
are smitten whom he excommunicates, so that they
become the plague of the human race ? Is it well,
then, to venture, for the sake of the opinion of a
small number of people, to stir up sedition in all
countries and to disturb the public peace? Dost
thou not dread the judgment of God, and the ab-
horrence of all thy fellow-countrymen? ' Assuming,
then, the most kindly air, he continued : ' I promise
to aid thee, to befriend thee in this matter to the
utmost of my power. But do not wait until the
emperor arrives at Ratisbon ; go to meet him, cast
126 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. nooK XIT.
thyself at the feet of his confessor, and entreat him
to pardon thine offence.'
' I am not afraid,' replied Diaz, modestly but
decisively, ' of exposing myself to danger for the
purpose of maintaining the heavenly doctrine on
which our salvation depends, or even of shedding
my blood to bear testimony to the religion of Christ.
To me this would be a great honour and a great
glory.'
Malvenda shuddered at these words. If what
Diaz said was true, what Rome said was false ; and
yet his fellow-countryman was ready to die to testify
the truth of his belief. ' No,' exclaimed the priest,
' the pope, vicar of Christ, cannot err.'' ' What ! '
resumed Diaz, ' the popes infallible ! Monsters defiled
within and without with enormous crimes infallible ! '
Malvenda acknowledged that some of the popes had
led impure lives ; but, as he was anxious to drop this
subject, he declared to Diaz that it was mere loss of
time to come to the colloquy, and that no good would
arise from it. He added that if Diaz wished to do
any good, he ought to go to the Council of Trent,
which was established by the pope and attended by
many prelates. Diaz quitted the doctor, resolved to
see him no more privately.*
The young Spaniard had now ruined himself
with the doctor. The affection which Malvenda had
felt for him gave place to implacable hatred, and as
he had not succeeded in gaining him over, his only
thought now was to ruin him. With this view he
* Diaz -wrote down the conversation whicli he had with Malvenda,
and from his papers we derive our information ahout it. — Orespin, Acfes
des Mnrt.yn, book iii. p. 174.
CHAP. T. DENUNCIATIONS. 127
applied to the confessor of Charles the Fifth, of whose
influence he was aware. ' There is now at Ratis-
bou,' he wrote, ' a young Spaniai'd whom I once knew
at Paris as an obedient son of Rome, but who now
avows himself an enemy of the church and a friend of
the Lutherans. If such things are permitted, Spain
is lost, and you will see her claiming to shake off her
shoulders the burdens with which she will profess to
be overwhelmed. I implore you to avert such a
calamity, even if necessary by a violent remedy.'
Malveiida was not content with writing one letter.
As the confessor gave no answer, he wrote other
letters, ' far more harsh and violent than the first.'
De Soto had not answered at once because he was
perplexed. He was quite capable of feeling the
worth of such a man as Juan Diaz ; and, whatever
the chroniclers may have said, he had previously
been struck with the excellencies of Enzinas, and had
winked at his escape. Moreover, the case was one
of real difficulty. Diaz, being one of a deputation
sent to a colloquy approved by the emperor, was
protected against violent measures, except at the cost
of a renewal of the breach of faith of which John Huss
had been the victim. Just at the time when the
confessor received from Malvenda his last violent
letter, he had with him another Spaniard, named
Marquina, who was entrusted with a mission for
Rome, respecting which he was conversing with the
confessor. ' See,' said De Soto, ' what trouble our
Spaniards give us,' and he read to him Malvenda's
letter. Marquina, who was an old friend of Juan
Diaz, had always looked upon him as a model of
honesty and piety. He therefore said to De Soto :
128 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
' Put no faitli in Malvenda's statements. He is no
doubt impelled by some private illwill. Believe,
rather, the public testimonies of good men, who have
at all times approved the character and the doctrine
of Diaz.' But De Soto was not convinced. ' We
must,' he said, ' either convert him, or get him put
out of the way.' Did he mean that he was to be
imprisoned or put to death? The latter seems the
most probable conclusion. Xevei'theless De Soto
was not so black as Protestant writers depict him.
Jn 1560 he was prosecuted by the Inquisition of
Yalladolid, on suspicion of Lutheranism.* His inter-
course with such men as Enzinas and Diaz might
well tend to make him afterwards more just towards
a doctrine which he had at first condeirmed Mar-
quina set out for Rome.
In this metropolis was a brother of Juan Diaz,
named Alonzo, an advocate practising before the
Roman tribunals. ]\Iarquina related to him all that
he had heard about Juan. Alonzo loved his brother,
but he loved Rome still more. At this news, there-
fore, he was plunged into a deep melancholy. Juan
a heretic ! What a misfortune for him, but what an
offence also against the Church I Alonzo, though
not a thorough bigot, was violent, and was smitten
with that gloomy and cruel madness which fancies
that it is defending the church of God when perse-
cutmg those who hold contrary doctrines. He was
not without affection for those of his own kin ; bur
he was pitiless towards them if ever they attacked
the faith. He would rather they should all perish
than be guilty of an outrage against the Church. He
Lloreute, Histoire de I'liiqumiiun, iii. p. 88.
cnvr. V. AL(_>NZO IN GEKMANY. 129
was not only superstitious but fanatical ; and fanati-
cism is to superstition Avhat delirium is to fever. As
soon as he was informed of the letters which Mal-
venda had written to the confessor, Alonzo deter-
mined to go to Germany and to make use of all avail-
able means to bring back his brother to the faith or
to retrieve the injury done by him to the Church.
He selected as his servant a man of evil repute, took
post and went with the utmost speed to Augsburg,
and thence to Ratisbon, where he expected to find
his brother. This journey was made in March 1546.
The conference was just on the point of closing with-
out having accomplished anything, and Juan Diaz
had already left Eatisbon.
Alonzo was greatly annoyed at this news, and
resolved to have an interview without delay with
Malvenda. The latter had no hesitation as to what
was to be done. ' May I live to see the day,' said he,
' on which Juan Diaz will be burnt . . . and his soul
thus be saved.' ' A brutal speech,' says Crespin, the
friend of Juan, ' altogether diabolical and worthy of
eternal wrath.' But in those times of error, when
people fancied that false doctrine ought to be punished
like any ordinary crime, it is possible that this priest,
in uttering the wish that the soul should be saved at
the cost of the body, might imagine that it was really
a pious and charitable speech. The human under-
standing was then, and had been for ages, profoundl}^
and miserably mistaken on this matter.
Malvenda and Alonzo discussed together what
was to be done. First of all, they said, inquiry must
be made most carefully in what place, country, town,
or village, Juan- then was. Malvenda summoned a
VOL, VHI. K
130 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
Spaniard of his house in whom he had full confidence,
and bade him find out where it was conjectured
that Juan was concealed. This Spaniard, who was a
crafty man, invented a tale which he thought would
ensure his success, and presented himself to one of
the friends of Juan — whether Senarclens or another
we do not know. ' Letters of great importance,' he
said, ' addressed to Diaz have arrived at the im-
perial court. If he receive them, it will be of great
advantage to him. We beg you, therefore, to tell
us instantly in what place we may deliver them.'
The friend of Diaz, who knew with whom he had to
do, replied : ' ^ye do not know where he is ; but if
you have any papers to forward to him, please hand
them over to us and we will take care that the-}-
reach him safely.'
Alonzo and Malvenda, greatly disappointed at
receiving such an answer, devised a new trick, the
success of which appeared to them infallible. The
Spaniard returned to the friend of Diaz and said : ' It
is not a question about papers only ; there is now
at the Crown hotel a gentleman, a great friend
of Diaz, who brings him news and letters of the
highest importance. He is bound to deliver them
to him in person. Pray come and ^peak to him at
the inn.'*
Alonzo's stratagem succeeded to his heart's con-
tent. He discovered ere long his brother's place
of retirement. Juan, on the approach of Charles the
Fifth,f felt that he could not remain at Eatisbon, and
* The close of the chapter is missing in the manuscript. We add a
few pages respecting- the mournful death of Juan Diaz. — Ediiok.
+ ' Quum Otesar appropinquare dicebatur, Xeoburgum -^e contulerat,
quod oppidum est sub ditione Othonis Henrici.' — C'alv.. 0pp., xii. p. 3-36.
CHAP. V. ALONZO FINDS JUAN. ]31
therefore had betaken himself to Neuburg, where he
ran less risk than at Ratisbon, as the town was with-
in the jurisdiction of Otto Henry, the elector palatine.
He was engaged there in superintending the printing
of a work by Bucer.* It was a great surprise to him
to see his brother, whose attachment to the papacy he
well knew. The first days of their meeting were
spent in painful debates. Alonzo put forth all his
energy to snatch his brother from heresy. He made
the best of all the arguments which he thought likely
to prevail with him. He reminded him of the dis-
grace which would be reflected on the name of his
family, the perils to which he exposed himself, prison,
exile, the scaffold, and the stake with which he was
threatened. Juan remained inflexible. ' I am ]'eady,'
he replied, ' to suffer anything for the sake of publicly
confessing the doctrine which I have embraced.'
Failing to terrify his brother, Alonzo attempted to
seduce him. He offered him the wealth and honours
wherewith Eome would willingly have paid for re-
conciliation with her adversaries. ' Follow me to
Rome,' he said, ' and all these things are yours.'
Jiaan was still less open to the solicitations of worldly
ambition than he had been to threats of possible
danger.
Alonzo soon perceived that these methods would
avail him nothing, and he therefore changed his
tactics. He pretended that he was himself overcome
by the faith and the generous feeling of his brother,
and professed himself gained over to the gospel.
' Come with me to Italy,' said he ; ' there you will
find a large number of souls open 'to the knowledge
' Sleidan, lieform., book xvii.
132 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE . book xrr,
of the truth, and among these you will have op-
poi'tunity of doing a great work of mercy. Germany
possesses pious men in abundance to instruct it.
Italy is in want of them. Come with me.' Juan
was almost carried away by this appeal. He was
desirous, however, of consulting his friends. These
dissuaded him from such an enterprise, and felt
suspicious of his brother's sincerity. Diaz still hesi-
tated. He wrote to Bernard Ochino, pastor at
Augsburg : ' I must close my eyes to the world that
T may follow only the call of Christ. May he be my
light, my guide, my support ! I have not yet come
to a decision. Whether I am to set out or to remain
here, I desire only to do the will of God. My trust
is in Christ, who promises me a happy issue.' His
friends Bucer, Senarcleus, and others hastened to
him in alarm, and at length succeeded in dissuading
him from quitting the asylum in AS^hich he was safe
under the protection of the elector palatine.
Alonzo, though deeply annoyed, dissembled his
anger. He should cherish, he said, the memory of
the pleasant moments which he had spent in Jiis
brother's company ; he carried away -in himself a
light which he would not allow to be extinguished ;
he commended himself to the prayers of this brother
who had become his father in Jesus Christ. He
wept much, and on March 26, 1.54G. he took his de-
partiu-e, his servant accompanying him. The latter
was a man accustomed to the shedding of blood. He
had been an executioner ; and he made a trade of
selling his services to anyone who wanted to get rid
of an enemy by the sword or by poison The two
men went to Augsburir. carefully concealino- their
VSIA.V. V. FRATRICIDE. 1;3.!
presence. The next day, after changing their dros.s,
they retraced the road by which they had come. On
the way Alonzo bought a hatchet of a carpenter.
He slept in a village not far from Neiiburg ; and on
3Iarch 27, just as the day began to dawn, he re-
entered the town Avith the man who was in his ser-
vice. This man knocked at the door of the house in
which Diaz lodo-ed, and showins; some letters which
he said that he brought from his brother, requested
to be admitted. Notwithstanding the early morning
hour he was allowed to enter the house, and went up
the staircase while Alonzo waited below, prepared to
assist in case of need.
Juan, waking with a start, rose and went out of
his chamber, half-dressed, and received with kindli-
ness his brother's messenger. The latter handed a
letter to him. The still faint light of the dawn
scarcely penetrated into the room ; Juan went to the
window and began reading. Alonzo expressed to his
brother the fears he felt for his personal safety.
' Above all,' said he, ' do not trust Malvenda, who
only thirsts for the blood of the saints. From afar I
watch over you, and in giving you this warning I
discharge a duty of brotherly piety.'* While T)]'dz
was reading, the murderer approached him, and,
armed with the hatchet which he had concealed
under his cloak, plunged it up to the handle in the
skull of the unfortunate man, over the right temple.
So violent was the blow that the victim fell without
uttering a word. The assassin caught him in his
arms and laid him quietly upon the floor, and then
fled without making any noise which might haAc
* Jules Bonnet, lieciis clu sekibme si'ecU, p. 228.
131 THE REFOE>rATIOX IX EUROPE. book siv.
betrayed tlie horrible deed which had just been
done.
The friend of Diaz, Senarclens, who was sleeping
in his own chamber, heard nothing but the footsteps
of the murderer as he descended the stairs. He rose
hastily, ran to his friend, and found him dying. The
hatchet had been left buried in the wound. Juan
Diaz lived an hour longer but did not speak acrain.
His hands were joined, his lips moved as if in praver,
and his eyes fixed on heaven showed the mark to-
ward which he pressed.
Meanwhile the assassins were flying as fast as
their horses could carry them. S-n-iftly pursued,
the\' passed through Augsburg without stopping, and
at length found refuge at Innspruck, in the dominions
of the archduke Ferdinand, king of the Romans.
All Germany was stirred by this odious crime ; and
the punishment of the guilty was demanded from all
quarters. But by the intervention of the emperor
they escaped the condemnation which they had
deserved, and, if we are to believe Castro,* Charles
even raised the fratricide to the highest honours and
dignities.
* Castro, S/jniih/i I'rotestmits. y\. 14.
135
CHAPTER VI.
SPAKIAKD.S IN SPAIN.
( 1534—1542.)
The doctrines of the gospel were slowly spreading in
Spain ; their advance was silent, but it was none the
less rapid. The Catholic lUescas, in his Historia
Pontifical, asserts that ' so great were the number,
the rank, and the importance of the culprits, that if
the application of the remedy had been delayed for
two or three months, the whole of Spain would have
been on fire.' The Reformation would have wrought
the salvation of this people, not only in a moral and
religious sense, but also in respect to national pros-
perity and greatness. Unfortunately the papacy and
Philip II. had the last word, and tbey ensured its
ruin.
We have seen that the gospel had been well
received at Seville, in tbe south ; it was likewise
welcomed at Valladolid, in the north, the usual seat
of the king. There was one man who at this epoch,
by reason of his ability, the offices with which he was
invested, the missions which were entrusted to him,
and his religious character, played an important part
in Spain. He passed for one of the most violent
enemies of evangelical truth ; and such indeed he
was, but ultimately he became himself an evangelical,
at least in essential points. This was Bartholomew
130 THE HEFOEJIATIOX IN EUROPE. book sit.
Carranza, who was boi-n in 1303, at Miranda, in
Xavarre, and was at this time teaching theology at
Yalladolid with great applause. He had completed
his studies at the university of Alcala, and in 152l)
had entered the Dominican order. While he was at
the college of St. Gregory of Valladolid, in 1527, he
had undertaken the defence of Erasmus, and had
consequently been denounced to the Holy Office. At
a still earlier period he had conversed with a Domini-
can older than himself, Professor ^lichael de Saint
^lartin, on matters pertaining to the con-science. The
doctor found that the yoimg monk greatly limited
the power of the pope. For this he had been rebuked
and ultimately denounced to the Holy Office (Xo-
vember 19, 1530). But these two denunciations came
to nothing. It was found that the evidence was not
sufficient to support an accusation. On the revival
of the denunciations at a later period, Carranza, who
by this time had become an archbishop, was placed
under arrest. At an early age he had felt some
relish for the truth. Had he lived in the midst of
gospel light he would have joyfully received it ; but
the darkness of Kome withheld him and for a long
time led him astray. In 1534 he was appointed
professor of theology at Valladolid, and in 1539 he
was named a delegate to Eome to attend a chapter
of his order. He maintained there some theses ynth
so much success that Pope Paul III. gave him per-
mission to read prohibited books. The reading of
these was afterwards of advantage to him. At this
time he enjoyed the reputation of a fervent Catholic.
His opposition to heretic*, his olive-coloured com-
plexion, and the sombre costume of his order, earned
CHAP. VI, BARTHOLOMEW CAREANZA. 137
him the surname of the black monk. Nevertheless
he displayed altogether a superior mind ; and in con-
sequence of this he was early distinguished by Charles
the Fifth. If he were then strongly attached to
Roman doctrines it was with sincerity, because he
believed them to be true ; and he was, moreover, a
stranger to petty ecclesiastical superstitions.*
Carranza's teaching, perhaps, contributed to make
the gospel attractive to younger minds at Valladolid.
At first they showed some timidity ; but the cruel
death of one of the most earnest Spanish Christians
inspired them, about the middle of the century, with
more zeal and courage. Among the disciples of
Carranza was Don Domingo de Roxas, son of the
marquis of Poza — a name rendered illustrious by a
great poet — and Avhose mother was a daughter of
the count of Seliiias. This young man, who was
destined by his parents for the church, was amiable,
upright, a lover of truth, keenly susceptible and
impressible, endowed likewise with courage, but not
■with that immovable firmness which belongs to
powerful characters. He listened with enthusiasm
to the lectures of Carranza, who in certain cases made
use of the phrases of the reformers, while condemn-
ing their doctrines. The same was afterwards done
by the Council of Trent, to which Carranza was sent
as delegate by Charles the Fifth. He used to say
that man, since his fall, could not be justified by the
power of nature ; but that he is justified by Jesus
Christ. To these assertions, however, he added
explanations which weakened them. ' The moral
power of man,' he said, ' is indeed diminished but not
* Llorente, Histoire de V Inquisition, pp. 184-187.
133 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
destroyed ; he is able to incline himself to righteous-
ness, and faith justifies only so far as charity is added
to it.'
Ere long Domingo showed less timidity than his
master. He laid aside everything that weakened the
doctrine and embraced the pure faith draTm from
the Word of God. At the same time that he listened
to Carranza he was reading Luther and Melanchthon,
and he thought their doctrines more evangelical and
more powerful than those of his master. The pro-
fessor trembled lest his disciple should become a
heretic and should raise up others. What to Roxas
appeared a friendly light, seemed to Carranza the
signal of a conflagration. In vain he endeavoured
to prove to young de Roxas the mass and purgatory.
The latter, imder standing that the truth was the
property of aU, communicated it to those around him.
He put into circulation the works of the reformers ;
he composed others himself. Among the latter was
an Exposition of the faith. By these means he gained
over to the gospel several inhabitants of Yalladolid.
He encountered opposition on the part of some mem-
bers of his own family; but he found access to
others, as well as to several noble houses of Castile.*
Another 5'oung Castilian, Augustine Cazalla, a
contemporary of Roxas, at the age of seventeen had
had Carranza as his confassor ; and he attended, at
the same time as DomLnga, the lectures of this illus-
trious master at the college of St. Gri-egory at Valia-
doHd. His father was director of the royal finances,
and his mother Leonora (whose maiden name was
de Vibero), a friend of the friends of the gospel,
* Llorente, Histoire de I'Inquiskion, ii. p. 233.
CHAP. Y[. AUGUSTINE CAZALLA, 139
opened her house to them, and freely welcomed
the refugees -who were driven by persecution from
their own abodes. On this account the house of
Leonora was afterwards razed, and on its ruins
fanaticism erected a monumental stone, which re-
mained there till our own days.* Cazalla completed
his studies at Alcala, becaine canon of Salamanca,
and attained a position in the first rank of Sj)anish
preachers. The circumstances in which he Avas placed,
and particularly the hospitality of his mother, pre-
pared him to receive the gospel. He was even ac-
cused of having ' openly taught in the Lutheran con-
venticles of Valladolid.' It appears, however, that
he did not publiclj' declare himself for the Word of
God until the emperor, having nominated him his
preacher and almoner, took him with him into Ger-
Taanj, where he had frequent intercourse with the
Lutherans. f
Even before Cazalla decided for the gospel Don
Domingo de Roxas had found a powerful assistant in
the evangelisation of Valladolid and its neighbour-
hood. An Italian noble, Don Carlos de Seso, born
at Verona, of one of the first families of the country,
had distinguished himself in the service of the
emperor, and had, it seems, learnt something at an
early age of the doctrine of the Reformation. He
settled in Spain, and during his residence at Valla-
dolid became intimate with the evangelical Christians
of that city. He had a cultivated mind, great nobilit}"
* It was removed duxing the regency of Espartero. The street ia
named Calk del doctor Cazalla.
t Llorente, Histoirc de l' Inquisition, ii, pp. 222, 223, lUescas, Ilistona
Pontifical, ii. p. .337.
UO THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
of character, gentlemanly manners, and much zeal for
the truth. Having become a Spaniard, he discharged
in his adopted country certain civil functions ; and
this afforded him opportunities of diffusing with
more freedom the knowledge of the gospel. He did
this zealously in some towns situated to the east of
A^alladolid, on the banks of the Douro ; at Toro,
where this river is spanned by the numerous arches
of an immense bridge, and where Seso was corregidor ;
and, somewhat further eastward, in the melancholy
and sombre Zamora, which the Cid had reconquered
from the Moors, and where the ruins of his palace
were to be seen. His active exertions were next put
forth in another quarter. We find him proclaiming
the love of <Tod in Jesus Christ at Valencia, to the
north of Valladolid, and under the very walls of its
beautiful cathedral. He afterwards married Dona
Isabella de Castilla, niece of the bishop of Calahorra.
and a descendant of King Pedro the Cruel, and took
up his abode at Villa Mediana. Here he became
very successful in the evangelisation of Logrono, and
the rich and fertile districts lying around, which are
watered by the Ebro. Don Carlos de Seso was re-
markable for the enern;\' of his faith, the viwur of his
language, and the devotion of his whole being to
Jesus Christ. He was to give evidence of his courage
at the time of his death, by apostrophizing the cruel
Philip II. himself, whose fanatical answer became
celebrated.*
Don Domingo de Eoxas had a sister, the mar-
chioness of Alcagnices, who:^e character bore much
' Llorente, Histoii-e de Vliiquhittun. ii. pp. '2-jo. I'-Jil, -U)' . Illeicas,
Uistoria Pontifical, i. p. 307.
tl
CHAP. VI. DE ROXAS. 141
resemblance to his own, and who, like him, attached
herself to Carranza, but with still more enthusiasm.
She found in him a faithful, pious, and disinterested
guide ; not a director, but a Christian friend. Sh.e
as well as her brother had frequent conversations
with Carranza. Domingo on one occasion was speak-
ing with joy about the complete justification of the
sinner by the grace of Christ. ' But,' he added, ' I do
not see how this truth is to be reconciled with pur-
gatorj'.' ' It would be no great harm,' said Carranza,
' if there were no purgatory.' Domingo Avas as-
tonished, and replied by citing the decisions of the
church. His master then closed the discussion by
saying : ' You are not at present capable of, thoroughly
understanding this matter.' In a little while, Do-
mingo, convinced that the j ustification of man is the
essence of Christianity, returned to the subject ; and
Carranza told him that he did not see in Holy Scrip-
ture any clear proofs of the existence of purgatory.*
De Roxas rejoiced to hear this, for he desired above
all things that his master should unreservedly accept
the doctrines of the gospel. But this was not so
easy as he thought, and whenever he made a timid
attempt to induce him to adopt them, Carranza at
once checked him. ' Beware,' said he, ' lest you allow
yourself to be carried away by your talents.' The
disciple then withdrew disheartened. Carranza's re-
fusal to follow him in all the evangelical doctrines
' excited his deepest compassion,' and also occasioned
him the greatest grief. ' For,' he said, ' if Don Bar-
tholomew entirely received the true faith, he would
induce my sister to adopt it, so completely does the
* Llorente, Htstoire de VlnqnisiHon, iii. pp. 202, 204.
142 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUEOPE. book xiv.
Marchioness yield to his opinion.' Filled -with con-
fidence, Roxas added : ' I am still in hope of seeing
this change effected ; ' and allured still further and
further by his hopes he exclaimed : ' If so great a
change as this be wrought in Carranza, the king and
all Spain will embrace this religion.'*
The faith of CaiTanza seemed in fact to become
brighter and more real, so that the fine castles in
the air which the young and ardent De Roxas was
building were not altogether unfounded. One day,
not long afterwards, Carranza, when preaching at
Valladolid in Passion week, was suddenly carried
away by the liveliness of his faith and the warmth of
his love for the Saviour ; and speaking as if he saw
heaven opened, as if he discerned not onlv the image
of the Saviour, but the Saviour himself crucified, he
spoke with enthusiasm of the unutterable blessedness
of such contemplation for faithful souls, and extolled
with all his power the justification of men by a living
faith in the passion and the death of Jesus Christ.
' Really,' said the bishop Peter de Castro, who was
present. ' Carranza jDreached to-day as Philip ile-
lanchthon might have done.' The bishop informed
the illustrious orator of his own way of thinking :
the latter replied only by keeping profound silence. f
Carranza afterwards preached a sermon of a similar
kind before Philij) II. in London, whither he had
accompanied the king, and where he prosecuted the
evangelical teachers of Oxford and other places, while
sometimes preaching the same doctrines as they did.
The fanaticism of Catholic unity and universaKty
' Llonin t'^. Ilistoire de VInqumtion, iii. pp. 20-3, 20~.
t Ihi(l,pj>. lOS, m>.
CHAP. VI. WORKS OF CARKANZA. Un
stifled in his soul the claims of Christian faith. The
new man, formed within by divine grace, was in his
case kept down by the natural man, whose instincts
had been rendered more cruel by the influence of
Kome and the Inquisition.
The marchioness of Alcagnices could not do with-
out him. The piety of Carranza met her deepest
wants, and his attachment to Rome was a ground of
confidence to her that in adopting his faith she was
not separating from the church. Anxious to enjoy
his teaching even when he was absent, she caused
copies to be made of his Spanish works, and had
translations made of those which were in Latin. In
this task she employed the friar Francis de Torde-
sillas. This monk, who was a strictly orthodox man,
was occasionally shocked, while making these transla-
tions and copies, by certain phrases which appeared
to have a Lutheran tendency. He was very much
grieved about it, and so much the more because it
was not only for the marchioness that he did this
work, but also for several other ladies, admirers of
Garranza. Wliat a calamity if he should become an
agent of the Lutheran heresy ! And yet there were
so many fine things in those books, and Garranza was
so illustrious a doctor ! The monk of Tordesillas be-
thought himself of a means of preventing the evU.
At the head of the manuscript he put a notice to the
deader, in which he said, — ' that in reading the works
of Don Bartholomew, all the propositions which they
contain must be understood in the Gatholic sense,
and particularly those which relate to justification,
which it seems possible to interpret in an opposite
sense ; that in this way there would be no danger of
lU THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
falling into any error ; that he had seen the avithor
practise good works, fasts, almsgiving and prayers, so
that he, the speaker, was sure that everything which
the doctor had written was in the spirit of the Catholic
religion.'* But the religious devotee laboured in
vain. Most readers took simply and in the natural
sense what they read. Moreover the tiotice to tJn'
reader was counteracted by more powerful advice.
Domingo de Eoxas told both the nuns with whom
he was connected, particularly those of the convent
of Bethlehem, and other persons who showed any
leaning to piety, that the evangelical doctrines, and
he did not scruple to say to many the maxims of
Luther, were approved by a man so virtuous and so
learned as Carranza.f
Far from being moved to retract his doctrines b^^^
the reproaches which he incurred on account of them,
Carranza, who was of a resolute and determined cha-
racter, re-asserted them in more and more positive
laiiguage. One day when he was at the village of
Alcagnices, probably on a visit to the castle, he felt
it incumbent on him to make it distinctly understood
that nothing would induce him to renounce the faith
which inspired him, and that to leave no room for
doubt he was even prepared to sign a legal instru-
ment, bond, or contract, to that effect. For this
reason, and remembering that according to a popular
proverb ' where notary has passed there is no goint
back,' he exclaimed in the presence of Domingo de
Roxas, Peter de Sotelo. Christopher Padill;i, and
others : ' At the time of my death I will have a
' LlmvDte, IIi.<iii're (Ic V Inquisition, iii. -05, I'ljU.
t V,IJ.. p. -20^.
CHAP. VI. CARRANZA PRIMATK OF SPAIN. 145
notary to attest the renunciation which I make of all
my good A^orks and all the merit of them. I rely
on the woi'ks of Jesus Christ ; and knowing that he
has expiated my sins I look upon them as annulled.' *
It is remarkable that Carranza, after declarations
so evangelical, should have been elected, and this
in Spain, and against his own will, to the highest
dignity of the church, the primacy. True, Rome
afterwards made up for this gentle treatment by
great severity. This illustrious doctor and distin-
guished prelate, who had caused so many evangelical
Christians to be imprisoned, himself spent the last
seventeen years of his life in prison. He exalted the
pope, his government, and his ministry, as much as
and more than any other man ; but he committed
the crime of exalting Jesus Christ still more. The
punishment was only retarded, not averted, by his
submission to Eome. Even at the time when
Carranza was still in the enjoyment of the highest
favour Valladolid saw a memorable example of
punishment instantly awarded to anyone who should
magnify Jesus Chi'ist, without caring for the pope
and his church.
The young San Romano, who had been converted
at Bremen, and had been arrested after making great
efforts to induce Charles the Fifth to countenance the
Reformation, arrived in ill health at Valladolid at
the time when the gospel was working in private
circles, and even in general society, but had not yet
been boldly preached there as at Seville. He had
been roughly treated, and. compelled to follow in the
emperor's suite as a captive, some say even into
* Llorente, Histoire da f Inquisition, iii. p. 210.
VOL. VIII. L
146 THE EEFOKilATION IN EUKOI'E. BOOK siv.
Africa ; but the treatment whicli he had to undergo
at the hands of the inquisitors of A^alladolid, to
whom he was dehvered up, far surpassed in harshness
that of Charles. They confined him in a dark and
horrible dungeon ; they sent to him incessantly
wicked and ignorant monks, who were instructed to
worry him and to induce him to abandon his faith;
they frequently made a spectacle of him, exposing
him to the laughter and contempt of the populace,
and daily loaded him with reproaches and insults,
in the hope of thereby terrifying him, breaking down
his spirit, and leading him to retract his faith.
But their attempt was frustrated. They found, on
the contrary, that in some marvellous way which
they could not understand, his strength, his earnest-
ness, and his resolution day by day increased. He
confuted the arguments of the monks, and courage-
ously avowed the doctrines which were the objects of
their anathemas. The sacrifice of the mass, said the
monks, procures ex opere operato the remission of
sins. ' Horrible abomination,' said San Komano.
'Auricular confession,' resumed the inquisitors, 'the
satisfaction of purgatory, the invocation of saints ' . . .
But he stopped them and cried out : ' Blasphemy
against God and profanation of the blood of Jesus
Christ ! ' * These monks, of orders grey, brown, or
black, who buzzed about him like wasps, and were
incessantlv stinojinff him, were amazed at such lau-
guage, and asked him what then he did believe. He
replied : ' I maintain and wUl openly and clearly
maintain to my latest breath that there is no creature
' ■ Adversus Deum Uasphemiam et saiifuinis Cliristi profanaticnem.'
■ — Llorente, Histoire de Vlnquitition . iii. p. 20?.
CHAP. vr. SAN ROMANO CONDEMNED. 147
who by his own strength, his own works, or any
worthiness of his own can merit the pardon of his
sins and obtain the salvation of his souL The mercy
of God alone, the work of the mediator, who by his
own blood has cleansed us from all sin, these save us.'
His condemnation was henceforth certain.
San Romano, and with him a great number of
criminals, appeared before a multitude of the people
to receive sentence. He was condemned to be burnt
alive as a heretic, the others were absolved. ' Ah ! '
said one of his friends,
Dat veniam corvis, vexat censura columbas.
After sentence had been passed, they put upon the
head of the martyr a paper crown, on which were
depicted many horrible figures of demons,* and then
led him away to the place of execution.
San Romano walked on, surrounded by the mob,
who heaped on him insults ' harder to bear than
death.' Just beyond the suburbs of the town he
came to a wooden cross. The crowd stopped and the
inquisitors wished to compel him to adore it. ' It is
not wood,' he replied, ' which Christians adore, but
God. He is present in my heart and I adore him
there with all reverence. Pass on ; go straight to
the place of my destination.' At these words the
people uttered loud cries, and loaded him with
insults, considering his refusal to be a crime. ' The
cross,' said some of them, ' the cross would not allow
a heretic to adore it.' Then, fancying that there was
some divinity in the wood, the crowd pressed round
* ' Corona chartea in qua erant mille hombilissimonim cacodsemonum
figurte depictce.' — Llorente, Histo-ire de V Inquisition, iii. p. 210.
L 2
148 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
it ; some drew their swords, aud clove tlie cross into
a thousand pieces.* Most happy did anyone think
himself who could secure the smallest fragment, for
the wood was to heal them of every disease.
San Romano was accompanied by a numerous
escort. He was surrounded by archers of the Im-
perial Guard. Some great personages belonging to
both parties had desired to be witnesses of the last
moments of this man, whose convictions were so
deep. Amongst them was the English envoy. San
Romano was placed in the midst of a great heap of
wood, which was forthwith set on fire in several
places. When he began to feel the fire he raised his
head,f looking up to heaven, which was about to
receive him. But the inquisitors imagined that he
was calling them and would yield to their entreaties.
' Draw away the wood,' they said, ' he wants to
retract his doctrine.' The burning pieces were
removed, and San Romano was set as it were at
liberty, without having taken any harm from the
fire. Turning then a look of indignation upon the
inquisitors, he said : ' What malice urges you to
this ? Why envy me my happiness ? Why snatch
me from the true glory which awaits me ? ' J The
inquisitors then, confused and irritated, ordered him
to be again cast into the fire, which had by this
time risen to great violence, and instantly consumed
him.
The sermon at this auto-da-fe had been preached
* ' Strictis gladiis ad crucem, quaui in miUe partes disseeuoruut.' —
L^orente, Sistoire de I 'Inquisition, p. 210.
t ' Leva^-it caput aliquantulum.' — Ibid., iii. p. 2] 2.
I ' Quare me a vera gloria abstraxiitis.' — Ibid., p. 214.
CHAP. 71. DEATH OF SAN ROMANO. 149
by Carranza,* but it does not appear that he had
convinced all his hearers. Some of the archers of the
Imperial Guard carefully collected the ashes of the
disciple of the gospel. The English ambassador
avowed that he recognised in him ' a true martyr of
Jesus Christ.' In consequence of this saymg he
was obliged to absent himself from court for several
months. f The archers who had gathered up the
ashes were sent to prison. Meanwhile the inquisitors
declared everywhere that San Romano was damned,
that none was permitted to pray for him, and that
whosoever should dare to hope for his salvation
would be considered a heretic. This martyrdom
took place about the year 1542. J
The times of the Reformation abound in martyrs ;
rind we might well ask ^vhether primitive Christianity,
which came to an end when the reign of Constantine
began, had so great a number of them as the reno-
vated Christianity of the sixteenth century ; especially
if we take into account the different length of the
periods. The impulse which le'd the martyrs of the
Netherlands, of France, England, Hungary, Italy,
Spain, and other lands to give up their lives calmly
and even joyfully, proceeded from the depth of their
convictions, the holy and sovereign voice of con-
* Lloreute, Histoire de V Inquisition, p. 188.
t ' Legatus Anglise qui . . . veium Obiisti martyrem agnoscebat, ad
aliquot menses ex aula exulavit.' — Mnnoirs of Enzitias, ii. p. 216.
X Crespin, Acf.es des yiniit/rs, booli iii. p. 157. Lloreute says 1540.
De Oastro, p. 41, says: ' That event must have happened in 1545 or 1546.'
Orespin and M'Oiie, p. 174, say 1544. In order to determine the date
v,-e must observe that Euzinas (ii. p. 1 70) vrrites the narrative Avhile he
is himself a prisoner at Brussels, and that he escaped in 1545. M. 0am-
pan assigns the date 154.1, the year in which the account veas written.
This account follows that which relates to Peter de Lei ma, who died in
August 1541. — Edtiok.
150 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUEOl'E. book xit.
science, enlightened, purified, and strengthened by
the word of God. In the souls of these lowly heroes
there was a secret and mighty testimony to the truth
of the gospel which vividly manifested to them its
grandeur, impelled them to sacrifice all for its sake,
and gave them courage to obey, although it cost them
not only goods and worldly greatness, but also the
good opinion, the afiection and esteem even of those
whom they most tenderly loved. Obedience, indeed,
was not always instantaneous. Sometimes there were
hindrances, conflicts, hesitation, and delay. There
were also some weak consciences which were over-
come. But wherever the conscience was sound, it
acquired in the midst of difiiculties more and more
force, and when once its voice was heard the victory
was won. It must be understood that we do not
mean here a conscience which a man has made for
himself ; that of which we speak was the highest ex-
pression of truth, justice, and the divine will, and it
was found to be the same in all regions. The souls
of these martyrs were exempt from all prejudices,
pure as a cloudless sky. They were conscientious
men ; and herein we have the complete explanation
of the grand phenomenon presented to us in the
Reformation. Here was a force sufficient to break
through stubborn bonds, to surmount passionate
opposition, to brave torture, and to go to the stake.
iS"o concessions were to be made, no agreement'with
error. The noble martyrs of the first centuries and
of the sixteenth were the select spirits and the glory
of the human race.
The death of San Romano was not fruitless. The
saying current in the first centuries was once more
CHAP. VI. ITS RESULT. 151
verified, — the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the
church. His faith, his renunciation of the world, his
courage at the stake, his rejoicing at the near ap-
proach of death, deeply aifected such of the spectators
as had a conscience not yet seared. The evangelicals
of Valladolid, who had hardly avowed their convic-
tions except to their most intimate friends, were
emboldened. They expressed their sympathy with
the martyr, and zeal and decision took the place of
timidity and lukewarmness. No church, however,
was formed in Valladolid till some years afterwards.
152 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK IIT.
CHAPTEE VII.
QTIEEX JOANXA.
(boen 1479; died 1555.)
AMOXG the victims immolated in Spain, in tlie
Xetherlands, and elsewhere, by the fanaticism of
Charles the Fifth and his subordinates, there was
one, the most illustrious of all, whose history has
been long hidden by a mysterious veil. This was his
mother. Queen Joanna, the daughter of Ferdinand
and Isabella. The TeU has been partly lifted in our
days by the discovery of some documents in the
archives of Simancas.* Although the information is
not yet complete, and perhaps may never be so, it is
nevertheless possible now to get some glimpses of the
mysterious drama which darkened the life of this
unfortunate princess. Few histories are more asto-
nishing than the history of this woman, whom we
see by some tragic destiny connected with three
executioners — her father, her husband, and her son.
These three men, king Ferdinand, the archduke
Philip, and the emperor Charles the Fifth, whom she
never ceased to love, and whom God had given her
for protectors, deprived her of her kmgdoms, cast her
* Calendar of letters, dispatcher, and state papers, relating to nego-
tiations between England and ^paiu, edited by d. A, Bergenrotli.
Loudon: Longmans & Co. l.*OS.
CHAP. VII. .TOANNA IMPRISONED. 153
into prison, and had the strappado inflicted on her.*
To complete their infamy, they circulated a report
that she was mad. She displayed remarkable intelli-
gence, and in this respect she would have taken high
rank among princes, far above her father and her
husband, if not above her son. The latter derived
from her, certainly not from his father, his great
abilities. Some celebrated physicians having been
summoned by the Comuneros to inquire whether the
alleged madness existed, and having interrogated the
officers and servants who were about her, cardinal —
afterwards Pope — Adrian, one of her gaolers, gave
the empei'or an account of the inquiry in these words :
' Almost all the officers and servants of the queen
assert that she has been oppressed and forcibly de-
tained in this castle for fourteen years, under pre-
tence of madness, while in fact she has always been
as sound in mind and as rational as at the time of
her marriage.' f
The desire to possess themselves of the supreme
power incited these three unworthy princes to deprive
Joanna and to keep her in shameful captivity. It
was to her, and not to her father Ferdinand, that
the kingdom of Castile belonged after the death of
Isabella. It was to her, and not to her husband
Philip, nor afterwards to her son Charles, that the
Spains, Naples, Sicily, and other dominions belonged.
She was deprived of all by these traitorous princes,
and received in exchange a narrow prison.
Joanna, the daughter of Ferdinand of Aragon
• Premia, Bar cvei-da.
t Letter from cardinal Adrian to the emperor, Sept. 4, 1520. — Ber-
genroth, Calendar of Letters, &c.
154 THE KEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK xrr.
and Isabella of Castile, was born in 1479, and was
brought up in Spain under the care of her mother.
Although it was not in those days the custom of the
court, as it was in the time of Philip II., to attend
the auto-da-fe, the whipping and the torture of here-
tics, these exploits of fanaticism done to the honour
of Jesus Christ and his holy mother were nevertheless
at this epoch the favourite subject of conversation at
that devout court. The prison, the whip, the rack,
and the stake, were the commonplaces of their inter-
course. The compassionate heart, the sound under-
standing, and all the good instincts of the young girl
rebelled against these excesses of the Eoman faith ;
and it Avas soon discovered that there was in her
mind an opposition to the favourite notions of her
mother, and a deep feeling against these punishments.
It was a great grief to Isabella to see her own
daughter wantonly ruining herself; for was it not
in her eyes ruin to doubt of the holiness of the
proceedings of the Inquisition ? She, therefore,
attempted to stifle the first germs of disobedience.
She did not shrink from extreme meastu-es to bring
Joanna to a better mind. The marquis of Denia,
chief gaoler of the unhappy prisoner, wrote to Charles
the Fifth, on January 26, 1522. as follows : 'If your
Majesty would employ torture against her, it would
be in many respects rendering service to God and at
the same time doing a good work towards the queen
herself. This course is necessary with persons of
her disposition ; and the queen, yom- grandmother,
punished and treated in this way her daughter the
queen, our sovereign lady.'
When Joanna had attained the age of seventeen
CHAP. VII. HER MARRIAGE. 155
hei' father and mother began to think about a mar-
riage alliance for her ; and it is easy to understand
that she was eager to accept the hand of the archduke
of Burgundy, one of the handsomest knights of his
age. The prince was to conduct her to the Nether-
lands, of which he had been sovereign since 1482,
and thus he would withdraw her from the teaching
of her mother. Joanna's readiness was very natural
vmder the circumstauces.
Soon after her arrival in the Netherlands it was
observed that feelings to which the cruelty of the
Inquisition iiad given birth in her noble heart were
developing themselves — indignation against the per-
secutors, and love for the persecuted. It is known
that in these parts were to be found some of the
Vaudois, the Lollards, and the Brethren of the Com-
mon Life, all alike inspired with a true religious spirit.
The fresh information which Joanna now received
strengthened her previous irapressions of hostility to
Roman superstition. The Catholic Isabella, alarmed
at the reports which reached her, sent to Brussels the
sub-prior of Santa Cruz, Thomas de Matienzo, to see
what the facts were, and to arrest the evil. The
princess, who tenderly loved her mother, was cast
down on hearing of her displeasure, and tears started
to her eyes. But her resolution did not give way.
The sub-prior took all possible pains to draw from
Joanna some answer to the questions which Isabella
had charged him to ask. He was very coldly re-
ceived ; and on Assumption Day, when two of the
confessors of the princess presented themselves for
the purpose of receiving her confession, she declined
their services in the very presence of her mother's
15G THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
envoy.* Her former tutor, Friar Andrew, who felt
much, anxiety for the soul of his pupil, entreated her
to dismiss certain Parisian theologians, who seem to
have been more enlightened than the majority of the
priests, but whom Friar Andrew called drunkards.
At the same time he begged the princess to supply
their place by taking for her confessor a good Spanish
monk. But aU his entreaties were fruitless. Nothing
could overcome the repugnance which she felt to-
wards the Roman religion. On several occasions she
refused its rites, but she did not advance nor take
any active steps. Her strength was passive only.
On February 24, 1500, Joanna gave birth to a
son, who was to become the emperor Charles the
Fifth. Conspicuous amongst the magnificent pre-
sents offered to the young prince was the gift of the
ecclesiastics of Flanders, who laid before him the
New Testament, splendidly bound, and beaiing the
inscription in letters of gold — Search the Scriptures.
Isabella was deeply distressed to see her daughter
thus drifting away from Spanish orthodoxy. It was
not a complete rebellion ; Joanna did not openly
profess all the doctrines called in Spain heretical.
But the queen had ordered hundreds of her subjects
to b.e burnt for slighter opposition than that of the
princess. Would Isabella's devotion to the Virgin
go so far as to sacrifice to it her daughter ? Even
had she desired it, it would not have been easy ; for
Joanna, as the wife of a foreign prince, was eman-
cipated from her mother's control. Besides, it may
well be believed that Isabella would not have com-
mitted such a crime. Still, the question arises, would
• Reports of Friar Thomas de Matienzo, August 1498.
CHAP. VII. HER EXCLUSION FROM THE THRONE. 157
she allow a heretic to ascend the throne of Castile ?
Would she expose the Inquisition, an institution so
dear to her, to the risk of being suppressed by the
princess Avho was to succeed her ? Never. Her
whole being revolted against such a thought. The
priestly party rejoiced to see these scruples of the
queen, and endeavoured to increase them. King
Ferdinand himself, Joanna's father, but not a tender-
hearted father, felt that it was for his own interest to
embitter more and more the feeling of her mother.
As early as 1502 Isabella's plan was formed.
She would keep the heretic Joanna from the throne
which belonged to her after her own death. On the
meeting of the Cortes, at Toledo, in 1502, and at
Madrid and Alcala de Henares, in 1503, the queen
caused to be laid before them a project of law by
virtue of which the government of Castile should
belong after her death to Ferdinand, in case of
Joanna's absence, or of her unwillingness or inability
personally to exercise the rights which belonged to
her. This resolution was voted by the Cortes, and
was inserted by Isabella m her will, in which she set
forth the conditions which she had at first laid down.
The pope confirmed the arrangement. Thus was
Joanna to be set aside from succession to the throne
which belonged to her on account of her opposition
to the Inquisition and to other Roman practices.
But Isabella took care not to state this, because she
perceived that such an avowal would be dangerous.
The priesthood and the holy office were almost uni-
versally detested, and, therefore, it was necessary to
avoid asserting that they were the cause of the ex-
clusion of Joanna, for this would have rallied to her
158 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
cause the majority of tlie nation. Some pretext
must, however, be found. It should be reported
that she was mad. This is nothing but the truth,
thought the priests. Is it possible that anyone not
mad would reject Home and her decrees, and put in
their place some other senseless doctrines ?
In 1504 Isabella died. Ferdinand publicly an-
nounced to the people, assembled in front of the
palace of Medina del Campo, that although the crown
belonged to his daughter he should continue to
govern during his lifetime. Joanna and PhUip, her
husband, were still in the Netherlands. It appears
that Joanna bore with meekness this robbery of the
crown by her father ; but it was otherwise with her
husband. PhUip energetically protested against this
act of spoliation. ' Ferdinand,' he said, ' has put into
circulation a false report of the madness of his
daughter and other absurdities of the like kind,
solely with a view to furnish himself with a pretext
for seizing her crown.'* It has generally been
stated that it was Philip's mother who had caused
the madness of his Avidow. But this report, it is
evident, was already in circulation at a time when
she had, without contradiction, the full possession of
her reason. We have seen from what source the
report came, and the interest which her father had in
causing it to be believed.
In 1506 Philip, accompanied by Joanna, arrived
in Spain for the purpose of assuming himself the
power which his father-in-law had usurped. The
majority of the people soon declared themselves on
the side of Joanna ; and Ferdinand, in a fit of anger,
' Instructions of tlie archduke Philip to John Heidin,
CHAP. Yii. JIEETING 01? FERDINAND AND PHILIP. 159
was on the point of encountering his son-in-law with
capa y spada, intending to plunge his sword into his
bosom. But he observed ere long that a party was
forming, and was becoming more and more nume-
rous, at the head of which was the constable of
Castile, whose object was to set aside both Philip and
Ferdinand, and to place the legitimate queen on the
throne. Ferdinand was perplexed, finding that he
had two rivals, his son-in-law and his daughter. It
was clear to him that Joanna, as Infanta and lawful
heiress, would easily win aU the hearts of the people,
and that Philip, as a foreigner and usurper, would
find it hard to gain acceptance. He resolved, there-
fore, to unite with Philip against his own daughter.
He gave him an appointment to meet him at Yilla-
fafila, on June 26 (1506). The king determined to
assume an appearance of amiability. He took with
him only a small number of attendants, dressed
himself plainly, mounted an ass, and thus arrived
in the presence of his son-in-law with the air of a
gallant country gentleman, an amiable smile upon
his lips, and saying that he came ' with love in his
heart and peace in his hands.' Philip received him
attended by a considerable number of grandees of
the Netherlands and of Spain, besides a large body
of men-at-arms. Philip himself, who was surnamed
the Handsome, was in the pride of his youth and
strength. Ferdinand havmg dismounted from his
ass and saluted his son-in-law, begged him to follow
him alone into the church. All the members of
their suite were forbidden to accompany the two
princes, and guards were stationed at the entrance to
prevent anyone from penetrating into the church.
160 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xit.
There, at the foot of the altar, these two traitorous
men were about to conspire the ruin, the spoliation,
and we might almost say the death of their innocent
victim, daughter of one of them and wife of the
other. The interview began. The sentinels were
able occasionally to catch glimpses of the two princes,
and even to hear their voices, but they could not
understand what they said. Ferdinand spoke much
and with animation ; Philip made only short answers
and at times seemed to be embarrassed. The
father-in-law pointed out to his son-in-law that
Joanna was on the point of being placed on the
throne by the people, and that both of them would
thus be deprived of it; that they ought to pledge
themselves to combine all their efforts to exclude
her, and that they would assign as their motive that
she was incapacitated for reigning by reason of ' her
malady,' which propriety did not permit them to
name. It is evident that the reference was to the
alleged madness. Whether Philip, who lived with
Joanna and knew her real state, had also protested
against this false accusation, gave way at once,
we cannot tell. However this may be, Ferdinand,
who for a long time had not seen his daughter, suc-
ceeded in persuading his son-in-law to adopt this
pretext. It likewise appears that there was already
some talk about imprisoning the queen.* While
Ferdinand thus sacrificed his daughter, he felt no
scruple about deceiving his son-in-laAv. An agree-
ment was concluded between the two conspirators
that the government of Castile should belong to
* Instrucion del rey don Fernaudo. Granvella'a State Pajiers, July
29, 150G.
CHir. vu. DEATH OF PHILIP. lUl
PMlip ; and in the instrumsnt signed the same day
it was alleged that Joanna refused to accept it her-
self. Meanwhile the courtiers were awaiting the two
princes ; and the guards having reported the visible
animation and eloquence of the father-in-law, it was
expected that he would come away triumphant.
Great, therefore, was the astonishment when it be-
came known tliat he had yielded everything to his
son-in-law. Thus the story of the madness of Joanna,
fii'st invented in the interest of Rome, was con-
firmed by her father, by her husband, and after-
wards by her son Charles the Fifth, in their own
interest, and with a view to despoil her of the crown
of Spain, of Naples, Sicily, and her other dominions.
But what is to be thought of Ferdinand's con-
cession ? It was a mere piece of acting. His ass,
his modest suite, his plain unarmed arrival, had been
nothing but a comedy, the object of which was to
put him in a position to allege that he had fallen into
the hands of his son-in-law, and that the latter had
compelled him to sign the agreement. He imme-
diately prepared a secret protest, in which he de-
clared that Joanna was kept prisoner by Philip on
false pretences, and that he considered it his duty to
deliver her and to place her on the throne. He then
set out for Naples, delegating as his representative
with Philip his well-beloved jNIaster Louis Ferrer,
who enjoyed his entire confidence, desiring him
to look after his interests. He had hardly set out
when, after an illness of three or four days, Philip
died. The current rumour was that he had been
poisoned. Some persons declared that they knew he
had received a dose of poison in his food (bocado).
VOL. VIII. M
162 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xr\.
But the scandal of a trial was dreaded, and the
matter Avas hushed up. The guilty Ferdinand re-
mained master of the situation. Joanna had been
placed in confinement by her husband immediately
after the interview of Villafafila. After the death
of Philip, Ferrer took possession of her. Several
princes, particularly Henry VII. of England, aspired
to the hand of this widow, heiress of several king-
doms ; but Ferdinand hastened to write in all direc-
tions that to ' his great vexation ' his daughter could
not possibly think of a second marriage. This
gradually gave wider currency to the fable of her
madness.
The queen was then at Bui'gos, and it was deter-
mined to remove her thence to Tordesillas, where
they intended to keep her in confinement. Philip
had died at Burgos, and his body was to be trans-
ferred to Granada, to be there interred in the sepul-
chre of the kings. This involved a journey from the
north to the middle of Spain, and Tordesillas lay on
the road. The scheme was to have the queen set out
at the same time as the bodj' of her husband. One
and the same escort would thus serve for both. It
has been supposed that there miglit be financial
reasons for this arrangement. In our days, it has
been said, no one would ever think of such economy.
But at that time the want of money Avas incessantly
obtruding itself, and people might be well pleased to
save a thousand scudos* This conjecture is admis-
sible ; but there were other reasons. The journey
* See the interesting' luu-rative of these events entitled T/ie Emj)eror
Charles the I'iflh and his mother Jutinna, in Prolussor Sybil's Hislormhe
Ziitsi'hrifl, \ol. XX. p. 124-1. Munich: ISC'?.
CHAP. -vir. JOANNA AT TOEDESILLAS. Ifi3
was made slowly. On two or three occasions the
queen was removed from one place to another by
night. But it is of little moment whether the
journey from Burgos to TordesUlas was made by
night or by day. In any case it was a strange spec-
tacle, the grand funeral car, with its dismal but
splendid accompaniments, and after these the car-
riages of the captive queen, about whom the most
extraordinary reports were already in circulation. It
has been stated that the death of Philip had cost
Joanna the loss of her reason ; it has been said that
she had so much affection for her husband that she
wished to have his body always near her, as if it
were still living ; that she was jealous even of her
dead husband, and would not allow her women to
approach his corpse.* It was rumoured at the time
that the queen, watching for the moment of his re-
turn to life, refused to be separated from the lifeless
body; and this very journey was referred to as an
irrefragable proof of her madness. But these allega-
tions are belied by facts. As the tomb at Granada
was not yet ready, the bod}?^ of Philip remained for
several years in the convent of St. Clara at Torde-
sillas, and the queen did not once go to see it nor
did she even express a wish to do so. She vised to
speak of Philip as any faithful wife would speak of
her deceased husband. Her excessive tenderness for
Philip, who had behaved infamously towards her, her
resolution never to be separated from his corpse —
these are fables of modern history, invented by those
who were determined to deprive her of her rights
and to thrust themselves into her place.
' Kobjrtsoii, Jlistwi/ (if Chm-U.i the Fifth, Iiuok i.
M 2
164 THE KEFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
Joanna arrived at Tordesillas under the guardian-
ship of Ferrer, the man who, it was beheved, had
poisoned her husband. The palace was a plain
house, situated in a barren country ; the chraate
was scorching in summer and very severe in winter.
Joanna Avas confined here in a narrow chamber, with-
out windows, and lighted only by a candle ; she
Avas not alloAved to AA'alk, even for a few minutes, in
a corridor Avhich looked out upon the river. She
Avas thus refused a liberty accorded even to mur-
derers. She Avas there, without money, attended by
two female keepers, and unable to communicate with
the outer world.
The mother of Charles V. continued to shoAV in
the prison of Tordesillas her dislike to the Roman
ceremonies. She refused to hear mass ; and the main
business of her keepers Avas to get her to attend it.
The cruel marquis of Denia, count of Lerma, who
succeeded Ferrer, endeavoured to compel the queen
to practices which she abhorred. ' There is not a day
passes,' he wrote, ' on Avhich Ave are not taken up
Avith the affair of the mass.'* At length the queen
consented to attend mass, at the end of the corridoi',
either from fear of the scourge, the pain of Avhich she
knew, or perhaps in order not to sunder herself from
the religion of Spain, of Avhich siie constantly hoped
to be acknoAvledged as queen. But Avhen they brought
her the pax, the paten which the priest offers to great
persons to kiss, she refused it, and commanded it to
be presented to the Infanta her daughter, whom they
had not yet taken aAvay from her.
At Christmas 1521 matins were beino^ sunof in
* Lt'fter of the mai-quis of Heiiia, of July 3, 1.51.-^.
CHAP. Til. HER HAESH TREATMENT. 105
the cliapc4 which had been fitted up at the end of the
corridor. The Infanta alone was present. Suddenly
Joanna appeared, wretchedly attired for a queen.
She did not attend the mass herself, and even wished
to prevent her daughter from attending it. She in-
terrupted the service, ordered with a voice that rer
echoed from the walls that the altar should be taken
away and everything else that was used in the reli-
gious ceremonies, and then laying hold of her daughter
she dragged her away from the place. Nothing could
at this time bend her; she resolutely refused to
attend mass or any other Catholic services. In vain
did the marquis of Denia entreat her to conform
to the Eoman practices ; she would not hear of such
a thing. ' In truth,' wrote the marquis to Charles Y.,
'i if your majesty would apply the torture (premia), it
Avould be doing service to God and to her highness.'*
The mother of Charles V. was plunged into the
deepest melancholy by the treatment to which she
was subjected. Her days were a constant succession
of sorrows. Her passage through life was from one
suffering to another. All her desire was to get out
of that horrible prison ; and in striving to attain
this object she displayed much good sense, earnest-
ness, and perseverance. She begged the marquis of
Denia to allow her to quit Tordesillas, at least for a
time. She wished to eo to Valladolid. She alleged
as a reason the bad air she breathed and the acute
sufferings it caused her. Her health required a
change of air, and she must at least undertake
fi journey. Her deep feeling moved her l)arbarous
gaoler himself. For a moment pity touched that
* The marquis of Denia to the emperor, January 25, 1522.
16G THK EEFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xiv.
heart of stone. ' Her language is so touching,'
wrote Uenia to the emperor, ' that it becomes
difficult for the marchioness and myself to with-
stand her appeals. It is impossible for me to let
anyone go near her, for not a man in the Avorld
could resist her persuasion. Her complaints awaken
in me deep compassion, and her utterances might
move stones.' * This is not how Denia would have
written to Charles if he had been speaking of a mad
woman. Moreover he requested him to destroy his
letters. At times she remained silent ; and we
know that the grief which does not utter itself is only
the more fatal to the sufferer. At other times her
distress broke forth; One day (April 1525) she
contrived to find access to the corridor and filled it
with her sighs and moanings, shedding the while
floods of tears. Denia gave orders immediately that
she should be taken into her narrow chamber, so
that she might not be heard.f At the same time he
wrote to Charles V.: 'I have always thought that in
her highness 's state of indisposition, nothing would
do her more good than the rack ; and after this that
some good and loyal servant of your majesty should
speak to her. It is necessaiy to see whether she
will not make any progress in the things which your
majesty desires.' By these things he means confes-
sion, the mass, and other Eoman rites.
In 1530, despairing of seeing the queen confess,
' I cannot believe,' he wrote, ' that so fortunate a
thing can happen. However, I will use all needful
endeavours.'
* ' .'Mover piedrns.'
t Letter of the marquis of Denia of May 25, ]525.
CHAP. vn. Joanna's eeligion. 167
The officers of Charles V., and the monks who
had incessantly laboured for the conversion of Joanna
to Romanism, multiplied their efforts as her death
approached. She withstood their pressing entreaties
to receive the rites, the symbols of the papacy, and
people heard the cries which she uttered while they
put her to torture. She would have neither confes-
sion nor extreme unction.
Had Joanna become acquainted with the Reforma-
tion and the writings of tlie Reformers, and with the
doctrines which they professed? This has been
doubted; but it seems improbable that she should
have been ignorant of them. Joanna was a Lutheran,
says one of the learned writers who have devoted
most attention to this subject.* This statement is
perhaps too definite. But the evangelical doctrines
were penetrating everywhere; and they must have
reached the prison of Joanna. It has been asserted
that Luther at this time had more numerous ad-
herents in Spain than in Germany itselff The
keepers of the prison perhaps prevented evangelical
works from reaching the queen. There is, however, a ,
light which no hand of man can intercept. The theolo-
gian de Soto, celebrated for his acquirements, as well
as for his piety, came to her on the morning of her
death; and he appears to have thought her a Chris-
tian, but not a Roman Catholic. He said : ' Blessed
be the Lord^ her highness told me things lohich have
consoled m'.' Here is the Christian. He adds :
' ' .lohanna war eine Lutheraneiin.'— Srbel, Historuche Zeitschriff ,
XX. p. 262.
t Ihid., on the authority of the instructions for the duke of Alva of
April 12, 13, and 14, 1531 (Archives of Simancas),
1C8 THE HEFORMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK XIV.
' Nevertheless, she is not disposed to the sacrament of
the Eucharist.^ Here is the enlightened woman who
rejects the rites of Eome. ' She committed her soul
to Gdd,' said the princess Joanna, granddaughter of
the queen, ' and gave thanks to Him that at length
He delivered her from all her sorrows.' Her last
words were : ' Jesus Christ crucified, be v:ith me.'' *
She breathed her last on April 12, 1555, between
five and six o'clock in the morning.
Thus died the mother of Chai-les Y . at the age of
seventy-six years. She had been at various times
kept in prison by her husband, Philip of Austria ;
for ten years by her father, Ferdinand the Catholic ;
and for thirty-nine years by her son, the emperor
Charles V. She is a unique example of the greatest
misfortunes, and her dark destiny surpasses all the
stories of ancient times. The heiress of so many
famous kingdoms, treated as the most wretched of
women, was in her last year strictly confined in
her dungeon, and lay in the midst of filth which was
never removed. Covered as she Avas with tumours,
. ill anguish and solitude, can we wonder that strange
and terrifying images were sometimes produced in
her brain by her isolation, melancholy, and fear ?
But while she was the victim of the gloomiest fanati-
cism ever met with in the world, she was consoled in
the midst of all these horrors, as her latest words
prove, by her God and Father in heaven.
The time has come lor posterity to render to her
memory the compassion and the honour which are
her due.
* Sandoval, bishop of Pampeluna, History of Charles V. — Yalladolid,
1604.
169
B K X y.
ENGLAND.
CHAPTER I.
THE THEEE PAETIES WHICH DITIDED ENGLAND.
(1536— ] 540.)
There were in 1536 three distinct parties in England,
the papists, the evangeUcals, and the Anglican Catho-
lics, who were halting between the two extremes.
It was a question Avhich of rhe three would gain the
upper hand.
The Reformation in England was born of the
power of the Word of God, and did not encounter
there such obstacles as were raised against it in
France by a powerful clergy and by princes hostile
to evangelical faith and morality. The English pre-
lates, weakened by various circumstances, were unable
to withstand an energetic attack; and the sovereign
was ' the mad Harry,' as Luther had called him.* His
whims opened the doors to religious freedom, of
which the Reformation was to take advantage. Thus
England, which had remained in a state of rudeness
and ignorance much longer than France, was early
* 'Der tolle Heinze.' — Luther, Contra Ilenricum regem Anglite.
170 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK XT.
enliglitened by the Reformation ; and the nation
awakened by the Gospel gave birth in the sixteenth
century to such masterminds as France, though more
highly civilised, failed to produce so early. Shake-
speare was born in 1563, one year before the death
of Calvin. The Reformation placed England a cen-
tury ahead of the rest of Eul'ope. The final triumph,
however, of the Reformation was not reached without
many conflicts ; and the two adversaries more than
once engaged hand to hand, before one overthrew
the other.
About the middle of October 1537 an event
occurred which was of great importance for the
triumph of the Gospel. There was at that time great
rejoicing in the palace of the Tudors and in all
England, for Queen Jane (Seymour), on October
12, presented to Henry VIII. the son which he
had so much desired. Letters written beforehand,
in the name of the Queen, announced it in every
place, and congratulations arrived from all quarters.
This birth was called ' the most joyful news which
for man)'^ years had been announced in England.'
Bishop Latimer wrote : ' Here is no less joying and
rejoicing in these parts for the birth of our prince,
whom we hungered so long, than there was, I
trow, inter vicinos at the birth of St. John Baptist.'*
(Luke i. 58.) Princeps natus ad imperium ! ex-
claimed the politicians. ' God grant him long life
and abundant honours ! ' they wi-ote from the Conti-
nent. Henry was anxious that people should believe
in this future. ' Our prince,' Cromwell sent word to
the ambassadors of England, ' our Lord be thanked,
* Latimer, WorTu, vol. ii. p. 885. (Parker Society.)
CHAP. I. BIRTH OF EDWARD VI. 171
is in good health, and sucketh like a child of his
puissance, which you my lord William can declare.' *
It was all the more important to declare this, be-
cause the very contrary was asserted. It was even
reported by some that the child was dead. As Henry
feared that some attempt might be made on his
son's life, he forbade that anyone should approach
the cradle without an order signed by his own hand.
Everything brought into the child's room was to be
perfumed, and measures of precaution against poison
were taken. The infant was named Edward ; Arch-
bishop Cranmer baptized him, and was one of his
godfathers. The king created him at the age of six
Prince of Wales and Duke of Cornwall. Sir Edward
Seymour, his uncle by the mother's side, was created
Earl of Hertford. It was alleged that a spell had been
thrown upon the king to prevent his having a male
child; and behold, he had now an heir in spite of the
spell. His dynasty was strengthened. Henry VIII.
became more powerful at home, more respected abroad.
This great rejoicing was followed by a great
mourning. The queen took cold; the women in
attendance were indiscreet in their management ; f
the queen was seized with acute pains. She was
very ill during the night of October 23, and died on
the following day.
What would Henry do ? He had not a tender
heart. Far from rejecting the thought of a fresh
. * state Papers, Yol. i. pp. 070, 571 ; vii. p. 715 ; yiii. p. 1.
t ' Which auffred her to take greate cold and to eate things that her
fantazie in sylmes called for.' — State Papas, yiii. p. 1. The story that
the cseaarian operation had heen performed and that the mother was
sacrificed to the child appears to have been invented by the Roman
party.
172 THE REFOEMATION JN EUROPE. BOOK XV.
marriage, he gave an order, as we find in a letter
written on the very day of the queen's death, re-
quiring his ambassadors, the Bishop of Winchester
and Lord William Howard, to seek another Avife for
him. Cromwell pointed out to them two among others,
Margaret, daughter of Francis I., afterwards duchess
of Savoy, and Mary of Guise, widoAv of the duke of
Longueville, who was the mother of Mary Stuart.
The secretary of state, even before the body of the de-
ceased queen was quite cold, wrote: ' In the ensearch-
ing out of which matter, his majesty desireth you
both to exhibit that circumspection and diligence
that may answer to His Grace's expectation conceived
of you.' *
Voila I'extreme deiiil dont son ame est atteinte !
Other agents besides these took part in the
search. Hutton,f envoy in the Netherlands, offered
several spouses to the king. He might make his
choice. There was a daughter of the Sire de Bre-
derode, fourteen years of age ; the widoAv of count
Egmont, Avho was forty, but did not look so old; the
princess of Cleves, but of her there was not much to
be said in praise either of her mind or her beauty;
the young widow of the duke of Milan, Christina of
Denmark, niece of the emperor, who was said to be
very beautiful, of agreeable conversation and digni-
fied in person. The king resolved on this last alli-
ance, which would reconcile him with the emperor.
For some time nothing was thought of but the making
of marriages in this direction. The princess Mary
was to marry Louis of Portugal, Elizabeth a son of
* state Papers, viii. p. l'. t Ibkh, pp. 5, C.
CHAP. I. SWITZERLAND AND ENGLAND. 173
the king of the Romans, and Edward was to be
betrothed to a daughter of the emperor.
The bh'th of the youug prince had, however,
another kind of significance. The hopes of the parti-
sans of the Catholic Mary disappeared, and the friends
of the Reformation rejoiced at the thought that the
young prince was godson of the archbishop. Many
circumstances contributed to their encouragement.
They witnessed the formation of unlooked-for ties
between the evangelicals of England and those of
Switzerland ; and the pure Gospel as professed by
the latter began to exercise a real influence over
England. Edward, during his very short reign, was
to fulfil the best hopes to which his birth had given
rise, and the triumph to which his reign seemed des-
tined was already visibly in preparation.
Simon Grynaeus, the friend of Erasmus and
Melanchthon, and professor at the university of
Basel, had as early as 1531 held intercourse with
Henry VIII. and Cranmer.' * Afterwards Cranmer
and BuUinger, successor of Zwinglius at Zurich, had
also become acquainted with each other ; and, as
early as 1536, some young Englishmen of good family
had betaken themselves to Zurich, that they might
drink at tbe full fountain of Christian knowledge and
life which sprang forth there. Some of them lived
in the house of Pellican, others with Bulhnger him-
self. These young men Avere John Butler, who had
a rich patrimony in England — a sagacious man and
a Christian who persevered in prayer ; Nicholas
Partridge, from Kent, a man of active and devoted
* See his letter to Henry VIII., Origimil Letters rdatioe to the Eng-
IUa liefonnatioii, ii. p. 554 (Parker Society').
174 THE EEFOKMATION IN EUKOPE. book xv.
character ; Bartholomew Traheron, who had already
(1527 and 1528) declared at Oxford for the Re-
formation, and had been persecuted by Doctor
London ; Nicholas Eliot, who had studied law in
England, and who afterwards held some government
office ; and others besides.* Bulhnger was strongly
attached to these young Englishmen. He directed
their studies and, in addition to his public teaching,
he explained to them in his own house the prophet
Isaiah.
There was much talk at Zurich at this time about
a young French theologian, Calvin by name, who was
settled at Geneva, and had published a profound
and eloquent exposition of Christian doctrines. The
young Englishmen eagerly longed to make his ac-
quaintance. Butler, Partridge, Eliot, and Traheron
set out for Geneva in November 1537, bearing letters
of introduction from BuUinger to the reformer. The
latter received them in the most kindly manner. It
was more than common courtesy, they wrote to
Bullinger.f They were delighted with his appear-
ance and with his conversation, at once so simple
and so fruitful. They felt a charm which drew them
to his presence again and again. The master taught
well, and the disciples listened well. Calvin was at
the time in great trouble. Caroli was causing him
much annoyance, and persecution had just broken
out at Xismes.j The four Englishmen, being called
elsewhere, took their departure deeply saddened by
* Original Letters. &c., pp. 621, 316, 608, 225, 226.
<• Ibid., p. ()2:^,
X Letter from Geneva to the minister of Zurich, Xovember 13^ 103".
— C'alv., 02>t>., X. p. 12'.i.
CHAP. I. ENGLISH LETTER TO CALVIN. 175
the painful separation. A letter written by them
shortly afterwards is the first communication ad-
dressed by England to the reformer of Geneva. It
runs as follows : — ' We wish you the true joy in
Christ. May as much happiness be appointed to us
from henceforth as our going away from you has
occasioned us sorrow ! For although our absence, as
we hope, will not be of very long continuance, yet
we cannot but grieve at being deprived even for a
few hours of so much suavity of disposition and
delightful conversation. And this also distresses us
in no sm.all measure, lest there should be any persons
who may regard us as resembling flies, which swarm
everywhere in the summer, but disappear on the
approach of winter. You may be assured that, if
we had been able to assist you in any way, no plea-
sure should have' called us away from you, nor should
any peril have withdrawn us. This distress, indeed,
which the disordered tempers of certain individuals
have brought upon you, is far beyond our power to
alleviate. But you have one, Christ Jesus, avIio can
easily dispel by the beams of his consolation what-
ever cloud may arise upon your mind. He will re-
store to you a joyful tranquillity ; he will scatter and
put to flight youL' enemies ; he will make you glo-
riously to triumph over your conquered adversaries ;
and we will entreat him, as earnestly as we can, to
do this as speedily as possible. We have written
these few lines at present, most amiable and learned
Master Calvin, that you may receive a memorial of
our regard towards you. Salute in our names that
individual of a truly heroic spirit and singular learning
and godliness, Master Farel. Salute, too, our sincere
irC THE REFORMATION TX EUROPE. BOOK iv.
friends Master Olivetan aud your brother Fontaine.
Our countrymen send abundant salutations. Fare-
well, very dear friend.'*
England at this time did justice to the Geneve se
reformer.
Much admiration was likewise felt for Bullinger.
' We confess ourselves to be entirely yours,' wrote to
him the four Englishmen, ' as long as we can be our
own.' The works of the Zurich doctor were much
read in England, and diffused there the spirit of the
gospel. Nicolas Eliot wrote to him : — • And how
great weight all persons attribute to your commen-
taries, how greedily they embrace and admire them
(to pass over numberless other arguments), the book-
sellers are most ample witnesses whom by the sale of
your writings alone, from being more destitute than
Irus and Codrus, you see suddenly become as rich as
Croesus. f May God, therefore, give you the disposi-
sition to publish all your writings as speedily as
possible, wherebj' you will not only fill the coffers of
the booksellers, but wHl gain over very many souls
to Christ, and adorn his church with most precious
jewels.' 1
At the news that the mighty king of England
had separated from the pope, the S«iss theologians
were filled with hope, and they vied with each other
in speeding his progress towards the truth. Bul-
linger composed two works in Latin which he dedi-
cated to Heiirv ^'IIL; tlic fir?t of them on The
' Original Letters relalire to the Enf/iish Reformation, ii. p. 6il.
t Iiuj. a beggTir of Ithaca: (_ odrus, an inferior poet of the time of
Domitian.
\ Orirjinal Lettcn, &c., ij. p. lUO.
CHAP. I. WOEKS OF BULLINGER. 177
Authority^ the Certitude^ the Stability and the Abso-
lute Perfection of Holy Scripture ; the second ou
The Listitution and the Function of Bishops. He for-
warded copies of these works to Partridge and Eliot
for presentation to the king, to Cranmer, and to
Cromwell. The two young Englishmen went first to
the archbishop and delivered to him the volumes in-
tended for the king and for himself. The archbishop
consented to present the book to the prince, but not
till after he had read it himself, and on condition that
Eliot and Partridge should be present, that they
might answer any questions asked by the king. Then
going to Cromwell, they gave him the copy intended
for him ; and the vicegerent, more prompt than the
archbishop, showed it the same day to Henry VIIL,
to whom Cranmer then hastened to present his own
copy. The king expressed a wish that the work
should be translated into English. ' Your books are
wonderfully well received,' wrote Eliot to BuUinger,
' not only by our king, but equally so by the lord
Cromwell, who is keeper of the king's privy seal and
vicar-general of the church of England.' '""
Other Continental divines who held the same
views as the Swiss likewise dedicated some theolo-
gical writings both to the king and to Cranmer.
Capito, who was at the time at Strasburg, dedicated
to Henry VIIL a book in which he treated, among
other subjects, of the mass {de missa, &c.). The king,
as usual, handed it to two persons belonging to the
two opposing parties, in order to get their opinions.
He then examined their verdict, and announced his
own. Cranmer wrote to Capito that the king ' could
* Original Letters, &c., ii. pp. 611, 618,
VOL. VIII. N
178 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK XV.
by no means digest ' his piece on. the mass,* although
at the same time he approved some of the other
pieces. Bucer, a colleague of Capito, having written
a commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, dedi-
cated it to Cranmer, and wrote to him as follows : —
' It is not enough to have shaken off the yoke of the
pope, and to be unwilling to take upon us the yoke
of Christ ; but if Grod be for us who can be against
us? and Christianity is a warfare.' f
WhUe the Swiss and the Strasburgers were seek-
ing to enlighten England, the Roman party on the
Continent and the Catholic party in England itself
were striving to keep her in darkness. The pope,
in sorrow and in anger, saw England lost to Rome.
Nevertheless the Catholic rising in the northern coun-
ties allowed binn still to cherish hope. The king of
France and the emperor, both near neighbours of
England, could if necessary strike with the sword.
The pope must therefore stir up to action not only
the English CathoHcs, but also the courts of Paris
and Brussels. Whom should he select for the mis-
sion? Reginald Pole, an Englishman, a zealous
Roman Catholic, and a kinsman of Hem-y Till.,
seemed to be the man made for the occasion. It
was he who had lately written these words — ' There
was never a greater matter entreated, of more im-
portance to the wealth of the realm and the whole
church than this [the re-establishment of papal au-
thority]. And this same that you go about to take
away, the authority of one head in the church, was
a more principal and groundle cause of the loss of the
* Oranmer to Capito, Oriffiruil Letters, p. 16.
f Bucer to Cranmer, Ibk!., p. o'2o.
CHAP. I. REGINALD POLE. 179
Orient, to be in infidels' hands, and all true religion
degenerate, than ever was the Turk's sword, as most
wisest men have judged. For if they had agreed all
with the Occidental Church, they had never come to
that misery; and like misery if God have not mercy
on us to return to the church, is most to be feared in
our realm Your sweet liberty you have got,
since you were delivered from the obedience papal,
speaketh for itself. Whereof the rest of the realm
hath such part that you be without envy of other
countries, that no natic.n wisheth the same to have
such liberty granted them.'* This last assertion
was doubtful.
Pole was at this time at Padua, where he had
studied, and where he was resident by permission of
the king. He avoided going to Rome lest he should
offend Henry. But he received one day an invitation
from Paul HI., who summoned him to the Vatican to
take part in a consultation about the general council.
To comply with this summons would be to pass the
Rubicon ; it would make Henry VIII. his irrecon-
cilable enemy, and would expose to great danger not
only himself but all his family. Pole therefore hesi-
tated. The advice, however, of the pious Contarini,
the command of the pope, and his own enthusiasm
for the cause, brought him to a decision. On his
arrival at Rome he gave himself up entirely ; and
when Christmas was drawing near, on December 20,
1536, the pope created him cardinal, together with
del Monte, afterwards Julius III. ; Caraffa, afterwards
Paul IV.; Sadoleto, Borgia, Cajetan, and four others. f
* Strype, Eccles. Mem., vol. i. part 2, Appendix, Irxxiii.
t State Papers, vii. p. 669. Wallop to Viscount Lisle,
s 2
180 THE EEFOEMATION IN ETJEOPE. book xt.
These proceedings were very seriously criticised in
England. For the vainglory of a red hat,* said Ton-
stall and Stokesley, Pole is, ia fact, an instrument of
the pope to set forth his malice, to depose the king
from his kingdom, and to stir his subjects against
him. There, was, however, something more in his
case than a cardinal's hat ; there was, we must ac-
knowledge, a faith doubtless fanatical but sincere
in the papacy. !Not long afterwards the pope no-
minated him the new cardinal legate beyond the
Alps ; the object of this measure being per dar fer-
mento,jf to excite men's minds. He was to induce
the king of France and the emperor to enter into the
views of the Roman court, to inflame the Catholics
of England, and, if he should be unable to go there
himself, to take up his residence in the Xetherlands,
and thence conspire for the ruin of Protestantism in
England.
At the beginning of Lent, 1537, Pole, attended
by a numerous suite, set out from Rome. The pope,
who was not thoroughly sure of his new legate, had
appointed as his adviser the bishop of Yerona, who
was to make up for any deficiency of experience on
the part of the legate, and to put him on his guard
against pride. Henry A III., on learning the nature
of his young cou.sin's mission, was exceedingly angry.
He declared Pole a rebel, set a price on his head,
and promised fifty thousand crowns to anyone who
should kill him. Cromwell, following his master's
example, exclaimed, 'I will make him eat his own
heart.' J This was only a figure of speech, but it
* Strype, Eccles. J/im. i. p. 4(31. t Beccatelli.
t Sti-ype, Secies. Mem. i. p. 477.
CHAP. I. POLE IN FRANCE. 181
was rather a strong one. No sooner had Henry VIII.
heard of the arrival of Pole in France than he de-
manded that Francis I. should deliver him up, as a
subject in rebellion against his king. Pole had not
been long at Paris before lie heard of this demand. It
aroused in his heart more pride than fear. It revealed
to him his own importance ; and turning to his at-
tendants he said, ' This news makes me glad; I
know now that I am a cardinal.' Francis I. did not
concede the demand of the angry Tudor; but he did
consider the mission of Pole as one of those attacks
on the power of kings in which the papacy from time
to time indulged. When Pole, therefore, made his
appearance at the palace he was refused admission.
While still only at the door, and even before he had
had time to knock, he himself tells us, he was sent
away.* 'I am ready to weep,' he added, 'to find
that a king does not receive a legate of Rome.'
Francis I. having sent him an order to leave France,
he fled to Cambray, which at that time formed part
of the Netherlands.
No sooner was he there than, under great excite-
ment about what had occurred to him at Paris, he
wrote to Cromwell, complaining bitterly that Henry
VIIL, in order to get him into his power, did not
scruple to violate both God's law and man's, and even
' to disturb all commerce between country and country.'
' I was ashamed to hear that ... a prince of honor
should desire of another prince of like honor, Betray
thine own ambassador, betray the legate, and give
* * Quum ... ad fores pene ejus aulas pervenissem, nee tamen intro-
missua sum, sed antequam pulsare possem, exclu;us f;ierim.' — Pole's Epp.
ii. p. 85.
1S1> THE REFORJIATION IN EUROPE. book xt.
him into my ambassador's hands to be brought to
me.' * The like, he says, was never heard of in
Christendom. Pole had more hope of the emperer
than of Francis I. ; but he was soon undeceived. He
was not permitted to go out of the town ; and a
courier entrusted with his despatches was arrested
by the Imperialists at Yalenciennes and sent back to
him. He now resolved on taking a step towards
opening communication with the English govern-
ment; and as he did not venture to present himself
to the ambassadors of Henry VIII. in France, he sent
to them the bishop of Verona. But this prelate,
likewise, was not received, and he was only allowed
to speak to one of the secretaries. He endeavoured
to convince bim of the perfect innocence of Pole
and of his mission. ' The cardinal-legate,' he said,
' is solely charged by the pope to treat of the safety of
Christendom.' This was true in the sense intended
by Rome ; but it Is well known what this safety, in
her view, required.
Fresh movements in the north of England tended
to increase the anger of Henry VIII. It was not
enough that Pole had been driven from France. The
king now wrote himself to Hutton, his envoy at
Brussels — ' You shaU deliver unto the regent our
letters for the stay of his entry into the emperor's
dominions; . . . you shall press them . . . neither
to admit him to her presence, nor to suffer unto him
to have any other entertainment than beseemeth the
traitor and rebel of their friend and ally. . . You shall
in any "wise cause good secret and substantial espial to
be made upon him from place to place where he shall
' citrvpe, Errh/.'i. Mem., i. Appendix, Xo. Ixxxiv.
CHAP. I. FAILURE OF HIS MISSION. 183
be.' * Pole, on his part, spoke as a Roman legate.
He summoned the queen to prove her submission to
the apostolic see, and to grant Mm an audience ; and
he made use of serious menaces. ' If traitors, con-
spirators, rebels, and other offenders,' said tbe English
ambassador, ' might under the shadow of legacie have
sure access into all places, and thereby to trouble and
espy all things, that were overmuch dangerous.' f
Here was no question of rebellion, Pole sent word to
the regent by the bisbop of Verona, but of the Re-
formation ; and he was sent to refute the errors
wbich it was spreading in England. Her opinion
was that he should return, ' for tbat she had no com-
mission of the emperor to intermeddle in any point
of his legacy.' J
Hereupon Pole went from Cambray to Li^ge ;
but in consequence of the advice of the bishop of
Liege, he only ventured to go there in disguise. §
He was received into the bishop's palace, but his stay
there was ' not without great fear.' || He set out
again on August 22, and went to Rome. Never had
any mission of a Roman pontiff so entirely failed.
The ambitious projects of the pope against the Re-
formation in England had proved abortive. But one
of the secrets of Roman pohcy is to put a good face
on a bad case. The less successful Pole had been the
more necessary it was to assume an air of satisfaction
with him and his embassy. In any case, was it not
a victory for him to have returned safe and sound
* state Papers, vii. p. 681. Kliiig Henry VIII. to Hutton.
t Ibid., p. 693.
X Ibid., p. 700.
§ ' Dissimulato vestitu.' — Pole, Ejtp. ii. p. 49.
II State Papet-s, vii. p. 702,
184 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. boox xt.
after haviBg to do with Francis I., Henry VIII.,
and Charles Y. ? It was Xovember when he reached
Eome ; and he was received as generals used to be
received by the ancient Romans after great victories.
They carried him, so to speak, on their arms ; every-
one heaped upon him demonstrations of respect and
joy ; and his secretary, on the last day of the year
1537, wrote to the Catholics of England, to describe
to them the great triumph that was made at Rome fm^
the safe arrival of his master* Eome may beat or be
beaten, she always triumphs.
This mission of Reginald Pole had fatal conse-
quences. In the following year, his brothers, lord
Montague, the marquis of Exeter, and Sir Edward
Xevil were arrested and committed to the Tower.
Some time afterwards his mother, Margaret, countess
of Salisbury, the last of the Plantagenets, a woman of
remarkable spirit, was likewise arrested. They were
charged with aiming at the deposition of Henry
and at placing Reginald on the throne. ' I do per-
ceive,' it was said, ' it should be for my lord Mon-
tague's brother, which is beyond the sea with the
bishop of Rome, and is an arrant traitor to the king's
highness.' f They were condemned and executed in
January 1539. The countess was not executed tiU
a later time.
Paul III. had been mistaken in selecting the
cousin of the king to stir up Cathohc Europe against
him. But some other legate might have a chance of
success. Henry felt the necessit}' of securing allies
* Strrte Papers, ^-iii. p. 9.
t Robert "Warner, Xorember il, 1538. Ori^nal Letters illustrative
nf English History (Ellis), ii. p. 97.
CHAP. I. GERMAN ENVOYS IN ENGLAND. 185
upon the Continent. Cranmer promptly availed him-
self of this feeling to persuade Henry to unite with the
Protestants of Germany. The elector of Saxony, the
landgrave of Hesse, and the other Protestant princes,
finding that the king had resolutely broken with
the pope, had suppressed the monasteries and begun
other reforms, consented to send a deputation. On
May 12, Francis Burkhardt, vice-chancellor of Saxony,
George von Boyneburg, doctor of law, and Frede-
rick Myconius, superintendent of the church of Gotha
— a diplomatist, a jurisconsult, and a theologian —
set out for London. The princes wished to be worthily
represented, and the envoys were to live in magnifi-
cent style and keep a liberal table.* The king re-
ceived them with much goodwill. He thanked them
that, laying aside their own affairs, they had under-
taken so laborious a joiirney; and he especially spoke
of Melanchthon in the most loving terms. f But the
delegates, whilst they were so honourably treated by
their own princes and by the king of England, were
much less so by inferior agents. They were hardly
settled in the house assigned to them than they were
attacked by the inhabitants, ' a multitude of rats
daily and nightly running in their chambers.' J In
addition to this annoyance, the kitchen was adjacent
to the parlour, in which they were to diue, so that
the house was full of smells, and all who came in
were offended.'
* 'Splendide vixerant legati et literalem meiisam exhibuerant.' —
Seckendorf, 1)001!: iii. sec. 16.
t ' Singularem erga me benevolentiam Sermones mihi tuos
amantissimos perferri.' — Melanclitlion to Henry VIII., Co;y. Mef., iii.
p. 671.
X Oranmer to Cromwell, Letters, p. 379.
1«6 THE EEFORMATION IX EUROPE. book xv.
But certain bishops were to give them more trouble
than the rats. Cranmer received them as friends and
brethren, and endeavoured to take advantage of their
presence to promote the triumph of the Gospel in
England; but Tonstall, Stokesley, and others left no
stone unturned to render their mission abortive.
The discussion took place in the archbishop's palace
at Lambeth, and they did their best to protract it,
obstinately defending the doctrines and the customs
of the ^Middle Ages. They were willing, indeed, to
separate from Rome ; but this was in order to unite
with the Greek church, not with the evangelicals.
Each of the two conflicting parties endeavoured to
gain over to itself those English doctors who were
stUl wavering. One day, Richard Sampson, bishop
of Chichester, who usually went with the Scholastic
party, having come to Lambeth at an early hour,
Cranmer took him aside and so forcibly urged on him
the necessitj' of abandoning tradition that the bishop,
a weak man, was convinced. But Stokesley, who
had doubtless noticed something in the course of the
discussion, in his turn took Sampson aside into the
gallery, just when the meeting was breaking up, and
spoke to him very earnestly in behalf of the practices
of the church. These customs ai-e essential, said
Stokesley, for they are found in the Greek church.
The poor bishop of Chichester, driven in one direc-
tion by the bishop of London and in the opposite by
the archbishop of Canterbury, was much embarrassed,
and did not know which way to tm-n. His decision
was for the last speaker. The semi-Roman doctors
at this period, wlio sacrificed to the king the Roman
rite, felt it incumbent upon them to cross all Europe
CHAP. I. PROLONGED DISCUSSIONS. 187
for the purpose of finding in the Turkish empire the
Greek rite, which was for them the Gospel. England
must be dressed in a Grecian garb. But Cranmer
would not hear of it ; and he presented to his
countrymen the wedding garment of which the
Saviour speaks.*
The summer was now drawing to an end. The
German delegates had been in London three or four
months without having made any progress. Wearied
with fruitless discussions, they began to think of their
departure. But before setting out, about the middle
of August, they forwarded to the king a document
in which they argued from Holy Scripture, from the
testimony of the most ancient of the Fathers, and
from the practice of the primitive church, against the
withdrawal of the cup, private masses, and the celi-
bacy of priests, three errors which they looked upon
as having essentially contributed to the deformation
of Christendom. When Cranmer heard of their in-
tention to leave England, he was much atFected.
Their departure dissipated all his hopes. Must he
then renounce the hope of seeing the Word of God
prevail in England as it was prevailing in evangelical
Germany ? He summoned them to Lambeth, and en-
treated them earnestly and with much kindliness f
for the king's sake to remain. They replied ' that at
the king's request they would be very well coiitent
to tarry during his pleasure, not only a month or two,
but a year or two, if they were at their own liberty.
But forasmuch they had been so long from their
princes, and had not all this season any letters from
* Strype, Memorials, i. pp. 504, sqq. Oranmer, Letters, &c.
t ' So gentilly as I could.' — Cranmer, Letters, p. 377.
188 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book XV.
them, it was not to be doubted but that they were
daily looked for at home, and therefore they durst
not tarry.' However, after renewed entreaties, they
said, ' We will consult together.' They discussed
with one another the question whether they ought to
leave England just at the time when she was per-
haps on the point of siding with the truth. Shall
we refuse to sacrifice our private convenience to
interests so great ? They adopted the least con-
venient but most useful course. We will tarry, they
said, for a month, ' upon hope that their tarrying
should grow into some good success concerning the
points of their commission,' and ' trusting that the
king's majesty would write unto their princes for
their excuse in thus long tarrying.' The evangelicals
of Germany believed it to be their duty to tolerate
certain secondary differences, but frankly to renounce
those en'ors and abuses which were contrary to the
essential doctrines of the Gospel, and to unite in the
great truths of the faith. This was precisely what
the Catholic party and the king himself had no in-
tention of doing. When Cranmer urged the bishops
to apply themselves to the task of answering the
Germans, they rephed ' that the king's grace hath
taken upon himself to answer the said orators in that
behalf . . . and therefore they will not meddle with
the abuses, lest they should write therein contrary to
that the king shall write.'* It was, indeed, neither
pleasant nor safe to contradict Henry YIII. But in
this case the king's opinion was only a convenient
veil, behind which the bishops sought to conceal
their ill-will and their evil doctrines. Their reply
* Oramner, Letters, p. Sr'J.
CHAP. I. DEPARTURE OF THE GERMANS. 189
was nothing but an evasion. Tlie book was written,
not by the king, but by one of themselves, Tonstall,
bishop of Durham.* He ran no risk of contradicting
himself. In spite of this Ul-will, the Germans re-
mained not only one month but two. Their conduct,
like that of Cranmer, was upright, devoted, noble,
and Christian ; while the bishops of London and
Durham and their friends, clever men no doubt,
were souls of a lower cast, who strove to escape by
chicanery from the free discussion proposed to them,
and passed off their knavery as prudence.
The German doctors had now nothiug more to
do. They had offered the hand and it had been
rejected. The vessel which was to convey them was
waiting. They were exhausted with fatigue ; and
one of them, Myconius, whom the English climate
appeared not to suit, was very iU. They set out at
the beginning of October, and gave an account of
their mission to their sovereigns and to Melanchthon.
The latter thought that, considering the affection
which the king displayed towards him, he might, if
he intervened at this time, do something to incline
the balance the right way. He therefore wi'ote to
Henry VIII. a remarkable letter, in which, after ex-
pressing his warm gratitude for the kmg's goodwill,
he added : — ' I commend to you, Sire, the cause of
the Christian religion. Your majesty knows that the
principal duty of sovereigns is to protect and propa-
• The document drawn up by the German doctors, and the answer
of the king, prepared by Tonstall, are to be found in the Cotton MSS.
Chop. E. They were printed by Burnet (i. p. 491) and by Strype, in
Appendices to their histories.
190 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
gate tte heavenly doctrine,* and for this reason God
gives them the same name as his own, saying to
them. Ye are gods (Ps. Ixxxii. 6). My earnest desire
is to see a true agreement, so far as regards the
doctrine of piety, established between all the churches
which condemn Koman tyranny, an agreement which
shoiild cause the glory of God to shine forth, should
induce the other nations to unite with us and main-
tain peace in the churches.' Melanchthon was right
as to the last point; but was he right as to the office
he assigned to kings? In his view it was a heroic
action to take up arms for the church. f But what
church was it necessary to protect and extend sword
in hand? Catholic princes, assuredly, drew the sword
against the Protestants rather than the Protestants
against the Catholics. The most heroic kings, by
this rule, would be Philip II. and Louis XIV. Me-
lanchthon's principle leads by a straight road to the
Inquisition. To express our whole thought on the
matter,^ — what descendant of the Huguenots could
possibly acknowledge as true, as divine, a principle
b}' virtue of which his forefathers, men of whom the
world was not worthy, were stripped of everything,
afflicted, tormented, scattered in the deserts, moun-
tains, and caves of the earth, cast into prison, tor-
tured, banished, and put to death ? Conscience, which
is the voice of God, is higher than all the voices of
men.
* ' Prsecipuum hoc officivtm esse siimmoriun principum propagare et
tueri eoelestem doctrinam.' — Corp. He/., iii. p. 671.
t 'niud prsecipue est heroicum pro ecclesia contra trramios anna
gerere.' — Ibid.
191
CHAPTEE II.
HENKT VIII., SUPEEME HEAD OE THE ENGLISH CHURCH
A MAETTE.
(1538.)
The Romish party in England did not confine itself
to preventing the union of Henry with the Pro-
testants of Germany ; but contended at all points
against evangelical reformation, and strove to gain
over the king by a display of enthusiastic devotion
to his person and his ecclesiastical supremacy. This
was especially the policy of Gardiner. Endowed with
great acuteness of intellect, he had studied the king's
character, and he put forth all his powers to secure
his adoption of his own views. Henry did not
esteem his character, but highly appreciated his
talents, and on this account employed him. Now
Gardiner was the mainstay of the Scholastic doctrines
and the most inflexible opponent of the Reformation.
He was for three years ambassador in France, and
during that mission he had displayed great pomp
and spent a sum equivalent, in our present reckoning,
to about sixty thousand pounds. He had visited the
court of the emperor, and had had interviews with
the Roman legate. One day, at Ratisbon, an Italian
named Ludovico, a servant of the legate, while
talking with one of the attendants of Sir Henry
Knevet, who was a member of the English embassy,
182 THE KEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
had confided to him the statement that Gardiner had
secretly been reconciled with the pope, and had
entered into correspondence with him. Knevet, ex-
ceedingly anxious to know what to think of it, had
had a conference with Ludovico, and had come away
convinced of the reaUty of the fact. No sooner did
Gardiner get wind of these things, than he betook
himself to Granvella, chancellor of the empire, and
sharply complained to him of the calumnies of Ludo-
vico. The chancellor ordered the Italian to be put
in prison ; but in spite of this measure many con-
tinued to believe that he had spoken truth. We are
inclined to think that Ludovico said more than he
knew. The story, however, indicates from which
quarter the wind was blowing in the sphere in which
Gardiner moved. He had set out for Paris on October
1, 1535; and on September 28, 1538, there was to be
seen entering London a brilliant and numerous band,
mules and chariots hung with draperies on which
were embroidered the arms of the master, lackeys,
gentlemen dressed in velvet, with many ushers and
soldiers. This was Gardiner and his suite.*
The three years' absence of this formidable adver-
sary of the Gospel had been marked by a slackening
of the persecution, and by a more active propagation
of the Holy Scriptures. His return was to be dis-
tinguished by a vigorous renewal of the struggle
against the Gospel. This was the main business of
Gardiner. To this he consecrated all the resources
of the most acute imderstanding and the most per-
* Some historians have supposed that Gardiner's embassy had lasted
only two years. The dates we give are taken from a paper written by
the bishop, — The Account of his expenses. His suite is described by
Wriothesley. — State Papers, TJii. p. 51,
CHAP. n. PEESECUTION OF ANABAPTISTS. 193
sistent character. He began immediately to lay
snares round the king, whom in this respect it was
not very hard to entrap. Two difficulties, however,
arose. At first Henry VIII., by the influence of
the deceased queen, had been somewhat softened
towards the Reformation. Then the rumours of the
reconciliation of Gardiner with the pope might have
alienated the king from him. The crafty man pro-
ceeded cleverly and killed two birds with one stone.
' The pope,' he said to the king, ' is doing all he can
to ruin you.' Henry, provoked at the mission of
Pole, had no doubt of that. ' You ought then,
Sire,' continued the bishop, ' to do all that is possible
to conciliate the Continental powers, and to place
yourself in security from the treacherous designs
of Rome.* Now the surest means of conciliating
Francis L, Charles V., and other potentates, is to
proceed rigorously against heretics, especially against
the sacramentarians.' Henry agreed to the means
proposed with the more readiness because he had
always been a fanatic for the corporal presence, and
because the Lutherans, in his view, could not take
offence at seeing him burn some of the sacramen-
tarians.
A beginning was made with the Anabaptists.
The mad and atrocious things perpetrated at Munster
were still everywhere talked of, and these wretched
people were persecuted in all European countries.
Some of them had taken refuge in England. In
October 1538 the king appointed a commission to
examine certain people ' lately come into the kingdom,
* ' Adveraus pontiflcis molimina atque tecknas.' — Gerdesius, Ann., iv.
p. 284.
VOL. VIIJ.
194 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
who are keeping themselves in concealment in various
nooks and corners.' The commission was authorized
to proceed, even supposing this should be in contra-
vention of any statutes of the realm.*
Four Anabaptists bore the fagots at Paul's church,
and two others, a man and a woman, originally from
the Netherlands, were burnt in Smithfield. Cranmer
and Bonner sat on this commission, side by side
with Stokesley and Sampson. This fact shows what
astonishing error prevailed at the time in the minds
of men. Gardiner wanted to go further; and while
associating, when persecution was in hand, with
such men as Cranmer, he had secret conferences with
Stokesley, bishop of London, Tons tall of Durham,
Sampson of Chichester, and others, who were devoted
to the doctrines of the Middle Ages. They talked
over the means of resisting the reforms of Cranmer
and CromweU, and of restoring Catholicism.
Bishop Sampson, one of Gardiner's allies, was a
staunch friend of ancient superstitions, and attached
especial importance to the requii-ement that God
should not be addressed iu a language understood by
the common people. ' In aU places,' he said, ' both
with tlie Latins and the Greeks, the ministers of the
church sung or said their offices or prayers in the
Latin or Greek gi'ammatical tongue, and not in the
vulgar. That the people prayed apart in such tongues
as they would .... and he \inshed that all the
ministers were so well learned that they understood
their offices, serA-ice or prayers which they said in the
* ' AJiquibus statutis in parliamentis nostris in contrariam editis,
cseterisque contrariis non obstantibus quibascmnque.' (Roy 1 Oommis-
sion of October 1, loMS.) — WiUrins, iii. p. 836.
CHAP. II. AEREST or BISHOP SAMPSON. 195
Latin tongue.' * In his view, it was not lawful to
speak to God except grammatically.
Sampson, a weak and narrow-minded man, was
swayed by prejudices and ruled by stronger men ; and
he had introduced in his diocese customs contrary to
the orders of the king. Weak minds are often in the
van when important movements are beginning ; the
strong ones are in the rear and urge them on. This
was the case with Sampson and Gardiner. Crom-
well, who had a keen and penetrating intellect, and
whose glance easily searched the depths of men's
hearts and pierced to the core of facts, perceived that
some project was hatching against the Reformation;
and as he did not dare to attack the real leaders, he
had Sampson arrested and committed to the Tower.
The bishop was not strong-minded and trembled for
a slight cause ; it may, therefore, be imagined how it
was with him when he found himself in the state prison.
He fell into great trouble and extraordinary dejection
of mind.f His imagination was filled with fatal pre-
sentiments, and his soul was assailed by great terrors.
To have displeased the king and Cromwell, what a
crime ! One might have thought that he would die
of it, says a historian. He saw himself already on
the scaffold of Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More.
At this time the powerful minister summoned him to
his presence. Sampson admitted the formation of an
alliance between Gardiner, Stokesley, Tonstall and
himself to maintain the old religion, its traditions
and rites, and to resist any innovation. He avowed
* Strype, Eccles. Mem., i. p. 600. t Ibid., i. p. 604.
2
196 THE RErORMATIOX IX ETTROPE. BOOZ xv.
the fact that his colleagues and himself stood pledged
to put forth aU their efforts for the restoration of
degenerated Catholicism. In their opinion, nothing
which the Greeks had preserved ought to be rejected
in England. One day when Bishop Sampson was
passing over the Thames in a barge, in company with
the bishop of Durham, to Lambeth Palace, the latter
produced an old Greek book which he used to cany
in his pocket, and showed Snmpson several places in
that book wherein matters that were then in contro-
versy were ordained by the Greek Church.* These
bishops, who spoke so courageously to each other, did
not speak so with the king. They feigned complete
accordance with him ; and for him they had nothing
but flatteries. Cranmer was not strong, but at least
he was never a hypocrite. Sampson, however, exhi-
bited so much penitence and promised so much sub-
mission that he was liberated. But Cromwell now
knew what to think of the matter. A conspiracy
was threatening the work which he had been at so
much pains to accompHsh. He observed that the
archbishop's influence was declining at court, and he
began to have secret forebodings of calamity in which
he would be himself involved.
Gardiner, in fact, energetically urged the king to
re-establish all the ancient usages. Thus, although
but a little while before orders had been ofiven to
place bibles in the churches, and to preach against
pilgrimages, tapers, kissing of rehcs, and other like
practices,! it ^^'^^^ ^^^ foi'bidden to translate, publish,
and circulate any religions works without the king's
permission ; and injunctions were issued for the use
* Sti-ype, Eccles. Mem., i. pp. 500 sqq. f Ibid., p. 496.
CHAJ?. II. JOHN NICHOLSON. 197
of holy water, for processions, for kneeling down and
crawling before the cross, and for lighting of tapers
before the Corpus Christi. Discussions about the sa-
crament of the Eucharist were prohibited.* It was
Gardiner's wish to seal these ordinances with the
blood of martyrs. He had begun by striking in anima
vili; the persecution of the Dutch sacrarnentarians
was merely the exordium ; it was needful now to pro-
ceed to the very action itself, to strike a blow at an
evangelical and esteemed Englishman, and to invest
his death with a certain importance.
There was at this time in London a minister
named John Nicholson, who had studied at the uni-
versity of Cambridge, had been converted by means
of his conversations with Bilney, and had afterwards
been the friend of l.'yndale and Frith, and by his
intercourse with them had been strengthened in the
faith. He was a conscientious man, who did not sup-
pose that it was enough to hold a doctrine conform-
able with the Word of God, but, conscious of the
great value of the truth, was ready to lay down his
life for it, even if there were nothing at stake but a
point looked upon as secondary. Faithfulness or
unfaithfulness to one's convictions — this was in his
view the decisive test of the morahty or immorality
of a man. In the age of the Reformation there were
greater preachers and greater theologians than Nichol-
son ; but there was not one more deserving of honom\
Having translated from the Latin and the Greek
works which might give offence, and having professed
his faith, he had been obliged to cross the sea, and
he became chaplain to the English house at Antwerp.
* Strype, Wilkins, &o.
lt'8 THE REFOEJIATIOIT IN EUROPE. book xv.
Here it Tvas that he became acquainted with Tyndale
and Frith. Being accused of heresy by one Barlow, he
was taken to London, by order of Sir Thomas ]\Ioro,
then chancellor, and was kept prisoner at Oxford, in the
house of Archbishop Warham, where he was deprived
of everything, especially of books. On the ocasion of
his appearance, in 1532, before the archbishop and
other prelates, ISTicholson steadfastly maintained that
all that is necessary to salvation is to be found in
Holy Scripture. ' This,' he said, ' is the question
which is the head and whole content of all others ob-
jected against me. This is both the hebn and stem
of both together.'* There were forty -five points,
and to these he made answer article by article. f
Shortly afterwards, in consequence of the death of
Warham and of Cranmer's appointment to the vacant
see, the Antwerp chaplain was set at liberty. He
determined to remain in London, took, it seems, from
prudential considerations, the name of Lambert, and
devoted himself to the labours of a teacher, but at
the same time adhered to the resolution to avail
himself of every opportunity of maintaining the
truth.
Being informed one day that Doctor Taylor was
to preach at St. Peter's Church, Cornhill, he went to
hear him, not only because of his well-known gifts,
but also because he was not far from the Gospel.
He was later appointed bishop of Lincoln vmder
pious King Edward, and was deprived of that office
under the fanatical Mary. Taylor preached that
* Fox, V. p. 193.
t The forty-five points and the answers to them are given in Fox,
Acts, V. pp. 181-:?i5.
CHAP. n. HIS WORK ON THE LORD'S SUPPER. 199
day on the real presence of Christ in the bread and
the wine. Nicholson also believed, indeed, in the
presence of the Lord in the Supper, but this presence,
he believed, was in the hearts of the faithful. After
the service he went to see Taylor, and with modesty
and kindliness urged various arguments against the
doctrines which he had been setting forth. ' I have
not time just now,' said the doctor, ' to discuss the
point with you, as other matters demand my atten-
tion ; but oblige me by putting your thoughts in
writing and call again when I am more at leisure.'
Lambert applied himself to the task of writing, and
against the doctrine of the presence in the bread he
adduced ten arguments, which were, says Fox, very
powerful. It does not appear that Taylor replied to
them. He was an upright man, who gave impartial
consideration to these questions, and by Nicholson's
reasoning he seems to have been somewhat shaken.
As Taylor was anxious to be enlightened himself and
to try to satisfy his friendly opponent, he communi-
cated the document to Barnes. The latter, a truly
evangelical Christian, was nevertheless of opinion that
to put forward the doctrine of this little work would
seriously injure the cause of the Reformation. He
therefore advised Taylor to speak to Archbishop
Cranmer on the subject. Cranmer, who was of the
same opinion, invited Nicholson to a conference, at
which Barnes, Taylor, and Latimer were also present.
These four divines had not at this time abandoned
the view which the ex-chaplain of Antwerp opposed \
and considering the fresh revival of sacramental
Catholicism, they were not inclined to do so. They
strove therefore to change the opinion of the pious
-200 THE EEFOEJIATION IN EUROPE. book xy.
minister, but in vain. Finding that they unani-
mously condemned his views, he exclaimed : ' WeU
then, I appeal to the king.' This was a foolish and
fatal appeal.
Gardiner did not lose a minute, but promptly
took the business in hand, because he saw in it an
opportunity of striking a heavy blow ; and, what was
an inestimable advantage, he would have on his side,
he thought, Cranmer and the other three evangelical
divines. He therefore ' went straight to the king,' *
and requesting a private audience, addressed him in
the most flattering terms. Then, as if the interests of
the king were dearer to him than to the king him-
self, he respectfully pointed out that he had every-
where excited by various recent proceedings suspicion
and hatred ; but that at this moment a way was open
for pacifying men's minds, ' if only in this matter of
John Lambert, he would manifest unto the people
how strictly he would resist heretics ; and by this
new rumour he would bring to pass not only to ex-
tinguish all other former rumours, and as it were
with one nail to drive out another, but also should
discharge himself of all suspicion, in that he now
began to be reported to be a favourer of new sects
and opinions.' f
The vanit}- as well as the interests of Henry
VIII. dictated to him the same course as Gardiner
advised. He determined to avail himself of this
opportunity to make an ostentatious display of his
own knowledge and zeal. He would make arrange-
ments of an imposing character ; it would not be
enough to hold a mere conversation, but there must
• Fox, V. p. i'i>>-. t Ibid.
CHAP. ir. LAMBERT BEEOEE THE KING. 201
be a grand show. He therefore ordered invitations
to be sent to a great number of nobles and bishops
to attend the solemn trial at which he would ap-
pear as head of the church. He was not content
with the title alone, he would show that he acted
the part. One of the principal characteristics of
Henry VIII. was a fondness for showing off what
he conceived himself to be or what he supposed him-
self to know, without ever suspecting that display is
often the ruia of those who wish to seem more than
they are.*
Meanwhile Lambert, confined at Lambeth, wrote
an apology for his faith which he dedicated to the
king, and ia which he solidly established the doctrine
which he had professed. | He rejoiced that his re-
quest to be heard before Henry VIII. had been
granted. He desired that his trial might be blessed,
and he indulged in the pleasing illusion that the
king, once set in the presence of the truth, must
needs be enlightened and would publicly proclaim it.
These pleasant fancies gave him courage, and he lived
on hope.
On the appointed day, Friday, November 16,
1538, the assembly was constituted in Westminster
Hall. The king, in his robes of state, sat upon the
throne. On his right were the bishops, judges, and
jurisconsults ; on his left the lords temporal of the
realm and the officers of the royal house. The
guards, attired in white, were near their master, and
a crowd of spectators fiUed the hall. The prisoner
* Fox, Burnet, Godwin.
t This apology, entitled A Treatise of John Lamhert upon the sacra-
ment, addressed to the Ung, is given in Fox, v. pp. 237-250.
202 THE BEFORJIATION IN EUKOPE. book xt.
was placed at the bar. Doctor Day * spoke to the
following effect: That the kmg in this session would
have all states, degrees, bishops, and aU others to be
admonished of his will and pleasure, that no man
should conceive any sinister opinion of him, as that
now the authority and name of the bishop of Rome
being utterly abolished, he would also extuiguish all
rehgion, or give hberty unto heretics to perturb and
trouble, without punishment, the churches of England,
whereof he is the head. And moreover that they
should not think that they were assembled at that
present to make any disputation upon the heretical doc-
trine ; but only for this purpose, that by the industry
of him and other bishops the heresies of this man
here present (meaning Lambert), and the heresies of
all such Uke, should be refuted or openly condemned
in the presence of them all. Henry's part then
began. His look was sternly fixed on Lambert, who
stood facing him ; his features were contracted, his
brows were knit.f His whole aspect was adapted to
inspire terror, and indicated a violence of anger un-
becoming in a judge, and still more so in a sovereign.
He rose, stood leaning on a white cushion, and look-
ing Lambert full in the face, he said to htm in a dis-
dainful tone : ' Ho ! good fellow, what is thy name ? '
The accused, humbly kneeling down, replied : ' My
name is John Nicholson, although of many I be
called Lambert.' ' What ! ' said the king, ' have you
two names ? I would not trust you, having two
* ' Fox saith it was Day, biahop of OHchester ; but in that he was
mistaken, for he was not yet bishop.' It was in fact Bishop Sampson. —
Stiype, M'ein. of Cranmer, ch. xriii. (Translator's note.)
f ' The king's look, his cruel countenance, and his brows bent unto
severity,' &c. — Fox, t. p. 229.
CHAP. II. HIS ADDRESS. 203
names, although you were my brother.' ' most
noble prmce,' replied the accused, ' your bishops
forced me of necessity to change my name.' There-
upon the king, interrupting him, commanded him to
declare what he thought as touching the sacrament
of the altar. ' Sire,' said Lambert, ' first of all I
give God thanks that you do not disdain to hear me.
Many good men, in many places, are put to death,
without your knowledge. But now, forasmuch as that
high and eternal King of kings hath inspired and
stirred up the king's mind to understand the causes
of his subjects, specially whom God of his divine
goodness hath so abundantly endued with so great
gifts of judgment and knowledge, I do not mistrust
but that God will bring some great thing to pass
through him, to the setting forth of the glory of his
name.' Henry, who could not bear to be praised by
a heretic, rudely interrupted Lambert, and said to
him in an angry tone : ' I came not hither to hear
mine own praises thus painted out in my presence;
but briefly go to the matter, without any more cu--
cumstance.' There was so much harshness in the
king's voice that Lambert was agitated and con-
fused. He had dreamed of something very different.
He had conceived a sovereign just and elevated above
the reach of clerical passions, whose noble under-
standing would be struck with the beauty of the
Gospel. Biit he saw a passionate man, a servant of
the priests. Li astonishment and confusion he kept
silence for a few minutes, questioning within himself
what he ought to do in the extremity to which he
was reduced.
Lambert was especially attached to the great
20i THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xy.
verities of the Christian religion, and during his
trial he made unreserved confession of them. ' Our
Saviour would not have us greatly esteem our merits,'
said he, ' when we have done what is commanded by
God, but rather reckon ourselves to be but servants
unprofitable to God . . . not regarding our merit,
but his grace and benefit. Woe be to the life of
men, said St. Augustine, be they ever so holy, if
Thou shalt examine them, setting thy mercy aside.
. . . Again he says. Doth any man give what he
oweth not unto Thee, that Thou should' st be in his
debt ? and hath any man aught that is not Thine ?
. . . All my hope is in the Lord's death. His death
is ray merit, my refuge, my health, and my resurrec-
tion. And thus,' adds Lambert, ' we should serve
God with hearty love as children, and not for need or
dread, as unloving thralls and servants.' *
But the king wanted to localize the attack and
to hmit the examination of Lambert to the subject
of the sacrament. Finding that the accused stood
silent, the king said to him in a hasty manner with
anger and vehemency:f ' Why standest thou still?
Answer as touching the sacrament of the altar,
whether dost thou say that it is the body of Christ
or wilt deny it ? ' After uttering these words, the
king lifted up his cap adorned with pearls and
feathers, probably as a token of reverence for the
subject under discussion. ' I answer with St. Augus-
tine,' said Lambert, ' that it is the body of Christ
after a certain manner.' J The king replied : ' An-
swer me neither out of St. Augustine, nor by the
* Fox, Acts, V. pp. 188, 189. t 2bicl, p. 230.
J ' Quodam modo.'
CHAP. n. CEANMER's answer. 205
authority of any other ; but tell me plainly whether
thou sayest it is the body of Christ or no.' Lambert
felt what might be the consequences of his answer,
but without hesitation he said : ' Then I deny it to
be the body of Christ.' ' Mark well ! ' exclaimed the
king; 'for now thou shalt be condemned even by
Christ's own word, Hoc est corpus meum!
The king then turning to Ci'anmer commanded
him to refute the opinion of the accused. The arch-
bishop spoke with modest}', calling Lambert 'brother,'
and although refuting his arguments he told him that
if he proved his opinion from Holy Scripture, he
(Cranmer) would willingly embrace it. Gardiner,
finding that Cranmer was too weak, began to speak.
Tonstall and Stokesley followed. Lambert had put
forward ten arguments, and ten doctors were ap-
pointed to deal with them, each doctor to impugn
one of them. Of the whole disputation the passage
which made the deepest impression on the assembly
was Stokesley's argument. ' It is the doctrine of the
philosophers,' he said, ' that a substance cannot be
changed but into a substance.' Then, by the example
of water boiling on the fire, he affirmed the substance
of the water to pass into the substance of the air.*
On hearing this argument, the aspect of the bishops,
hitherto somewhat uneasy, suddenly changed. They
were transported with joy, and considered this trans-
mutation of the elements as giving them the victory,
and they cast their looks over the whole assembly
with an air of triumph. Loud shouts of applause
for some time interrupted the sitting. When silence
was at length restored, Lambert replied that the
* Fox, Aoti, v. pp. 232, 233.
206 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. boox xy.
moistness of the water, its real essence, remained even
after this transformation; that nothing was changed
but the form ; while in their system of the corpiis
domini the substance itself was changed : and that
it is impossible that the qualities and accidents of
things should remain in their own nature apart from
their own subject. But Lambert was not allowed to
finish his refutation. The king and the bishops, in-
dignant that he ventured to impugn an argument
which had transported them with admiration, gave
vent to their rage against him,* so that he was forced
to silence, and had to endure patiently all their
insults.
The sitting had lasted from noon till five o'clock
in the evening. It had been a real martyrdom for
Lambert. Loaded with rebukes and insults, intimi-
dated by the solemnity of the proceedings and by
the authority of the persons with whom he had to
do, alarmed by the presence of the king and by the
terrible threats which were uttered against him, his
body too, which was weak before, giving way under
the fatigue of a sitting of five hours, during which,
standing all the time, he had been compelled to fight
a fierce battle, convinced that the clearest and most
irresistible demonstrations would be smothered amidst
the outcries of the bystanders, he called to mind
these words of Scripture, ' Be still,' and was silent.
This self-restraint was regarded as defeat. Where
is the knowledge so much boasted of ? thev said ;
where is his power of argumentation ? The assembly
had looked for great bursts of eloquence, but the
accused was silent. The palm of victory was awarded
* Fox.
CHAP. II. CONDEMNATION OF LAMBERT. 207
to the king and the bishops by noisy and universal
shouts of applause.
It was now night. The servants of the royal
house appeared in the hall and lighted the torches.
Henry began to find his part as head of the church
somewhat wearisome. He determined to bring the
business to a conclusion, and by his severity to give
to the pope and to Christendom a brilliant proof of
his orthodoxy. ' What sayest thou now,' he said to
Lambert, 'after all these great labours which thou
hast taken upon thee, and all the reasons and instruc-
tions of these learned men? Art thou not yet satis-
fied? Wilt thou live or die? What sayest thou?
Thou hast yet free choice.' Lambert answered, ' I
commend my soul into the hands of God, but my
body I wholly yield and submit unto your clemency.'
Then said the king, ' In that case you must die, for
I will not be a patron unto heretics.' Unhappy
Lambert ! He had committed himself to the mercj-
of a prince who never spared a man who offended
him, were it even his closest friend. The monarch
turned to his vicar-general and said, 'CromweU, read
the sentence of condemnation.' This was a cruel
task to impose upon a man universall}' considered to
be the friend of the evangelicals. But Cromwell felt
the ground already trembling under his feet. He
took the sentence and read it. Lambert was con-
demned to be burnt.
Four days afterwards, on Tuesday, November 20,
the evangelist was taken out of the prison at eight
o'clock in the morning and brought to Cromwell's
house. Cromwell summoned him to his room and
announced that the hour of his death was come. The
208 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xt.
tidings greatly consoled and gladdened Lambert. It
is stated that Cromwell added some words by way
of excuse for the part which he had taken in. his con-
demnation, and sent him into the room where the
gentlemen of his household were at breakfast. He
sat down and at their invitation partook of the meal
with them, with all the composure of a Christian.
Immediately after breakfast he was taken to Smith-
field, and was there placed on the pile, which was not
raised high. His legs only were burnt, and nothing
remained but the stumps. He was, however, still
alive ; and two of the soldiers, observing that his
whole body could not be consumed, thrust into him
their halberts, one on each side, and raised him above
the fire. The martyr, stretching towards the people
his hands now burning, said, ' Xone but Christ !
None but Christ ! ' At this moment the soldiers with-
drew their weapons and let the pious Lambert drop
into the fire, which speedily consumed him.*
Henry YIIL, however, was not satisfied. The
hope which he had entertained of inducing Lambert
to recant had been disappointed. The Anglo-Cathohc
party made up for this by everywhere extolling his
learning and his eloquence. They praised his sayings
to the skies — every one of them was an oracle ; he
was in very deed the defender of the faith. There
was one, not belonging to that party, who wrote to
Sir Thomas Wyatt, then foreign minister to the king,
as follows : — ' It was marvellous to see the gravity
and the majestic air with which his majestv discharged
the functions of Supreme Head of the Anglican Church;
the mildness with which he tried to convert that un-
* Fox, Godwin, Crespm, Oollyer, Burnet, &c.
OHAP. u. FLATTERIES. 209
happy man; the force of reasoning with which he
opposed him. Would that the princes and poten-
tates of Christendom could have been present at the
spectacle ; they would certainly have admired the
wisdom and the judgment of his ma-jesty, and would
have said that the king is the most excellent prince in the
Christian worlcl.^*
This writer was Cromwell himself. He sup-
pressed at this time all the best aspirations of his
nature, believing that, as is generally thought, if one
means to retain the favour of princes, it is necessary
to adapt one's self to all their wishes. A mournful
fall, which was not to be the only one of the kind ! It
has been said, ' Every flatterer, whoever he may be,
is always a treacherous and hateful creature.' f
* Biblioth. Anglaise, i, p. 158. Gerdeaius, Ann., iv. p. 286.
+ Bossuet.
VOL. VIII.
210 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
CHAPTER III.
THE SIX ARTICLES.
(1538—1540.)
WHILE the Anglo-Catliolic party were recovering
their former influence over Henrj's mind, some
members of the Roman Catholic party were labour-
ing to re-establish the influence of the pope. They
supposed that they had found a clue by means of
which the king might be brought back to the obedi-
ence of Rome. Henr}- who, while busy in preparing
fires for the martyrs, did not forget the marz-iage
altar, was very desirous of obtaining the hand of
Christina, duchess of ^lUan. Xow, it was this
princess, a niece of Charles Y., of whom it was thought
possible to make use for gaining over the king to
the pope. She was now at the court of Brussels,
with her aunt Queen Mary ; and it is related that to
the first ofi"er of Henry ^'III. she had replied with a
smile, — ' I have but one head; if I had two, one of.
them should be at the service of his majesty.' If she
did not say this, as some friends of Henry VIII. have
maintained, something like it was doubtless said by
one of the courtiers. However this may be, the king
did not meet with a refusal. Francis I., alarmed at
the prospect of an alliance between Menry YIII. and
Charles V., sent word to Henry that the emperor
was deceiving him. The king did not believe it.
The queen regent of the Netherlands endeavoured
CHAP. m. MAKRIAGE NEGOTIATIONS, 211
to bring about this union ; Spanish commissioners
arrived to conduct the negotiation, and Hutton de
Wriothesley, the English envoy at Brussels, devoted
himself zealously to the business. One of the prin-
cipal officers of the court, taking supper with the
latter, in June 1538, inquired of him for news about
the negotiation. Hutton expressed his surprise ' that
the emperor had been so slack therein.' His compa-
nion remarked that the only difficulty in the matter
was that the king his (Button's ) master had 'married
the lady Ivatherine, to whom the duchess is near
kinswoman,' so that the marriage could not be solem-
nised without a dispensation from the pope.*
Ihe emperor spoke more clearly still. Wyatt was
instructed to tell the king that the hand of the duchess
of Milan would be given to him, with a dowry of one
hundred thousand crowns, and an annuity of fifteen
thousand, secured on the duchy; and that for the gift
of this beautiful and accomplished young widow all
they required of him was that he should be reconciled
with the bishop of Rome.f This was fixing a high
price on the hand of Christina. The princess, con-
sidering perhaps that it was a glorious task to bring
back Henry VIH. to the bosom of the papacy, de-
clared her readiness to obey the emperor. The pope,
on his part, was willing to grant the necessary dispen-
sation ; but the king must first make his submission.
For a prince of such fiery passions this was a great
temptation. The chancellor Wriothesley, who was
negotiating the affair, was himself undecided about
* state Papers, viii. p. 32.
t ' If your Majesty wiU hearken to the reconciling with the bishop
of Rome.'— Wyatt's Eeport to the king. State Papers, viii. p. 37.
p3
212 THE KEFOKMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
it. At one time he eagerly advocated it, and at another
time he wrote (January 21, 1539) : ' If this marriage
may not be had with such honour and friendship as is
requisite, that his Grace may also fix his most noble
stomach in some other place.' * Tlie treaty was finally
broken ofi", the thread snapped, to the great regret of
the Roman party. One circumstance might influence
the king's decision. Before the negotiations had been
closed, in December 1838, the pope published the bull
of 1535, in which he excommunicated Henry VIII.
Had the pontiff no hope of good from the matrimonial
intrigue, or did he intend to catch the king by fear ?
Henry understood that it was not enough to op-
pose the king of England to the pope. The Word of
God was for him the rival of Rome. During these
years, 1538 and 1539, in which so many measures
were taken against the evangelical doctrine and its
teachers, the Bible, strange to say, was printed and
circulated. This publication has one singular cha-
racteristic ; it was made by the intervention of
Henry YIII. and Francis I., the two greatest enemies
of the faith of the Holy Scriptures among aU the sove-
reigns of the world.
The emperor and the king of France occasionally
coquetted with the king of England, whom each of
them was anxious to win over to his own side. Fran-
cis, knowing how sensitive Henry was on the subject
of marriage, offered him his son Henry of Orleans for
the princess Mary. Cromwell, who was now giving
way to the Anglo- Catholic party on many points
essential to reform, was all the more desirous of hold-
ing by those which his master would really permit.
* State Papers, viii. pp. V27, 156.
CHAP. III. THE BIBLE PRINTED AT PARIS. 213
Amongst these was the translation of the Bible. He
saw in the offer made by Francis I. an opening of
which he might avail himself. An edition of the
Bible, extending to 2,500 copies, published the year
before by the eminent printer Richard Grafton in con-
junction with Whitchurch, was now exhausted. Crom-
well determined to issue a new one ; and as printing
was better executed at Paris than in London, the
French paper also being superior, he begged the king
to request permission of Francis I. to have the edition
printed at Paris. Francis addressed a royal letter
to his beloved Grafton and Whitchurch, saying that
having received credible testimonies to the effect that
his very dear brother, the king of the English, whose
subjects they were, had granted full and lawful liberty
to ])ruit, both in Latin and m English, the Holy Bible,
and of importing it into his kingdom, he gave them
himself his authorization so to do.* Francis com-
forted himself with the thought that his own subjects
spoke neither English nor Latin; and, besides, this
book so much dreaded would be immediately exported
from France.
Grafton and the pious and learned Goverdale ar-
rived at Paris, at the end of spring 1538, to under-
take this new edition of Tyndale's translation. They
lodged in the house of the pruiter Francis Regnault,
who had for some time printed missals for England.
As the sale of these had very much fallen off, Reg-
nault changed his course, and determined to print the
* ' Franeisous, &c. . . . quod . . . sacram Bibliam tarn Latine quam
Britannice sive Anglice imprimendi . . . et in suum regniim apportandi
et transferendi libertatem . . . concesserit. . . . ' — Burnet, i. Records,
p. 286. Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, Appendix, No. xxx.
214 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK XV.
Bible. The two Englishmen selected a fine type and
the best paper to be had in France. But these were
expensive, and as early as .June 23 they were obliged
to apply to Cromwell to furnish them with the means
for carrying on Ms edition of the Bible.* They
were moreover beset with other difficulties. They
could not make their appearance out of doors in Paris
without being exposed to threats ; and they were in
daily expectation that their work would be inter-
rupted. Francis I., their reputed protector, was gone
to Xice. By December 13, after six months' labour,
their fears had become so serious that when Bonner,
who had succeeded Gardiner as English ambassador
in France, was setting out from Paris on his way to
London, they begged him to take with him. the por-
tion already printed and deliver it to Cromwell. The
hypocritical Bonner, not satisfied with all the benefices
he now held, was grasping at the bishopric of Hereford,
which he called a great good fortune^ and which he suc-
ceeded in getting. He was at this time bent on curry-
ing favour with Cromwell, on whose influence the
election depended, and therefore, hiding his face imder
a gracious mask, which he was ere long impudently to
throw ofi', he had most eagerly complied with the
request, f
Four days later, December 17, the officers of the
Inquisition entered the printing-office and presented
a document signed by Le Tellier, summoning Reg-
nault and all whom it concerned to appear and make
answer touching the printing of the Bible. He was
State Papers, i. p. 575. Anderson, English Bibh, ii. p. 27.
t See Bonner's letter to Cromwell of September 2, 1538 ; Fox, Acts,
T. p. 150; and another of later date, p. 152.
CHAP. iir. COMPLETED IN LONDON. 215
at the same time enjoined to suspend the work, and
forbidden to take away what was alreadj' printed. Are
we to suppose that the Inquisition did not trouble
itself about the royal letters of Francis I., or that the
prince had changed his mind ? Either of these sup-
positions might be entertained. In consequence of
the despatch of the packet to London, there were but
a few sheets to be seized, and these were condemned
to be burnt in the Place Maubert. But the officer
was even more greedy of gain than fanatical; and
gold being offered him by the Englishmen for the
recovery of their property, almost all the sheets were
restored to them. His compliance is perhaps partly
to be explained by the consideration that this was not
a common case. The proprietors of the sheets seized
were the lord Cromwell, first secretary of state, and
the king of England. The matter did not rest here ;
the bold Cromwell was not to be baffled. Agents sent
by him to Paris got possession of the presses, the types,
and even the printers^ and took the whole away with
them to London. In two months from the time of
their arrival the printing was completed. On the last
page appeared the statement : The whole Bible finished
in 1539; and the grateful editors added, A Domino
factum est istud* The violent proceeding of the In-
quisition turned to a great gain for England. Many
French printers and a large stock of type had been
imported ; and henceforward many and more beautiful
editions of the Bible were printed in England. ' The
wicked diggeth a pit and falleth into it.'
Two parties therefore existed in England, and
* A few copies of this Bible are still to 1)8 found in various libraries.
— Anderson, EnffUsA Bible, ii. p. 31.
216 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
these frequently concerned themselves more with the
points on which they differed than with the great
facts of their religion. In one pulpit a preacher
would call for reformation of the abuses of Rome ; in
a neighbouring church, another preacher would advo-
cate their maintenance at any cost. One monk of
York preached against purgatory, while some of his
colleagues defended the doctrine. All this gave rise to
most exciting discussion amongst the hearers. In ad-
dition to the two chief parties, there were the profane,
animated by a spirit of unbelief and without reverence
for sacred things. While pious men were peacefully
assembled for the reading of the Holy Scriptures,
these mockers sat in public-houses over their pots of
beer, uttering their sarcasms against everybody, and
especially against the priests. If they spoke of those
who gave only the wafer, and not the wine, they
would say : — ' That is because he has drunk the
whole of it ; the bottle is empty.' At times they
undertook even to discuss, as in old times was done
at Byzantium, the most difficult points in theology,
and this was still worse. The king, anxious to play
his part as head of the church, was desirous of
bringing about a union of the two chief })arties, and
had no doubt that the party of the profane would
then disappear. His favourite notion, Uke that of
princes in general, was to have but one single re-
ligious opinion in his kingdom. Freedom was a
restraint to him. He therefore began, as the em-
peror Constantine had done, by attempting to gain
his end by means of a system of indifference and of
subjection to his will. In a voysl proclamation he
required that the party of reformation and the party
CHAP. m. ATTEMPTED COMPROMISE. 217
of tradition should ' draw in one yoke,' * like a pair
of good oxen at the plough. He did not omit, how-
ever, to read the priests a lesson. He rebuked them
for busying themselves far more with the distribution
of the consecrated wafer and with the sprinkling of
their flocks with holy water than with teaching them
what these acts meant. Indifference, however, was
of course unattainable, for it implies that each party
should consider unimportant the very doctrines on
which it sets the highest value. Henry, nevertheless,
boldly made the attempt.
When the parliament met on April 28, 1539, the
lord chancellor announced that the king was very
anxious to see all his subjects holding one and the
same opinion in religion, and required that a com-
mittee should be nominated to examine the various
opinions, and to draw up articles of agreement to
which everyone might give his consent. On May 5
nine commissioners were named, five of whom were
Anglo- Catholics, and at their head was Lee, arch-
bishop of York. A project was presented ' for extir-
pating heresies among the people.' A catalogue of
heresies was to be drawn up and read at all the
services. The commissioners held discussion for one
day, but neither of the two parties would make
any concession. As the vicegerent Cromwell and
the archbishop of Canterbury were in the ranks of
the reformation party, the majority was unable to
gain the ascendency, and the commission arrived at
no decision.
The king was very much dissatisfied with this
result. He had been willing to leave the work of
* Royal Proclamation. Rolls, Henry.
218 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
conciliation in the hands of the bishops, and now the
bishops did not agree. His patience, of which he had
no large stock, was exhausted. The Anglo- Catholic
party took advantage of his dissatisfaction, and hinted
to him that if he really aimed at unity he would have
to take the matter into his own hands, and settle
the doctrine to which all must assent. Why should
he allow his subjects the liberty of thinking for them-
selves ? Was he not in England master and ruler
of everything ?
Another circumstance, of an entirely different
kind, acted powerfully, about this time, upon the
king's mind. The pope had just entered into an
alliance with the emperor and the kina- of France. A
fact of such importance could not fail to make a great
noise in England. ' Methinks,' said one of the foreign
diplomatists now in England, ' that if the pope sent
an interdict and excommunications, with an injunc-
tion that no merchant should trade in any way with
the Enghsh, the nation would, without further
trouble, bestir itself and compel the king to return to
the church.'* Henry, in alarm, adopted two mea-
sures of defence against this triple alliance. He gave
orders for the fortification of the ports, examination
of the condition of various landing-places, and re-
viewing of the troops ; and at the same time, instead
of endeavouring after a union of the two parties, he
determined to throw himself entirely on the Scholastic
and Catholic side. He hoped thereby to satisfy
the majority of his subjects, who still adhered to
the Roman church, and perhaps also to appease
the powers. ' The king is determined on gTounds
* Oastillon, Feb. J, 1 538. Ranke, v. p. 159.
OHAP. ni. THE SIX ARTICLES. 219
of policy,' it was said, 'that these articles should
pass.'*
Six articles were therefore drawn up of a re-
actionary character, and the duke of Norfolk was
selected to bring them forward. He did not pride
himself on scriptural knowledge. ' I have ne^er read
the Holy Scriptures and I never will read them,' he
said ; ' all that I want is that everything should be
as it was of old.' But if Norfolk were not a great
theologian, he was the most powerful and the most
Catholic lord of the Privy Council and of the king-
dom. On the 16th of May the duke rose in the
upper house and spoke to the following effect : —
' The commission which you had named has done
nothing, and this we had clearly foreseen. We come,
therefore, to present to you six articles, which, after
your examination and approval, are to become
binding. They are the folio wmg : 1st, if anyone
allege that after consecration there remains any other
substance in the sacrament of the altar than the
natural body of Christ conceived of the Virgin Mary,
he shall be adjudged a heretic and suffer death by
burning, and shall forfeit to the king all his lands
and goods, as in the case of high treason; 2nd, if
anyone teach that the sacrament is to be given to
laymen under both kinds; or 3rd, that any man who
has taken holy orders may nevertheless marry ; 4th,
that any man or woman who has vowed chastity may
marry ; 5th, that private masses are not lawful and
should not be used ; or 6th, that auricular confession
is not according to the law of God, any such person
* ' Tne king's mind so fully addicted, upon politic respects.' — Fox, v.
p. 264.
220 THE BEFOEMATION IN ETJEOPE. book xv.
shall be adjudged to suffer death., and forfeit lands
and goods as a felon.'*
Cromwell had been obliged to sanction, and per-
haps even to prepare, this document. When once
the king energetically announced his will the minister
bowed his head, knowing weU that if he raised it in
opposition he would certainly lose it. Nevertheless,
that he might to some extent be justified in his own
sight, he had resolved that the weapon should be
two-edged, and had added an article purporting that
any priest giving himself up to uncleanness should
for the first offence be deprived of his benefices, his
goods, and his hberty, and for the second should be
punished u-ith death like the others.
These articles which have been called the whip
icith six strings and the bloody statute^^ were submitted
to the parliament. But none of the lords temporal,
or of the commons, aware that the king was fully
resolved, ventured to assail them. One man, how-
ever, rose, and this was Cranmer. ' Like a constant
patron of God's cause,' says the chronicler, ' he took
upon him the earnest defence of the truth, oppressed
in the parliament ; three days together disputing
against those six wicked articles : brinoHno^ forth
such allegations and authorities as might easilv have
helped the cause, nisi pars major vicisset, ut scepe
olet, meliorem.'^ Cranmer spoke temperately, with
respect for the sovereign, but also with fidelity and
* Lord Herbert of Oherbury, Life and Reign of King Henry VIII.,
p. 510.
t Ibid.
\ Fox, Acts, T. p. 265. Lord Herbert says the same, — ' Cranmer for
thi'ee days together in the open assembly opposed these articles boldly.' —
Life of Henry VIII., p. 512.
CHAP. ni. CEANMEE's opposition. 221
courage. ' It is not my own cause that I defend,' he
said, ' it is that of God Almighty.'
The archbishop of Canterbury was not, however,
alone. The bishops who belonged to the evangelical
party, those of Worcester, Rochester, St. David's,
Ely, and Salisbury, likewise spoke against the
articles.* But the king insisted, and the act passed.
These articles, said Cranmer at a later time, were
'in some things so enforced by the evil counsel of
certain papists against the truth and common judg-
ment both of divines and lawyers, that if the king's
Majesty himself had not come personally into the
parliament house, those laws had never passed.' f
Cranmer never signed nor consented to the Six
Articles.^
The parliament at the same time conferred on
the king unlimited powers. A bill was carried pur-
porting that some having by their disobedience shown
that they did not well understand what a king can
do by virtue of his royal power, it was decreed that
every proclamation of his majesty, even when inflict-
ing fines and penalties, should have the same force
as an Act of parliament. Truth had already been
sacrificed, and liberty was to be the next victim.
Latimer, bishop of Worcester, did more than
Cranmer. On July 1, eight days after the close of
the session, he resigned his bishopric, and his heart
leaped for joy as he laid aside his episcopal vestments.
' Now I am rid of a heavy burden,' he said, ' and never
did my shoulders feel so light.' One of his former
* Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, ii. p. 743.
t Ibid., Appendix, No. 40.
X Defence against Gardiner, p. 285.
222 THE EBFORMATION IN EUEOPE. book xv.
colleagues having expressed his surprise, he replied:
' I am resolved to be guided only by the Book of
Grod, and sooner than depart one jot from that, let
me be trampled under the feet of wild horses ! ' He
now withdrew into the country, intending to lead
there a quiet life. He took care of his flowers and
gathered his fruit. Having had a fall from a tree, he
found it necessary to return to London for the pur-
pose of procuring surgical attendance. When the
government was informed of this, orders were given
to arrest and commit him to the Tower, and there he
remained till the king's death. Shaxton, bishop of
Salisbuiy, likewise resigned his see, on what grounds
we do not know. Under Queen Mary he became
a violent persecutor. Many evangelical Christians
quitted England, and among them especially to be
noted are Hooper, Rogers, and John Butler.*
Cranmer remained in his archiepiscopal palace at
Lambeth ; but he sent away his wife and children to
his wife's relations in Grermany.
This want of fidehty on Cranmer's part is only
explicable on the ground of the efforts made by
Henry VIII. to retain him. On the day of the
prorogation of parHament, June 28, 1539, Henry,
fearing lest the archbishop, disheartened and dis-
trusted, should offer to him his resignation, sent for
him, and, receiving him with all the graciousness of
manner which he knew so weU how to assume when
he wished, said : ' I have heard with what force and
learning you opposed the Six Articles. Pray state
your arguments in ^Nriting, and deliver the statement
to me.' iSor was this all that Henry did. Desirous
* Strype^ JScdes. Mem., i., p. 545.
CHAP. nr. THE KING AND THE PEIMATE. 223
that all men, and particularly tlie adherents of Anglo-
Catholicism, should know the esteem which he felt
for the primate, he commanded the leader of this
party, the duke of Norfolk, his brother-in-law, the
duke of Suffolk, Norfolk's rival, lord Cromwell, and
several other lords to dine the next day with the
archbishop at Lambeth. You will assure him, he
said, of my sincere affection, and you wiU add that
although his arguments did not convince the parlia-
ment, they displayed much wisdom and learning.
The company, according to the king's request,
arrived at the archbishop's palace, and Cranmer gave
his guests an honourable reception. The latter exe-
cuted the king's commission, adding that he must
not be disheartened although the parliament had
come to a decision contrary to his opinion. Cranmer
replied that ' he was obliged to his majesty for his
good affection, and to the lords for the pains they
have taken.' Then he added resolutely : ' I have
hope in God that hereafter my allegations and
authorities will take place, to the glory of God and
commodity of the realm.' They sat down to table.
Every guest apparently did his best to make himself
agreeable to the primate. ' My lord of Canterbury,'
said Cromwell, ' you are most happy of all men ; for
you may do and speak what you list, and, say what all
men can against you, the king will never believe one
word to detriment or hindrance.' The meal, how-
ever, did not pass altogether so smoothly. The king
had brought together, in Cromwell and Norfolk, the
most heterogeneous elements; and the feast of peace
WU.S disturbed by a sudden explosion. Cromwell,
continuing his praises, instituted a parallel between
224 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
cardinal Wolsey and the archbishop of Canterbury.
' The cardinal,' he said, ' lost his friends by his haughti-
ness and pride ; while you gain over your enemies by
your kindliness and your meekness.' ' You must
be well aware of that, my lord Cromwell,' said the
duke of Norfolk, 'for the cardinal was your master.''
Cromwell, stung by these words, acknowledged the
obligations under which he lay to the cardinal, but
added : ' I was never so far in love with him as to
have waited upon him to Rome if he had been chosen
pope, as I understand, my lord duke, that you would
have done.' Norfolk denied this. But Cromwell
persisted in his assertion, and even specified a con-
siderable sum which the duke was to receive for his
services as admiral to the new pope, and for conduct-
ing him to Rome. The duke, no longer restraining
himself, swore with great oaths that Cromwell was
a liar. The two speakers, forgetting that they were
attending a feast of peace, became more and more
excited and did not spare hard words. Cranmer
interposed to pacify them. But from this time these
two powerful ministers of the king swore deadly
hatred to each other. One or other of them must
needs fall.*
The king's course with respect to Cranmer is
not so strange as it appears. Without Cranmer, he
would have been under the necessity of choosing
another primate, and what a task would that have
been. Gardiner, indeed, was quite ready to take the
post; but the king, although he sometimes listened
to him, placed no confidence in him. Not only did
* Fox, Acts, V. pp. 265, 398. Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, p. 74,
Burnet, Hist. JRef., i. p, 481.
CHAP. m. CRANMEIl's TIME-SERVING. 225
it seem to Henry difficult to find any other man than
Cranmer ; but there was a further difficulty of appoint-
ing an archbishop in due form. Could it be done by
the aid of the pope ? Impossible. Without the pope?
This too was very difficult. The priesthood would
not concede such a power to the king, nor was it
probable that they would accept his choice. The
king foresaw troubles and conflicts without end.
The best course was to keep the present primate, and
this was the course adopted. Herein lay the security
of the archbishop in the inidst of the misfortunes and
scenes of blood aromid him. He had made a declara-
tion of his faith, and he did not withdraw from it.
He hoped for better things, according to the advances
which were made him. He believed that by keeping
his post he might prevent many calamities. The
Six Articles were a storm which must be allowed to
blow over ; and, in accordance with his character,
he bowed his head while the wind blew in that
direction.
The bloody statute was the cause of profound
sorrow among the evangelical Christians. Some of
them, more hasty than others, making use of the
strong language of the time, asserted that tbe Six
Articles had been written, not with Gardiner's ink,
as people said, ' but with the blood of a dragon, or
rather the claws of the Devil ' * They have been
spoken of, even by Eomau Catholics of our own age,
as ' the enactments of this severe and barbarous
statute.' t But the Catholics of that age rejoiced
in them, and believed that it was all over with
the Reformation. Commissioners were immediately
* Fox, Acts, V. p. 359. t Lingard, Hist, of England, v. p. 131.
VOL. VIII. Q
226 THE EErOEMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK XT.
named to execute this cruel law, and there was
always a bishop among them. These commissioners,
who sat in London, in Mercer's Chapel, formerly a
dwelling house and the place of Becket's birth,* even
exaggerated the harshness of the Six Articles. Fif-
teen days had not elapsed before five hundred persons
w(!re imprisoned, some for having read the Bible,
others for their posture at church. The greatest
zeal was displayed by Norfolk among the lords
temporal, and by Stokesley, Gardiner, and TonstaU
among the lords spiritual. Their aim was to get a
Booh of Ceremonies, a strange farrago of Romish
superstitions, adopted as the rule of worship.
The violent thunder-clap which had suddenly
pealed over England, and occasioned so much trouble,
was nowhere on the Continent more unexpected,
nowhere excited a greater commotion than at Wit
tenberg. Bucer on one side, and several refugees
ai'riving at Hamburg on the other, had made known
this barbarous statute to the reformers, and had
entreated the Protestants of Germany to interpose
with Henry in behalf of their fellow-religionists,
liUther, Melanchthon, Jonas, and Pomeranus met
together, and were unanimous in their indignation.
' The king,' they said, ' knows perfectly well that our
doctrine concerning the sacrament, the marriage of
priests, and other analogous subjects, is true. How
many books he has read on the subject ! How many
reports have been made to him hy the most com-
petent judges ! He has even had a book translated,
in which the whole matter is explained, and he
makes use of this book every day in his prayers.
* Anderson, English Bible, ii. p, 63.
CHAP. m. EXCITEMENT TN GERMANY. 227
Has he not heard and approved Latimer, Cranmer,
and other pious divines ? He has even censured the
king of France for condemning this doctrine. And
now he condemns it himself more harshly than the
king or the pope. He makes laws like Nebuchad-
nezzar, and declares that he will put to death anyone
who does not observe them. Great sovereigns of
our day are taking it into their heads to fashion for
themselves religions which may turn to their own
advantage, like Antiochus Epiphanes of old. I have
power, says the king of England, to require that siny
one of my courtiers shall not marry so long as he
intends to remain at court; for the same reason I
have also power to forbid the marriage of priests.
We are now entreated to address remonstrances to
this prince. The Scriptures certainly teach us to
endeavour to bring back the weak; but it requires
that the proud who compound with their conscience
should be left to go in their own way. It is clear
that the king of England makes terms with con-
science. He has already been warned, and has paid
no attention ; there is, therefore, no hope that he
will listen to reason if he be warned anew. Con-
sider, besides, what kind of men those are in whose
hands he places himself. Look at Gardiner, who
while exposing before all the nation his scandalous
connexions (liaisons) dares to assert that it is contrary
to the law of God for a minister of God to have a
lawful wife.' *
Thus did the theologians of Wittenberg talk of
* ' Vintoniensis fiiliret im Lande uiaher zwei unriiclitige Weiber
mit sich in Mannskleidern.' For this opinion of the four theologians see
the letter to the Elector signed by them. — Corj). JRef., iii. p. 796.
a2
228 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
the matter. Calvin thought with theiri, and he wrote,
almost on the same day, that the king of England had
distinctly shown his disposition by the imjiious edict
which he had published.* The doctors of Witten-
berg referred to the Elector ; and the latter, to whom
Henry VIII. had communicated the Six Articles,
requested them to make one more attempt to influence
the king. Meknchthon therefore wrote to him ; and
after an exordium in which he endeavoured to prepare
the mind of Henry, he said, ' What affects and afflicts
me is not only the danger of those who hold the same
faith as we do; but it is to see you making yourself
the instrument of the impiety and cruelty of others ;
that the doctrine of Christ is set aside in your king-
dom, superstitious rites perpetuated, and debauchery
sanctioned; in a word, to see that the Roman anti-
christ is rejoicing in his heart because you take up
arms on his side and against us, and is hoping, by
means of your bishops, easily to recover what by
wise counsel has been taken from him.' Melanchthon
then combats the several articles and refutes the
sophisms of the Catholic party on the subject.
' Illustrious king,' he continued, ' I am grieved at
heart that you, while condemning the tyranny of
the bishop of Rome, should undertake the defence of
institutions which are the very sinews of his |)ower.
You are threatening the members of Jesus Christ with
the most atrocious punishments, and you are putting
out the light of evangelical truth which was begin-
ning to shine in your churches. Sire, this is not the
way to put away antichrist, this is establishing him. . .
* Letter to Farel, from Strasburg, October 27, 1539, Oalv. 0pp., x.
p. 425.
CHAP. III. MELANCHTHON'S letter to henry VIII. 229
this is confirmation of his idolatry, his errors, his
cruelty, and his debaucheries.
' I implore you, therefore, to alter the decree of
your bishops. Let the prayers offered up to God by
so many pious souls throughout the world, for the
true reformation of the Church, for the suppression of
impious rites, and for the propagation of the Gospel,
move you. Do justice to those pious men who are
now in prison for the Lord's sake. If you do this,
your great clemency will be praised by posterity as
long as learning exists. Behold how Jesus Christ
wandered about from place to place. He was hungry,
he ^vils thirsty, naked and bound ; lie complained of
the raging of the priests, of the unjust cruelty of
kings; he commands that the members of his body
should not be torn in pieces, and that his Gospel should
be honoured. It is the duty of a pious king to receive
this Gospel and to watch over it. By doing so, you
will be rendering to God acceptable worship.' *
Had these eloquent exhortations any influence on
Henry VIII. ? On a former occasion he had shown
himself rather provoked than pleased by letters
of the I'eformer.f However, after the loud peal of
thunder which had alarmed evangelical Christians in
every part of Europe, the horizon cleared a little, and
the future looked less threatening.
There was one point on which Henry did incline
rather to Cranmer's side ; this was auricular confes-
sion. Perhaps he dreaded it on political grounds. Now
" ' CuTiimit C'lii'i=!tii5^ esimens, siticus. rmdus, viiictu^, conqiiereus de
puiitilinuui i-aVjip, Knur agmi.-^cf've. '■xcijiri'e, lu\(Te pii rPL'i-' '■>!
ufficiuin.' - -llemic-o \'U!., ii';^i Augli;.', Vorp. JUf., \r . p. 8]i).
t Ibid., p. «00.
230 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
the bishops were urgent for its universal adoption,
and Tonstall wrote to the king on the subject. Henry
rejected his demand and called him a self- willed man.
He seemed thus to draw towards reconciliation with
his primate. Nor was this all. A bill had passed
withdrawing heretics from the jurisdiction of the
bishops, and subjecting them to the secular courts.
The chancellor, supported by Cranmer, Cromwell, and
Suffolk, and with the sanction of the king, set at
liberty the five hundred persons who had been com-
mitted to prison. The thunderbolt had indeed trenched
the seas, but nobody was hurt — at least for the mo-
ment.*
Henry resorted to other means for the purpose of
reassuring those who imagined that the pope was
already re-established in England. He exhibited to
the citizens of London the spectacle of one of those
sea-fights, on which the ancient Romans used to
lavish such enormous sums. Two galleys, one of
them decorated with the royal ensigns, the other with
the papal arms, appeared on the Thames, and a naval
combat began. The two crews attacked each other;
the struggle was sharp and obstinate; at length the
soldiers of the king boarded the enemy and threw
into the water amidst the shouts of the people an
effigy of the pope and images of several cardinals.
The pontifical phantom, seized by bold hands, was
dragged through the streets; it was hung, drowned,
and burnt. f It would have been better for the king
to let alone such puerile and vulgar sports, which
pleased none but the mob, and to give more serious
proofs of his attachment to the Gospel.
* Fox, Hall, Buniet. f La Grand, Divorce, ii. p. 205.
23]
CHAPTER IV.
HENKY VIII. AND ANNE OF CLEVES.
(1539—1540.)
AT the period which we have now reached, Henry
VIII. displayed in a more and more marked
manner that autocratic disposition which submits to
no control. He lifted up or cast down; he crowned
men with honours or sent them to the scaffold. He
pronounced things white or black as suited him, and
there was no other rule but his own absolute and
arbitrary power. A simple and modest princess was
one of the first to learn by experience that he was a
despot in his family as weU as in church and state.
Henry had now been a widower for two years — a
widower against his will; for immediately after the
death of Jane Seymour he had sought in almost all
quarters for a wife, but he had failed. The two great
Continental sovereigns had just been reconciled with
each other, and the emperor had even cast a slight
upon the king of England in the aflFair of the duchess
of Mdan. Henry was therefore now desirous of
contracting a marriage which should give offence to
Charles, and should at the same time win for himself
allies among the enemies of that potentate. Cromwell,
for his part, felt the ground tremble under his feet ;
Norfolk and Gardiner had confirmed their triumph by
232 THE REFOKMAIION IN EUROPE. book XT.
getting tlie Six Articles passed. The vicegerent was
therefore aiming to strengthen at once liis own posi-
tion and that of the Reformation, both of them im-
paired. Some have supposed it possible that his
scheme was to unite the nations of the Germanic race,
England, Germany, and the North, in support of the
Reformation against the nations of the Latin race.
We do not think that Cromwell went so far as this.
A young Protestant princess, Anne, daughter of the
duke of Cleves and sister-in-law of the elector of
Saxony, who consequently possessed both the religious
and the political qualifications looked for by the king
and his minister, was proposed to Henry by his ambas-
sadors on the Continent, and Cromwell immediately
took the matter in hand. This union Avould bring
the king of England into intimate relations with the
Protestant princes, and would ensure, he thought, the
triumph of the Reformation in England, for Henry's
wives appeared to have great influence over him, at
least so long as they were in favour. Henry was, how-
ever, seeking something more in his betrothed than
diplomatic advantages. Cromwell knew this, and did
not fail to make use of that argument. 'Every-
one praises the beauty of this lady,' he wrote to the
king (March 18, 1539), 'and it is said that she sur-
passes all other women, even the duchess of Milan.
She excels the latter both in the features of her coun-
tenance and in her whole figure as much as the golden
sun excelleth the silver moon.* Her portrait shall be
sent you. At the same time, everyone speaks of her
virtue, her chu.'^tit)', bermode^iy. and the seriousness
(.if her !is])e(;i.' Tlie [lortrait of Anne, jminted by FIol-
* Cotton MS. Vitellius, B, xxi.
CHAP. IV. ANNE OF CLEVES. 233
bein, was presented to the king, and it gave him the
idea of a lady not only very beautiful, but of tall and
majestic stature. He was charmed and hesitated no
longer. On September 16, the Count Palatine of the
Rhine and other ambassadors of the elector of Saxony
and the duke of Cleves arrived at Windsor. Crom-
well having announced them to the king, the latter
desired his minister to put all other matters out of
his head, saving this only.* The affair was arranged,
and the ambassadors on their departure received mag-
nificent presents.
The princess, whose father was dead and had been
succeeded by his son, left Cleves at the close of the
year 1.539, in severe winter weather. Her suite num-
bered two hundred and sixty-three persons, among
them a great many seig?ieurs, thirteen trumpeters,
and two hundred and twenty-eight horses. The earl
of Southampton, lord Howard, and four hundred
other noblemen and gentlemen, arrayed in damask,
satin, and velvet, went a mile out of Calais to escort
her. The superb cortege entered the town, and came
in sight of the English vessels decorated with a
hundred banners of silk and gold, and the marines
all under arms. As soon as the princess appeared
the trumpets sounded, volleys of cannon succeeded
each other, and so dense was the smoke that the
members of the suite coulJ no longer see each other.
Everyone was in admiration. After a repast pro-
vided by Southampton, there were jousts and tour-
neys. The progress of the princess being delayed
bv ruiigh svfii.ther, Soiitluimpton. aware of rlie impa-
* iHtate Fapers, i. p. 019. Lord Herbei-t's Lifi^ of Meiu y VllL,
p. 517. Oott. Libr., A2)p. xxiii. fol. 104.
234 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book it.
tience of his master, felt it necessary to write to him
to remember ' that neither the winds nor the seas
obey the commands of men.' He added that ' the
surpassing beauty of the princess did not fall short
of what had been told him.' Anne was of simple
character and timid disposition, and very desirous of
pleasing the king ; and she dreaded making her ap-
pearance at tlie famous and sumptuous court of
Henry YIII. Southampton having called the next
day to pay his respects to her, she invited him to
play with her some game at cards which the king
liked, with a view to her learning it and being able
to play with his majesty. The earl took his seat at
the card-table in company with Anne and lord William
Howard, while other courtiers stood behind the prin-
cess and taught her the game. ' I can assure your
majesty,' wrote the courtier, ' that she plays with as
much grace and dignity as any noble lady that I
ever saw in my life.' Anne, resolved on serving her
apprenticeship to the manners of the court, begged
Southampton to return to sup with her, bringing
with hitn some of the nobles, because she was ' much
desirous to see the manner and fashion of English-
men sitting at their meat.' The earl replied that this
would be contrary to English custom ; but at length
he yielded to her wish.*
As soon as the weather appeared more promising,
the princess and her suite crossed the Channel and
reached Dover, whence, in the midst of a violent
storm, they proceeded to Canterbury. The arch-
bishop, accompanied by five bishops, received Anne
in his episcopal town, in a high wind and heavy rain ;
• Southampton to Henry VIII., State Papers, viii. p. 213.
OHAP. IV. HER ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND. 235
the princess appearing as if she might be the sun
which was to disperse the fogs and the darkness of
England, and to bring about there tlie triumph of
evangeUcal light. Anne went on to Rochester, about
half way between Canterbury and London. The
king, unable to rest, eagerly longing to see his in-
tended spouse, set out accompanied by his grand
equerry, Sir Anthony Brown, and went incognito to
Rochester.* He was announced, and entered the
room in which the princess was ; but no sooner had
he crossed the threshold and seen Anne, than he
stopped confused and troubled. Never had any man
been more deceived in his expectation. His imagi-
nation — that mistress of error and of falsehood, as
it has been called — had depicted to him a beauty
full of majesty and grace ; and one glance had dis-
persed all his dreams. Anne was good and well-
meaning, but rather weak-minded. Her features
were coarse; her brown complexion was not at all
like roses and lilies: she was very corpulent, and
her manners were awkward. Henry had exquisite
good taste; he could appreciate beauties and defects,
especially in the figure, the bearing, and the attire of
a woman. Taste is not without its corresponding
distaste. Instead of love, the king felt for Anne only
repugnance and aversion. Struck with astonishment
and alarm, he stood before her, amazed and silent.
Moreover, any conversation would have been impos-
sible, for Anne was not acquainted with English nor
Henry with Grerman. The betrothed couple could
not even speak to each other. Henry left the room,
* One document, The coming of the Lady Anne, states that the inter-
view was at Blackheath.
236 .THE EErORMATION IN EUROPE. book XT.
not having courage even to offer to the princess the
handsome present which he brought for her. He
threw himself into his bark, and returned gloomy
and pensive to Greenwich. ' He was woe,' he said to
himself, ' that ever she came unto England.' * He
deliberated with himself how to break it off. How
could men in their senses have made him reports so
false? He was glad, he said, that 'he had kept himself
from making any pact of bond with her.' He thought
that the matter was too far gone for him to break it
off. ' It would drive the duke her brother into the
emperor or French king's hands.' The inconvenience
of a flattering portrait had never been so deeply felt.
It is not to be doubted that if at this very moment
the emperor and the king of France had not been
together at Paris, Henry would have immediately
sent back the unfortunate young lady.f
Shortly after the king's arrival at Greenwich,
Cromwell, the promoter of this unfortunate affair,
presented himself to his majesty, not without fear,
and inquired how he liked the lady Anne. The king
replied, — ' Nothing so well as she was spoken of.
Had I known as much before as I do now, she should
not have come within this realm.' Then, with a deep
sigh, he exclaimed, ' What remedy ? ' J; ' I know none,'
said Cromwell, ' and I am very sorry therefor.' The
agents of the king had given proof neither of intelli-
gence nor of integrity in the matter. Hutton, who
had written to Cromwell that the princess was not
beautiful, and Southampton, who had had a good
Lord Hri-bcvts Life of Hfiirit VJU.. |. Mr.
t Unci., Depositions of Sir .i.. Bi'owu. Lord Hussell, \-f.
X Cromwell to the King. Burnet, Hist. Ref., i. p. 207.
CHAP IT. henry's disappointment. 237
view of her at Calais, had both spoken to the king
only of her beauty. On the following day Anne
arrived at Greenwich ; the king conducted her to the
apartment assigned to her, and then retired to his
own, very melancholy and in an ill humour. Crom-
well again presented himself. ' My lord,' said the
king, ' say what they will, she is nothing so fair as
she hath been reported .... howbeit, she is well
and seemly.' ' By my faith, sir,' replied Cromwell,
'ye say truth; but I think she has a queenly man-
ner.' ' Call together the council,' said Henry.
The princess made her entry into London in great
pomp, and appeared at the palace. The court had
heard of Henry's disappointment and was in conster-
nation. ' Our king,' they said, ' could never marry
such a queen.' In default of speech, music would
have been a means of communication ; it speaks and
moves. Henry and his courtiers were passionately
fond of it; but Anne did not know a single note.
She knew nothing but the ordinary occupations of
women. In vain did Cromwell venture to say to his
master that she had, nevertheless, a portly and fine
person. Henry's only thought was how to get rid of
her. The marriage ceremony was deferred for a few
days. The council took into consideration the ques-
tion whether certain projects of union between Anne
and the eon of the duke of Lorraine did not form an
obstacle to her marriage with Henry. But the}'
found here no adequate ground of objection. ' I am
not well treated,' the king said to Cromwell. Many
were afraid of a rupture. The divorce between
Henry and Catherine, the cruelty with which he had
treated the innocent Anne Boleyn, had already given
238 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xt.
rise to so much discontent in Europe that people
dreaded a fresh outbreak. The cup was bitter, but
he must drink it. The 6th of January was positively
fixed for the fatal nuptials. The king was heard the
day before murmuring in a low tone with an accent
of despair, — 'It must be; it must be,' and presently
after, ' I will put my neck under the yoke.' He de-
termined to live in a becoming way with the queen.
An insuperable antipathy filled his heart, but cour-
teous words were on his lips. In the morning the king
said to Cromwell, — ' If it were not for the great pre-
parations that my states and people have made for
her, and for fear of making a ruflBe in the world,
and of driving her brother into the hands of the
emperor and the French king's hands, being now
together, I would never have ne married her.' Crom-
well's position had been first shaken by his quarrel
with Norfolk; it sustained a second shock from the
king's disappointment. Henry blamed him for his
misfortune, and Cromwell in vain laid the blame on
Southampton.*
On January 6 the marriage ceremony was per-
formed at Greenwich by the archbishop, with much
solemnity but also with great mournfulness. Henry
comforted himself for his misfortune by the thought
that he should be allied with the Protestant princes
against the emperor, if only they would consent
somewhat to modify their doctrine. On the morrow
Cromwell again asked him how he liked the queen.
Worse than ever, replied the king. He continued,
however, to testify to his wife the respect due to
her.
* Hall, Lord Herbert, Burnet, Records.
CHAP. IT. FALLACIOUS HOPES. 289
It was generally anticipated that this union would
be favourable to the Reformation. Butler, in a letter
to Bullinger at Zurich, wrote: 'The state and con-
dition of that kingdom is much more sound and
healthy since the marriage of the queen than it was
before. She is an excellent woman, and one who
fears God ; great hopes are entertained of a very ex-
tensive propagation of the Gospel by her influence.'
And in another letter he says : ' There is great hope
that it [the kingdom] will ere long be in a much
more healthy state ; and this every good man is
striving for in persevering prayer to God.' * Reli-
gious books were publicly oifered for sale, and many
faithful ministers, particularly Barnes, freely preached
the truth with much power, and no one troubled
them.-j- These good people were under a delusion.
' The king,' they said, ' who is exceedingly merci-
ful, would wUlingly desire the promotion of the
truth.' J
But the Protestantism of the king of England
was displayed not so much in matters of faith as in
public affairs. He showed much irritation against
the emperor ; and this gave rise to a characteristic
conversation. Henry having instructed (January
1540) his ambassador in the Netherlands, Sir Thomas
Wyatt, to make certain representations and demands
on various subjects which concerned his govern-
ment, ' / shall not interfere,^ drily replied the grand
* Original Letters relative to the English Meformation, ii. pp. 627 and
628, Feb. 24 and March 29, 1540. (Parker Society.)
t ' The word is powerfully preached hy Baruea and his feUow-
ministers.' — Ibid.
X Partridge to Bullinger, Feb. 29, 1540. — 0>-iginal Letters, ^c, ii.
p. 614.
240 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPTi;. book XT.
potentate. Wyatt having further made complaint that
the Enghsh merchants in Spain were interfered with
by the Inquisition, the emperor laconically answered
that he knew nothing about it, and referred him to
Granvella. Wyatt then having been so bold as to
remark that the monarch answered him in an un-
gracious manner,* Charles interrupted him and said
that he ' abused his words toward him.' But the
ambassador, who meant exactly to carry out his
master's orders, did not stop, but uttered the word
ingratitude. Henry considered Charles ungrateful
on the ground that he had greatly obliged him on
one important occasion. In fact, the emperor iVIaxi-
milian having offered to secure the empire for the
king of England, the thought of encircling his brows
with the crown of the Roman emperors inflamed the
ardent imagination of the young prince, who was an
enthusiast for the romantic traditions of the Middle
Ages. But, after the death of Maximilian, the
Germans decided in favour of Charles. The latter
then came to England, and the two kings met. Not
very much is known of what they said in their inter-
view ; but whatever it might be, Henry yielded, and
he believed that to his generosity Charles was in-
debted for the empire. ' Ingratitude ! ' replied the
emperor to the ambassador. ' From whom mean you
to proceed that ingratitude ? . . . I would ye knew
I am not ingrate, and if the king your master hath
done me a good turn I have done him as good or
better. And 1 take it so, that I cannot be toward
him ingrate ; the inferior may be ingrate to the
* ' Unkind handling.' (Wyatt to Hemy Yin.)— State Papm-s, viii,
p. 240,
CHAP. rv. ILL-WILL OF CHARLES V. 241
greater. But peradventure because the language is
not your natural tongue, ye may mistake the term.'
' Sir,' rephed Wyatt, ' I do not know that I misdo in
using the term that I am commanded.' The emperor
was much moved. ' Monsieur I'ambassadeur,' he said,
' the king's opinions be not always the best.' ' My
master,' Wyatt answered, 'is a prince to give reason
to God and to the world sufficient in his opinions.'
' It may be,' Charles said coolly.* His intentions
were evidently becoming more and more aggressive.
Henry VIII. clearly perceived what his projects were.
' Remember,' said the king the same month to the
duke of Norfolk, whom he had sent as envoy extra-
ordinary to France, ' that Charles has it in his head
to bring Christendom to a monarchy.^ For if he be
persuaded that he is a superior to all kings, then it
is not to be doubted that he will by all ways and
means . . . cause all those whom he so reputeth for
his inferiors to acknowledge his superiority in such
sort as their estates should easily be altered at his
arbitre.' These words show that Henry possessed
more political good sense than was usually attributed
to him ; but they are not exactly a proof of his evan-
gelical zeal.
He did something, however, in this direction.
Representatives of the elector of Saxony and the
landgrave of Hesse had accompanied Anne of Cleves
to England. Henry received them kindly and enter-
tained them magnificently ; he succeeded so weU in
dazzling them by his converse and his manners, that
these grave ambassadors sent word to their masters
how the nuptials of his majesty had been celebrated
* state Papers, viii.^. 241, t HM., p. 249.
VOL. VIII. B,
242 THE REEOKMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
under joyful and sacred auspices.* Nevertheless,
they did not conceal from Henry YIII. that the
elector and the landgrave ' had been thrown into
consternation, as well as many others, by an atro-
cious decree, the result of the artifices of certain
bishops, partisans of Roman impiety.' Thereupon
the king; who wished by all means to gain over the
evangelical princes, declared to their representatives
' that his wisdom should soften the harshness of the
decree, that he would even suspend its execution, and
that there was nothing in the world that he more de-
sired than to see the true doctrine of Christ shine in all
churches,! and that he was determined always to set
heavenly truth before the tradition of men.' In con-
sequence of these statements of the king the Witten-
berg theologians sent to him some evangelical articles,
to which they requested his adherence, and which were
entirely opposed to those of Gardiner.;}: We shall pre-
sently see how Henry proceeded to fulfil his promises.
Cromwell was anxious to take advantage of these
declarations to get the Gospel preached, and he knew
men capable of preaching it. He relied most of all
on Barnes, who had returned to England with the
most flattering testimonials from the Wittenberg
reformers, and even from the elector of Saxony and
the king of Denmark. Barnes had been employed by
Henry in the negotiation of his marriage with Anne
of Cleves, and had thus contributed to this union, a
circumstance which did not greatly recommend him
* ' Exposuerunt auspicia nuptiarum fuisse Iseta et sancta.' — Corp.
Ref., iii. p. 1005.
t ' Ut vera doctrina Ohristi luceat in Ecclesiis.' — Ihid., p, 1007.
Strype, Ecchs. Mem., i. p. 548.
X ' Articuli in Angliam missi.' — Corp. Ref., iii. p. 1009.
OHAP. rv. Gardiner's sekmon, 243
to the king. There were, besides, Garret, curate of
All Saints' Church, in Honey-lane, of whom we have
elsewhere spoken ; * Jerome, rector of Stepney, and
others. Bonner, who on his return from France was
elected bishop of London, and who was afterwards a
zealous persecutor, designated these three evangelical
ministers to preach at Paul's Cross during Lent in
1540. Bonner, perhaps, stUl wished to curry favour
with Cromwell ; or perhaps these preachers had been
complained of, and the king wished to put them
to the test.f Barnes was to preach the first Sunday
(Feb. 14) ; but Gardiner, foreboding danger, wished
to prevent him, and consequently sent word to
Bonner that he should that day preach himself.
Barnes resigned the pulpit to this powerful prelate,
who, well aware what doctrine the three evangelicals
would proclaim at St. Paul's, was determined to pre-
vent them, and craftily to stir up prejudices against
the innovators and their innovations. Confutation
beforehand, he thought, is more useful than after-
wards. It is better to be first than second ; better
to prevent evils than to cure them. He displayed
some ingenuity and wit. Many persons were attracted
by the notion that the Reformation was a progress
and advance. He alleged that it was the contrary ;
and, taking for his text the words addressed to Jesus
by the tempter on the pinnacle of the temple, Cast
thyself down, he said : ' Now-a-days the devil tempteth
the world and biddeth them to cast themselves back-
ward. There is no forward in the new teaching,
* History of the Refcyrmation, First Series.
t Tliis is Fox's opinion {Acts and Monuments, v. p. 420) ; the former
is the more prohaWe.
b2
244 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book XT.
but all backward. Xow the devil teachetb, Come
back from fasting, come back from praying, come
back from confession, come back from weeping for
thy sins; and all is backward, insomuch that men
must now learn to say their Pater-Noster backward.' '""
The bishop of Winchester censured with especial
severity the evangelical preachers, on the ground
that they taught the remission of sins through faith
and not by works. Of old, he said, heaven was sold
at Rome for a little money ; now that we have done
with all that trumpery the devil hath invented
another — he offers us heaven for nothing ! A living
faith which unites us to the Saviour was counted as
nothing by Gardiner.
On the following Sunday Barnes preached. The
lord mayor and Gardiner, side by side, and many
other reporters^ says the Chronicle, were present at
the service. The preacher vigorously defended the
doctrine attacked by the bishop ; but unfortunately,
he indulged, like him, in attempts at wit, and even in
a play upon his name, complaining of the gardener who
would not take away the tares from the garden of the
Lord. This punning would anywhere have been offen-
sive ; it was doubly offensive in the pulpit in the pre-
sence of the bishop himself. ' Punning,' says one, ' the
poorest kind of would-be wit.' Barnes, however, ap-
pears to have been conscious of his fault ; for before
he closed his discourse he humbly l^egged Gardiner,
in the presence of all his hearers, to lift up his hand,
if he forgave him. Gardiner lifted up only a finger.
Garret preached energetically the next Sunday ; but he
studiously avoided offending anyone. Lastly, Jerome
* Gardiner's Sermon, Fox, Acts, v. p. 430,
CHAP. IV. BOLDNESS OF BARNES. J245
preached, and taking up the passage relating to Sarah
and Hagar in the epistle of St. Paul to the Galatians,
maintained that all those who are born of Sarah, the
lawful wife, that is, who have been regenerated by
faith, are fully and positively justified.*
Bishop Gardiner and his friends lost no time in
complaining to the king of the ' intolerable arrogance
of Barnes.' ' A prelate of the kingdom to be thus
insulted at Paul's Cross ! ' said the former ambassador
to France. Henry sent for the culprit to his cabinet.
Barnes confessed that he had forgotten himself, and
promised to be on his guard against such rash speeches
in future. Jerome and Garret likewise were repri-
manded; and the king commanded the three evangel-
ists to read in public on the following Sunday, at the
solemn Easter service celebrated in the church of St.
Mary's Hospital, a retractation which was delivered
to them in writing. They felt bound to submit unre-
servedly to the commands of the king. Barnes, there-
fore, when the 4th of April was come, ascended the
pulpit and read word for word the official paper which
he had received. After this, turning to the bishop of
Winchester, who was present by order of the king, he
earnestly and respectfully begged his pardon. Having
thus discharged, as he believed, his duty, first as a
subject, then as a Christian, he felt bound to discharge
also that of a minister of God. He therefore preached
powerfully the doctrine of salvation by grace, the very
doctrine for which he was persecuted. The lord mayor,
who was sitting by Gardiner's side, turned to the
bishop and asked him whether he should send him from
the pulpit to ward for that his bold preaching con-
* Fox, Acts, V. p. 429. Gal. iv. 22.
246 THE REFORMATION EST EUROPE. book XV.
trary to his retractation.* Garret and Jerome having
followed the example of Barnes, the king gave orders
that the three evangelists should be taken and confined
in the Tower. ' Three of our best ministers,' wrote But-
ler to BuUinger, ' are confined in the Tower of London.
You may judge from this of our misfortunes.' f
At the same time that Henry '\'^III. was imprison-
ing the ministers of God's Word, he was giving full
liberty to the Word itself. It must be confessed that
in his conflict with the pope he did make use of the
Bible. He interpreted it, indeed, in his own way ; but
still he used it and helped to circulate it. This was
a fact of importance for the Reformation in England.
The fii'st Bible named after Cranmer appeared at this
time (April 1540), with a preface by the archbishop,
in which he called upon 'high and low, male and
female, rich and poor, master and servant, to read it
and to meditate upon it in their own houses.' J A mag-
nificent copy on vellum was presented to the king. In
the same month appeared another Bible, printed in
smaller type; in July another great Bible; in Novem-
ber a third in foho, authorized by Henry YIII., ' su-
preme head of his church.' It would seem even that
there was one more edition this year. At aU events,
the New Testament was printed.§ The enemies of
the Bible were in power. Nevertheless the Bible
was gaining the victory; and the luminary which
was to enlighten the world was beginning to shed
abroad its light everywhere.
* Fox, Acts, V. p. 433.
t Original Letters, S^e., ii. p. 632.
X The Bible in English, with a prologue hy the Architishoj) of Canter-
bury. The kingr's copy is in the British Museum.
§ Anderson, English Bible, index, p. is.
247
CHAPTER V.
DISGKACE AND DEATH OF CROMWELL, BAEL OF ESSEX.
(1540.)
EIGHT days after the imprisonment of Barnes and
his two friends (April 12, 1540), parliament
opened for the first time without abbots or priors.
Cromwell was thoughtful and uneasy; he saw every-
where occasions of alarm ; he felt his position insecure.
The statute of the Six Articles, the conviction which
possessed his mind that the doctrines of the Middle
Ages were regaining an indisputable ascendency over
the king, the wrath of Norfolk, and Henry's iUwill on
account of the queen whom Cromwell had chosen for
him — these were the dark points which threatened
his future. His friends were scattered or perse-
cuted ; his enemies were gathered about the throne.
Henry, however, made no sign, but secretly medi-
tated a violent blow. He concealed the game he
was playing so that others, and especially Cromwell
himself, should have no perception of it. The power-
ful minister, therefore, appeared in parliament, as-
suming a confident air, as the ever-powerfiil organ
of the supreme will of the king. Henry VIII., the
man of extremes, thought proper at this time to
exhibit himself as an advocate of a middle course.
The country is agitated by religious dissensions, said
the vicegerent, his representative; and in his speech
248 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
to tke House he set fortli on the one hand the rooted
superstition and obstinate chnging to popery, and on
the other thoughtless and impertinent and culpable
rashness (referring doubtless to Barnes) : that the king
desired a union of the two parties; that he leaned to
neither side ; that he would equally repress the licence
of heretics and that of the papists, and that he ' set
the pure and sincere doctrine of Christ before his
eyes.' * These words of Cromwell were wise. Union
in the truth is the great want of all ages. But
Henry added his comment. He refused to turn to
the right or to the left. He would not himself hold,
nor did he intend to permit England to hold, any
other doctrine than that prescribed by his own sove-
reign authority, sword in hand. Cromwell did not
fail to let it be known by what method the king meant
to bring about this union ; he insisted on penalties
against all who did not submit to the Bible and
against those who put upon it a wrong interpretation.
Henry intended to strike right and left with his vigor-
ous lance. To carry out the scheme of union a com-
mission was appointed, the result of which, after two
years' labours, was a confused medley of truths and
errors.f
Strange to say, although Cromwell was now on
the brink of an abyss, the king still heaped favours
upon him. He Avas already chancellor of the Exche-
quer, first secretary of state, vicegerent and vicar-
general of England in spiritual affairs, lord privy seal,
and knight of the Garter ; but he was now to see fi*esh
honours added to all these. The earl of Essex had just
' Strype, Eccles. Mem., i. p. 550.
t The Xecessary Erudition of a Christian Man,
CHAP. V. Cromwell's honours and wealth. 249
died, and a week later died the earl of Oxford, who
had been lord cliamberlain. Hereupon Henry made
Cromwell, ' the blacksmith's son,' whom Norfolk and
the other nobles despised so heartily, earl of Essex
and lord chamberlain, and had his name placed at the
head of the roll of peers. Wealth was no more want-
ing to him than honours. He received a large por-
tion of the property of the deceased lord Essex ; the
king conferred on him thirty manors taken from the
suppressed monasteries ; he owned great estates in
eight counties ; and he still continued to superintend
the business of the crown. We might well ask how
it came to pass that such a profusion of favours fell to
his lot just at the time when the king was angry with
him as the man who had given him Anne of Cleves
for a wife ; when the imprisonment of Barnes, his
friend and confidential agent, greatly compromised him,
and when, in addition to these things, Norfolk, Gardi-
ner, and the whole Catholic party were striving to put
down this parvenu, who offended them and stood in
their way. Two answers may be given to this ques-
tion. Henry was desirous that Cromwell should make
a great effort to secure the assent of parliament to
bills of a very extraordinary character but very ad-
vantageous to the king; and it was his hope that the
titles under which Cromwell would appear before the
houses would make success easier. Several contem-
poraries, however, assigned a different cause for these
royal favours. ' Some persons now suspect,' wrote
Hilles to BuUinger, ' that this was all an artifice, to
make people conclude that he [Cromwell] must have
been a most wicked traitor, and guUty of treason in
every possible way ; or else the king would never
250 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
have executed one who was so dear to him, as was made
manifest by the presents he had bestowed upon him.' *
Besides, was it not the custom of the ancients to crown
their victims with flowers before sacrificing them ?
Henry was greedy of money, and was in want of
it, for he spent it prodigally. He applied to Crom-
well for it. The latter was aware that in making
himself the king's instrument in this matter he was
estranging from himself the mind of the nation; but
he considered that a great sovereign must have great
resources, and he was always willing to sacrifice him-
self for tlie king, for to him he owed everything,
and he loved him in spite of Ms faults. On April 23,
four days after receiving from the king such extra-
ordinary favours, Cromwell proposed to the house to
suppress the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, and
urged that their estates, which were considerable,
should be given to the king. This was agreed to by
Parliament. On May 3 he demanded for his majesty
a subsidy of unparalleled character, namely, four
tenths and fifteenths, in addition to ten per cent, on
the rents of lands and five per cent, on the value
of merchandise. This also he obtained. Next he
went to the convocation of the clergy, and claimed
fi-om them two tenths and twenty per cent, on eccle-
siastical revenues for two years. Again he succeeded.
By May 8 the king had obtained through Cromwell's
energy all that he wished for.
On the very next day, Sunday, May 9, Cromwell
received in his palace a note fi-om the king thus
worded : — f
* Original Letters, &c., i. p. 202.
t Cotton MS. Tit. B. 1. p. 406.
CHAP. V. THE king's letter TO HIM. 251
' Henry R.
' By the King.
'Right trusty and well beloved cousin, — We
greet you well ; signifying unto you our pleasure
and commandment is that forthwith, and upon the
receipt of these our letters, setting all other affairs
apart, ye do repair unto us, for the treaty of such
great and weighty matters as whereupon doth consist
the surety of our person, the preservation of our
honour, and the tranquillity and quietness of you,
and all other our loving and faithful subjects, like as
at your arrival here ye shall more plainly perceive
and understand. And that ye fail not hereof, as we
specially trust you.
' Given under our signet, at our manor of West-
minster, the 9th day of May.'
What could this urgent and mysterious note
mean? Cromwell could not rest after reading it.
' The surety of our person, the preservation of our
honour ' are in question, said the king. We may
imagine the agitation of his mind, his fears as to the
result of the visit, and the state of perplexity in
which, without losing a minute, he went in obedience
to the king's command. We have no information as
to what passed at this interAdew. Probably the
minister supposed that he had justified himself in his
master's sight. On the following day, Monday, the
earl of Essex was present as usual in the House of
Lords and introduced a bill. The day after, parlia-
ment was prorogued till May 25. What could be the
reason for this? It has been supposed that Crom-
well's enemies wished to gain the time needful for col-
252 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book XT.
lecting evidence in support of the charges which they
intended to bring aojainst him. When the fifteen
days had elapsed, parliament met again, and the earl
of Essex was in his place on the first and following
days. He was still in the assembly as minister of
the king on June 10, on which day, at three o'clock,
there was a meeting of the Privy Council. The duke
of Norfolk, the earl of Essex, and the other members
were quietly seated round the table, when the duke
rose and accused Cromwell of high treason. Crom-
well understood that Xorfolk was acting under the
sanction of the king, and he recollected the note of
May 9. The lord chancellor arrested him and had
him conducted to the Tower.*
Norfolk was more than ever in favour, for Henry,
husband of Anne of Cleves, was at this time ena-
moured of Norfolk's niece. He believed — and Gardi-
ner, doubtless, did not fail to encourage the belief —
that he must promptly take advantage of the extra-
ordinary goodwill which the king testified to him to
overthrow the adversary of Anglican Catholicism,
the powerful protector of the Bible and the Reforma-
tion. In the judgment of this party CromweU was a
heretic and a chief of heretics. This was the prin-
cipal motive, and substantially the only motive, of
the attack made on the earl of Essex. In a letter
addressed at this time by the Council to Sir John
Wallop,f ambassador at the court of France, a cir-
cular letter sent also to the principal officers and
representatives of the king, the crime of which Crom-
* State Papers, viii. pp. 241, 276, 282, 28fi, 295, 299 (Hemy to
WaUop).
t State Papers, viii. pp. 349-360.
OHAP, V. CHAEGES AGAINST CROMWELL. 253
well was accused is distinctly set forth. ' The lord
privy seal,' it was therera said, ' to whom the king's
said majesty hath been so special good and gracious
lord, neither remembering his duty herein to God,
nor yet to his highness . . . hath not only wrought
clean contrary to this his grace's most godly intent,
secretly and indirectly advancing the one of the ex-
tremes, and leaving the mean indifferent true and
virtuous way which his majesty sought and so en-
tirely desired; but also hath showed himself so fer-
vently bent to the maintenance of that his outrage
that he hath not spared most privUy, most traitor-
ously, to devise how to continue the same, and plainly
in terms to saj', as it hath been justified to his face
by good witness, that if the king and all his realm
would turn and vary from his opinions, he would
fight in the field in his" own person, with his sword
in his hand, against him and all other; adding that
if he lived a year or two he trusted to bring things
to that frame that it should not lie in the king's
power to resist or let it, if he would ; binding his
words with such oaths and making such gesture and
demonstration with his arms, that it might well
appear he had no less fixed in his heart than was
uttered with his mouth. For the which apparent
and most detestable treasons, and also for . . . other
enormities ... he is committed to the Tower of
London, there to remain till it shall please his majesty
to have him thereupon tried according to the order
of his laws.' It was added that the king, remember-
ing how men wanting the knowledge of the truth
would speak diversely of the matter, desired therh to
declare and open the whole truth.
254 THE EEFOKMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
Nothing could be more at variance with the cha-
racter and the whole life of Cromwell than the fool-
ish sayings attributed to him. Every intelligent man
might see that they were mere falsehoods invented by
the Catholic party to hide its own criminal conduct.
But at the same time it most clearly pointed out in
this letter the real motive of the blow aimed at Crom-
well, the first, true, efficient cause of his fall, the
object which his enemies had in view and towards
which they were working. They fancied that the
overthrow of Cromwell would be the overthrow of
the Eeformation. Wallop did not fail to impart the
information to the court to which he was accredited;
and Henry YIII. was delighted to hear of 'the
friendly rejoyce of our good brother the French king,
the constable and others there,' on learning the arrest
of the lord privy seal.* This rejoicing was very
natural on the part of Francis I., Montmorency, and
the rest of them.
As soon as the arrest of June 10 was known, the
majority of those who had most eagerly sought after
the favour of Cromwell, and especially Bonner, bishop
of London, immediately turned round and declared
against him. He had gained no popularity by pro-
moting the last bills passed to the king's advantage ;
and the news of his imprisonment was therefore re-
ceived with shouts of joy.f In the midst of the
general dejection, one man alone remained faithful
to the prisoner — this was Cranmer. The man who
had formerly undertaken the defence of Anne Boleyn
now came forward in defence of Cromwell. The
* Henry Xlll. to AVallop.— *(rfe Papers, viii. p. 362.
t Lord Herbert's Life of Sem-y VIII., p. 520.
CHAP. T. CRANMER's plea EOR him. 255
archbishop did not attend the Privy Council on
Thursday, June 10 ; but being in his place on the
Friday, he heard that the earl of Essex had been
arrested as a traitor. The tidings astonished and
affected him deeply. He saw in Cromwell at this
time not only his personal friend, not only the pru-
dent and devoted supporter of the Reformation, but
also the ablest minister and the most faithful servant
of the king. He saw the danger to which he exposed
himself by undertaking the defence of the prisoner ;
and he felt that it was his duty not recklessly to offend
the king. He therefore wrote to him in a prudent
manner, reminding him, nevertheless, energetically of
all that Cromwell had been. His letter to the king
was written the day after he heard of the fall of the
minister. 'I heard yesterday in your grace's council,'
he says, ' that he [Cromwell] is a traitor ; yet who
cannot be sorrowful and amazed that he should be a
traitor against your majesty, he that was so advanced
by your majesty; he whose surety was only by your
majesty ; he who loved your majesty (as 1 ever
thought) no less than God; he who studied always to
set forwards whatsoever was your majesty's will and
pleasure; he that cared for no man's displeasure to
serve your majesty; he that was such a servant, in
my judgment, in wisdom, diligence, faithfulness, and
experience, as no prince in this realm ever had ; he
that was so vigUant to preserve your majesty from
all treasons that few could be so secretly conceived
but he detected the same in the beginning? If the
noble princes of memory, king John, Henry II., and
Eichard II. had had such a counsellor about them, I
suppose that they should never have been so traitor-
256 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book XT.
ously abandoned and overthrown as those good pious
princes were. ... I loved him as my friend, for so
I took him to be ; but I chiefly loved him for the
love which I thought I saw him bear ever towards
your grace, singularly above all other. But now, if
he be a traitor, I am sorry that ever I loved him or
trusted him, and I am very glad that his treason is
discovered iu time. But yet again I am very sor-
rowful, for who shall your grace trust hereafter, if
you might not trust him ? Alas ! I bewaU and lament
your grace's chance herein, I wot not whom your
grace may trust. But I pray God continually
night and day to send such a counsellor iu his place
whom your grace may trust, and who for all his
qualities can and will serve your grace like to him,
and that will have so much solicitude and care to
preserve your grace from all dangers as I ever
thought he had.' *
Cranmer was. doubtless a weak man; but assuredly
it was a proof of some devotion to truth and justice,
and of some boldness too, thus to plead the cause of the
prisoner before a prince so absolute as Henry YIIL,
and even to express the wish that some efficient suc-
cessor might be found. Lord Herbert of Gherbury
thinks that Cranmer wrote to the king boldly ; and
this is also our opinion. The prince being intolerant
of contradiction, this step of the archbishop was more
than was needed to ruin him as well as Cromwell.
Meanwhile, the enemies of the prisoner were trv-
ing to find other grounds of accusation besides that
which they had first brought forward. Indeed, it
* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry Till., p. 521. Cranmer, TForks, ii.
p. 401.
CHAP. V. ATTAINDER OF CROMWELL. 257
seemed to some persons a strange thing that he who,
under Henry VIII., was head of the church, vice-
gerent in spiritual affairs, should be a heretic and a
patron of heretics ; and many found in this charge an
' occasion of merriment.' * They set to work, there-
fore, after the blow, to discover offences on the part
of the accused. After taking great pains, this is
what they discovered and set forth in the bill of
attainder: 1. That he had set at liberty some pri-
soners suspected of treason ; a crime indeed in the
eyes of a gloomy despoi, but in the judgment of
righteous men an act of justice and virtue. 2. That
he had granted freedom of export of corn, horses,
and other articles of commerce ; the crime of free
trade which would be no crime now. Not a single
instance can be specified in which Cromwell had
received any present for such licence. 3. That he had,
though a low-born man, given places and orders,
saying only that he was sure that the king would
approve them. On this point Cromwell might rea-
sonably allege the multiplicity of matters entrusted
to his care, and the annoyance to which it must have
subjected the king, had he continually troubled him
to decide the most trifling questions. 4. That he
had given permission, both to the king's subjects
and to foreigners, to cross the sea ' without any
search.' This intelligent minister appears to have
aimed at an order of things less vexatious and more
liberal than that established under Henry VIII., and
in this respect he stood ahead of his age. 5. That
he had made a large fortune, that he had lived in
* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII., p. 522.
VOL, VIII, S
258 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book XV.
ojreat state, and had not duly honoured the nobility.
There were not a few of the nobles who were far
from being honourable, and this great worker had
no liking for drones and idlers. With respect to his
fortune, Cromwell incurred heavy expenses for the
affairs of the realm. In many countries he kept
well-paid agents, and the money which he had in his
hands was spent more in state affairs than in satisfying
his personal wishes. In all this there was evidently
more to praise than to blame. But CromweU had
enemies who went further than his official accusers.
The Roman Catholics gave out that he had aspired
to the hand of the king's daughter, the princess
Mary.* This would have been a strange and sym-
pathetic union, between the Malleus monachorum and
the fanatical Mary !
These groundless charges were followed by the
true motives for his disgrace. It was alleged that
he had adopted heretical (that is to say, evangeHcal)
opinions ; that he had promoted the circulation of
heretical works ; that he had settled in the realm
many heretical ministers ; and that he had caused
men accused of heresy to be set at liberty. That
when anyone went to him to make complaint of
detestable errors, he defended the heretics and
severely censured the informers ; and that in March
last, persons having complained to him of the new
preachers, he answered that ' their preaching was
good.'f For these crimes, the acts of a Christian,
* 'The cardinal of Belly . . . showed me tliat the said Prevey Seales
intent was to have manyed my lady Mary.' — Wallop to Henry \T[I.
State Pnpcrs, viii. p. 379.
t See Cromwell's Attainder. Burnet, Records, i. No. 16. Lord
Herbert's Life of Senry VIII., p. 621.
CH4P. V. THE LEADER OE THE PROSECUTION. 259
honest and beneficent man, condemnation must be
pronounced. Cromwell indeed was guilty.
The conduct of the prosecution was entrusted
to Richard Rich, formerly speaker of the House of
Commons, now solicitor -general and chancellor of the
court of augmentations. He had already rendered
service to the king in the trials of Bishop Fisher and
Sir Thomas More ; the same might be expected of
him in the trial of Cromwell. It appears that he
accused Cromwell of being connected with Throg-
morton,* the friend and agent of Cardinal Pole.
Now the mere mention of Pole's name would put
Henry out of temper. Cromwell's alliance with this
Mend of the pope was the pendant of his scheme of
marriage with the lady Mary ; the one was as probable
as the other. Cromwell wrote from his prison to
the king on the subject, and stoutly denied the fable.
It was not introduced into the formal pleadings ; but
the charge was left vaguely impending over him, and
it was reasserted that he was guilty of treason.
Cromwell was certainly not faultless. He was above
all a politician, and political interests had too much
weight with him. He was the advocate of some vexa-
tious and unjust measures, and he acted sometimes in
opposition to his own principles. But his main fault
was a too servile devotion to the prince who pre-
tended that he had been betrayed by him ; and of
this he had given a lamentable proof in the case of
Anne Boleyn.
His enemies were afraid that, if the trial were
conducted openly before his peers according to law,
* Anderson, English Bible, ii. p. 110.
s2
L'OO THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
he would make his voice heard and clear himself of all
their imputations. They resolved therefore to pro-
ceed against him without trial, and without discus-
sion, by the parliamentary method, by biH of attainder;
a course pronounced by Roman Catholics themselves
' a most iniquitous measure.' * He ought to have
been tried, and he was not tried. He was, however,
confronted on Friday, Jime 11, the day after his
arrest, with one of his accusers, and thus learnt what
were the charges brought agaiast him. Conducted
again to the Tower, he became fully aware of the
danger which was impending over him. The power
of his enemies, Gardiner and Xorfolk, the increasing
disfavour of Anne of Cleves, which seemed inevitably
to involve his own ruin, the proceedings instituted
agaiust Barnes and other evangelists, the anger of the
king — all these things alarmed him and produced the
conviction iu his mind that the issue was doubtful,
and that the danger was certain. He was in a state of
great distress and deep melancholy ; gloomy thoughts
oppressed him, and his hmbs trembled. The prison
has been called the porch of the grave, and Cromwell
indeed looked upon it as a grave. On June 30
he wrote to the king from his gloomy abode an
affecting letter, ' with heavy heart and trembling
hand,' as he himself said.
About the end of June, the duke of Xorfolk, the
lord chancellor, and the lord high admiral went to
the Tower, instructed to examine Cromwell and to
make various declarations to him on the part of the
* Tiingard, Kist. of England, t. p. 143. The same course had been
adopted with respect to the Countess of Salisbury ; and Cromwell, it was
said, was impHcated in that case. It must, however, be observed that
this lady was not executed till a year after Cromwell's death.
CHAP. Y. EXAMINATION OF CROMWELL. 261
king. The most important of these related to the
marriage of Henry VIII. with Anne of Cleves.
They called upon him to state all that he knew
touching this marriage, ' as he might do before God
on the dread day of judgment.' On June 30 Crom-
well wrote to the king a letter in which he set
forth what he knew on the subject ; and he added :
' And this is all that I know, most gracious and most
merciful sovereign lord, beseeching Almighty God
... to counsel you, preserve you, maintain you,
remedy you, relieve and defend you, as may be most
to your honour, with prosperity, health and comfort
of your heart's desire . . . [giving you] continuance
of Nestor's years. . . I am a most woeful prisoner,
ready to take the death, when it shall please God
and your majesty ; and yet the frail flesh inciteth me
continually to call to your grace for mercy and grace
for mine offences : and thus Christ save, preserve,
and keep you.
' Written at the Tower this Wednesday, the last
day of June, with the heavy heart and trembling hand
of your highness' most heavy and most miserable
prisoner and poor slave,
' Thomas Crumwell.'
After having signed the letter, Cromwell, over-
powered with terror at his future prospects, added : —
' Most gracious prince, I cry for mercy, mercy,
mercy.' *
The heads of the clerical party, impatient to be
rid of an enemy whom they hated, hurried on the
fatal decree. The parliament met on Thursday,
June 17, seven days after Cromwell's imprisonment;
* Cromwell's Letter to Henry VIU. Barnet, Records, i. p. 301.
262 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book XV.
and Cramner, who had attended the sittings of the
House of Lords on the previous days, was not present
on this occasion. The earl of Southampton, who
had become lord keeper of the privy seal in Crom-
well's place, entered and presented the bill of at-
tainder against his predecessor. It was read a first
time. The second and third readings followed on
Saturday the 19th. Cranmer. whose absence had pro-
bably been noticed, was present ; and, according to his
lamentable system, adapted to the despotism of his
master, after having complied with the dictate of
his conscience by calling to mind the merits of Crom-
well, he complied with the will of the king, and by
his silence acquiesced in the proceedings of the House.
The bin was sent to the lower House. It appears
that the commons raised some scruples or objections,
for the bill remained under consideration for ten days.
It was not until June 29 that the commons sent the
bill back to the peers, with some amendments ; and
the peers, ever in haste, ordered that the three
readings should take place at the same sitting. They
then sent it to the king,' who gave his assent to it.
The man who was prosecuted had been so powerful
that it was feared lest he should regain his strength
and begin to advance with fresh energy.
The king, meanwhile, seems to have hesitated.
He was less decided than those who at this time
enjoyed his favour.
Although the lord chancellor, the duke of Nor-
folk, and lord Eussell had come to announce to
Cromwell that the bUl of attainder had passed, he
remained still a whole month in the Tower. The
royal commissioners interrogated him at intervals on
CHAP. V. HIS LETTEK TO THE KING. 263
various subjects. It seems even that the king sent
him relief, probably to mitigate the severities of his
imprisonment. Cromwell habitually received the
king's commissioners with dignity, and answered
them with discretion. Whether the questions touched
on temporal or ecclesiastical affairs, he ever showed
himself better informed than his questioners.*
Henry sent word to him that he might write any-
thing that he thought meet under his present circum-
stances. From this, Cromwell appears to have con-
ceived a hope that the king would not permit his
sentence to be executed. He took courage and wrote
to the king. ' Most gracious king,' he said, ' your
most lamentable servant and prisoner prostrate at the
feet of your most excellent majesty, have heard your
pleasure. . . that I should write. . . First, where I have
been accused to your majesty of treason, to that I say,
I never in all my life thought willingly to do that
thing that might or should displease your majesty. . .
What labours, pains, and travails I have taken, accord-
ing to my rtfost bounden duty God also knoweth. . . .
If it had been or were in my power, to make your
majesty so puissant, as all the world should be com-
pelled to obey you, Christ he knoweth I would, . . for
your majesty hath been . . . more like a dear father
. . . than a master. . . Should anj^ faction or any affec-
tion to any point make me a traitor to your majesty,
then all the devils in hell confound me, and the ven-
geance of God light upon me. . . Yet our liOrd, if it
be his will, can do with me as he did with Susan, who
was falsely accused. . . Other hope than in God and
your majesty I have not. . . Amongst other things,
* Fox, Acts, V. p. 401.
2fi4 THE EEFOEilATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
most gracious sovereign, master comptroller shewed
m.e that your grace shewed him that within these
fourteen days ye committed a matter of great secresy,
which I did reveal. . . This I did. . . I spake privily
with her [the queen's] lord chamberlain . . . desiring
him ... to find some mean that the queen might be
induced to order your grace pleasantly in her behaviour
towards you. . . If I have offended your majesty there-
in, prostrate at your majesty's feet I most lowly ask
mercy and pardon of your highness. . . Written with
the quaking hand and most sorrowful heart of your
most sorrowful subject and most humble servant and
prisoner, this Saturday at your [Tower] of London,
' Thomas Ceumwell.' *
Cromwell was resigned to death; and the princi-
pal object of his concern was the fate of his son, his
grandchildren, and likewise of his domestic servants.
His son was in a good position, having married a sister
of the queen Jane Seymour. ' Sir, upon my knees,'
he said, ' I most humbly beseech your gracious majesty
to be good and gracious lord to my poor son, the good
and virtuous woman his wife, and their poor children,
and also to my servants. And this I desii'e of your
grace for Christ's sake.' The unhappy father, return-
ing to liis own case, finished by saying, ' j\Iost gracious
prince, mercy, mercy, mercy! ' f Cromwell wrote
twice in this manner; and the king was so much
affected by the second of these letters that he ' com-
manded it thrice to be read to him.' J
Would Cromwell then, after all, escape? Those
' Burnet, Hecords. ii. p. 214.
t Cotton MS. Titus, B. 1, fol. 207. (Jrijrinal Letters, &c. (EDis),
Serie= ii. p. 160. % Fox, Acts, v. p. 402.
CHAi'. V. CATHERINE HOWARD. 265
who were ignorant of what was passing at court
looked upon it as impossible that he should be sacri-
ficed so long as Anne of Cleves was queen of England.
But the very circumstances which seemed to them the
guarantee of his safety were to be instead the occa-
sion of his ruin.
Henry's dislike to his wife was ever increasing, and
he was determined to get rid of her. But, as usual,
he concealed beneath flowers the weapon with which
he was about to strike her. In the month of March,
the king gave, in honour of the queen, a grand fete
with a tournament, as he had done for Anne Boleyn;
and amongst the nurnerous combatants, who took part
in the joustmg were Sir Thomas Seymour, the earl
of Sussex, Harry Howard, and Richard Cromwell,
nephew of the earl of Essex, and ancestor of the great
Protector Oliver.*
One circumstance contributed to hasten the de-
cision of the king. There was at the court a young-
lady, small of stature, of a good figure and beau-
tiful countenance, of ladylike manners, coquettish
and forward, who at this time made a deep impres-
sion on Henry. This was Catherine Howard, a
niece of the duke of Norfolk, now residing with her
grandmother, the duchess dowager, who allowed her
great liberty. Katherine was in every respect a con-
trast to Aune of Cleves. Henry resolved to marry
her, and for this purpose to get rid forthwith of
his present wife. As he was desirous of being pro-
visionally relieved of her presence, he persuaded her
that a change of air would be very beneficial to
her, and that it was necessary that she should make a
• Hall.
266 THE REFORMATION IN EUEOPE. book xv.
stay in the country. On June 24 lie sent the good
princess, who felt grateful for his attentions, to Rich-
mond. At the same time he despatched the bishop
of Bath to her brother, the duke of Cleves, with a
view to prepare him for the very unexpected decision
^vhich was impending over his sister, and to avert
any vexatious consequences.*
Cromwell, then, had no aid to look for at the
hands of a queen already forsaken and ere long repu-
diated. He could not hope to escape death. His
enemies were urgent for the execution of the bill.
They professed to have discovered a correspondence
which he had carried on with the Protestant princes
of Germany, f
Cromwell's determination to oflFer no opposition to
the king led him to commit serious mistakes, un-
worthy of a Christian. Nevertheless, according to
documents still extant, he died like a Christian. He
was not the first, nor the last, who in the presence of
death, of capital punishment, has examined himself,
and confessed himself a sinner. While he spumed
the accusations made by his enemies, he humbled
himself before the weightier and more solemn accusa-
tions of his own conscience. How often had his own
win been opposed to the commandments of the divine
wUl! But at the same time he discovered in the
Gospel the grace which he had but imperfectly known ;
and the doctrines which the Catholic church of the
first ages had professed became dear to liim.
On July 28, 1540, Cromwell was taken to Tower
Hill, the place of execution. On reaching the scafibld
* Lord Hertert'e Life of Henry VIII., p. 529.
t Le Grand, Divorce, ii. p. 235.
OHA?. V. EXECTJTION OF CROMWELL. 267
he said: 'I am come hither to die, and not to purge
myself. . . For since the time that I have had years of
discretion, I have lived a sinner and offended my Lord
God, for the which I ask Him heartily forgiveness.
And it is not unknown to many of you that I have
been a great travailler in this world, and being but of
a base degree, was called to high estate ; and since the
time I came thereunto I have offended my prince, for
the which I ask him heartily forgiveness, and beseech
you all to pray to God with me, that He will forgive
me. Father, forgive me ! Son, forgive me !
Holy Ghost, forgive me! Three Persons in
one God, forgive me ! ... I die in the Catholic faith.
... I heartily desire you to pray for the king's grace,
that he may long live with you'^in health and pros-
perity.'
By insisting in so marked a manner on the doctrine
of the Trinity, professed in the fourth century by
the councils of Mcsea and Constantinople, Cromwell
doubtless intended to show that this was the Catholic
doctrine in which he asserted that he died. But he
did not omit to give evidence that his faith was that
of the Scriptures.
After his confession, he knelt down, and at this
solemn hour he uttered this Christian and fervent
prayer : * ' Lord Jesu! which art the only health
of all men living and the everlasting life of them
which die in thee, I, wretched sinner, do submit my-
self wholly unto thy most blessed will, and being sure
that the thing cannot perish which is committed unto
thy mercy, willingly now I leave this fi-ail and wicked
flesh, in sure hope that thou wilt, in better wise, re-
* Fox, Acts, V. p. 403.
268 THE REFORMATION' IN EUROPE. book xv.
store it to me again at the last day in the resurrectior
of the just. I beseech thee, most merciful Lord Jesus
Christ I that thou -wilt by thy grace make strong my soul
against aU temptations, and defend me with the buckler
of thy mercy against all the assaults of the devil. I see
and acknowledge that there is in myself no hope of
salvation, but all my confidence, hope, and trust is in
thy most merciful goodness. I have no merits nor
good works which I may allege before thee. Of sins
and evil works, alas I I see a great heap ; but yet
through thy mercy I trust to be in the immber of
them to whom thou wHt not impute their sins ; but
wilt take and accept me for righteous and just, and to
be the inheritor of everlasting life. Thou, merciful
Lord ! wast born for my sake ; thou didst suifer both
hunger and thirst for my sake ; thou didst teach, pray,
and fast for my sake ; all thy holy actions and works
thou wroughtest for my sake; thou sufi^eredst most
grievous pains and torments fur my sake ; finally,
thou gavest thy most precious body and thy blood to
be shed on the cross for my sake. Now, most merci-
ful Saviour ! let all these thincrs profit me, that thou
freely hast done for me, which hast given thyself also
for me. Let thy blood cleanse and wash awa}- the
spots and foulness of my sins. Let thy righteousness
hide and cover my unrighteousness. Let the merits
of thy passion and blood-shedding be satisfaction for
my sins. Give me, Lord ! thy grace, that the faith of
my salvation in thy blood waver not in me, but may
ever be firm and constant; that the hope of thy mercy
and life everlasting never decay in me : that love wax
not cold in me. Finally, that the weakness of my
flesh be not overcome with the fear of death. Grant
CHAP. V. HIS CHAEACTER. 269
me, merciful Saviour ! that when death hath shut up
the eyes of my body, yet the eyes of my soul may
still behold and look upon thee ; and when death hath
taken away the use of my tongue, yet my heart may
cry and say unto thee, " Lord ! into thy hands I com-
mend my soul; Lord Jesu ! receive my spirit! " Amen.'*
This is one of the most beautiful prayers handed
down to us in Christian times.
Cromwell having finished his prayer and being
now ready, a stroke of the axe severed his head from
his body.
Thus died a man who, although he had risen from
the lowliest to the loftiest estate, never allowed
himself to be seduced by pride, nor made giddy by
the pomps of the world, who continued attached to
his old acquaintances, and was eager to honour the
meanest who had rendered him any service ; a man
who powerfully contributed to the establishment of
Protestantism in England,! although his enemies,
unaware of the very dilFerent meanings of the words
' Catholicism ' and ' Popery,' took pleasure in circu-
lating the report in Europe, after his death, that
he died a Roman Catholic ; a man who for eight
years governed his country, the king, the parliament,
and convocation, who had the direction of all domestic
as well as foreign affairs ; who executed what he had
advised, and who, in spite of the blots which he him-
self lamented, was one of the most intelligent, most
active, and most influential of English ministers. J It
* Fox, V. p. 403. It is possible that the prayer may have been
written in the prison.
t State Papers, viii. p. 396. Pate to Norfolk.
\ The distinguished historian, Mr, Froude, bears the same testimony.
270 THE EEPORMATION IN EUEOPE. book iv.
is said that tlie king ere long regretted him. How-
ever this may be, he protected his son and gave hirn
proofs of his favour, doubtless in remembrance of his
father.
Another nobleman, Walter, lord Hungerford, was
beheaded at the same time with Cromwell, for having
endeavoured to ascertain, by ' conjuring,' how long
the king would live.*
* Original Letters, &c., i. p. 202. Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII.,
p. 626.
271
CHAPTER VI.
DIVOKCE OF ANNE OF CLEVES.
(1540.)
THE Catholic party was triumphant. It had set
aside the Protestant queen and sacrificed the
Protestant minister ; and it now proceeded to take
measures of a less startling character, but which were
a more direct attack on the very work of the Re-
formation. It thought proper to put to death some
of those zealous men who were boldly preaching the
pure Gospel, not only for the sake of getting rid of
them, but even more for the purpose of terrifying
those who were imitating them or who were willing
to do so.
Of these men, Barnes, Grarret, and Jerome were
the most known. They were in prison ; but Henry
had hitherto scrupled about sacrificing men who
preached a doctrine opposed to the pope. The party,
moreover, united all their forces to bring about the
faU of Cromwell, who had been confined within the
same walls. After his death, the death of the preachers
followed as a matter of course ; it was merely the
corollary; it was a natural consequence, and needed
no special demonstration ; the sentence, according
to the Romish party, had only to be pronounced
to be evidently justified. On these principles the
king's council and the parhament proceeded; and two
days after the execution of Cromwell, these three
272 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
evangelists, without any public hearing, without
knowing any cause of their condemnation, without
receiving any communication w^hatsoever,* were taken
out of prison, July 30, 1540, to be conducted to
Smithfield, where they were to be deprived, not only
of their ministry, but of their lives.
Henry, however, was not free from uneasiness.
He had openly asserted that he leaned neither to one
side nor to the other ; that he weighed both parties
in a just balance ; and now, while he is boasting of
his impartiality, everybody persists in saying that he
gives all the advantage to the papists. What is he
to do in order to be just and impartial ? Three
papists must be found to be put to death at the same
time with the evangelicals. Then nobody will ven-
ture to assert that the king does not hold the balance
even. The measure shall be faultless and one of the
glories of his reign. The three papists selected to be
placed in the other scale bore the names of Abel,
Powel, and Fetherstone. The first two were political
pamphleteers who had supported the cause of Cathe-
rine of Aragon ; and the third was, like them, an
opponent of royal supremacy. It seems that in this
matter the king also made allowance for the com-
position of his own council, which comprised both
friends and enemies of the Reformation. Amongst
the former were the archbishop of Canterbury, the
duke of Suffolk, viscounts Beauchamp and Lisle,
Russell, Paget, Sadler, and Audley. Amongst the
latter were the bishops of Winchester and Durham,
the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Southampton, Sir
Antony Brown, Paulet, Baker, Richard, and Wing-
• Fox, V. p. 434.
CHAP. VI. PAPIST AND PROTKSTANT MARTYRS, 273
field. There was therefore a majority of one against
the Reformation, just enough to turn the scale.
Henry, with a show of impartiality, assigned three
victims to each of these parties. Preparations were
made at the Tower for carrying out this equitable
sentence. In the courtyard were three hurdles, of
oblong shape, formed of branches of trees closely
intertwined, on which the culprits were to be drawn
to the place of execution. Why three only, as there
were six condemned? The reason was soon to be seen.
When the three prisoners of each side were brought
out, they proceeded to lay one evangelical on the first
hurdle, and by his side a papist, binding them pro-
perly to each other to keep them in this strange
coupling. The same process was gone through with
the second and the third hurdles ; * they then set out,
and the six prisoners were drawn two and two to
Smithfield. Thus, in every street through which
the procession passed, Henry VIII. proclaimed by
this strange spectacle that his government was im-
partial, and condemned alike the two classes of
divines and of doctrines.
The three hurdles reached Smithfield. Two and
two, the prisoners were unbound, and the three
evangelicals were conducted to the stake. No trial
having been allowed them by the court, these upright
and pious men felt it their duty to supply its place
at the foot of the scaffold. The day of their death
thus became for them the day of hearing. The
tribunal was sittmg and the assembly was large.
Barnes was the first speaker. He said : ' I am come
* ' Drawn to the place of execution two upon a liiirdle, one teing a
papist and the other a protestant.' — Fox, Acts, v. p. 439.
VOL. Via. T
274 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv
hither to be burned as a heretic. . . . God I take to
record, I never (to my knowledge) taught any erro-
neous doctrine . . and I neither moved nor gave
occasion of any insurrection. ... I believe in the
Holy and Blessed Trinity; . . . and that this blessed
Trinity sent down the second person, Jesus Christ,
into the womb of the most blessed and purest V^irgin
Mary. . . I believe that through his death he over-
came sin, death and hell ; and that there is none
other satisfaction to the Father, but this his death
and passion only.' At these words Barnes, deeply
moved, raised his hands to heaven, and prayed God
to forgive him his sins. This profession of faith did
not satisfy the sheriff. Then some one asked him
what he thought of praying to the saints. ' I believe,'
answered Barnes, ' that they are worthy of all the
honour that Scripture willeth them to have. But, I
say, throughout all Scripture we are not commanded
to pray to any saints. ... If saints do pray for us,
then I trust to pray for you within the next half-hour.'
He was silent, and the sheriff said to him : ' Well,
have you anything more to say?' He answered:
' Have ye any articles against me for the which I am
condemned ? ' The sheriff answered : ' Xo. ' Barnes
then put the question to the people whether any knew
wherefore he died. No one answered. Then he
resumed : ' They that have been the occasion of it
I pray God forgive them, as I would be forgiven
myself. And Doctor Stephen, bishop of Winchester
that now is, if he have sought or wrought this my
death, either by word or deed, I pray God forgive
him. . . I pray that God may give [the king] pros-
perity, and that he may long reign among you; and
OHAP. Ti. THE THREE EVANGELICALS. 275
after him that godly prince Edward may so reign
that he may finish those things that his father hath
begun.' * Then collecting himself, Barnes addressed
three requests to the sheriff, the prayer of a dying
man. The first was that the king might employ
the wealth of the abbeys which had been poured
into the treasury in relieving his poor subjects who
were in great need of it. The second was that mar-
riage might be respected, and that men might not
live in uncleanness. The third, that the name of God
might not be taken in vain in abominable oaths.
These prayers of a dying man, who was sent to the
scaffold by Henry himself, ought to have produced
some impression on the heart of the king. Jerome
and Garret likewise addressed affecting exhortations
to the people. After this, these three Christians
uttered together their last prayer, shook hands with
and embraced each other, and then meekly gave
themselves up to the executioner. They were bound
to the same stake, and breathed their last in patience
and in faith.
On the same day, at the same hour, and at the
same place where the three friends of the Gospel were
burnt, the three followers of the pope, Abel, Fether-
stone, and Powel were hung. A foreigner who was
present exclaimed : ' Deus bone ! quomodo hie vivunt
gentesf Hie suspenduntur papistce, illic comburuntur
antipapisice.' The simple-minded and ignorant asked
what kind of religion people should have in England,
seeing that both Romanism and Protestanism led to
death. A courtier exclaimed : ' Verily, henceforth I
* Fox, Acts, Y. p. 4S5.
T 3
270! THE EEFOBMATION IN EUROPE. book XV.
will be of the king's religion, that is to say, of none
ataU!'*
Cromwell and these six men were not to be the
only objects of the king's displeasure. Even before
they bad undergone their sentence, the king had
caused his divorce to be pronounced. In marrying
Anne of Cleves, his chief object had been to form
an alliance with the Protestants against the em-
peror. Xow these two opponents were by this
time reconciled with each other. Henry, therefore,
deeply irritated, no longer hesitated to rid himself
of the new queen. He was influenced, moreover, by
another motive. He was smitten with the charms
of another woman. However, as he dreaded the
raillery, the censiffes, and even the calamities which
the divorce might bring upon him, he was anxious
not to appear as the originator of it, and should the
accusation be made, to be able to repel it as a foul
imposture without shadow of reality. He resolved,
therefore, to adopt such a course that this strange
proceediag should seem to have been imposed upon
him. This intention he hinted to one of the lords iu
whom he had full confidence; and the latter made
some communications about it, on July 3, to the Privy
Council. On the 6th his majest}''s ministers pointed
out to the upper house the propriety of their humbly
requesting the king, in conjunction with the lower
house, that the convocation of the clergy might ex-
amine into his marriage with Anne of Cleves, and
see whether it were valid. The lords adopted the
proposal ; and a commission consisting of the lord
* ' Nae ! in postemm ego regies religionis ero, hoc est, nuUius ! ' —
GerdefflUB, Ann., iv. p. 300.
CHAP. VI. PROPOSlaD DIVORCE OF THE QUEEN. 377
chancellor, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the
dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, presented it to the
commons, who gave their assent to it. Consequently
the whole House of Lords and a commission of twenty
members of the lower house appeared before the king,
and stated that the matter about which they had to
confer with him was of such an important character
that they must first request his permission to lay it
before them. Henry, feigning utter ignorance of
what they meant, commanded them to speak. They
then said, — ' We humbly pray your majesty to allow
the validity of your marriage to be investigated by
the convocation of the clergy ; we attach all the more
importance to this proceeding because the question
bears upon the succession to the throne of your
majesty.' It was well known that the king did
not love Anne, and that he was even in love with
another.* This is 'a striking instance of the degree
of meanness to which Henry VIII. had reduced his
parliament; for an assembly, even if some mean
souls are to be found in it, undertakes not to be
despicable, and what is noblest in it usually comes to
the surface. But if the shameful compliances of the
parliament astonish us, the audacious hypocrisy of
Henry VIII. surprises us still more. He stood up
to answer as if in the presence of the Deity; and
conceahng his real motives he said, — ' There is no-
thing in the world more dear to me than the glory
of God, the good of England, and the declaration of
the truth.' All the actors in this comedy played
* ' They kad perceived that the king's affections were alienated from
the Lady Anne to that young girl . . , whom he married immediately
upon Anne's divorcp.' — Original Letters relating to the English Reforma-
tion, i. p. 205.
278 THE REFOEMATION IN EUEOPE. book xv.
their parts to perfection.* The king immediately-
sent to Rickmond some of his councillors, amongst
them Suffolk and Gardiner, to communicate to the
queen the demand of the parliament and to ascertain
her opinion with respect to it. After many long con-
ferences, Anne gave her consent to the proposal.f ,
The next day, July 7, the matter was brought
before Convocation by Gardiner, bishop of Wiachester,
who was very anxious to see a Roman CathoUc queen
upon the throne of England. A committee was
nominated for the purpose of examining the wit-
nesses ; and of this committee the bishop was a
member. An autograph declaration of the king was
produced, in which he dwelt strongly on the fact that
he took such a dislike to Anne as soon as he saw her
that he thought instantly of breaking off the match;
that he never inwardly consented to the marriage,
and that in fact it had never been consimomatedl
Within two days all the witnesses were heard. Henry
was impatient; and the Roman party urgently ap-
pealed to the assembly to deliver a judgment which
would rid England of a Protestant queen. Cranmer,
out of fear or feebleness (he had just seen Cromwell
lose his head), went with the rest of them. In his
view the will of Henry VIII. was almost what des-
tiny was for the ancients —
Des arrets du destin I'ordre est inyaiiable.
* The judgment of Convocation, Burnet, Records, i. p. 303. Lord
Herbert's lAfe of Henry VIII., p. 522. Strype, Eccles. Mem., i., Ap-
pendix, pp. 306 sqq.
t Letter of Henry VIH. to Olerk and Wotton. — State Papers, viiL
p. 404. The king's testimony is confirmed hy that of Anne. — Ibid., i.
p. 637.
\ ' The king's own declaration.' — Burnet, Records, i. p. 302.
CHAP. Tl. SENTENCE OP CONVOCATION. 279
On July 9, Convocation, relying upon the two
reasons given by the king, and upon the fact that
there was som§lhing ambiguous in Anne's engage-
ment with the son of the duke of Lorraine, decided
that his majesty ' was at liberty to contract another
marriage for the good of the realm.'* None of these
reasons had any validity.f Nor did Henry escape the
condemnation and the raillery which he had so much
feared. ' It appears,' said Francis I., ' that over there
they are pleased to do with their women as with their
geldings, — bring a number of them together and
make them trot, and then take the one which goes
easiest.' I
The archbishop of Canterbury on July 10 reported
to the House of Lords that Convocation had declared
the marriage null and void by virtue both of the law
of God and of the law of England. The bishop of
Winchester read the judgment and explained at
length the grounds of it, and the house declared itself
satisfied. The archbishop and the bishop made the
same report to the Commons. On the following day
— Henry did not intend that any time should be lost
— ^the lord chancellor, the duke of Norfolk, the earl
of Southampton, and the bishop of Winchester be-
took themselves to Richmond, whither the innocent
queen had been sent for change of air, and informed
her, on the king's behalf, of the proceedings of par-
* 'In libertate contrahendi matrimonii cum alia.' — Judgment of
Convocation. — Ibid., p. 306.
t A document preserved in the archives of Diisseldorf proves that
any engagement between Anne and the Prince of Lon'aine had been
formally broken off.
X Letter from Bochetel to the English ambassador. — Le Grand,
Divwce, iii. p. 638.
280 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xt.
liament and of Couvocation. Anne was distressed
by the communication. She had supposed that the
clergy would acknowledge, as it was their duty to do,
the validity of her marriage. However it may be, so
sharp was the stroke that she fainted away.* The
necessary care was bestowed on her, and she re-
covered, and gradually reconciled herself to the
thought of submission to Henry's will. The dele-
gates told her that the king, while requiring her to
renounce the title of queen, conferred on her that of
his adopted sister, and gave her precedence in rank
of all the ladies of the court, immediately after the
queen and the daughters of the king. Anne was
modest; she did not think highly of herself, and had
often felt that she was not made to be queen of Eng-
land. She therefore submitted, and the same day,
July 11, wrote to the king, — 'Though this case must
needs be most hard and sorrowful unto me, for the
great love which I bear to your most noble person,
yet having more regard to God and his truth than
to any worldly affection, as it beseemed me. . . I
knowledge myself hereby to accept and approve the
same [determination of the clergy] wholly and en-
tirely putting myself, for my state and condition, to
your highness's goodness and pleasure; most humbly
beseeching your majesty ... to take me for one of
your most humble servants.' She subscribed herself
' Yoiir majesty's most humble sister and servant,
Anne, daughter the Cleves.' f
The king sent word to her that he conferred on
* ' The news stroke her into a sudden weakness and fainting.' — ^Lord
Herbert's Life of Smry VIII., p. 523.
t Anne to the Hng. — State Papers, i. p. 638.
CHAP. VI. THE DIVORCE ACCEPTED. 281
her a pension of three thousand pounds, and the
palace at Richmond. Anne wrote to him again,
July 16, to thank him for his great kindness, and at
the same time sent him her ring.* She preferred —
and herein she showed some pride — to remain in
England, rather than to go home after such a dis-
grace had fallen upon her. ' I account God pleased,'
she wrote to her brother, ' with what is done, and
know myself to have suffered no wrong or injury.
... I find the king's highness ... to be as a most
kind, loving and friendly father and brother. ... I
am so well content and satisfied, that I much desire
my mother, you, and other mine allies so to under-
stand it, accept and take it.'f Seldom has a woman
carried self-renunciation to such a length.
* Ibid., pp. 641, 644.
+ Anne to her trotlier.— Burnet, Records, i. p. 307. This letter is
also to he found in the State Papers, i. p. 645, with material variations.
The passages cited are, hov?ever, almost identical.
282 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book XT.
CHAPTER VII.
CATHERINE HOWAED, A CATHOLIC QDEEN.
(1540.)
WHO should take the place of the repudiated
queen? This was the question discussed at
court and in the town. The Anglican Catholics,
delighted at the dismissal of the Protestant queen,
were determined to do all they possibly could to
place on the throne a woman of their own party.
Such a one was already found. The bishop of
Winchester, for some time past, had frequently been
holding feasts and entertainments for the king. To
these he invited a young lady, who though of small
stature was of elegant carriage, and had handsome
features and a graceftd figure and manners.* She
was a daughter of Lord Edmund Howard, and niece
of the duke of Norfolk, the leader of the Cathohc
party. She had very soon attracted the attention of
the king, who took increasing pleasure in her society.
This occurred before the divorce of Anne. ' It is a
certain fact,' says a contemporary, 'that about the
same time many citizens of London saw the king
very frequently in the daytime, and sometimes at
* Lingard Tiimself remarks {Hist, of England, vi. ch. 4) that it was
at a dinner given by the Bishop of Winchester that Catherine for the
first time attracted the king's attention.
CHAP. vn. CATHERINE HOWARD. 283
midnight, pass over to her on the river Thames in
a little boat. . . . The citizens regarded all this not
as a sign of divorcing the queen, but of adultery.' *
Whether this supposition was well founded or not
we cannot say. The king, when once he had decided
on a separation from Anne of Cleves, had thought
of her successor. He was quite determined, after
his mischance, to be guided neither by his ministers,
nor by his ambassadors, nor by political considera-
tions, but solely by his own eyes, his own tastes,
and the happiness he might hope for. Catherine
pleased him very much ; and his union with Anne
was no sooner annulled than he proceeded to his
fifth marriage. The nuptials were celebrated on the
8th of August, eleven days after the execution of
Cromwell ; and on the same day Catherine was pre-
sented at court as queen. The king was charmed
with Catherine Howard, his pretty young wife ; she
was so amiable, her intercourse was so pleasant, that
he believed he had, after so many more or less un-
fortunate attempts, found his ideal at last, Her
virtuous sentiments, the good behaviour which she
resolved to maintain, filled him with delight; and he
was ever expressing his happiness in ' having obtained
such a jewel of womanhood.' f He had no foreboding
of the terrible blow which was soon to shatter all
this happiness.
The new queen was distinguished from the former
chiefly by the difference in religion, with a corre-
sponding difference in morality. The niece of the
* Original Letters relative to the English Reformation (Parker Soc),
p. 202.
t Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VUL, p. 534.
284 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
duke of Xorfolk, Gardiner's friend, was of course
an adherent of the Catholic faith ; and the Catholic
party hailed her as at once the symbol and the in-
strument of reaction. They had had plenty of Pro-
testant queens, Anne Boleyn, Jane Seymour, and
Anne of Cleves. Xow that they had a Catholic
queen, Catholicism — many said popery — ^would re-
cover its power. Henry was so much enamoured
of his new spouse that, in honour of her, he once
more became a fervent Catholic. He celebrated aU.
the Saints' days, frequently received the holy sacra-
ment, and offered publicly thanksgiving to God for
this happy union which he hoped to enjoy for a long
time.* The conversion of Henry, for the change was
nothing less, brought with it a change of policy. He
now abandoned France and the German Protestants
in order to ally himself with the empire ; and we
find him ere long busil}' engaged in a project for
the marriage of his daughter Mary to the emperor
Charles Y. This project, however, came to nothmg.f
Gardiner, Xorfolk, and the other leaders of the
CathoUc party, rejoicing in the breeze which bore
their vessel onward, set all sails to the wind. Just
after the divorce of Anne of Cleves, and by way of a
first boon to the Romish party, the penalties for
impure living imposed on priests and nuns were
mitigated.J In contempt of the authority of Holy
Scripture as well as of that of parliament itself,
Henry got an Act passed by virtue of which every
• ' Catharinam Houwartham tantopere amabat ut feria ommmn
sanctorum, sacra Domini coena utena/ &c. — Gerdesius, Ann., iy. p. 306.
Burnet, Rapin, Thojras, &c.
t State Papers, viii. pp. 442, 451, 453, 466, 476.
X Act 32 Henry MOO.., c. 10.
CHAP. vrr. EOYAL INFALLIBILITY. 285
determination concerning faith, worship, and cere-
monies, adopted with, the sanction of the king by a
commission of archbishops, bishops, and other eccle-
siastics nominated by him, was to he received, believed,
and observed hy the whole nation, just as if parliament
had approved every one of these articles, even if this
decree were contrary to former usages and ordi-
nances.* This was a proclamation of infallibility in
England, for the benefit of the pope-king, under
cover of which he might found a religion to his own
taste. Cranmer had established in all cathedral
churches professors entrusted with the teaching of
Hebrew and Greek, in order that students might
become well acquainted with sacred literature, and
that the church might never want ministers capable
of edifying it. But the enemies of the Reformation,
who now enjoyed royal favour, fettered or abolished
this institution and other similar ones, to the great
damage both of religion and the country.^ The
Catholic ceremonies, on the other hand, abrogated by
Cranmer and Cromwell — ^the consecration of bread
and of water, the embers with which the priest
marked the foreheads of the faithful, the palm-
branches blessed on Palm-Sunday, the tapers carried
at Candlemas, and other like customs — were re-
esta,blished ; and penalties were imposed on those
who should neglect them. J A new edition of the
Institution of a Christian Man explained to the people
the king's doctrine. It treated of the seven sacra-
* Act 32 Hemy VIII., c. 26.
t 'In ventoa abiere infelici cum regionis turn religionis fato.' — Ger-
deaius, Ann., iv. p. 301.
J WiLdns, Concilia, iii. pp. 842, 847,
286 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book XT.
ments, the mass, transubstantiation, the salutation
of the Virgin, and other doctrines of the kind to
which conformity was required.* At length, as if
with a view to ensure the permanence of this system,
Bonner was made bishop of London ; and this man,
who had been the most abject flatterer and servant
of Cromwell during his life, turned about after his
death and became the persecutor of those whom
Cromwell had protected.
At the spectacle of this reaction, so marvellous in
their eyes, the Anglican Catholics and even the papists
broke out with joy, and awaited with impatience ' the
crowning of the edifice.' England, in their view, was
saved. The church was triumphant. But while there
was rejoicing on the one side, there was mourning on
the other. The establishment of superstitious prac-
tices, the prospect of the penalties contained in the
bloody statute of the Six Articles, penalties which
had not yet been enforced but were on the point of
being so, spread distress and alarm among the evan-
geHcals. Those who did not add to their faith
manly energy shut up their convictions in their own
breasts, carefully abstained from conversation on re-
ligious subjects, and looked with suspicion upon every
stranger, fearing that he might be one of Gardiner's
spies.
Bonner was active and eager, going forward in
pursuit of his object and allowing nothing to check
him. Cromwell and Cranmer, to whom he used to make
fair professions, believed that he was capable of being
of service to the Reformation, and therefore gave him
* Three editions of this book were published, in 1537, 1540, and
1543.
CHAP. Tn. BONNEK, BISHOP OF LONDON. 287
proxQotion in ecclesiastical offices. But no sooner had
Cromwell been put in prison than his signal deceitful-
ness showed itself. Grafton, who printed the Bible
under the patronage of the vicegerent, having met
Bonner, to whom Cromwell had introduced him, ex-
claimed, ' How grieved I am to hear that lord Crom-
well has been sent to the Tower ! ' 'It would have
been much better,' replied Bonner, ' if he had been
sent there long ago.' Shortly after, Grafton was cited
before the council, and was accused of having printed,
by Cromwell's order, certain suspected verses ; and
Bonner, for the purpose of aggravating his criminality,
did not fail to report what the accused had said ro him
about the man who had been his own personal bene-
factor. The chancellor, however, a friend of Grafton,
succeeded in saving the printer of the Bible. Bonner
indemnified himself for this disappointment by perse-
cuting a great many citizens of London. He vented
his rage especially on a poor youth of fifteen, ignorant
and uncultivated, named Mekins, whom he accused of
having spoken against the Eucharist and in favour of
Barnes ; but the grand jury found him 'not guilty.'
Hereupon Bonner became furious. ' You are per-
jured,' he said to the jury. ' The witnesses do not
agree,' they replied. The one deposed that Mekins had
said the sacrament was nothing but a ceremony; and
the other that it was nothing but a signification.^ ' But
did he not say,' exclaimed the bishop, ' that Barnes
died holyl ' ' P'Ut we cannot find these words,' said
the jury, ' to be against the statute.' ' Upon which
Bonner cursed and was in a great rage.' * ' Retire
again,' he said, ' consult together, and bring in the
* Bumet, Mist, JRef,, i. p. 643.
288 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book it,
bill.' Mekins was condemned to die. In vain was it
shown that he was a poor ignorant creature and that
he had done nothing worse than repeat what he had
heard, and this without even understanding it. In
vain, too, did his father and mother, who were in great
distress, attempt to mitigate the harsh treatment to
which he was subjected in prison. The poor lad was
ready to say or do anything to escape being burnt.
They made him speak well of Bonner and of his great
charity towards him ; they made him declare that he
hated aU heretics, and then they burnt him.* This
was only the beginning, and Bonner hoped by such
proceedings to prepare the way for greater triumphs.
The persecution became more general. Two hun-
dred and two persons were prosecuted in thirty-nine
London parishes. Their offences were such as the
following — having read the Holy Scriptures aloud in
the churches ; having refused to carry palm-branches
on Palm Sunday; having had one or other of their
kinsfolk buried without the masses for the dead; hav-
ing received Latimer, Barnes, Garret, or other evan-
gelicals ; having held religious meetings in their
houses of an evening ; having said that the holy
sacrament was a good thing, but was not, as some
asserted, God himself; having spoken much about
the Holy Scriptures ; having declared that they liked
better to hear a sermon than a mass ; and other the
like offences. Among the delinquents were some of
the priests. One of these was accused of having
caused suspected persons to be invited to his sermons
by his beadle, without having the bells rung; another
of having preached without the orders of his superior ;
* Fox, Acts, v. p. 443.
CHAP. Ytr. PEKSECUTION IN LOXDOX. 280
others, of not making use of holy water, of not going
in procession, &c.*
The inquisition which was made at this time was
so rigorous that all the prisons of London would not
hold the accused. They had to place some of them
in the halls of various buildings. The case was em-
barrassing. The Catholics of the court were not
alone in instigating the king to persecution. Francis
I. sent word to him by Wallop, ' that it had well
liked him to hear that his majesty was reforming the
Lutheran sect, for that he was ever of opinion that
no good could come of them but much evil.' f But
there were other influences at court besides that of
Francis I., Norfolk, and Gardiner. Lord Axidley ob-
tained the king's sanction for the release of the pri-
soners, who, however, had to give their promise to
appear at the Star Chamber on All Souls' Day. Ulti-
mately they were let alone.
But this does not mean that all the evangelicals
were spared. Two ministers were at this time dis-
tino;uished both for their hio^h connexions and for
their faith and eloquence. One of these was the
Scotchman, Seaton, chaplain to the duke of Suffolk.
Preaching powerfully at St. Antholin's church, in
London, he said, — ' Of ourselves we can do nothing^
says St.Paul; I pray thee, then, where is thy will? Art
thou better than Paul, James, Peter, and all the apostles?
Hast thou any more grace than they ? Tell me now
if they will be anything or nothing? . . . Paul said
* Fox, in Ms A.:-ts, v. pp. 443 to 449, gives the niaies of all these
persons, naming also their parishes and their offences .
t Wallop to Henry ^■III., January 20, 1541. — State Papers, viii.
p. 517.
VOL. VIII. tr
290 THE REFOIUIATION IN EUIiOPE. book X\.
lie could do nothing. ... If you ask me wlien we will
leave preaching only Christ, even when they do leave
to preach that works do merit, and suffer Christ to
be a whole satisfier and only mean to our justifica-
tion.' Seaton was condemned to bear a faggot at
Paul's Cross.* Another minister, Dr. Crome, was a
learned man and a favourite of the archbishop. This
did not prevent the king from commanding him to
preach that the sacrifice of the mass is useful both
for the living and the dead. Crome preached the
Gospel in its simplicity at St. Paul's on the appointed
day, and contented himself with reading the king's
order after the sermon. He was immediately for-
bidden to preach. f
Laymen were treated with greater severity.
Bibles, it is known, had been placed in all the churches,
and were fastened by chains to the pillars. A crowd
of people used to gather about one of these pillars.
On one occasion a joung man of fine figure, pos-
sessed of great zeal, and gifted with a powerful voice,
stood near the pillar holding the Bible in his hands,
and reading it aloud so that all might hear him.
His name was Porter. Bonner sharply rebuked
him. ' I trust I have done nothing against the law,'
said Porter; and this was true. But the bishop com-
mitted him to Newgate. There this young Christian
was put in irons; his legs, his arms, and his head
were attached to the ■wall by means of an iroai
collar. One of his kinsmen, by a gift of money,
induced the gaoler to deliver him from this punish-
ment ; and the favour they accorded him was to
place him in tlie company of thieves and murderers.
' Fox, .1<A^, \. p. 44it. t ttid. CoUjer, ii. p. 18-i.
CHAP. Til. CONSPIRACY AGAINST CHAXMER. 201
Porter exhorted them to repent, and taught them
the way of salvation. The unhappy man was then
cast into the deepest dungeon, was cruelly treated,
and loaded with irons. Eight days afterwards he
died. Cries and groans had been heard in the night.
Some said that he had been subjected to the torture
called the devil, a horrible instrument by which, in
three or four hours, the back and the whole body-
were torn in pieces.*
Meanwhile, a far more formidable blow was pre-
paring. Cromwell, the lay protector of the Reforma-
tion, had already been sacrificed ; its ecclesiastical
protector, Cranmer, must now fall in the same way.
This second blow seemed easier than the first. Since
the fall of Cromwell, men of the utmost moderation
thought ' there was no hope that reformed religion
should any one week longer stand.' f All those of
feeble character sided with the opposite party. Cran-
mer alone, amongst the bishops and the ecclesiastical
commissioners of the king, still upheld evangelical
truth. This obstacle in the way of the extension
of English Catholicism must be utterly overthrown.
A commission of from ten to twelve bishops and
other competent men was formed to deliberate as
to the means of inducing the primate to make com-
mon cause with them. Two bishops, Heath and
Skyp, who enjoyed his confidence, 'left him in the
plain field.' J All these bishops and laymen, proud
of their victory, met at Lambeth palace, the abode
of Cranmer, in order to prosecute their scheme.
After a few words exchanged to no purpose, the two
* Fox, Ads, V. p. 4-JJ. t Cranmer, IVorks, i. p. x\-i.
X Ibid., p. xvii.
292 THE RESOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
last-named bishops begged the archbishop to go down
with them into the garden, and there, as they paced
up and down the paths, they plied him with such
reasons as they thought most urgent to induce him
' to leave off his overmuch constancy and to incline
unto the king's intent.' One or two friends of the
primate joined them, and they made use of all the
resources of their eloquence and their policy for the
purpose of shaking his resolution. But Cranmer was
like the river which flowed quietly past his dwelling,
which nothing can tui'n from its course. He even
took the offensive. ' You make much ado to have me
come to your purpose,' said he ; . . . ' beware, I say,
what you do. There is but one truth in our articles
to be concluded upon, which if you do hide from his
highness . . . and then when the truth caiuiot be
hidden from him, his highness shall perceive how
that you have dealt colourably with him ... he will
never after trust and credit you. ... As you are
both my friends, so therefore I will you to beware
thereof in time, and discharge your consciences in
maintenance of the truth.'*
This was far from pacifying the bishops. Doctor
London and other agents of the party which looked
up to Gardiner as its head, took in hand to go over the
diocese of the archbishop with a view to collecting all
the sayings and all the facts, true or false, which they
might turn to account as weapons against him. In
one place a conversation was reported to them ; in
another a sermon was denounced ; elsewhere neglected
ritual was talked about. ' Three of the preachers of
the cathedral cliurcli,' they were told, namely, Ridley,
• Cranmer; IVorhi, p. xvli.
CH\p. VII. CHAUGES AGAINST HIM. I'O:;
Drum and Scory, ' are attacking the ceremonies of the
church.' Some of the canons, opponents of the pri-
mate, brought various charges against him, and strove
to depict his marriage in the most repulsive colours.
Sir John Gostwick, whose accounts as treasurer of
war and of the court were not correct, accused Cran-
mer before the parliament of being the pastor of
heretics. All these grievances were set forth in a
memorial which was presented to the king. At the
same time, the most influential members of the J^rivy
council declared to the king that the realm was in-
fested with heresies ; that thereby ' horrible commo-
tions and uproars ' might spring up, as had been the
case in Germany; and that these calamities must be
chiefly imputed to the archbishop of Canterbury, who
both by his own preaching and that of his chaplains had
filled England with pernicious doctrines. ' Who is his
accuser?' said the king. The lords replied : ' Foras-
much as Cranmer is a councillor, no man durst take
upon him to accuse him. But if it please your high-
ness to commit him to the Tower for a time, there
would be accusations and proofs enough against him.'
' Well then,' said the king, ' I grant you leave to com-
mit him to-morrow to the Tower for his trial.' The
enemies of the archbishop and of the Beformation
went away well content.*
Meanwhile, Henry VIII. began to reflect on the
answer which he had given to his councillors. There is
nothing to show that it was not made in earnest ; l^ut
he foresaw that Cranmer's death would leave an awk-
ward void. When Cranmer was gone, how should he
* Cranmer, Works, i. p. xvii. ; Shype, Mem. of Cmmupr, p. 102.
Burnet.
204 THE REFOR^rATION IN EUROPE. book sv.
maintain the conflict Avitli the pope and the papists,
with whom he had no mind to be reconciled? The
primate's character and services came back to his
memory. Time was passing. At midniglit the king',
unable to sleep, sent for Sir Antony Denny and
said to him, ' Go to Lambeth and command the arch-
bishop to come forthwith to the court.' Henry then,
in a state of excitement, began to walk about in one
of the corridors of the palace, awaiting the arrival of
Cranmer. At length the primate entered and the
king said to him: ' Ah, my lord of Canterbury, I can
tell you news. . . It is determined by me and the
council, that you to-morrow at nine o'clock shall be
committed to the Tower, for that you and your
chaplains (as information is given us) have taught
and preached, and thereby sown within the realm
such a number of execrable heresies, that it is feai-ed
the whole realm being infected with them no small
contentions and commotions will rise thereby amongst
my subjects, . . . and therefore the council have re-
quested me, for the trial of this matter, to suffer them
to commit you to the Tower.'
The story of Cromwell was to be repeated, and
this was the first step. Nevertheless, Cranmer did
not utter a word of opposition or supplication.
Kneeling down before the king, according to his
custom, he said : ' I am content, if it please your
grace, with all my heart to go thither at your high-
ness's commandment, and I most humbly thank your
majesty that I may come to my trial, for there be
tlmt have inany ways slandered me, and now this
way I hope to try myself not worthy of such a re-
port.' The king, touched by his uprightness, said :
CUA.P. vil. THE KIXUS IXTERVENTION. SO."",
' ()h Lord, what manner of man be you ! What shn-
plicity is in you ! . . . Do you not know . . . how'
many great enemies you have ? Do you consider
what an easy thing it is to procure three or four
false knares to witness against you ? Think you to
have better luck that way than Christ your master
had? I see it, you will run headlong to your un-
doing, if I would suffer you. Your enemies shall not
so prevail against you, for I have otherwise devised
with myself .to keep you out of their hands. Yet,
notwithstanding, to-morrow when the council shall
sit and send for you, resort imto them ; and if in
chargmg you with this matter they do commit you
to the Tower, require of them . . . that you may
have your accusers brought before them and that
you may answer their accusations. . . If no entreaty
or reasonable request will serve, then deliver unto
them this ring ' — the king at the same time delivered
his ring to the archbishop — ' and say unto them : If
there be no remedy, my lords, but that I must needs
go to the Tower, then I revoke my cause from you
and appeal to the king's own person by this his token
to you all. So soon as they shall see this my ring,
they know it so well, that they shall understand that
I have resumed the whole cause into mine own
hands.' The archbishop was so much moved by the
king's kindness that he ' had much ado to forbear
tears.' ' Well,' said the king, ' go your ways, my
lord, and do as I have bidden you.' * The arcli-
l)ishop bent his knee in expression of his gratitude,
and taking leave of the king returned to Lambeth
before dav.
* Cranmer, IJ'orJcs, i. p. xvlii.
296 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
On the morrow, about nine o'clock, the council
sent an usher of the palace to summon the arch-
bishop. He set out forthwith and presented himself
at the door of the council chamber. But his col-
leagues, glad to complete the work which they had
begun by putting the vicegerent to death, were not
content with sending the primate to the scaffold ; but
were determined to subject Cranmer to various hu-
miliations before the final catastrophe. The arch-
bishop could not be let in, but was compelled to wait
there among the pages, lackeys, and other serving-
men. Doctor Butts, the king's physician, happening
to pass through the room, and observing how the
archbishop was treated, went to the king and said :
' My lord of Canterbury, if it please your grace, is
well promoted ; for now he is become a lackey or a
serving-man, for yonder he standeth this half hour
without the council-chamber door amongst them.'
' It is not so,' said the king, ' I trow, nor the council
hath not so little discretion as to use the metropo-
litan of the realm in that sort, specially being one of
their own number; but let them alone, and we shall
hear more soon.'
At length the archbishop was admitted. He did as
the king had bidden him; and when he saw that none
of his statements or reasons were of any avail with
the council, he presented the king's ring, appealing
at the same time to his Majesty. Hereupon, the
whole council was struck with astonishment ; * and
the earl of Bedford, who was not one of Gardiner's
party, with a solemn oath exclaimed : ' When you
' ' The whole council being thereat somewhat amazed.' — Oranmer,
TForks, i. p. xix.
CHAP. vii. THE king's RIXG. -2^'
first began this matter, my lords, I told you what
would come of it. Do you think that the king will
suffer this man's finger to ache ? Much more, I war-
rant you, will he defend his life against brabbling
varlets. You do but cumber yourselves to hear
tales and fables against him.' The members of the
council immediately rose and carried the king's ring
to him, thus surrendering the matter, according to
the usage of the time, into his hands.
When they had all come into the presence of the
king, he said to them with a severe countenance :
' Ah, my lords, I thought I had had wiser men of my
council than now I find you. What discretion was this
m you, thus to make the primate of the realm, and one
of you in office, to wait at the council-chamber door
amongst serving men? . . . You had no such com-
mission of me so to handle him. I was content that
you should try him as a councillor, and not as a mean
subject. But now I well perceive tliat things be
done against him maliciously ; and if some of you
might have had your minds, you would have tried
him to the uttermost. But I do you all to wit, and
protest, that if a prince may be beholding unto his
subject ' (and here Henry laid his hand solemnly
upon his breast), 'by the faith I owe to God, I take
this man here, my lord of Canterbury, to be of all
other a most faithful subject unto us, and 02ie to
whom we are much beholding.' The Catholic mem-
bers of the council were disconcerted, confused, and
unable to make any answer. One or two of them
however, took courage, made excuses, and assured
the king that their object in trying the primate was
to clear him of the calumnies of the world, and not
i'Os TUB REFOKMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK xv.
to proceed against hun maliciously. The king, who
was not to be imposed upon by these hypocritical
assertions, said: ' Well, well, my lords, take him and
well use him, as he is worthy to be, and make no
more ado.' All the lords then went up to Cranmer,
and took him by the hand as if they had been his
dearest friends. The archbishop, who was of a con-
ciliatory disposition, forgave them. But the kmg
sent to prison for a certain time some of the arch-
bishop's accusers ; and he sent a message to Sir
J. Gostwick, to the effect that he was a wicked
vai"let, and that unless he made his apologies to the
metropolitan, he would make of him an example
which should be a warnino; to all false accusers.
These facts are creditable to Henry VIII. It was
doubtless his aim to keep a certain middle course;
and like many other despots he had happy intervals.
There were other evidences of this fact. Four great
Bibles appeared with his sanction in 1541; two of
them bearing the name of Tonstall, the other two
that of Cranmer.* Moreover, a sudden change was
approaching which was to alter the whole course of
things.
At the end of August 1541, Henry went to
Yorkjf for the purpose of holding an interview with
his nephew, the king of Scotland, whom he was
anxious to persuade to declare himself independent
of the pope. Henry made magnificent preparations
for his reception ; but Cardinal Beatoun prevented the
young prince from going. This excited the bitterest
* Oranmer, Works, i. ; Strype, Mcni. of Cranmet- ; Burnet, Hist.
Itef. ; Anderson, English Bible, ii. p. l.'^Q.
t ' The king- to the chancellor.'— -Sifrfe rapoi-s, i, p. 689.
OH\P. Yii. DISCLOSURES ABOUT THE QUEEN. 200
discontent in Henry's mind, and became afterwards
the cause of a breach. The queen, who accompanied
him, endeavoured to divert him from his vexation ;
and the king, more and more pleased with his
marriage, after his return to London, made public
thanksgiving on All Saints Day (October 24), that
God had given him so amiable and excellent a wife,
and even requested the bishop of Lincoln to join in
his commendations of her. This excessive satisfac-
tion was ere long to be interrupted.*
During the king's journej^, one John Lascelles,
who had a married sister living in the county of
Sussex, paid her a visit. This woman had formerly
been in the service of the old duchess of Norfolk,
grandmother to the queen, and by whom Catherine
had been brought up. In the course of conversa-
tion the brother and sister talked about this young
lady, whom the sister had known well, and who
Iiad now become wife to the king. The brother,
ambitious for his sister's advancement, said to her :
' You ought to ask the queen to place you among her
attendants.' ' I shall certainly not do so,' she an-
swered ; ' I cannot think of the queen but with
sadness.' ' Why ? ' ' She is so frivolous in charac-
ter and in life.' ' How so ? ' Then the woman re-
lated that Catherine had had improper intercourse
with one of the officers of the ducal house of Nor-
folk, named Francis Derham ; and that she had
been very familiar with another whose name was
Mannock. Lascelles perceived the importance of
these statements ; and as he could not take upon
liimself the responsibility of concealing them, he de-
• Lord Ilpvberl's Life of Ilnin/ I'lII.. p. ,-,:';4.
300 THE EEFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
termined to report them to the archbishop. The
communication greatly embarrassed Cranmer. If he
should keep the matter secret and it should afterwards
become known, he would be ruined. Nor would
he less certainly be ruined if he should divulge it,
and then no proof be forthcoming. But what chieflj''
weighed upon his mind was the thought of the agi-
tation which would be excited. To think of another
wife of the king executed at the Tower ! To think
of his prince, his country, and perhaps also the
work which was in process of accomplishment in
England, becoming the objects of ridicule and per-
haps of abhorrence ! As he was unwilling to assume
alone the responsibility imposed by so grave a com-
munication, he opened his mind on the subject to the
lord chancellor and to other members of the privy
councU, to whom the king had entrusted the despatch
of business during his absence. ' They were greatly
troubled and inquieted.'* After having well weighed
the reasons for and against, they came to the conclu-
sion that, as this matter mainly concerned the king,
Cranmer should inform him of it. This was a hard
task to undertake ; and the archbishop, who was
deeply affected, durst not venture to make viva voce.
so frightful a communication. He therefore put down
in writing the report which had been made to him,
and had it laid before the kino-. The latt.er was
terribly shocked ; but as he tenderly loved his wife
and had a high opinion of her virtue, he said that
it was a calumny. However, he j^rivately assembled
in his cabinet the lord privy seal, the lord admiral,
Sir Antony Brown, and Sir Thomas Wriothesle)',
* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry Till., p. 535.
CHAP. vxr. IIEE CONFESSION. 301
a friend of the duke of Norfolk, who had taken
a leading part in the divorce of Anne of Cleves, and
laid the case before them, declarino- at the same time
that he did not believe in it. These lords privately
examined Lascelles and his sister, who persisted in
their depositions ; next Mannock and Derham, who
asserted the truth of their statements ; the latter,
moreover, mentioning three of the duchess of Nor-
folk's women who likewise had knowledge of the
facts. The members of the council made their report
to the king, who, pierced with grief, remamed silent
for some time. At length he burst into tears, and
commanded the duke of Norfolk, the qu.een's uncle,
the archbishop of Cantei'bur}', the high chamberlain,
and the bishop of Winchester, who had promoted the
marriage, to go to Catherine and examine her. At
first she denied everything. But when Cranmer was
sent to her, on the evening of the first inquisition,
the words of the primate, his admonitions, the reports
which he made to her, which proved that her conduct
was perfectly well known, convinced her of the use-
lessness of her denials, and she then made full con-
fession, and even added some strange details. It
does not appear that the queen felt it her duty to
confess her offences to God, but she resolved at least
to confess them to men. WhUe making her confes-
sion she was in a state of so great agitation that the
archbishop was in dread every moment of her losing
her reason. He thought, according to her confes-
HLons, that she had been seduced by the uifamous
Derham, with the privity even of his own wife.
The household of the duchess dowager of Norfolk
appears to have been very disorderly. Cranmer
302 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
wrote down or caused to be written this confession,
and Catherine signed it.* He had scarcely left the
unhappy woman, when she fell into a state of raving
delirium.
The king was thrown into great excitement by
the news of Catherine's confession of the reality of
his misfortune. The very intensity of his love served
to increase his trouble and his wrath ; but, for all
this, some feeling of pity remained in his heart.
' Return to her,' he said to Cranmer, ' and first make
use of the strongest expressions to give her a sense
of the greatness of her offences; secondly, state to
her what the law provides in such cases, and Avhat
she must suffer for her crime ; and lastly express to
her my feelings of pity and forgiveness.' Cranmer
returned to Catherine and found her in a fit of pas-
sion so violent that he 'never remembered — so he
wrote to the king — seeing any creature in such a
state. The keepers told him that this vehement rage
had continued from his departure from her.j ' It
would have pitied,' said the good archbishop, ' any
man's heart in the world to have looked upon her.'
Indeed, she was almost in a frenzy ; she was not
without strength, but her strength was that of a
frantic person. The archbishop had had too much
experience in the cure of souls, to adopt the order
prescribed by the king. He saw that if he spoke
first to her of the crime and its punishment, he
might throw her into some dangerous ecstasy, from
which she could not be rescued. He therefore began
with the last part of the royal message, and told
* The confession is given hj Burnet, Hwt. Reform. , iii. p. 224.
t Or.inmer lo tlie king, Wurk.i, ii. p. 408. .S/nU Prijiei-n, i. 080,
cnAP. Yii. THE UUEEN S FRENZY. 'MS
the queen tliat liis majesty's mercy extended to
her, and that he had compassion on her misfortune.
Catherhie hereupon lifted up her hands, became
quiet, and gave utterance to the humblest thanks-
givings to the king ^vho showed her so much mercy.
She became more self-possessed; continuing, Iiowever,
to sob and weep. But ' after a little pausing, she
suddenly fell into a new rage, much worse than she
was before.' *
Cranmer, desirous of delivering her from this
frightful delirium, said to her : ' Some new fantasy
has come into your head, madam; pray open it to
me.' After a time, when her passion subsided and
she was capable of speech, she wept freely and said :
' Alas, my lord, that I am alive! The fear of death
grieved me not so much before, as doth now the
remembrance of the king's goodness. For when I
remember how gracious and loving a prince I had, I
cannot but sorrow ; but this sudden mercy, and
more than I could have looked for, showed unto me
so unworthy at this time, maketh mine offences to
appear before mine eyes much more heinous than
they did before ; and the more I consider the great-
ness of his mercy, the more I do sorrow in my heart
that 1 should so misorder myself against las majesty.'
The fact that the compassion of the king touched
Catherine more than the fear of a trial and of death,
seemed to indicate a state of mind less wayward than
one might have expected. But in vain Cranmer said
to her everything calculated to pacify her ; she re-
mained for a long time 'in a great pang ; ' and even
fell soon into another frightful passion. At length,
* Oranmei', l]'orkx, ii. p. 408.
304 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
in the afternoon she came gradually to herself, and
was in a qviiet state till night. Cra^nmer, during
this interval of relief, had ' good communications
with her.' He rejoiced at having brought her into
some- quiet. She told him that there had been a
mari'iage contract between her and Derham, only-
verbal indeed, she said; but that nevertheless, though
never announced and acknowledged, it had been con-
suimnated. She added that she had acted under
compulsion of that man.* At six o'clock, she had
another fit of frenz}^ ' Ah,' she said afterwards to
Cranmer, ' when the clock struck, I remembered the
time when Master Heneage was wont to bring me
knowledge of his Grace.' In consequence of Cran-
mer's report, Henry commanded that the queen
should be conducted to Sion House, where two
ajiartments were to be assigned to her and attendants
nominated by the king.-j-
Charges against Catherine were accumulating.
She had taken into her service, as queen, the wretched
Derham and, employing him as secretary, had often
admitted him into her private apartments ; and this
the council regarded as evidence of adultery. J She
had also again attached to herself one of the women
implicated iti her first irregularities. At length it was
proved that another gentleman, one Culpeper, a kins-
man of her mother, had been introduced, in the king's
absence on a journey, into the queen's private apart-
ments by Lady Rochford, at a suspicious hour and
* Oranmer, Worlis, ii. p. 409. State Papers, i. p. 690.
t State Papeis, i. p. 001. The Council to Cranmer.
% ' His coming again to the queen's service was to an ill intent of the
renovation of his foi-mer naughty life.' — Ibii!., p. 700.
CHAP. va. EXECUTIONS. 805
under circumstances which usually indicate crime.
Culpeper confessed it.
Now began the condemnations and the executions ;
and Henry VIII. included in the trial not only those
who were guilty but also the near relatives and ser-
vants of the queen, who, though well knowing her
offences, had not reported them to the king. On the
7th, the council determined that the duchess-dowager
of Norfolk, grandmother to the queen, her uncle,
Lord William Howard, her aunts Lady Howard and
Lady Bridgewater, together with Alice Wilks, Cathe-
rine Tylney, Damport, Walgrave, Malin Tilney, Mary
Lascelles, Bulmer, Ashby, Anne Haward and Mar-
garet Benet were all guilty of not having revealed
the crime of high treason, and that they should be
prosecuted. On the 8th the king ordered that all
these persons, Mary Lascelles excepted, should be
committed to the Tower ; and this was done. Lord
William Howard was imprisoned on December 9 ; the
Duchess of Norfolk on the 10th, and Lady Bridge-
water on the 13th. All of them stoutly protested
their ignorance and their innocence.""' On December
10, 1541, Culpeper was beheaded at Tyburn ; and the
same day Derham was hung, drawn and quartered.f
Meanwhile, the Duke of Norfolk had taken refuge
at Kenninghall, about eighty miles from London. On
December 15, he wrote to the king, saying that by
* Letters to tke Privy Council.— State Papers, i. pp. 702, 704, 700,
708.
t Lord Herbert of Oherbur y, Turner, and other liistorians say that
Culpeper was executed on November 30. But we follow the docu-
ments signed by all the members of the coimcil, which bear date De-
cember 10. — State Papers, i. p. 707.
VOL. VIII. X
306 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. BOOS xv.
reason of the offences committed by his family he
found himself in the utmost perplexity. Twice in
his letter he ' prostrates himself at the king's feet ; '
and he expresses ' some hope that your Highness will
not conceive any displeasure in your most gentle
heart against me ; that, God knoweth, never did
think thought which might be to your disconten-
tation.' * There did, however, remain something in
the ' most gentle heart ' of Henry YIII.
Parliament met, by the king's command, on
January 16, 1542, to give its attention to this busi-
ness. Thus it was to the highest national assembly
that the king entrusted the regulation of his domestic
interests. On January 21, the chancellor introduced
in the upper house a biU in which the king was
requested not to trouble himself about the matter,
considering that it might shorten his life ; to declare
guilty of high treason the queen and all her accom-
plices ; and to condemn the queen and Lady Rochford
to death. The bill passed both houses and received
the roval assent. f
On February 12. the queen and Lady Rochford,
her accomplice, were taken to Tower Hill and be-
headed. The queen, while she confessed the offences
which had preceded her marriage, protested to the
last before God and his holy angels that she had
never violated her faith to the king. But her previous
offences gave credibility to those which were subse-
quent to her marriage. With regard to Lady Roch-
ford, the confidant of the queen, she was universally
hated. People called to mind the fact that her ca-
* St III c Papers, i. p. 721.
t Tlie bill is given by Buniet, Records, i. p. 567.
CHAP. vii. THE queen's GUILT. 307
lumnies had been the principal cause of the death of
the innocent Anne Boleyn and of her own husband ;
and nobody was sorry for her. The king pardoned
the old duchess of Norfolk and some others who had
been prosecuted for not disclosing the crime.
These events did not caU forth within the realm
many remarks of a painful kind for Henry VIII.;
but the great example of immorality pi'esented by
the English court lessened the esteem in which it
was held in Europe. There was no lack of similar
licentiousness in France and elsewhere ; but there
a veil was thrown over it, while in England it was
public talk. Opinion afterwards became severe with
regard to the king ; and when his conduct to three of
his former wives was remembered, people said of the
disgrace cast on him by Catherine Howard, — He well
deserved it. As for the Catholic party, w^hich had
given Catherine to Henry and had cherished the
hope that by her influence it should achieve its final
triumph, it was greatly mortified, and it has been so
down to our own time. Some Catholics, referring to
these offences, have tried to lessen the abhorrence
and the shame of them by saying ' that a conspiracy
was hatched to bring the queen to the scaffold.' But
the evidence produced against Catherine is so clear
that they have been obliged to alter their tone.
Catholicism assuredly has had its vii-tuous princesses
in abundance, but it must be acknowledged that she
who became its patroness in England in 1541 did
not do it much honour.*
The elevation of Catherine Howard to the throne
* The Roman Catholic historian Lingard, iu his Ilktory of Enf/land,
at first put forward the idea of a conspiracy ; — ' A plot was woven ' ; — hut
x2
308 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK xv.
had been, followed by an elevation of Catholicism in
England ; and the fall of this unhappy woman was
followed by a depression of the party to which she
belonged. This is our reason for dwelling on her
history. These last events appear to have given
offence at Rome. Pope Paul III. displayed more
irritation than ever against Henry YIII. One of the
king's ambassadors at A'^enice wrote to him at this
time, — ' The bishop of Rome is earnestly at work to
bring about a union of the emperor and the king of
France for the ruin of your majesty;' and the secret
reflection that the count Ludovico de Rangon had
been in England filled the pope with fury and rage.*
The zeal and the caution of Cranmer in the affair of
Catherine had greatly increased the king's liking
for him. Cranmer, however, was in no haste to take
advantage of this to get any bold measm-es passed in
favour of the Reformation. He knew that any such
attempt would have had a contrary result. But he
lost no opportunity of diffusing in England the prin-
ciples of the Reformation.
J.
Parliament met on January IG, 1542, and the Con-
vocation of the clergy on the 20th of the same month.
On Friday, February 17, the translation of the Holy
Scriptures was on the order of the day. The sup-
pression of the English Bible was desired by the
majority of the bishops, most of all by Gardiner,
who, since the fall of Catherine Howard, felt more
than ever the necessitv of resisting reformation. As
o
in a later edition, he felt compelled to relinquish the idea of conspiracy
and to substitute that of clucover;/ ; — ' A discovery was then made.' The
word complot remains in the French version of his work.
" ' The bishop of Eome is in great furor and rage against him.' —
Ilai-vel to the Idng. State Papers, ix. pp. 21, 22.
CHAP. vir. CONVOCATION. 309
he was unable to re-establish at once the Vulgate as a
whole, he endeavoured to retain what he could of it
in the translation, so that the people might not under-
stand what they read and might abandon it alto-
gether. He proposed therefore to keep in the Eng-
lish translation one hundred and two Latin words
' for the sake of their native meaning and their dig-
nity.' Among these words were — Ecclesia, poenitentia^
'pontifex, holocaustum, simulacrum, episcopus^ confessio,
hostia, and others. In addition to the design which
he entertained of preventing the people from under-
standing what they read, he had still another in re-
gard to such as might understand any part of it. If
he was desirous of retaining certain words, this was
for the purpose of retaining certain dogmas. 'Wit-
ness,' says Fuller, ' the word Penance, which accord-
ing to vulgar sound, contrary to the original sense
thereof, was a magazine of willworship, and brought
in much gai7i to the Priests who were desirous to
keep that word, because that word kept them.' * Cran-
mer gave the king warning of the matter ; and it was
agreed that the bishops should have nothing to do
with the translation of the Bible. On March 10 the
archbishop informed Convocation that it was the
king's intention to have the translation examined
by the two universities. The bishops were greatly
annoyed ; but Cranmer assured them that the king's
determination was to be carried out. All the prelates
but two protested against this course. This decree,
however, had no other object than to get rid of the
bishops, for the universities Avere never consulted.
• Fuller, C/mrch History, Book v. p. 201».
310 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xt.
This was obviously a blo-w struck at the Convocation
of the clergy.*
The change ■which resulted from the disgrace of
the Howards was apparent even in the case of the
enemies of the Reformation. Bonner, bishop of
London, a man at once violent and fickle, who after
the death of Cromwell had suddenly turned against
the Reformation, after .the death of Catherine made a
show of turning in the contrary direction. He pub-
lished various admonitions and injunctions for the
guidance of his diocese. ' It is very expedient,' he
said to the laity, ' that whosoever repaireth hither [to
the church] to read this book, or any such Hke, in
any other place, he prepare himseK chiefly and prin-
cipally with all devotion, humihty and quietness to
be edified and made the better thereby.' To the
clergy he said : ' Every parson, vicar and curate shall
read over and diligently study every week one chap-
ter of the Bible, . . . proceeding fi-om chapter to
chapter, from the beginning of the Gospel of Mat-
thew, to the end of the Xew Testament. . . . You
are to instruct, teach and bring up in learning the
best ye can all such children of your parishioners as
shall come to you for the same ; or at the least to
teach them to read English, ... so that they may
thereby the better learn and know how to believe,
how to pray, how to live to God's pleasure.' •f
' Burnet, i. p. o70. Anderson, JSm/lis/i Bible, ii. p. lo2. Gerdesius,
Ann., iv. p. SOB.
t Bonner'.-s Admonition and Injimcfiuiix. i.. Records, pp. 379, -1^0.
311
CHAPTER VIII.
A PKOTESTANT QUEEN, CATHEHINE PAER.
(1542.)
THE principles of the Reformation were spreading
more and more, and espeeially among the London
merchants ; doubtless because they lield more inter-
course than other classes with foreigners. These men
of business were much better informed than we in our
days should suppose. One of them, Richard Hilles,
had large business transactions with Strasburg and
the rest of Germany; and while engaged in these he
paid some attention to theological literature. He not
merely read, but formed an opinion of the works
which he read, and was thus at the same time mer-
chant and critic. He read the Ecclesiastical History
of Eusebius, as well as his Preparation and Demon-
stration ; but he was not satisfied with Eusebius. He
found in his writings false notions on free will and
on the marriage of ministers. TertulHan, on the
other hand, charmed him by his simplicity, his piety,
and likewise by the soundness of his judgment on
the Eucharist; but he found much fault with his
work on Prescriptions against Heretics* Cyprian
edified him by the fulness of his piety ; but he was
* Letter from Hilles to BuUinger, of December 18, 1542, the date of
Catherine's trial. — Original Letferx relative to the Bm/liith Tieformation,
i. pp. i'l'S, ;"!2!). (Parler Soc. I
312 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
shocked by Hs ovennucli severity, and by bis opinions
on satisfaction, whicb in bis view were derogatory to
the rigbteousness of Cbrist. Lactantius be loved as
tbe defender of the cause of God; but be sharply
criticised his opinions on tbe virtue of almsgiving,
on tbe necessity of abstinence from flowers and per-
fumes, illecehrcB istce voluptatum arma, on tbe method
of making up for evil works by good ones, on the
millennium, and many other subjects. Origen, Augus-
tine, and Jerome were also included in the cycle of
his studious labours.* HUles considered it a great
loss, even to a merchant, to pursue no studies. He
found in them a remedy against tbe too strong in-
fluences of worldly affairs.
For him, however, the essential matter was the
study of the Word of God. He used frequently to read
and expound it in tbe houses of evangelical Christians
in London. Bishop Gardiner, when examining one
of HiUes' neighbours, said to him : ' Has not Eichard
Hilles been every day in your house, teaching you
and others like you?' Some ecclesiastics one day
called upon him, whUe making a collection for plac-
ing tapers before tbe crucifix and the sepulchre
of Christ in the parish church. He refused to con-
tribute. Tbe priests entreated bis kinsmen and
friends to urge him not to set himself against a prac-
tice which had existed for five centuries. Xo custom,
said be, can prevail against the word of Cbrist — They
that worship Him must worship Him, in spirit and in
truth. Tbe priests now increased their tbreatenings,
and Hilles left London and went to Strasburg, keep-
ing up at the same time bis house of business
' • Oriffiwil Letters relative to the English Reformation, pp. 234-235.
CH.vr. Tin. RICHAKD HILLES. 813
in London. The reader of TertuUian, Cyprian,
Origen, and Augustine, on leaving the banks of the
Rhine, went to Frankfort and to Niirnber^ to sell his
cloth.* Moreover he made a good use of the money
which he received. ' I send herewith to your piety,' he
wrote to Bullinger, ' ten Italian crowns, which I desire
to be laid out according to your pleasure, as occasion
may offer, upon the poor exiles (rich, however, in
Christ), and those especially, if such there be, who
are in distress among you.'f
The more Henry VIII. felt the loss which he
had sustained by the death of Cromwell, the more
did he feel drawn to Cranmer and to the cause he
advocated. Already, in this same year, 1542, he ad-
dressed to Cranmer some letters for the abolition of
idolatry, ordering the disuse of images, relics, tapers,
reliquaries, tables and monuments of miracles, pil-
grimages and other abuses. J
While laymen thus joined knowledge with faith,
and business with teaching, Cranmer was slowly pur-
suing his task. When parliament met, January 22,
1543, the archbishop introduced a Bill for the advance-
ment of true religion. This Act at once prohibited
and enjoined the reading of the Bible. Was this
intentional or accidental? We are disposed to think
it accidental. There were two currents of opinion
in England, and both of them reappeared in the
laws. Only it is to be noted that the better cur-
rent was the stronger; it was the good cause which
seemed ultimately to gain the ascendency on this
occasion. It was ordered that the Bibles bearinec
o
Original Letters, &c., i. p. 240. f Ihid.^ p. 241.
X Fox. Acta, ^. p. 4(i-i.
S14 THE KErOEMATION IN EUEOPE. book XY.
Tyndale's name should be suppressed; but tbe printers
still issued his translation with hardly any alteration,
shielding it under the names of Matthew, Taverner,
Cranmer, and even Tonstall and Heath.* It was
therefore read everywhere. The Act forbade that
anyone should read the Bible to others, either in
any chm'ch or elsewhere, without the sanction of the
king or of some bishop. But at the same time the
chancellor of England, officers of the army, the king's
judges, the magistrates of any town or borough, and
the Speaker of the House of Commons, who were
accustomed to take a passage of Scripture as the
text of their discourses, were empowered to read it.
Further, everv person of noble rank, male or female,
being head of a family, was permitted to read the
Bible or to cause it to be read by one of their domes-
tics, in their own house, their garden or orchard, to
their own family. Likewise, every trader or other
person being head of a household was allowed to
read it in private ; but apprentices, workpeople, &c.,
were to abstain. This enactment, thus interdicting
the Bible to the common people, was both impious
and absurd; impious in its prohibition, but also ab-
surd, because reading in the family was recommended,
and this might be done even by the domestics. The
knowledge of the Scriptures might thus reach those
to whom they Avere proscribed.f
At the same time, on the demand of Cranmer, the
Act of Six Articles was somewhat modified. Those
who had infringed its clauses were no longer to be
* Anderson, English Bible, i. p. 569 ; ii. pp. 80, 156.
■f ' An Act for the advancement of true religion and the abolishment
of the contrary.' — Str^-pe, Mem. of Cranmer, p. 14:?.
CHAP. Till. CRANMER S ENDEAVOURS. 315
punished with death, if they were laymen; and priests
were to incur this penalty only after the third
offence. This was certainly no great gain, but the
primate obtained what he could.
He also endeavoured to render as harmless as
possible the book A necessary doctrine and erudition
for any Christian Man, which was published in 1543,*
and was called The King'^s Bool:, to distinguish it
from The Institution of a Christian Man, which was
called The Bishop's Book. This book of the king
held a middle course between the doctrine of the
pope and that of the Reformation, leaning, however,
towards the latter. The grace and the mercy of
God were established as the principle of our justifica-
tion. Some reforms were introduced with respect to
the worship of images and of the saints ; the article
on purgatory was omitted ; large rights were granted
to the church of every country ; the vulgar tongue
was recognised as necessary to meet the religious
wants of the people. Still, many obscurities and
errors were to be found in this book.
An event was approaching which would draw the
king more decisively to the side of the Reformation.
Although he had now made five successive marriages,
and had experienced, undoubtedly by his own fault,
only a long series of disappointments and vexations,
he was once more looking for a wife. A law which
had been passed after the discovery of the miscon-
duct of Catherine Howard terrified the maidens of
England, even the most innocent among them ; they
would have been afraid of falling victims to the unjust
* "Wilkins, Burnet, Strype, Todd, Xife of Cramner, i. p. 332.
316 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE, book xv.
suspicions of Henry VIII. He now determined to
marry a widow.
Catherine Parr, the widow of Lord Latimer, was
now at the court. She was a woman of good sense,
of ^drtuous and amiable character, beautiful, and
agreeable in manners,* and was past the prime of
youth. She had, however, one defect which often
attaches to noble characters, — a want of prudence.
She did not always perceive and practise what was
best to be done under certain circumstances. Espe-
cially was she wanting in that human prudence, so
necessary at the court, and particularly to the wife of
Henry VIIL ; and hereby she was exposed to great
danger. The king was now in a declining state ; and
his bodily infirmities as well as his irritable temper
made it a necessity that some gentle and very con-
siderate wife should take care of him. He married
the noble dowager f on July 12, 1543; and he found
in her the affection and the kind attentions of a \ir-
tuous lady. The crown was to Catherine but a poor
compensation ; but she discharged her duty devotedly,
and shed some rays of sunshine over the last years of
the king. The queen was favourable to the Refor-
mation, as was likewise her brother, who was created
earl of Essex, and her uncle, made Lord Parr of
Horton. Cranmer and all those who wished for a
real reformation were on the side of the new queen ;
while Gardiner and his party, now including the new
chancellor, "Wriothesley, taking alarm at this influence
which was opposed to them, became more zealous
* ' She was endued with singular beauty, favour and comely person-
age. — Fox, Acts, V. p. ooi.
t Loi-d Herbert's Life of Henry VIII., p. 561. — Stiype, yiem. of
< 'rrnniier. &>:.
CHAP. vm. PLOT AGAINST CRANMER. 317
than ever in the maintenance of the old doctrine.
These men felt that the power which they had
possessed under Catherine Howard might slip out of
their hands ; and they resolved to spread terror
among the friends of the Reformation, not excepting
the queen herself, by attacking Cranmer. It was
always this man at whom they aimed and struck
their blows, nor was this the last time they did so.
The prebendaries of Canterbury and other priests
of the same diocese, strongly attached to the Catholic
doctrine, and disquieted and shocked by the re-
forming principles of the archbishop, came to an
understanding with Gardiner, held a great many
meetings among themselves, and collected a large
number of reports hostile to the archbishop. They
accused him of having removed images, and pro-
hibited the partisans of the old doctrines from
preaching ; and the rumour was soon everywhere
current that ' the bishop of Winchester had bent his
bow to shoot at some of the head deer.' The lona"
list of charges brought against the primate was for-
warded to the king. Amongst the accusers were
found some members of Cranmer's church, maeis-
trates whom he had laid under obligation to him, and
men who almost daily sat at his table. Henry was
pained and irritated ; he loved Cranmer, but these
numerous accusations disturbed him. Taking the
document with him, he went out, as if going to take
a walk alone on the banks of the Thames. He
entered his bark. ' To Lambeth,' he said to his
boatmen. Some of the domestics of the archbishop
saw the boat approaching : they recognised the
king, and gave information to their master^ who
318 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. TtooK ST.
immediately came down to pay his respects to his
Majesty. Hem-y invited him to enter the bark ;
and when they were seated together, the boatmen
being at a distance, the king began to lament the
growth of heresy, and the debates which would
inevitably result from it, and declared that he was
determined to find out who was the principal pro-
moter of these false doctrines and to make an ex-
ample of him. ' What think you of it ? ' he added.
' Sir,' replied Cranmer, ' it is a good resolution ; but
I entreat you to consider well what heresy is, and
not to condemn those as heretics who stand for the
word of God aarainst human inventions.' After
further explanations, the king said to him : ' You
are the man who, as I am informed, is the chief
encourager of heresy.' The king then handed to
him the articles of accusation collected by his op-
ponents. Cranmer took the papers and read them.
AVhen he had finished, he begged the king to ap-
point a commission to investigate these grievances,
and fi-ankly explained to him his own view of
the case. The king, touched by his simplicity and
candour, disclosed to him the conspiracy, and pro-
mised to nominate a commission ; insisting, however,
that the primate should be the chief member and
that he should proceed against his accusers. Cran-
mer refused to do this. The commission was nomi-
nated. Dr. Lee, dean of York, made diligent inquiry,
and found that men to whom Cranmer had rendered
great services were in the number of the conspirators.
Cranmer bore himself with great meekness towards
them. He declined to confound and put them to
shame as the king had required him to do; and the
CHAT. \m. PERSECUTION AT OXFORD. 319
result was that, instead of condemning Cranmer,
every one of them acknowledged that he was the first
to practise the virtues which he preached to others,
and thus showed himself to be a true bishop and a
worthy reformer.*
As Gardiner and his colleagues had failed in. their
attempt to bring down the head deer, they deter-
mined to indemnify themselves by attacking lesser
game. A society of friends of the Gospel had been
formed at Oxford, the members of which were leading-
lowly and quiet lives, but at the same time were
making courageous confession of the truth. Fourteen
of them were apprehended by Doctor London, sup-
ported by the bishop of Winchester. The persecutors
chiefly directed their attack against three of these
men, Robert Testwood, famed for his musical attain-
ments and attached as a ' singing-man ' to the chapel
of Windsor College, used to speak .with respect of
Luther, ventured to read the Holy Scriptures, and
exhorted his acquaintances not to bow down before
dumb images, but to worship only the true and living
God. Henry Filmer, a churchwarden, could not
endure the fooleries which the priests retailed in the
pulpit ; and the latter, greatly stung by his criticism,
accused him of being so thoroughly corrupted by
heresy that he alone would sufiice to poison the
whole nation. Antony Pierson, a priest, preached
with so much faith and eloquence, that the people
flocked in crowds to hear him, both at Oxford and in
the surrounding country places.
A fourth culprit at length appeared before the
* Oranmer, TForlcs, ii. p. ix. Burnet, Hist, of the Befurm., i. p. 50;:.
Strype, Fox, Todd, Life of Cranmer, i. p. 349.
320 THE REFOEilATION IN EUEOPE. book xt.
council. He was a poor man, simple-minded, and of
mean appearance. Some loose sheets of a book lay
upon the table in front of the bishop of Winches-
ter. ' Marbeck,' said the bishop, ' dost thou know
wherefore thou art sent for ? ' ' Xo, my lord,' he
replied. The bishop, taking up some of the sheets,
said to him: 'Under stand est thou the Latin tongue?'
' No, my lord,' he answered, 'but simply.' Gardiner
then stated to the council that the book he held in his
hand was a Concordance, and that it was translated
word for word from the original compiled for the use
of preachers. He asserted ' that if such a book should
go forth in English, it would destroy the Latin
tongue.' Two days later Gardiner again sent for
Marbeck. ' Marbeck,' said the bishop, ' what a devil
made thee to meddle with the Scriptures ? * Thy
vocation was another way . . . why the devil didst
thou not hold thee there ? . . . What helpers hadst
thou in setting forth thy book?' 'Forsooth, my
lord,' answered Marbeck, 'none.' ' It is not possible
that thou should'st do it without help,' exclaimed
the bishop. Then addressing one of his chaplains :
' Here is a marvellous thing ; this fellow hath taken
upon him to set out the Concordance in English,
which book, when it was set out in Latin, was not
done without the help and diligence of a dozen
learned men at least, and yet will he bear me in
hand that he hath done it alone.' Then, addressing
Marbeck, he said : ' Say what thou wilt, except God
himself would come down from heaven and tell me
* Fox, wlio relates these circumstances, adds in a note,— ' Christ
saith — Sa-utamini scripturas ; and "Winchester saith — The devil mates
men to meddle with the scriptm-es.'
ciiAi'. yni. JIAKBECK's ENGLISH COJJCOliUANCE. 321
SO, I will not believe it.' Marbeck was taken back to
prison, and was placed in close confinement, witli
irons on his hands and feet. He was five times
examined ; and on the fifth occasion a new charge
was brought against him ; — he had written out with
his own hand a letter of John Calvin.' * This was
worse than spending his time over the Bible.
Gardiner exerted himself to the utmost to secure
the condemnation of this man to death, in company
with Testwood, Filmer, and Peerson. The queen
was now hardly on the throne. These three Chris-
tians were burnt alive ; and they met death with so
much humility, patience, and devotion to Jesus, their
only refuge, that some of the bystanders declared
that they would willingly have died with them and
like them.f But the persecutors failed in their
attempt with respect to Marbeck. Cranmer was able
to convince the king that the making of a Concord-
ance to the Bible ought not to be visited with death.
It is well known that Henry VIII. attached much
importance to the Holy Scriptures, which he con-
sidered the most powerful weapon against the pope,
ilarbeck, therefore, v/as spared.
It is, moreover, no wonder that there shovild still
have been martyrs. The queen, indeed, was friendly
to their cause ; but political circumstances were not
fevourable. After forty years' alliance with France,
Henry VIII. was about to declare war against that
kingdom. The pretexts for this course were many.
The first was the alliance of the king of France with
* 'An epistle of Master John Oalvin, whioli Marbeck had written
out.'— Fox, Acts, v. pp. 483, 484.
t Ibid., pp. 464-490.
VOL. VIII. Y
r,-J2 THE REFORMATION IX ECRriFE. book sv.
the Turks, ' who are daily advancing to destroy and
ruin our holy faith and rehgion, to the great regret
of all good Christians,' said the Council.* A second
pretext was that the sums of money which France
was bound to pay annually to the king had fallen
into arrear for nine years ; there was also the ques-
tion of the subsidies granted by France to Scotland
during the war between Henry Till, and the Scots ;
the reception and protection of English rebels by
Francis I. ; and the detention in French ports of
faithful subjects of the king, merchants and others,
with their ships and merchandise. In the despatch
which we have just cited, the king also declared that,
if within twenty days the grievances set forth were
not redressed, he should claim the kingdom of France
unjustly held by Francis I. The French ambassador
replied in a conciliatory manner. Diplomacy made
no reference to other grounds of complaint of a more
private character, which perhaps throw light upon
those which occasioned the rupture. Francis I. had
jested about the way in which Henry VIII. dealt
with his wives. Henry had sought the hand of
French princesses, and they had no mind for this
foreign husband ; and lastly, Francis did not fidfil
the promise which he had made to separate from
Rome. There were many other pretexts besides,
more or less reasonable, which determined the king
to invade France.
While withdrawing from alliance with Francis I.,
Henry could not but at the same time enter into
closer relation with Charles V. This reconciliation
" Despatch from the Privv Council to the French ambassador. —
Sfdfi- I'lipir.tj ix. p. .'JS^.
t'DAP. ym. WAR WITH li^^ANCE. ."S:!
seemed natural, for the king of England was really,
in respect to religion, more in harmony with the
emperor than with the Protestants of Germany,
whose alliance he had for some time desired. But
Charles required first of all that the legitimacy and
the rights of his cousin, the princess Mary, should be
acknowledged ; and this Henry refused to do, because
it would have involved an acknowledgment of his
injustice to Catherine of J^ragon. A solution which
satisfied the emperor was ultimately devised. It was
provided by Act of Parliament that if Prince Edward
should die without children, ' the crown should go to
the lady Mary.'* But in this Act no mention was
made of her legitimacy. The result of the concession
of this point to Charles V. was to bring on England a
five years' bloody persecutioii, and to give her people
Philip II. for their king. In default of any issue of
Mary, Elizabeth was to succeed to the throne. After
the passing of this Act, in March 1543, a treaty of
alliance was concluded between England and the
Empire.
The war which Henry VIII., ' king of England,
France., and Ireland,' said the parliament, now carried
on against Francis I. has little to do with the history
of the Reformation. The king, having named the
queen regent of his kingdom, embarked for France,
on July 14, 1544, on a vessel hung with cloth of
gold. He was now feeble and corpulent, but his
vanity and love of display were always conspicuous,
even when setting out for a war. Having arrived on
the frontier of France he found himself at the head of
' Act of Succession, S/J Henry VIII. c. 1.
324 THE REFORMATION IX EUROPE. BOOK sv.
45,000 men, 30,000 of whom were English. The
emperor, who had got the start of him, was ah-eady
within two days' march of Paris ; and the city was in
alarm at the approach of the Germans. ' I cannot
prevent my people of Paris from being afraid,' said
Francis, ' but I will prevent them from suffering
injury.' Charles paid little respect to his engage-
ment with Henry YIII., and now treated separately
with Francis at Crespy, near Laon, September 19,
and left the king of England to get out of the affair
as well as he could. Henry captured Boulogne, but
this was all that he had of his kingdom of France.
On September 30 he returned to London.
The war, however, continued until 1546. Eng-
land, abandoned by the emperor, found sympathy in
a quarter where it might least have been expected,
— in Italy. The ItaHans, who were conscious of the
evils brought on their own land by the papacy, were
filled with admiration for the prince and the nation
which had cast off its yoke. Edmund Harvel, am-
bassador of Henry YIII. in Italy, being at this time
at Venice, was continually receiving visits from
captains of high reputation, who came to offer then-
services. Among these was Ercole Yisconti of Milan,
a man of high birth, a great captain, and one who,
ha\ing extensive connexions in Italy, might render
great services to the king.* The French were now
making an attempt to retake Boulogne ; but the
Italian soldiers who were serving in their army were
constantly going over to the English, at the rate of
thirty per day. The Itahan companies were thus so
largely reduced that the captains requested permission
* Ilarvel to Henry A'lll. Sfnfr Papn-?. x. p. 402.
CHAP. vnr. SYMPATHIES OF THE ITALIANS. 325
to leave the camp for want of soldiers to command ;
and permission was given them.* In this matter the
pope was involved in difficulty. He had undertaken to
furnish Francis I. with a body of four thousand men ;
but as the king was afraid that these Eoman soldiers
,rould pass over to the English army,f he requested
Paul III. to substitute for these auxiliaries a monthly
subsidy of 16,000 crowns. ' As the Italian nation,'
added the English ambassador in his letter to
Henry VIIL, ' is alienate from the French king, so
the same is more and more inclined to your Majesty.'
From this episode it is evident that Italy was at this
time favourably disposed towards the Reformation.
But if in Italy there were many supporters of
Protestantism, in England its opponents were still
more numerous. The fanatical party had attempted
in 1543 to expel Reform from the town of Windsor
by means of martyrdom. But the account was not
settled ; it still remained to purify the castle. It was
known that Testwood, Filmer, Peerson, and Marbeck
himself had had patrons in Sir Thomas and Lady
Cardine, Sir Philip and Lady Hobby, Dr. Haynes,
dean of Exeter, and other persons at the court.
Dr. London, who was always on the look-out for
heretics, and a pleader named Simons, sent to Gardiner
one Ockam, a secretary, with letters, accusations, and
secret documents as to the way in which they in-
tended to proceed. But one of the queen's servants
reached the court before him and gave notice of the
* ' Three of their captains have desired leave to depart for lack of
men.' — Poynings to Henry VIII., Boulogne, August 15, 154G. State
Papers, x. p. 570.
t 'Fearing lest the Italians should pass over to England.' — State
Papers, X- p. 402.
320 THE REFOEMATIOX IN EUROPE. book xv.
scheme. Ockam, on his arrival, was arrested, all the
papers were examined, and evidence was discovered
in them of an actual conspiracy against many persons
at the court. This aroused great indignation in the
king's mind. It is highly probable that these gentle-
men and their wives owed their safety to the influence
of the queen and of Cranmer. London and Simons,
unaware that their letters and documents had fallen
into the hands of their judges, denied the plot, and
this even upon oath. Their own writings were now
produced, it was proved that they were guilty of
perjury, and they were condemned to ignominious
punishment. London, that great slayer of heretics,
and his colleague, were conducted on horseback,
facing backwards, with the name of perjurer on their
foreheads, through the streets of Windsor, Eeadiiic;'.
and Xewbury, the king being now at the last-named
town. They were afterwards set in the pUlory and
then taken back to prison. London died there of
distress caused by this public disgrace. It was well
that the wind should change, and that persecutors
should be punished instead of the persecuted ; but
the manners of the time subjected these wretches to
shockrag suflferings which it would have been better
to spare them.*
" Foi, Acts. y. p. 4911,
CHAPTER IX.
THE LAST MAETTES OF HENEY's EEIGN.
(1546.)
HENRY VIII. , sick and fretful, was easily drawn
first to one side, then to the other. He was
a victim of indecision, of violent excitement and of
irresolution. His brother-in-law, the duke of Suffolk,
who of all the members of the Privy Council was the
most determined supporter of the Reformation, had
died in August 1545, and that body was thencefor-
ward impelled in an opposite direction, and carried
the king along with it.
Shaxton, having resigned his see of SaUsbury
after the publication of the Six Articles, had been
put in prison, and had long rejected all proposals of
recantation addressed to him. Having aggravated
his offence while in prison by asserting that tlie
natural body of Christ was not in the sacrament, he
was condemned to be burnt. The bishops of London
and Worcester, sent by the king, visited him in the
prison and strove to convince him. This feeble and
egotistic man readily professed himself persuaded,
and thanked the king ' for that he had delivered liiia
at the same time from the temporal and from the
everlasting fire.' On July 13, 1546, he was set at
liberty. As he gi*ew old his understanding became
328 THE EEFOEMATIOX r^T EUEOPE. book xv.
still weaker ; and in Mary's reign tlie unhappy man
was one of the most eager to burn those whom he
had called his brethren.*
While there were men like Shaxton, whose fall
was decisive and final, others were to be met with
who, although in their own hearts decided for the
truth, were alarmed when they found themselves in
danger of death, and subscribed the Catholic decla-
rations which were offered to them. But after having
thus plunged into the abyss, they lifted up their
heads as soon as possible and again confessed the
truth. One of this class was Edward Crome, who,
at. this period, gave way on two occasions, but re-
covered himself, f
jMany other blemishes were visible in the general
state of the Anglican church; and the obstinacy of
the king, in particular, in maintaining in his kingdom,
side by side, two things in opposition to each other,
the Catholic doctrines and the reading of the Bible,
subjected the sacred volume to strange honours. The
king in person prorogued the parliament on Decem-
ber 24, and on this occasion made his last speech to
the highest body in the state. He spoke as vicar of
GocL and oave a lecture to the ministers and the
members of the church. It was his taste; he believed
that he was born for this position, and there was in
his nature as much of the preceptor as of the king.
Moreover, there was nothing which offended him so
much as the attempt to address a lecture to himself.
Anyone who did so risked his own life. But while
* Burnet, Mist. Kef., i. p. 617.
t Cranmer, IForks, ii. pp. 339, 31^8. Fox, Acts, v. p. 53r. Bale,
IVorJis, pp. 157, 161, 441. Bradford, Writings, i. pp. 290, 374, 529.
CHAP. IX. SPEECH OF HENRY VIII. 329
he was easily hurt, he did not shrink from hurting
the feelings of others. He handled the rod more
easily than the sceptre. The Speaker of the House
of Commons having delivered an address to the king
in which he extolled his virtues, Henry replied as
follows : — ' Whereas you . . . have both praised and
extolled me for the notable qualities you have con-
ceived to be in me, I most heartily thank you all that
you put me in remembrance of my duty, which is to
endeavour myself to obtain and get such excellent
qualities and necessary virtues. . . No prince in the
world more favour eth his subjects than I do you, nor
any subjects or commons more love and obey their
sovereign lord than I perceive you do me. Yet,
although I with you, and you with me, be in this per-
fect love and concord, this friendly amity cannot con-
tinue except you, my lords temporal, and you, my
lords spiritual, and you, my loving subjects, study
and take pains to amend ane thing, which is surely
amiss and far out of order, . . . Avhich is, that charity
and concord is not among you ; but discord and dis-
sension beareth rule in every place. St. Paul saith
to the Corinthians, in the thirteenth chapter, " Charity
is gentle, charity is not envious, charity is not proud,"
and so forth. Behold then what love and charity is
amongst you when one calleth the other heretic and
anabaptist ; and he calleth him again papist, hypo-
crite, and pharisee. Be these things tokens of charity
amongst you? Are these the signs of fraternal love
between you ? No, no, I assure you that this lack of
charity amongst yourselves will be the hindrance and
assuaging of the fervent love between us, except this
wound be salved and clearly made whole. I must
":";i) THE REFORilATIfiX IN EUROPE . book xt.
needs judge the fault and occasion of this discord to
be partly by the negligence of you, the fathers and
preachers of the spiritualty. ... I see and hear
daily that you of the clergy preach one against
another, . . . and few or none do preach truly and
sincerely the Word of G-od. . . . Alas I ho-sv can the
poor souls live in concord when you preachers sow
amongst them, in your sermons, debate and discord?
Of you they look for light, and you bring them to
darkness. Amend these crimes, I exhort you, and
set forth God's word, both by true preaching and
good example-giving ; or else I, whom God hath ap-
pointed his vicar and high minister here, will see
these di%isions extinct. . . . Although (as I say) the
spiritual men be in some fault . . . yet you of the
temporalty be not clean and unspotted of malice and
envy; for you rail on bishops, speak slanderously of
priests, and rebuke and taunt preachers. . . . Al-
though yon be permitted to read Holy Scripture.
and to have the Word of God in your mother-
tongue, you must understand that it is licensed you
so to do, only to inform }'our own conscience, and to
instruct your children and family; not to dispute and
make Scripture a railing and a taunting stock against
priests and preachers, as many light persons do. I
am very sorry to know and hear how unreverently
that most precious jewel, the Word of God, is dis-
puted, rhymed, sung, and jangled in every alehouse
and tavern, contrary to the true meaning and doc-
trine of the same. ... Be in charity one with ano-
ther, ... to the which I, as your supreme head and
sovereign lord, exhort and require you ; and then I
doubt not but that love and league, which I spake of
CHAP, IX. ANNE ASKEW. 331
in the beginning, shall never be dissolved or broken,
between us.'*
The schoolmaster had not spoken amiss. The
parliament did not make the retort, ' Physician, heal
thyself,' though it might have been applicable. One
of the measures by which the king manifested his
sweet charity proves that, if he were not, like some
old schoolmasters, a tyrant of words and syllables, he
tyrannised over the peace and the lives of his people.
There were at the court a certain number of
ladies of the highest rank who loved the Gospel — the
duchess of Suffolk, the countess of Sussex, the
countess of Hertford, lady Denny, lady Fitzwilliam,'|'
and above all the queen. Associated with these was
a pious, lively, and beautiful young lady, of great
intelligence and amiable disposition, and whose fine
qualities had been improved by education. Her name
was Anne Askew. She was the second daughter of
Sir William Askew, member of a very ancient Lin-
colnshire family. She had two brothers and two
sisters. Her brother Edward was one of the king's
bodyguards. The queen frequently received Anne
and other Christian women in her private apart-
ments ; and there prayer was made and the Word of
God expounded by an evangelical minister. The
king, indeed, was aware of these secret meetings,
but he feigned ignorance. Anne was at this time
in great need of the consolations of the Gospel. Her
father. Sir William, had a rich neighbour named
Kyme, with whom he v^as intimate ; and being
anxious that his eldest daughter should marry a rich
* Lord Herbert" s Life of Henry nil., p. 598. Fox, Acts, v. p. o:>l,
t Balfi, fueled Work?, p. 220 (Parker Society).
332 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. booe xv.
man, lie arranged with Kyme that she should wed
his eldest son. The young lady died before the
nuptials took place; and Sir William, reluctant to
let slip so good a chance, compelled his second
daughter Anne to marry the betrothed of her sister,
and by him she became the mother of two children.
The third sister, Joan, was married to Sir John
Saint-Paul. The Holy Scriptures in the English
version attracted Anne's attention, and ere long she
became so attached to them that she meditated on
them day and night. Led by them to a living faith
in Jesus Christ, she renounced Romish superstitions.
The priests, who were greatly annoyed, stirred up
against her her young husband, a rough man and a
staunch papist, who ' violently drove her out of his
house.' * Anne said, ' Since, according to the Scrip-
ture, if the unbelieving depart, let him depart. A
brother or a si-'<ter is not under bondage in such
casev,^ — I claim my divorce.' She went to London
to take the necessary proceedings; and either through
her brother, one of the guards, or otherwise, made
the acquaintance of the pious ladies of the court and
of the queen herself.
It was a great vexation to the enemies of the
Reformation to see persons of the highest rank almost
openlv professing the evangelical faith. As they did
not dare to attack them, they determined to make a
beginning with Anne Askew, and thereby to teiTily
the rest. She had said one day, ' I would sooner
read five lines in the Bible than hear five masses in
the church.' On another occasion she had denied
the corporal presence of the Saviour in the sacrament.
* ]lV_e, SchH V'orl-.". p. 100. f ^ ' 'or. Tii, o. 1-5.
CHAP. IX. EXAMINATIONS. 333
She was sent to prison. When she was taken to
Sadlers Hall, the judge, Dare, asked her, ' Do you
not believe that the sacrament hanging over the altar
was the very body of Christ really?' Anne replied,
'Wherefore was St. Stephen stoned to death? ' Dare,
doubtless, remembered that Stephen Lad said, ' I see
the Son of Man sitting at the right hand of God.^
From this it followed that He was not in the sacra-
ment. He preferred to answer, ' I cannot tell.' It
is possible, however, that his ignorance was not
feigned. ' No more,' sai'd Anne, ' will I assoil your
vam question.' Anne was afterwards taken before
the lord-mayor. Sir Martin Bowes, a passionate bigot.
He was under-treasnrer of the Mint, and in 1550
obtained the king's pardon for all the false money
which he had coined. The magistrate gravely asked
her whether a mouse, eating the host, received God
or no? 'I made no answer, but smiled,' says Anne.
The bishop's chancellor, who was present, sharply said
to her, ' St. Paul forbade women to speak or to talk
of the Word of God.' ' How many women,' said she
in reply, 'have you seen go into the pulpit and
preach? ' ' Never any,' he said. ' You ought not to
find fault in poor women, except they have offended
the law.' She was unlawfully committed to prison,
and for eleven days no one was allowed to see her.
At this time she was about twenty-five years of age.
One of her cousins, named Brittayne, was admitted
to see her. He immediately did everything he could
to get Anne released on bail. The lord-mayor bade
liim apply to the chancellor of the bishop of London.
The chancellor replied to him, ' Apply to the bishop.'
The bishop said, ' I will give order for her to appear
33i THE REFORMATION IX EUROPE. book xv.
before me to-irLorrow at three o'clock in the after-
noon.' He then subjected her to a long examination.
He asked her, amongst other things, ' Do you not
think that private mai^ses help the souls departed?'
• It is great idolatry,' slie replied, ' to believe more in
them than in the death which Christ died for us.'
■ What kind of answer is this ? ' said the bishop of
London. ' It is a weak one,' replied Anne, ' but
good enough for such a question.' After the ex-
amination, at which Anne made clear and brief re-
plies, Bonner wrote down a certain number of articles
of faith, and required that Anne should set her hand
to them. She wrote, ' I believe so much thereof as
the Holy Scripture doth agree unto.' This was not
what Bonner wanted. The bishop pressed the point,
and said, ' Sign this document.' Anne then wrote,
' I, Anne Askew, do believe all manner of things ^
contained in the faith of the Catholic Church.' The
Ijishop, well knowing what Anne meant by this word,
hurried away into an adjoining room in a great rage.*
Her cousin Brittayne followed him and implored him
to treat his kinswoman kindly. ' She is a woman,'
exclaimed the bishop, ' and I am nothing deceived in
her.' ' Take her as a woman,' said Brittayne, ' and do
not set her weak woman's wit to your lordship's great
wisdom.' At length, Anne's two sureties, to wit, Brit-
tayne and Master Spilman of Grays Inn, were on the
following day accepted, and she was set at libert3^
These events took place in the year 1545.
Anne having continued to profess the Gospel.
and to have meetings with her friends, she was again
" ' lie flung into his chambei- in a great fury.' — Bale, Select J] oris,
p. 177 (Pavk-i Society). F.\x, Arf.i, -, , p. .j4--J.
nup. IX. SECOND ARREST OF ANNE ASKEW. 3:io
arrested three months later, and was brought before
the privy council at Greenwich. On the opening of
the examination she refused to go into the matter
before the council, and said, ' If it be the king's
pleasure to hear me, I will show him the truth.' 'It
is not meet,' they replied, ' for the king to be troubled
with you.' She answered, ' Solomon was reckoned
the wisest king that ever lived, yet misliked he not
to hear two poor common women; much more his
grace a single woman and his faithful subject.' ' Tell
me your opinion on the sacrament,' said the Lord
Chancellor.' ' I believe,' she said, ' that so oft as I,
in a Christian congregation, do receive the bread in
remembrance of Christ's death, and with thanks-
giving ... I receive therewith the fruits also of his
most glorious passion.' ' Make a direct answer to
the question,' said Gardiner. ' I will not sing a new
song of the Lord,' she said, ' in a strange land.'
' You speak in parables,' said Gardiner. ' It is best
for you,' she answered;' for if I show the open truth,
ye will not accept it.' ' You are a parrot,' said the
incensed bishop. She replied, ' I am ready to suffer
all things at your hands, not only your rebukes,
but all that shall follow besides, yea, and all that
gladly.'
The next day Anne once more appeared before
the Council. They began the examination on the
subject of transubstantiation. Seeing Lord Parr
uncle to the queen, and Lord Lisle, she said to them,
' It is a great shame for you to counsel contrary to
your knowledge.' 'We would gladly,' they answered
' all things were well.' Gardiner wished to speak
privately witli her, but this she refused. The Lord
350 THE EEFOKMATION IX EUKOPE. book xt.
Chancellor tlien began to examine her again. ' How
long,' said Anne, 'will you halt on both sides?'
' You shall be burnt,' said the bishop of London.
She replied, ' I have searched all the Scriptures, yet
could I never find that either Christ or his apostles
put any creature to death.'
Anne was sent back to prison. She was very ill,
and believed herself to be near death. Xever had she
had to endure such attacks. She requested leave to
see Latimer, who was still confined in the Tower; but
this consolation was not allowed her. Restino' firml-s.
as she did, on Scriptural grounds, she did not sufiFer
herself to swerve. To her constitutional resolution
she added that which was the fruit of communion
with God; and she was thus placed by faith above
the attacks which she experienced. Having a good
foundation, she resolutely defended the freedom of
her conscience and her full trust in Christ ; and not
only did she encounter her enemies without waver-
ing, but she spoke to them with a power sufficient to
awe them, and gave home-thrusts which threw them
into confusion. Xevertheless she was onl}' a weak
woman, and her bodily strength began to fail. In
Xewgate she said, — ' The Lord strengthen us in the
truth. Pray, pray, pray.' She composed while in
prison some stanzas which have been pronounced
extraordinary, not only for simple beauty and sub-
lime sentiment, but also for the noble structure and
music of the verse.*
By law, Anne had a right to be tried by jury;
but on June 28, 15-16, she was condemned by the
lord chancellor and the council, without further pro-
* Anderson, English Bible, ii. p. 10*.
CHAP. IX. ROYAL PROCLAMATION. 837
cess, to be burnt, for having denied the corporal
presence of Christ. They asked her whether she
wished for a priest ; she smiled and said she would
confess her faults unto God, for she was sure that He
would hear her with favour. She added : ' I think
his grace shall well perceive me to be weighed in an
uneven pair of balances. . . . Here I take heaven
and earth to record that I shall die in mine inno-
cency.' *
It was proved that Anne had derived her faith
from the Holy Scriptures. Gardiner and his parti-
sans therefore prevailed upon the government, eight
days before the death of this young Christian, to
issue a proclamation purporting 'that from hence-
forth no man, woman or person of what estate,
condition or degree soever he or they be [conse-
quently including the ladies and gentlemen of the
court as well as others], shall, after the last day of
August next ensuing receive, have, take or keep in
their possession the text of the New Testament, of
Tyndale's or Coverdale's translation in English, nor
any other than is permitted by the Act of Parliament;
. . nor after the said day shall receive, have, take or
keep in his or their possession any manner of books
printed or written in the English tongue which be or
shall be set forth in the names of Fryth, Tyndale,
Wycliffe, . . Barnes, Coverdale, . . or by any of
them ; . . . ' and it was required that all such books
should be delivered to the mayor, bailiff or chief
constable of the town to be openly burned. f
* Bale's Woi-Jcs, p. 216. Fox, Acts, v. p. 546.
t Proclamation of July 8, 1546.
VOL. VIII. Z
338 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
This was a remarkable proceeding on the part of
Henry VIII. But events were stronger than the
proclamation, and it remained a dead letter.
Anne's sentence was pronounced before the issue
of the proclamation. The trial was over, and there
was to be no further inquiry. But her death was
not enough to satisfy Rich, Wriothesley and their
friends. They had other designs, and were about
to perpetrate the most shameful and cruel acts. The
object which these men now proposed to themselves
was to obtain such evidence as would warrant them
in taking proceedings against those ladies of the
court who were friends of the Gospel. They went
(July 13) to the Tower, where Anne was still con-
fined, and questioned her about her accomplices,
naming the duchess-dowager of Suffolk, the coimtess
of Sussex and several others. Anne answered, ' If
I should pronounce anything against them, I should
not be able to prove it.' They next asked her whether
there were no members of the royal council who gave
her their support. She said, none. The king is in-
formed, they replied, that if you choose you can name
a great many persons who are members of your sect.
She answered that ' the king was as well deceived in
that behalf as dissembled with in other matters.' The
only effect of these denials was to irritate Wriothesley
and his colleague; and, determined at any cost to
obtain information against influential persons at the
court, they ordered the rack to be applied to the
young woman. This torture lasted a long time ;
but Anne gave no hint, nor even uttered a cry.
The lord chancellor, more and more provoked, said
to Sir Antony Knevet, lieutenant of the Tower,
CHAP. IX. TORTURE OF ANNE ASKEW. -339
' Strain her on the rack again.' The latter refused
to do this. It was to no purpose that Wriothesley
threatened him if he would not obey. Rich, a mem-
ber of the Privy Council, had frequently given proof
of his baseness. Wriothesley was ambitious, inflated
with self-conceit, haughty, and easily angered if his
advice was not taken. These two men now forgot
themselves ; and the spectacle was presented of the
lord chancellor of England and a privy councillor of
the king turned into executioners. They set their
own hands to the horrible instrument, and so severely
applied the torture to the innocent young woman,
that she was almost broken upon it and quite dislo-
cated. She fainted away and was well-nigh dead.*
' Then the lieutenant caused me to be loosed : incon-
tinently I swooned, and then they recovered me again.
After that I sat two long hours, reasoning with my
Lord Chancellor on the bare floor, where he, with
many flattering words, persuaded me to leave my
opinion.' f Henry VIII. himself censured Wriothes-
ley for his cruelty, and excused the lieutenant of the
Tower. ' Then was I brought to a house,' says
Anne, ' laid in a bed, with as weary and painful bones
as ever Job had.' The chancellor sent word to her
that if she renounced her faith she should be par-
doned and should want for nothing, but that other-
* ' My Lord Ohanoellor and blaster Rich took pains to rack me in
their own hands, till I was nigh dead.' Bale's WorJcs, p. 224. Fox, Acts,
V. p. 647. Burnet also relates the fact and adds some details : — ' The lord
chancellor, throwing off his gown, drew the rack so severely.' But
Burnet is inclined to doubt the fact. The evidence of Anne Askew is
positive. Burnet's doubt means nothing more than a bishop's respect
for a lord chancellor.
t Letter fiom Ottwell Johnson to his brother, of July 2. Anderson
English Bible, ii. p. 196.
z 2
340 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xt.
wise she should be burnt. She answered, ' I will
sooner die.' At the same time she fell on her knees
in the dungeon and said : ' Lord, I have more
enemies now than there be hairs on my head ; yet.
Lord, let them never overcome me with vain Avords,
but fight thou. Lord, in my stead, for on thee I cast
my care. With aU the spite they can imagine, they
fall upon me, who am thy poor creature. Yet, sweet
Lord, let me not set by them that are against me ;
for in thee is my whole delight. And, Lord, I heartily
desire of thee, that thou wilt of thy most merciful
goodness forgive them that violence which they do,
and have done, unto me. Open also thou their blind
hearts, that they may hereafter do that thing in thy
sight, which is only acceptable before thee, and to set
forth thy verity aright, without all vain fantasies of
sinful men. So be it, Lord, so be it.' *
The 16th of July, the day fixed for the last
scene of this tragedy, had arrived; everything was
ready for the burning of Anne at Smithfield. The
execution was to take place not iu the morning, the
usual time, but at nightfall, to make it the more ter-
rible. It was thus, in every sense, a deed of dark-
ness. They were obliged to carry Anne to the place
of execution, for in her state at that time she was
unable to walk. When she reached the pUe, she was
bound to the post by her waist, with a chain which
prevented her from sinking down. The wretched
Shaxton, nominated for the purpose, then completed
his apostasy by delivering a sermon on the sacrament
of the altar, a sermon abounding in errors. Anne,
who was in full possession of her faculties, contented
* Bales Works, p. 238. Fox, Acts, v. p. 540.
CHAP. IX. MARTYRDOM.- 841
herself with saying, ' He misseth and speaketh witli-
out the Book.' Three other evangelical Christians
were to die at the same time with her ; Belenian, a
priest; J. Lacels (Lascelles), of the king's household,
probably the man who had revealed the incontinence
of Catherine Howard, a deed for which the Roman
party hated him ; and one Adams, a Colchester man.
' Now, with quietness,' said Lacels, ' I commit the
whole world to their pastor and herdsman Jesus Christ,
the only Saviour and true Messias, . . .' The letter
from which we quote is subscribed, 'John Lacels, late
servant to the king, and now I trust to serve the
everlasting King, with the testimony of my blood in
Smithfield.'*
There was an immense gathering of the people.
On a platform erected in front of St. Bartholomew's
church were seated, as presidents at the execution,
Wriothesley, lord chancellor of England, the old
duke of Norfolk, the old earl of Bedford, the lord
mayor Bowes, and various other notabilities. When
the fire was going to be lighted, the chancellor sent a
messenger to Anne Askew, instructed to oflfer her
the king's pardon if she would recant. She answered,
' I am not come hither to deny my Lord and Master.'
The same pardon was oflfered to the other martyrs,
but they refused to accept it and turned away their
heads. Then stood up the ignorant and fanatical
Bowes, and exclaimed with a loud voice, ' Fiat jiis-
titia ! ' Anne was soon wrapt in the flames; and this
noble victim who freely offered herself a sacrifice to
God, gave up her soul in peace. Her companions did
likewise.f
* Fox, Acts, V. p. 553. t Ibid., p. 550.
349 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. 300K XV.
These four persons were the last victims of the
reign of Henry VIII. The enemies of the Reforma-
tion were especially annoyed at this time to see
women of the first families of England embrace the
faith which they hated. On a woman of most su-
perior mind, but young and weak, fell the last blow
levelled against the Gospel by the defender of the
faith. Anne Askew fell ; but the great doctrines
which she had so courageously professed were soon
to be triumphant in the midst of her fellow-country-
men.
343
CHAPTEK X.
QUEEN CATHERINE IN DANGEE OF DEATH.
(1546.)
IT might be asked how it came to pass that the
queen did not put a stop to these cruel executions.
The answer is easy — she was herself in danger. The
enemies of the Reformation, perceiving her influence
over the king, bethought themselves that the execu-
tion of Anne Askew and of her companions did not
advance their cause ; that to make it triumphant
the death of the queen was necessary; and that if
Catherine were ruined, the Reformation wouM fall
with her. Shortly after the king's return from France,
these men approached him and cautiously insinuated
that the queen had made large use of her liberty
during his absence ; that she diligently read and
studied the Holy Scriptures ; that she chose to have
about her only women who shared her opinions; that
she had engaged certain would-be wise and pious
persons to assist her in attaining a thorough know-
ledge of the sacred writings; that she held private
conferences with them on spiritual subjects all the year
round, and that ' in Lent every day in the afternoon,
for the space of an hour, one of her said chaplains,
in her privy chamber,' expounded the Word of God
to the queen, to the ladies of her court and of her
bedchamber and others who were disposed to hear
344 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xt.
these expositions ; * that the minister frequently at-
tacked what he called the abuses of the existing
church ; that the queen read heretical books proscribed
by royal ordinances ; further, that she, the queen of
England, employed her leisure hours in translating
religious works, and in composing books of devotion ;
and that she had turned some of the psalms into
verse, and had made a collection entitled Prayers
or Meditations. The king had always ignored these
meetings, determined not to see, what was neverthe-
less clear, that the queen was an evangelical Christian
like Anne Askew, who had lately been burnt.
Catherine was encouraged by this consideration on
the part of the king. She professed her faith in the
Gospel unreservedly, and boldly took up the cause of
the evangelicals. Her one desire was to make known
the truth to the king, and to brmg him to the feet of
Jesus Christ to find forgiveness for the errors of his
life. Without regard to consequences she allowed
her overflowing zeal to have free and unrestricted
course. She longed to transform not the king alone,
but England also. She often exhorted the king ' that
as he had, to the glory of God and his eternal fame,
begun a good and a godly work in banishing that
monstrous idol of Rome, so he would thoroughly
perfect and finish the same, cleansing and purging
his church of England clean from the dregs thereof,
wherein as yet remained great superstition.' f
Was the passionate Henry going to act rigorously
towards this queen as he had towards the others ?
Catherine's blameless conduct, the affection which she
testified for him, her respectful bearing, her unwearied
• Foi, Acts, V. p. 553, _ f Ibid., p. 554.
CHAP. X. ZEAL OF THE QUEEN. 345
endeavour to please him, the attentions which she
lavished on him, had so much endeared her to him
that he allowed her the privilege of being freespoken;
and had it not been for the active opposition of
its enemies, she might have propagated the Gospel
throughout the kingdom. As these determined ene-
mies of the Reformation were beginning to fear the
total ruin of their party, they strove to rekindle the
evil inclinations of Henry VIII., and to excite his
anger against Catherine. In their view it seemed
that the boldness of her opinions must inevitably
involve her ruin.
But the matter was more difficult than they
thought. The king not only loved his wife, but he
also liked discussion, especially on theological sub-
jects; and he had too much confidence in his own
cleverness and knowledge to dread the arguments of
the queen. The latter therefore continued her petty
warfare, and in respectful terms advanced good scrip-
tural proofs in support of her faith. Hemy used to
smile and take it all in good part, or at least never
appeared to be ofi"ended. Gardiner, Wriothesley and
others who heard these discourses were alarmed at
them. They were almost ready to give up all for
lost; and trembling for themselves, they renounced
their project. Not one of them ventured to breathe
a word against the queen either before the king or in
his absence. At length, they found an unexpected
auxiliary.
An ulcer burst in the king's leg, and gave him
acute pain which constantly increased. Henry had
led a sensual life, and had now become so corpulent,
that it was exceedingly difficult to move him from
340 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
one room to another. He insisted that no one should
take notice of his failing powers ; and those about
him hardly dared to speak of the fact in a whisper.*
His condition made him peevish; he was restless,
and thought that his end was not far off. The
least thing irritated him ; gloomy and passionate, he
had frequent fits of rage. To approach and attend
to him had become a difficult task; but Catherine,
far from avoidmg it, was all the more zealous.
Since his illness Henry had given up coming into
the queen's apartments, but he invited her to come to
see him; and she frequently went of her own accord,
after dinner, or after supper, or at any other favour-
able opportunity. The thought that Henry was
gradually drawing near to the grave fiUed her heart
with the deepest emotion ; and she availed herself
of every opportunity of bringing him to a decision in
favour of evangelical truth. Her endeavours for this
end may sometimes have been made with too much
urgency. One evening when Wrioth'esley and Gar-
diner, the two leaders of the Catholic party, were
with the king, Catherine, who ought to have been on
her guard, carried away by the ardour of her faith,
endeavoured to prevail upon Henry to undertake
the reformation of the church. The king was hurt.
His notion that the queen was lecturing him as a
pupil in the presence of the lord chancellor and the
bishop of Winchester, increased his vexation. He
roughly ' brake off that matter and took occasion to
enter into other talk.' f This he had never before
* state Papei-s, i. p. 869. It is in this letter of September 17, 1546,
that the first mention of the king's state is to be found,
t Fox, Acts, V, p. 555.
CHAP. X. THE KING OFFENDED. 347
done; and Catherine was surprised and perplexed.
Henry, however, did not reproach her, but spoke
affectionately, which was certainly on his part the
mark of real love. The queen having risen to retire,
he said to her as usual, 'Farewell! sweet heart.'*
Catherine meanwhile was disquieted, and felt that
keen distress of mind which seizes upon a refined
and susceptible woman when she has acted impru-
dently.
The chancellor and the bishop remained with the
king. Gardiner had observed the king's breaking off
the conversation ; and he thought, says a contem-
porary, ' that he must strike while the iron was hot ; '
that he must take advantage of Henry's iU humour,
and by a skilful effort get rid of Catherine and put
an end to her proselytism. It was a beaten track ;
the king had already in one way or another rid him-
self of four of his queens, and it would be an easy
matter to do as much with a fifth.
Henry furnished them with the wished-for oppor-
tunity. Annoyed at having been humiliated in the
presence of the two lords, he said to them in an
ironical tone: 'A good hearing it is when women
become such clerks ; and a thing much to my comfort,
to come in mine old days to be taught by my wife.'
The bishop adroitly availed himself of this opening,
and put forth all his powers and all his malice to in-
crease the anger of the king. He urged that it was
lamentable that the queen ' should so much forget her-
self as to take upon her to stand in any argument with
his Majesty ; ' he praised the king to his face ' for his
rare virtues, and especially for his learned judgment
* Fox, Acts, V. p. 656,
348 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xt.
in matters of religion, above not only princes of that
and other ages, but also above doctors professed in
theology.' He said ' that it was an unseemly thing
for any of his majesty's subjects to reason and argue
with him so malapertly,' and that it was ' grievous
to him (Gardiner) for his part, and other of his
majesty's counsellors and servants to hear the same.'
He added ' that they all by proof knew his wisdom to
be such, that it was not needful for any to put him in
mind of any such matters ; inferring, moreover, how
dangerous and perilous a matter it is . . . for a
prince to suffer such insolent words at his subjects'
hands, who, as they take boldness to contrary their
sovereign in words, so want they no wiU, but only
power and strength, to overthwart him in deeds.*
Besides this, that the religion by the queen so stiffly
maintained did not only disallow and dissolve the
policy and politic government of princes, but also
taught the people that all things ought to be in com-
mon. 'f The bishop went on to assert that ' whosoever
(saving the reverence due to her for his majesty's
sake) should defend the principles maintained by the
queen, deserved death.' He did not, however, dare,
he said, to speak of the queen, unless he were sure
that his majesty would be his buckler. But with his
majesty's consent his faithful counsellors would soon
tear off the hypocritical mask of heresy and would
disclose treasons so horrible that his majesty would
no longer cherish a serpent in his own bosom.
The lord chancellor spoke in his turn ; and the
• Fox, Acts, V. p. 556.
t Gardiner's malicious interpretation of Acts iv. 33, where it is stated
that the Christians had all things in common.
CHAP. X. THE king's BISTRUST. 349
two conspirators did everything they could to stir up
the anger of the king against the queen. They filled
his head with a thousand tales, both about herself and
about some of her lady-attendants ; they told him
that they had been favourable to Anne Askew; that
they had in their possession heretical books; and
that they were guilty of treason as well as of heresy.
Suspicion and distrust, to which the king's disposi-
tion was too naturally inclined, took possession of
him, and he required his two councillors to ascertain
whether any articles of law could be brought forward
against the queen, even at the risk of her life.* They
quitted, the king's presence, promising to make very
good use of the commission entrusted to them.
The bishop and the chancellor set to work imme-
diately. They resorted to means of every kind —
tricks, intrigues, secret correspondence — for the pur-
pose of making out an appearance of guilt on the
part of the queen. By bribing some of her domestics
they were enabled to get a catalogue of the books
which she had in her cabinet. Taking counsel with
some of their accomplices, it occurred to them that
if they began by attacking the queen, this step would
excite almost universal reprobation. They deter-
mined, therefore, to prepare men's minds by making
a beginning with the ladies who enjoyed her confi-
dence, and particularly with those of her own kindred
— Lady Herbert, afterwards countess of Pembroke
the queen's sister, and first lady of her court ; Lady
Lane, her cousin-german; and Lady Tyrwit, who by
her virtues had gained her entire confidence. Their
* ' The drawing of certain articles against the queen, wherein her
life might he touched.' — Fox, Acts, v. p. 556.
350 THE EEFORMATION IN ETJEOPE. book xv.
plan was to examine these three ladies on the Six
Articles; to institute a rigorous search in their houses
with a view to find some ground of accusation against
Queen Catherine ; and, in case they should succeed,
to arrest the queen herself and carry her off by nighty
in a bark, to the Tower. The further they pro-
ceeded with their work of darkness, the more they
encouraged and cheered each other on; they con-
sidered themselves quite strong enough to strike at
once the great blow, and they resolved to make the
first attack on the queen. They therefore drew up
against her a bill of indictment, which purported
especially that she had contravened the Six Articles,
had violated the royal proclamation by readiag pro-
hibited books, and, in short, had openly maintained
heretical doctrine. Nothing was wanting but to get
the king's signature to the bill; for if^ without the
sanction of this signature, they should cast suspicions
on the queen, they would expose themselves to a
charge of high treason.*
Henry YIII. was now at Whitehall ; and in con-
sequence of the state of his health he very seldom
left his private apartments. But few of his coun-
cillors, and these only by special order, were allowed
to see him. G-ardiner and Wriothesley alone came to
the palace more frequently than usual to confer with
him on the mission which he had entrusted to them.
Taking with them their hateful indictment, they went
to the palace, were admitted to the king's presence,
and after a suitable introduction they laid before him
the fatal document, requesting him to sign it. Henry
read it, and took careful note of its contents ; then
* Fox, Ads, V. p. oo~. Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. ,'^. 624.
CHAP. X. BILL OF INDICTMENT. 351
asked for writing materials, and notwithstanding his
feebleness he signed it. This was a great victory for
the bishop, the chancellor and the Catholic party;
and it was a great defeat for the Reformation, ap-
parently the signal for its ruin. Nothing was now
wanting but a writ of arrest, and the chancellor of
England would send the queen to the Tower. Once
there, her situation would be hopeless.
So cleverly had the plot been managed, that du-
ring the whole time the queen had neither known
nor suspected anything ; she paid her usual visits to
the king, and had gradually allowed herself to speak
to him on religion as she used to do. The king per-
mitted this without gainsaying her ; he did not choose
to enter into explanations with her. He was, how-
ever, ill at ease. The burden was oppressive; and
one evening, just after the queen left him, he opened
his mind to one of his physicians, in whom he placed
full confidence, and said: ' I do not like the queen's
religion, and I do not intend to be much longer
worried by the discourses of this doctoress.' He like-
wise revealed to the physician the project formed
by some of his councillors, but forbade him, upon
pain of death, to say a word about it to any living
soul. Apparently forgetting the wives whom he had
already sacrificed, Henry was thus coolly preparing,
at the very time when he was himself about to go
down to the grave, to add another victim to the
hecatomb.
The queen, although encompassed with deadly
enemies who were contriving her ruin, was in a state
of perfect calmness, when suddenly there burst upon
her one of those heavy squalls which in the twinkling
352 THE EEFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xt.
of an eye dash the most powerful vessels against the
rocks. The chancellor, contented with his triumph,
but at the same time agitated, snatched up the paper
which, now bearing the king's signature, ensured the
death of the queen. Vehement passions sometimes
distract men and produce absence of mind. In this
case it appears that "Wriothesley carelessly thrust the
paper into his bosom, and dropped it while crossing
one of the apartments of the palace.* A pious
woman of the court, happening to pass that way
shortly afterwards, saw the paper and picked it up.
Perceiving at the first glance its importance she
took it immediately to the queen. Cathei'ine opened
it, read the articles with fear and trembling, and as
soon as she saw Henry's signature, was struck as
by a thunderbolt, and fell into a frightful agony.
Her features were completely changed: she uttered
loud cries, and seemed to be in her death-struggle.
She too, then, was to lay down her life on the scaffold.
All her attentions, all her devotion to the king, had
availed nothing ; she must undergo the common lot
of the wives of Henry VIII. She bewailed her fate,
and struggled against it. At other times she had
glimpses of her own faults and uttered reproaches
against herself, and then her distress and her lament-
ations increased. Those of her ladies who were
present could hardly bear the sight of so woful a
state; and, trembling themselves, and supposing that
the queen was about to be put to death, they were un-
able to offer her consolation. The remembrance of
* ' Oum enim Oancellarius ex improvise sci-iptum illud regis manu
notatum e sinu in quern id recondiderat perdidisset.' — Gerdesius, Ann., iv.
p. 352.
CHAP, s, DISTRESS OF THE QUEEN. HoS
this harrowing scene was never effaced from their
minds.*
Some one brought word to the king that the
queen was in terrible distress, and that her life seemed
to be in danger.f A feeling of compassion was
awakened in him, and he sent to her immediately
the physicians who were with him. They, finding
Catherine in this extremity, endeavoured to bring
her to herself, and gradually she recovered her senses.
The physician to whom Henry had revealed Gardi-
ner's project, J discovering from some words uttered
by the queen that the conspiracy was the cause of
her anxiety, requested leave to speak to her in pri-
vate. He told her that he was risking his life by
thus speaking to her, but that his conscience would
not allow him to take part in the shedding of inno-
cent blood. He therefore confirmed the foreboding
of danger which was impending over her ; but added
that if she henceforward endeavoured to behave with
humble submission to his majesty, she would regain,
he did not doubt, his pardon and his favour.
These words wei'e not enough to deliver Cathe-
rine fi'om her disquietude. Her danger was not con-
cealed from the king ; and, unable to endure the
thought that she might die of grief, he had himself
carried into her room. At the sight of the king
Catherine rallied sufiiciently to explain to him the
despair into which she was thrown by the belief that
* ' The queen fell incontinent into a great melancholy and agony,
bewailing and taking on in such sort as was lamentable to see, as certain
of her ladies and gentlewomen, being yet alive, who were then present
about her, can testify.' — Fox, Acts, v. p. 558.
t ' Almost to the peril and danger of her life.' — Ibid,
X It seems to have been Dr. Wendy.
VOL. VIII. A A
354 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
he had totally abandoned her. Henry then spoke to
her as an affectionate husband, and comforted her
with gentle words ; and this poor ■ heart, till then
agitated like a stormy sea, gradually became calm
again.
The king could now forget the faults of the queen ;
but the queen herself did not forget them. She un-
derstood that she had habitually assumed a higher
position than belonged to a wife, and that the king
was entitled to an assurance that this state of things
should be changed. After supper the next evening,
therefore, Catherine rose and, taking with her only
her sister. Lady Herbert, on whom she leaned, and
' Lady Jane, who carried a light before her, went
to the king's bedchamber. When the three ladies
were introduced, Henry was seated and speaking
with several gentlemen who stood round him. He
received the queen very courteously, and of his own
accord, contrary to his usual practice, began to talk
with her about religion, as if there was one point on
which he wished for further information from the
queen. She replied discreetly and as the circumstances
required. She then added meekly and in a serious
and respectful tone, — ' Your Majesty doth right well
know, neither I myself am ignorant, what great imper-
fection and weakness by our first creation is allotted
unto us women, to be ordamed and appointed as in-
ferior and subject unto man as our head; from which
head all our direction ought to proceed. And that as
God made man in his own shape and likeness, whereby
he being endued with more special gifts of perfection,
might rather be stirred to the contemplation of
heavenly thing's and to the earnest endeavour to obey
HAP. X. HEK DECLARATION TO THE KING. 3."j5
his commandments, even so also made he woman of
man, of whom and by whom she is to be governed,
commanded and directed. . . Your majesty being so
excellent in gifts and ornaments of wisdom, and I a
silly poor woman, so much inferior in all respects of
nature unto you, how then cometh it now to pass
that your majesty in such diflFuse causes of religion
"ndll seem to require my judgment? Which when I
have uttered and said what I can, yet must I, will I,
refer my judgment ... to your majesty's wisdom,
as my only anchor, supreme head and governor here
in earth, next under God, to lean unto.' ' Not so by
St. Mary,' said the king; 'you are become a doctor,
Kate, to instruct (as we take it), and not to be in-
structed or directed by us.' ' If your majesty take
it so,' replied the queen, ' then hath your majesty
very much mistaken me, who have been of the opinion,
to think it very unseemly and preposterous for the
woman to take upon her the office of an instructor
or teacher to her lord and husband, but rather to
learn of her husband and be taught by him. And
whereas I have, with your majesty's leave, heretofore
been bold to hold talk with your majesty, wherein
sometimes in opinions there hath seemed some differ-
ence, I have not done it so much to maintain opinion,
as I did it rather to minister talk, not only to the
end your majesty might with less grief pass over this
painful time of your infirmity,* being attentive to
our talk, and hoping that your majesty should reap
some ease thereby ; but also that I, hearing your
majesty's learned discourse, might receive to myself
* ' Was rather to pass away the time and pain of his infirmity.'
Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII., p. 624.
A A 2
356 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xt.
some profit thereby; wherein I assure your majesty,
I have not missed any part of my desire in that be-
half, always referring myself in all such matters unto
your majesty, as by ordinance of nature it is conve-
nient for me to do.' 'And is it even so?' answered
the king ; ' and tended your arguments to no worse
end ? Then perfect friends we are now again, as ever
at any time heretofore.' Then, as if to seal this pro-
mise, Henry, who was sitting in his chair, embraced
the queen and kissed her. He added : ' It does me
more good at this time to hear the words of your
mouth, than if I had heard present news of a
hundred thousand pounds in money had fallen unto
me.' Lavishing on Catherine tokens of his affection
and his happiness, he promised her that such misap-
prehensions with regard to her should never arise
again. Then, resuming general conversation, he
talked on various interesting subjects with the queen
and with the lords who were present, until the night
was advanced ; when he gave the signal for their de-
parture. There may possibly have been somewhat of
exaggeration in Catherine's words. She had not been
altogether so submissive a learner as she said; but she
felt the imperative necessity of entirely dispersing the
clouds which the illwill of her enemies had gathered
over the king's mind, and it is not to be doubted that
in saying what she did she uttered her inmost thought.
Meanwhile, the queen's enemies, who had no sus-
picion of the turn things were taking, gave their
orders and made their preparations for the great
work of the morrow, which was to confine Catherine
in the Tower. The day was fine, and the king wish-
ing to take an airing, went in the afternoon into the
CHAP. X. THE ARREST PREVENTED. 357
park, accompanied only by two of the gentlemen of
his bedchamber. He sent an invitation to the queen
to bear him company ; and Catherine immediately
arrived, attended by her three favourite ladies in
waiting. Conversation began, but they did not talk
of theology. Never had the king appeared more
amiable; and his good humour inspired the rest with
cheerfulness. In his conversation there was all the
liveliness of a frank communicative disposition, and
the mirth, it seems, was even noisy.* Suddenly,
forty halberds were seen gleaming through the park
trees. The lord chancellor was at the head of the
men, and forty bodyguards followed him. He was
coming to arrest the queen and her three ladies and to
conduct them to the Tower. The king, breaking off
the conversation which entertained him so pleasantly,
glanced sternly at the chancellor, and stepping a little
aside called him to him. The chancellor knelt down
and addressed to the king, in a low voice, some words •
which Catherine could not understand. She heard
only that Henry replied to him in insulting terms,
' Fool, madman, arrant knave ! ' At the same time
he commanded the chancellor to be gone. Wriothesley
and his followers disappeared. Such was the end of
the conspiracy formed against the king's Protestant
wife by Wriothesley, Gardiner, and their friends.
Henry then rejoined the queen. His features still
reflected his excitement and anger ; but as he ap-
proached her he tried to assume an air of serenity.
She had not clearly understood what was the subject
of conversation between the king and the chancellor ;
but the king's words had startled her. She received
* ' In the midst of their mirth.' — Fox, Acts, v. p. 5G0.
858 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
him gracefully and sought to excuse Wriothesley,
saying : ' Albeit I know not what just cause your
majesty has at this time to be offended with him, yet
I think that ignorance, not will, was the cause of his
error ; and so I beseech your majesty (if the cause
be not very heinous), at my humble suit to take it.'
' Ah, poor soul ! ' said the king, ' thou little knowest
how evil he deserveth this grace at thy hands.'*
* Fox, Acts, V. p. 561. Lord Herbert's ij/f of Henry VIII., ^. 625.
359
CHAPTEE XI.
CLOSE OF THE REI&N OF HBNKY Till.
(1546— JANITAEY, 1547.)
WEIGHTY consequences followed tlie miscarriage
of the conspiracy formed against the queen.
It had been aimed at the queen and the Reformation ;
but it turned against Roman Catholicism and its
leaders. The proverb was again fulfilled, — whoso
diggeth a pit shall fall therein. The wind changed ;
Romanism suiFered an eclipse, it was no longer
illumined by the sun of royalty. The first to fall
into disgrace with Henry VIII. was, as we have
seen, Wriothesley. The king displayed his cool-
ness in various ways. The chancellor, disquieted
and alarmed for his own pecuniary interests, was
annoyed to see preparations for establishing a new
Court of Augmentations, by which his privileges and
emoluments would be lessened. He earnestly en-
treated the king that it might not be established in
his time. ' I shall have cause,' he wrote on October
16, 'to be sorry in my heart during my life, if
the favour of my gracious master shall so fail, that
partly in respect of his poor servant he do not some-
what of his clemency temper it. Thus I make an
end, praying God long to preserve his Majesty.'*
* State Papers, i. p. 882.
360 THE EEFORMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK xv.
In spite of all his efforts, he lost the royal favour,
and the new court which he so much dreaded was
erected.
A still heavier blow fell upon Gardiner. After
the reconciliation between Henry and Catherine, he
was obliged to abstain from making his appearance
at the court.* On December 2, he wrote to the
king : ' I am so bold to molest your Majesty with
these very letters, which be only to desire your High-
ness, of your accustomed goodness and clemency, to
be my good and gracious lord, and to continue such
opinion of me as I have ever trusted and, by mani-
fold benefits, certainly known your Majesty to have
had of me. . . declare mine inward rejoice of your
Highness' favour, and that I would not willingly
offend your Majesty for no worldly thing.' This
man, at other times so strong, now saw before him
nothing but disgrace and became excessively fearful.
He might be overtaken bj' a long series of penalties.
Who could tell whether Henry, like Ahasuerus of
old, would not inflict upon the accuser the fate
which he had designed for the accused ? The bishop,
restless, wrote to Paget, secretary of state : ' I hear
no specialty of the king's majesty's miscontentment
in this matter of lands, but confusedly that my
doings should not be well taken.' f No answer to
either of these two letters is extant. Towards the
end of December, the king excluded Gardiner from
the number of his executors and from the council
of regency under his successor, Edward ; and this
involved a heavy loss of honour, money, and influ-
* ' I have no access to your majesty.' — State Papers, i. p. 884.
t Ibid.
CHAP. XI. PARTIES AT THE COURT. SGI
ence. Henry felt that for the guardianship of his
son and of his realm, he must make his choice
between Cranmer and Gardiner. Cranmer was
selected. It was in vain that Sir Antony Browne
appealed to him, and requested him to reinstate the
bishop of Winchester in this office. ' If he be left
among you,' said the king, ' he would only sow
trouble and division. Don't speak of it.' The con-
spiracy against the queen was not the sole, although
it was the determining, cause of Gardiner's disgrace.*
This, however, was but the beginning of the
storm. The first lord of the realm and his family
were about to be attacked. If Henry no longer
struck to the right, he struck to the left ; but he
dealt his blows without intermission; in one thing he
was ever consistent, cruelty.
In addition to the sutFering caused by his disease,
the king was oppressed by anxietj^ at the thought of
the ambition and rebellion which might snatch the
crown from his son and create disturbances in the
kingdom after his death. The court was at this time
divided into two parties. One of these was headed
by the duke of Norfolk, who, owing to his position
as chief of the ancient family of the Howards, allied
even to the blood royal, was next to the king the most
influential man in England. He had long been lord
treasurer, and had rendered signal services to the
crown. Opposed to this party was that of the Sey-
mours, who had not hitherto played any great part
but who now, as uncles to the young prince, found
themselves continually advancing in esteem and au-
thority. Norfolk was the chief of the Catholic party;
* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIIL, p. 625.
362 THE REFORMATION IN EUROrE. book XT.
and a great number of evangelical Christians had been
burnt while he was at the head of the government.
His son, the earl of Surrey, was likewise attached to
the doctrines of the Middle Ages, and was even sus-
pected of having associated in Italy with Cardinal
Pole. The Seymours, on the other hand, had always
shown themselves friendly to the Refonnation ; and
while Norfolk supported Gardiner, they supported
Cranmer. It appeared inevitable that, after the king's
death, war would break out between these chiefs, and
what would happen then? The more Henry's strength
declined, the more numerous became the partisans of
the Seymours. The sun was rising for the uncles of
the young prince, and was setting for Norfolk. The
duke, perceiving this, made advances to the Sey-
mours. He would have liked his son to marry the
daughter of the earl of Hertford, and his daughter,
widow of the duke of Richmond, the natural son
of the king, to marry Sir Thomas Seymour. But
neither Surrey nor the duchess were disposed to the
match. There was therefore nothing to expect but a
vigorous conflict ; and the king chose that the victory
of the one party and the defeat of the other should
be determined in his lifetime and through his inter-
vention. To which of the two parties would the
king give the preference ? He had always leaned for
support upon Norfolk, and the religious views of this
old servant were his own. Would he separate from
him at this critical moment ? After having from the
first resisted the Reformation, would he, on the brink
of the grave, give it the victory ? The past had be-
longed to Roman Catholicism ; should the future be-
long to the Gospel ? Should his death belie his whole
CHAP, XI. AMBITION OF THE HOWARDS. 303
life ? The infamous conspiracy formed against the
queen by the Catholic party would not have been
enough to induce the king to adopt so strange a reso-
lution. A circumstance of another kind occurred to
determine his course.
At the beginning of December 1546, Sir Richard
Southwell, who was afterwards a member of the privy
council under Queen Mary, gave the king a warning
that the powerful family of the Howards would ex-
pose his son to great danger. Before the birth of
Edward, Norfolk had been designated as one of the
claimants of the crown. His eldest son was a young
man of great intelligence, high spirit and indomi-
table courage, and excelled in military exercises. To
these qualifications he added the polish of a courtier,
fine taste and an ardent love for the fine arts; his
contemporaries were charmed by his poems ; and he
was looked upon as the flower of the Enghsh nobility.
These brilliant endowments formed a snare for him.
' His head,' people said to the king, ' is filled with
ambitious projects.' He had borne the arms of Ed-
ward the Confessor in the first quarter, which the
king alone had the right to do ; if, it was added, he
has refused the hand of the daughter of the earl of
Hertford, it is because he aspires to that of the
princess Mary ; and if he should marry her after
the death of the king, prince Edward will lose the
crown.
The king ordered his chancellor to investigate
the charges against the duke of Norfolk and his son,
the earl of Surrey ; and Wriothesley ere long pre-
sented to him a paper, in the form of questions, in
his (Wriothesley's) own handwriting. The king read
364 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xy.
it attentively, pen in hand, hardly able to repress
his anger, and underlined with a trembling hand
those passages which appeared to him the most im-
portant. The following sentences are specimens of
what he read : —
' If a man coming of the collateral line to the heir of
the crown, who ought not to bear the arms of England
but on the second quarter . . . do presume ... to
bear them in the first quarter, . . . hoco this marUs
intent is to he judged. . .
' If a man compassing with himself to govern the
realm do actually go about to rule the king, and should
for that purpose advise his daughter or sister to be-
come his harlot, thinking thereby to bring it to pass
. . . what this importeth.
' If a man say these words, — If the king die, who
should have the rule of the prince but my father or
I ? what it importeth.' *
On Saturday, December 12, the duke and the earl
were separately arrested and taken to the Tower, one
by land, the other by the river, neither of them being
aware that the other was suffering the same fate.
The king had often shown himself very hasty in
a matter of this kind ; but in this case he was more
so than usual. He had not long to live, and he
desired that these two great lords should go before
him to the grave. The same evening the king sent
Sir Richard Southwell, Sir John Gate, and Wymound
Carew to Kenninghall, in Norfolk, a principal seat of
the family, about eighty miles from London. They
travelled as swiftly as they could, and arrived at the
* This paper is printed in State Papers, i. p. 891. The words under-
lined by the king are here printed in italics.
CHAP. XI. DIVISIONS OF THE HOWARDS. 365
mansion by daybreak on Tuesday. They had orders
to examine the members of the family, and to affix
seals to the eflfects.
The Howard family, unhappily for itself, was
deeply divided. The duchess of Norfolk, daughter of
the duke of Buckingham, an irritable and passionate
woman, had been separated from her husband since
1533, and apparently not without reason. She said
of one of the ladies who were in attendance on her,
Elizabeth Holland, — ' This woman is the cause of all
my unhappiuess.' There was a certain coolness be-
tween the earl of Surrey and his sister, the duchess
of Richmond, probably because the latter leaned to
the side of the Reformation. Surrey had also had a
quarrel with his father, and he was hardly yet recon-
ciled to him. A house divided against itself will
not stand. The members of the family, therefore,
accused each other ; the duchess, it may be believed,
did not spare her husband, and the duke called his
son a fool. When Sir Richard Southwell and his two
companions arrived at Kenninghall on Tuesday morn-
ing, they caused all the doors to be securely closed
so that no one might escape ; and after having taken
some evidence of the almoner, they requested to see
the duchess of Richmond, the only member of the
family then at the mansion, and Mistress Elizabeth
Holland, who passed for the duke's favourite. These
ladies had only just risen from their beds, and were not
ready to make their appearance. However, when they
heard that the king's envoys requested to see them,
they betook themselves as quickly as possible to the
dining-room. Sir John Gate and his friends in-
formed them that the duke and the earl had just
366 THE REPORMATION IN EUKOPE. book xt.
been committed to the Tower. The duchess, deeply
moved at this startling news, trembled and almost
fainted away.* She gradually recovered herself, and
kneeling down humbled herself as though she were
in the king's presence- She said: ' Although nature
constrains me sore to love my father, whom I
have ever thought to be a true and faithful subject,
and also to desire the well-doing of his son my
natural brother, whom I note to be a rash man,
yet for my part I would nor will hide or conceal
anything from his Majesty's knowledge, specially
if it be of weight.' The king's agent searched the
house of the duchess of Richmond, inspected her
cabinets and her coffers, but they found nothing
tending to compromise her. They found no jewels,
for she had parted with her own to pay her debts.
Next, they visited Elizabeth Holland's room, where
they found much gold, many pearls, rings and pre-
cious stones ; and of these they sent a list to the
king. They laid aside the books and manuscripts
of the duke; and the next day by their direction
the duchess of Richmond and Mistress Holland
set out for London, where they were to be ex-
amined.
Mistress Holland was examined first. She de-
posed that the duke had said to her ' that the king
was sickly, and could not long endure ; and the
realm like to be in an ill case through diversity of
opinions.' The duchess of Richmond deposed ' that
the duke her father would have had her marry Sir
Thomas Seymour, brother to the earl of Hertford,
* ' Sore perplexed, trembling and like to fall down.' — Letter from
Gate, Southwell and Oarew to Henrj' VIII. — State Papers, i. p. 888.
CHAP. XI. EXECUTION OF SURREY. 367
which her brother also desired, wishing her withal to
endear herself so into the king's favour, as she might
the better rule here as others had done; and that
she refused.' * This deposition appears to corrobo-
rate one of the charges brought against Norfolk by
the chancellor. Nevertheless, the supposition that
a father, from ambitious motives, could urge his
daughter to consent to incestuous intercourse is so
revolting, that one can hardly help asking whether
there really was anything more in the case than an
exercise of the natural influence of a daughter-in-law
over her father-in law. The duchess corroborated
the accusation touching the royal arms borne by
Surrey, his hatred of the Seymours, and the ill which
he meditated doing them after the king's death ; and
she added that he had urged her not to carry too
far the reading of the Holy Scriptures.
Yarious other depositions having been taken, the
duke and his son were declared guilty of high trea-
son (January 7). On the 13th, Surrey was tried
before a jury at Guildhall. He defended himself
with much spirit ; but he was condemned to death ;
and this young nobleman, only thirty years of age,
the idol of his countrymen, was executed on Tower
Hill, January 21.f Public feeling was shocked by
this act of cruelty, and everyone extolled the high
qualities of the earl. His sister, the duchess of Rich-
mond, took charge of his five children, and admirably
fulfilled her duty as their aunt. J
* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIIL, p. 627.
t The date usually given is the 19th. We foUow Lord Burleigh's
Notes. — Merden's State Papers.
\ She appointed as their preceptor John Fox, the evangelical author
of the Acts ami Monuments of the Martyrs, which v?e frequently quote.
368 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
The king was -now dangerously ill, but he showed
no signs of tenderness. People said that he had
never hated nor ruined anyone by halves ; and he
was determined, after the death, of the eldest son, to
sacrifice the father. Norfolk was very much sur-
prised to find himself a prisoner in the Tower, to
which he had consigned so many prisoners. He wrote
to the lords to let him have some books, for he said
that unless he could read he fell asleep. He asked
also for a confessor, as he was desirous of receiving
his Creator ; and for permission to hear mass and to
walk outside bis apartment in tbe daytime. At tbe
age of seventv-three, after having; taken the lead in
the most cruel measures of the reign of Henry VIIL,
from the death of Anne Boleyn to the death of Anne
Askew, he now found that the day of terror was
approaching for himself. His heart was agitated,
and fear chilled him. He knew the king too well to
have any hope that the great and numerous ser-
vices which he had rendered to him would avail to
ai'rest the sword already suspended over his head.
Meanwhile the prospect of death alarmed him ; and
in his distress he wrote from his prison in the Tower
to his royal master : — ' Most gracious and merciful
sovereign lord, I your most humble subject pros-
trate at your foot, do most humbly beseech you to be
my good and gracious lord. . . In all my life I never
thought one untrue thought against you or your suc-
cession, nor can no more judge or cast in my mind
what should be laid to my charge than the child that
was born this night. . . I know not that I have
offended any man . . . unless it were such as are
angry Avith me for being quick against such as have
CHAP. xr. Norfolk's appeal to the king. 369
been accused for sacraraentaries.' And fancying
that he detected the secret motive of his trial, he
added : ' Let me recover your gracious favour, with
taking of me all the lands and goods I have, or as
much thereof as pleaseth your Highness.' *
The charges brought against Norfolk and Surrey
were mere pretexts. No notice having been taken of
the letter just cited, the old man, who was anxious
by any means to save his life, determined to humble
himself still further. On January 12, nine days before
the death of Surrey, in the hope of satisfying the king,
he made, in the presence of the members of the privy
council, the following confession: — ' I, Thomas, duke
of Norfolk, do confess and acknowledge myself . . .
to have offended the king's most excellent majesty,
in the disclosing ... of his privy and secret counsel
... to the great peril of his Highness. . . That I
have concealed high treason, in keeping secret the
false and traitorous act . . . committed by my son
. . . against the king's majesty ... in the putting
and using the arms of Edward the Confessor, ... in
his scutcheon or arms. . . Also, that to the peril,
slander, and disinherison of the king's majesty and
his noble son. Prince Edward, I have , . . borne in
the first quarter of my arms . . . the arms of
England. . . Although I be not worthy to have . . .
the king's clemency and mercy to be extended to me,
. . . yet with a most sorrowful and repentant heart
do beseech his Highness to have mercy, pity, and
compassion on me.' f
All was fruitless ; Norfolk must die like the best
* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 630.
t Ibid. p. 631.
VOL. VIII. B B
370 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. BOOE XT.
servants and friends of the king, like Fisher, Sir
Thomas More, and Cromwell. But the duke could
not be condemned with so little formality as Surrey.
The king therefore assembled the parliament ; a bill
was presented to the House of Lords, and the three
readings were hurried through on January 1 8, 19, 20.
The bill, sent down to the Commons, was passed by
them, and was sent back on the 24th. Although it
was customary to reserve the final step to the close of
the session, the king, who was in haste, gave his as-
sent on Thursday the 27th, and the execution of
Norfolk was fixed for the morning of the next day.
All the preparations for this last act were made
during the night ; and but a few moments were to
intervene before this once powerful man was to be
led to the scaffold.
Two victims were now awaiting the remorseless
scythe of destiny. Death was approaching at the
same time the threshold of the palace and that
of the prison. Two men who had filled the world
with their renown, who during their lifetime had
been closely united, and were the foremost per-
sonages of the realm, were about to pass the inexor-
able gates and to be bound with those bonds which
God alone can burst. The only question was which
of the two would be the first to receive the final stroke.
The general expectation was, no doubt, that Xorfolk
would be the first, for the executioner was already
sharpening the axe which was to smite him.
While the duke, still full of vigorous hfe, was
awaiting in his dungeon the cruel death which he
had striven so much to avert, Henry YIII. was pros-
trate on his sick bed at Whitehall. Although every-
CHAP. XI. LAST HOURS OF HENRY VIII. 371
thing showed that his last hour was at hand, his
physicians did not venture to inform him of it ; as it
was against the law for anyone to speak of the death
of the king. One might have said that he was de-
termined to have himself declared immortal by act of
parliament. At length, however, Sir Antony Denny,
who hardly ever left him, took courage and, ap-
proaching the bedside of the dying monarch, cau-
tiously told him that all hope, humanly speaking, was
lost, and entreated him to prepare for death. The
king, conscious of his failing strength, accused him-
self of various offences, but added that the grace of
God could forgive him all his sins. It has been
asserted that he did really repent of his errors.
' Several English gentlemen,' says Thevet, ' assured
me that he wag truly repentant, and among other
things, on account of the injury and crime committed
against the said queen (Anne Boleyn).' * This is
not certain ; but we know that Denny, glad to hear
him speak of his sins, asked him whether he did not
wish to see some ecclesiastic. ' If I see anyone,' said
Henry, ' it must be Archbishop Cranmer. ' ' Shall I
send for him?' said Denny. The king replied: 'I
will first take a little sleep, and then, as I feel my-
self, I will advise upon the matter.' An hour or two
later the king awoke, and finding that he was now
weaker, he asked for Cranmer. The archbishop was
at Croydon; and when he arrived the dying man
was unable to speak, and was almost unconscious.
However, when he saw the primate, he stretched out
his hand, but could not utter a word. The arch-
bishop exhorted him to put all his trust in Christ
* Thevet, Comiog. i. p. 16.
B B 2
372 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK xv.
and to implore his mercy. ' Give some token with
your eyes or hand,' he said, ' that you trust in the
Lord.' The king wrung Craumer's hand as hard as
he could, and soon after breathed his last. He died
at two o'clock in the morning, Friday, January 2H,
1547.*
By Henry's death Norfolk's life was saved. The
new government declined to begin the new reign
by putting to death the foremost peer of England.
Norfolk lived for eight years longer. He spent,
indeed, the greater part of it in prison ; but for more
than a year he was at liberty, and died at last at
Kenninghall.
Henry died at the age of fifty-six years. It is no
easy task^to sketch the character of a prince whose
principal feature was inconsistency. Moreover, as
Lord Herbert of Cherbury said, his history is his
best portrait. The epoch in which he lived was that
of a resurrection of the human mind. Literature
and the arts, political liberty, and evangelical faith
were now coming forth from the tomb and returning
to life. The human mind, since the outburst of
bright light which then illumined it, has sometimes
given itself up, it must be confessed, to strange errors;
but it has never again fallen into its old sleep. There
were some kings, such as Henry YIII. and Francis I.,
who took an interest in the revival of letters ; but the
greater number were alarmed at the revival of freedom
and of faith, and instead of welcoming tried to stifle
them. Some authors, and particularly Fox, have
asserted that if death had not prevented him, Henry
* Fox, Acts T. p. 6S9. Lord Herbert's Life of Henrtj VIII., p. 634.
Oi-iginal Letters (EUis), ii. p. 137.
CHAP. XI. HIS WILL. 873
VIII. would have so securely established the Reforma-
tion as not to leave a single mass in the kingdom. This
is nothing more than a hypothesis, and it appears to us
a very doubtful one. The king had made his will two
years before his death, when he was setting out for
the war with France. In it, his chief object was to
regulate the order of succession and the composition
of the council of regency ; but at the same time it
contains positive signs of scholastic Catholicism. In
this document the king says : ' We do instantly de-
sire and require the blessed Virgin Mary his mother,
with aU the holy company of heaven, continually
to pray for us and with us while we live in this
world, and in time of passing out of the same.'
Moreover, he ordained that the dean and canons
of the chapel royal, Windsor, and their successors for
ever, should have two priests to say masses at the
altar.* The will was rewritten on December 13,
1546; and the members of the Privy Council signed
it as witnesses. But the only change which the
king introduced was the omission of Gardiner's name
among the members of the council of regency. The
passages respecting the Virgin and masses for his
soul were retained.
Henry had brought into the world with him re-
miarkable capacities, and these had been improved by
education. He has been praised for his application
to the business of the State, for his wonderful clever-
ness, his rare eloquence, his high courage. He has
been looked upon as a Maecenas, and pronounced a
great prince. His abilities certainly give him a place
* The will is to he found in Fuller, Church History of Britain, pp.
243-262, in Rymer, F(zda-a, &c.
374 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xv.
above the average of kings. He regularly attended
the council, corresponded with his ambassadors, and
took much pains. In politics he had some clear
views ; he caused the Bible to be printed ; but the
moral sentiment is shocked when he is held up as a
model. The two most conspicuous features of his
character were pride and sensuality ; and by these
vices he was driven to most blameworthy actions, and
even to crimes. Pride led him to make himself head
of the church, to claim the right to regulate the faith
of his subjects, and to punish cruelly those who had
the audacity to hold any other opinions on matters of
religion than his own. The Reformation, of which
he is assumed to be the author, was hardly a pseudo-
reform ; we might rather see in it another species of
Reformation. Claiming autocracy in matters of faith,
he naturally claimed the same in matters of state. All
the duties of his subjects were summed up by him in
the one word ohedience ; and those who refused to
bow the head to his despotic rule were almost sure
to lose it. He was covetous, prodigal, capricious,
suspicious ; not only was he fickle in his friendships,
but on many occasions he did not hesitate to take his
victims from amongst his best friends. His treat-
ment of his wives, and especially of Anne Boleyn,
condemns him as a man ; his bloody persecutions of
the evangelicals condemn him as a Christian ; the
scandalous servility which he endeavoured, and not
unsuccessfully, to engraft in the nobles, the bishops,
the house of commons and the people, condemn him
as a king.
375
BOOK XVI.
GERMANY TO THE DEATH OF LUTHER.
CHAPTER I.
PKOGRESS OF THE EBFOEMATION IN GERMANY.
(1520—1536.)
THE light of the Gospel had risen upoiiEarope, and
had already pervaded the central and soiathern
portions of this qiiarter of the world. A new age had
begun. The work of the Reformation was not done
like that of a council, by articles of discipline ; but by
the proclamation of a Saviour, living and ever-present
in the church ; and it thus raised Christendom from
its fallen state. To the church in bonds in the rude
grasp of the papacy it gave the freedom which is to
be found in union with God ; and withdrawing men
from confessionals and from cells m which they were
stifled, it enabled them to breathe a free air under the
vault of heaven. At the time of its appearance, the
vessel of the church had suffered shipwreck, and the
Roman Catholics were tossed about in the midst of
traditions, ordinances, canons, constitutions, regula-
tions, decretals, and a thousand human decisions •
just as shipwrecked men struggle in the midst of
376 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. BOOK XYX
broken masts, parted benclies, and scattered oars.
The Eeformation was the liark of salvation which
rescued the unhappy sufferers from the devouring
waters, and took them into the ark of the Word of
God.
The Eeformation did not confine itself to gather-
ing men together, it also gave them a new life.
Roman Catholicism is congealed in the forms of the
Middle Ages. Destitute of A^itality, possessing no
fertilizing principle, humanity lay buried in its old
grave-clothes. The Reformation was a resurrection.
The Gospel imparts a true, pure, and heavenly life,
a life which does not grow old, nor fade, nor disap-
pear like that of all created things, but is continually
renewed, not indeed by its own efforts, but by the
power of God, and knows neither old age nor death.
Time was needed for the Gospel, after being buried
for ages by the papacy, to throw off all its swaddling-
clothes, and resume its free and mighty progress ; but
its advance was made by an impulse from on high.
After having restored to Europe primitive Christianity,
the church which sprang from the Reformation over-
threw the ancient superstitions of Asia, and of the
whole world, and sent a life-giving breath over the
fields of death. Churches everywhere called into ex-
istence, assemblies of men abounding in good deeds,
these are the testimonies of its fertility. The mission-
aries of this Gospel, although they lived in poverty,
spent their days in obscurity, and often encountered
death even in a cruel form, nevertheless accomplished
a work more beneficial and more heroic than princes
and conquerors have done. Rome herself was moved
at the sight of all the stations established, all the
CHAP. I. ROMAN AND CHRISTIAN UNITY. 377
Bibles put into circulation, all tlie schools founded, all
the children educated, and all the souls converted.
There is, however, one point on which the papacy
imagines that it may claim a triumph, that is, unity ;
and yet on this very point it fails. Roman Catholics
know no other unity than that of the disciples of human
science, — of mathematics, for example. Just as all the
pupils in a school are agreed about the theorems of
Euclid, the papacy requires that all the faithful, who
in her opinion ought to be nothing but pupils, should
be agreed about the dogmas which she establishes in
her councils or in her Vatican retreats. Unity, she
says, is the assertion of the same decrees. The Gos-
pel is not satisfied with this scholastic uniformity ; it
demands a union more intimate, more profound, more
vital— at once more human and more divine. It re-
quires that all Christians should be likeminded, having
the same love, being of one accord, of one mind; a true
fellowship of the Spirit ; * and this union it founds
upon Christ, on the truth — that there is no salvation in
any other, and on the fact that all those who are
saved have in Him the same righteousness, the same
redemption.! Christ reveals the divine nature of
Christian unity, — I in them, he said, that they may be
one as we are one.^ This is assuredly something dif-
ferent from the mechanical and scholastic unity of
which the Roman doctors make their boast. The
unity of the Gospel is not a crystallization like the
unity of Rome, it is a movement full of life.
All kinds of human progress date from the Re-
formation. It produced religious progress by substi-
* Phil., ii. 1, 2. t Acts, iv. 12.
t John, XYii. 22, 23.
378 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xyi.
tuting for the forms and the rites which are the
essence of Romish religion, a life of communion with
God. It produced moral progress by introducing,
wherever it was established, the reign of conscience
and the sacredness of the domestic hearth. It pro-
duced political and social progress by giving to the
nations which accepted it, an order and a freedom
which other nations in vain strive to attain. It pro-
duced progress in philosophy and in science, by showing
the unity of these human forms of teaching with the
knowledge of God. It produced progress in education,
the wellbeing of communities, the prosperity, riches,
and greatness of nations. The Reformation, originat-
ing in God, beneficially develops what pertains to man.
And if pride and passion sometimes happen to impede
its movement, and to thrust within its chariot wheels
the clubs of incredulity, it presently breaks them, and
pursues its victorious course. Its pace is more or less
speedy; various circumstances make it slow or swift;
but if at one time it is slackened, at another time it is
accelerated. It has been in action for three centuries,
and has accomplished more in this time than had
been effected in the preceding sixteen centuries.
It is- upheld by a mighty hand. If the truth which
was again brought to light in the sixteenth century
should once more be entombed, then the sun being
veiled the earth would be covered with darkness ; it
would no longer be possible to discern the way of sal-
vation ; moral force would disappear, freedom would
depart, modern civilization would once more sink into
barbarism, and humanity, deprived of the only guide
competent to lead it on, would go astray and perish
hopelessly in the desert.
CHAP. I. PROGRESS IN GERMANY. 379
We have narrated in our early volumes the great
achievements of the Reformation in Germany, at
Worms, Spire, Augsburg, and elsewhere. While
these events were astonishing all Europe, the Spirit
of God was gently breathing, souls were silently
awakening, churches were forming, and the Christian
virtues were springing up afresh in Christendom.
What took place at that period was very much like
what frequently happens in the world of nature. In
the higher regions there are great gales, clouds charged
with electricity, thunders, lightnings, and torrents of
rain. Then in the lower regions, in the valleys and
on the plains, the fields refreshed, reviving, grow
green again, ' and the earth brings forth first the
fruit, then the ear, after that the full corn in the ear.'
The Reformation had made great progress in Ger-
many. The Word of God everywhere advanced with
much power ; and the waters which had gushed forth
at Wittenberg, spreading around, quenched the thirst
of many souls. Believers were found in all classes,
but especially among the traders of the towns.
In an island of the Baltic, formed by the two
eastern arms of the Oder, and belonging to Pomerania,
stands the small town of WoUin, formerly a nest
of Danish pirates. Here was born, on June 24,
1485, a man of singular goodness, who became
one of the champions of Christian civilization in the
sixteenth century, John, son of the councillor Gerard
Bugenhagen. He entered in 1502 the university of
Greifswald, a town situated on the same sea, and
applied himself to the study of languages, the humani-
ties, and also theology. In 1505 he went to Trep-
tow, another town on the Baltic, further eastward.
380 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xvi.
and was appointed rector of the school. He was so
successful as a teacher that Bodelwin, abbot of a
neighbouring convent, invited him to become profes-
sor of theology in a college instituted for the teaching
of the sciences. Here he expounded the Scriptures,
for the most part according to the views of Augustine
and Jerome. Priests, monks, and townsmen came to
hear him ; and although he was not ordained, his
friends strongly urged him to preach. This he did,
to the great delight of his hearers, among whom were
some of noble rank. *
' Alas ! ' said Bugenhagen, afterwards, ' I was
still in the strait bonds of pharisaic piety, and I had
no true understanding of the Holy Scriptures. We
were all so deeply sunk in the doctrine of the pope,
that we had not even a wish to know the doctrine of
the Word of God.' There were however desires and
longings in his heart ; but what he wanted remained
as a writing in cipher, of which he was "unable to dis-
cover the key. It was quite suddenly at last that
he found it.
Towards the close of 1520, he dined with some
professors and friends at the house of Otto Slutov,
one of the patricians of the town and inspector of the
church of Treptow. Slutov had just received a copy
of Luther's Babylonish Captivity. ' You must read
that,' he said to Bugenhagen, as he laid the volume
upon the table, around which the guests were seated.
AvaLLing himself of the invitation, the rector turned
over the leaves of the book during dinner-time, and
* ' Obter nuB woU noch nicht geweyliet war, vermahneten ilm doch
giite Freunde offentlich zupredigen.' — Seckendorf, Sis<. des LvthertJnims,
p. 434.
CHAP. I. CONVERSION OF BUGENHAGEN. 381
after having read some passages he said aloud to the
company present, — ' Since the birth of Christ, many-
heretics have attacked and roundly abused the church;
but among them there has not been one more exe-
crable than the man. who has written this book.' He,
however, took away the volume by leave of his host,
read it and reread it, meditated and deliberately
weighed its contents ; and at each perusal scales
seemed to fall from his eyes. Some days afterwards,
finding himself in the same company, he made a con-
fession to them. ' What shall I say to you ? The
whole world is blind and plunged in the deepest dark-
ness. This man alone sees the truth.' He read to
his friends page after page, undertook the defence of
each paragraph, and brought most of them to the
same convictions that he had received himself J.
Kyrich, J. Lorich, the deacon Kettelhut, abbot Bodel-
win and others acknowledged the errors of the papacy,
and endeavoured to turn people from their supersti-
tions and to make known to them the merits of Jesus
Christ. This was the beginning of the Eeformation
in Pomerania.
Bugenhagen began to read Luther's other writ-
ings ; and he was especially charmed with his exposi-
tion of the difference between the Law and the Gospel,
and of the doctrine of justification by faith. Persecu-
tion soon began, instigated by the bishop of Camin.
Bugenhagen, who earnestly desired to see the places
whence the light had come, betook himself to Witten-
berg, arriving there in 1521, shortly before the de-
parture of the reformer to Worms. The Pomeranian
was joyfully received by Luther and Melanchthon,
who thenceforth usually called him ' Pomeranus.'
382 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book Xvi.
His desire was to be a student, not a teaclier ; but
having begun, in his own room, to explain the Psalms
to his countrymen, he did this with so much clearness,
such unction and evangelical life, that Melanclithon
requested him to give the course publicly. He now
became one of the professors of the University, and
at the same time pastor of the parish church. He was
afterwards (1536) appointed superintendent-general.
Melanchthon and Pomeranus completed, each on his
special side, the work of Luther. 3Ielanchthon did so
in the scientific sphere, by means of his classical cul-
ture, and in the political sphere by his discretion.
Pomeranus, though undoubtedly inferior to both of
them, had great experience and much knowledge
of men, and he possessed at the same titne gentle-
ness and firmness, abundance of tact and a practical
turn of mind, and to all these qualities he added ener-
getic activity. He was thus enabled to render great
services in all that related to ecclesiastical organiza-
tion.* There was hardly an important church in
whose formation his assistance was not sought. We
have already met with him in Denmark.^
We have elsewhere seen how the Gospel had been
brought to Erfurt by Luther and by Lange, how
Frederick Myconius, converted partly by Tetzel's
excesses,, had preached the Gospel at Zwickau, and
how the word had renovated other towns in con-
nexion with Wittenberg. When a friend of Luther,
Nicholas Hausmann for instance, was called to some
place for the work of the Reformation, and came to
* Seckendorf, Hist, des LutheHhums, p. 435, &c. Cramer, Pomer.
Chr. Herzog's Theol. Eucy. ii., and various tiooTaphies.
t History of the Reformation, second series, vii. p. 270.
CHAP. I. REFORMATION AT MAGDEBURG. 383
ask the great doctor's advice, the latter answered :
' If you accept the call, you will make enemies of the
pope and the bishops ; but if you decline it, you will
be the enemy of Christ.' This was enough to induce
them to enter upon the work. * The evangelical
doctrine had been publicly preached at Frankfort-on-
the-Main by Ibach, just after the famous diet of
Worms. Assemblies of evangelical deputies had been
held there in June 1530, December 1531, and May
1536, and this town had joined the alliance of Smal-
kalde.
The cities of Lower Saxony were the- first to be
touched by the light which proceeded from electoral
Saxony. Magdeburg, where Luther had been at
school and had personal friends, had early shown
itself friendly to evangelical principles. One day, an
old clothier came and stood at the foot of the monu-
ment erected in this town to the illustrious Em-
peror Otto the Great, in memory of his conquests in
the tenth century; and the zealous partisan of the
spiritual conqueror of the sixteenth century began to
sing one of Luther's hymns and to sell copies of it.
People were at the time coming out of a neighbour-
ing church, where mass had been said. Many had
received the leaf, but the burgomaster who was
passing with others of the faithful had the seller
arrested. This caused the fire which was smoulder-
ing under the embers to flame forth. The parishioners
of St. Ulrich. assembled in the cemetery, elected eio-ht
good men to undertake the government of the church.
The parish of St. John took part in the movement ;
* ' Si pa3turam assumis, papse et episcoporum hostem te fades • si
repugnaveris Ohi-isti hostis eris.' — Gerdesius, Hist. Ref. ii. p. 50.
384 THE REFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xti.
and all declared that they attached themselves to
their sovereign pastor, bishop, and pope, Jesus Christ,
and were ready to jSight bravely under this glorious
captain. On June 23, 1524, the citizens met together
in the convent of the Augustines with seven evan-
gelical pastors, and determined to request the Council
that nothing but the Word of God should any longer
be preached, and that the Lord's Supper should be
administered regularly in both kinds. On July 17, the
communion was thus celebrated in all the churches;
and the town-council, on the 23rd of the same month,
informed the elector that ' the immutable and eternal
Word of God, hitherto obscured by thick shadows,
now shone forth, by God's mercy, more brightly than
the sun, for the salvation of sinners, the happiness of
the faithful, and the glory of God.' * They requested
the elector at the same time to send Amsdorff to
them.
Brunswick followed next. The Reformation was
introduced into this town chiefly by means of Luther's
hymns, which were sung alike in private houses and in
the streets. Incumbents of benefices were in the habit
of paying young ecclesiastics to preach in their stead.
These deacons, usually called ' hireling priests '
(^Heuerpfaffen), generally embraced evangelical doc-
trines, and induced their flocks to do so too. Some-
times one of them would strike up, instead of the
hymn to the Virgin Mary, one of these new Ger-
man hymns, and all the congregation would sing it
* ' Das uniiterwindliche e'wige ^'orte Gottes, mit einem Schatten
verdunkelt, nvm heller als die Sonne.' — Seckendorf, Hist, des Luther-
thums, p. 665. P^aake, Deutsche Geschichte, iii. p. 376. Gerdesius, Higt.
Mef. ii. p. 132.
CHAP. I. BRUNSWICK. 385
with Hm. The clergy endeavoured to maintain the
Scholastic doctrine ; but if the people heard from the
lips of their old pastors false quotations from the
Holy Scriptures, voices were raised in all directions
to correct them. The ecclesiastics in office then sum-
moned to their aid Doctor Sprengel, a preacher highly
esteemed in those parts. But at the close of his
sermon, a townsman rose and said : ' Priest, thou
liest.' He then struck up the hymn of Luther be-
ginning —
O Gott vom Himmel sieli darin —
and the whole congregation sang it heartily with
him. The old pastors applied to the Council to rid
them of these troublesome deacons ; but the people,
on the other hand, demanded to be rid. of their use-
less pastors.
The Council, after some hesitation, was at length
overcome by the evangelical movement, and passed a
decree (March 18, 1528) that the pure Word of God
alone should be preached at Brunswick. ' Christ
grant that his glory may increase ! ' * said Luther
when he heard the news. At the same time the
Council begged the Elector of Saxony to send Po-
meranus, who, accordingly, on May 12, proceeded
to Brunswick, to the great joy of all the people. So
admirably did he execute the task of organization that
the Brunswickers entreated the Elector to allow him
to remain with them a year longer. But Luther
assured the prince, September 18, 1528, that the
doctor could not possibly be longer spared. ' Witten-
berg,' he added, ' is at this time of more importance
* ' Ohristus faciat gloriam suam crescere.' — Luther, E2nst. iii. p. 290.
VOL. VIII. C C
386 THE REFORilATION IN EUROPE. book xti.
than three Brunswicks.' * This was a moderate
assertion ; Luther might have said more. For the
church of Brunswick Pomeranus drew up ordinances
on schools, preaching, the church festivals, baptism,
the Lord's Supper, and discipline. Sin was to be
punished, but not the sinner. He prepared similar
constitutions for various great towns in Xorth Ger-
many. The mendicant monks now lefb Brunswick,
and the Reformation was established.
The assistance of Luther and Melanchthon was
soon after sought by a more important town. The
Gospel had made its way into Hamburg ; but tlie
priests and especially th.e Dominican Renssburg op-
posed it with all their might. The citizens required
of the Council (April 21, 1528) that the preachers
should be examined according to the Holy Scriptures,
and that all those who were found not to be in agree-
ment with them should be dismissed. Xext day,
a conference between the two parties was held,
in the presence of the senate and a commission of
the townsmen. But Renssburg spoke in Latin, in
order that the laity might not understand him. As
the Roman Catholics put forward exclusively the
authority of the Church, five of their niunber were
banished from the town ; and some of the most in-
fluential of the townsmen felt it necessary to escort
them, lest the populace should do them any injury.
Pomeranus was at this time called to Hamburg, to
organize the evangelical church ; and when the
Council further applied for an extension of the time
* ' So lieg-t auch mehr an "Wittenberg zu dieser Zeit denn an drey
Braunschweig.' — Vnd. p. 377. See also Richter, Einng. Kirchenordnungen.
Seckendorf, Hist, des Lutherthunw, pp. 66t>, 919. Ranke, Deitische Ge-
schichte, iii. p. 37S.
CB.AT. I. HAMBURG AND LUBECK. 387
of his sojourn, Luther on this occasion supported
their request. Hamburg was for him undoubtedly
a place of greater importance than Brunswick. But
the town made very large demands. On May 12,
1529, Luther wrote to the Elector: ' The Hamburgers
would fain have Pomeranus stay with them for ever.' *
Now, new students were daily arriving at Witten-
berg, and the faculty could not dispense with the
services of Pomeraniis. Luther therefore entreated
the Elector to recall him, and declared himself willing
to persuade the Council and the University to do the
same. For Hamburg also Pomeranus drew up an
ecclesiastical ordinance.
At Liibeck a powerful and compact party, com-
posed of the clergy, the Council, the nobles, and the
principal men of business, resisted the Reformation,
the doctrines of which were steadily gaining ground
among the townsmen. A psalm in German having
been sung by the domestic servants in some house,
the whole family was punished, and Luther's sermons
were burnt in the market-place in 1528. Two evan-
gelical ministers, Wilhelmi and Wahlhof, were ex-
pelled. A certain priest, John Rode, preached that
Christ had redeemed only the fathers of the Old
Testament, and that all who were born after him
must obtain their salvation by their own merits.
People used to go about singing to him, —
Oelui qui doit nous mener au bercail,
Nous fait, Mas ! tous tomter dans la fosse.
* ' Dass er soUte ewiglich bey Ihnen bleiben.' — Luther, Epist., iii. p.
399. Seckendorf, Hist, des Lutherthums, p. 924. Rioliter, Evang, Kirch-
enwdnunffen.
co2
388 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book XTr.
At a great meeting of the townsfolk, those who meant
to remain CathoUcs were bidden to go apart. Only
one person stirred from his place. The Council was
in want of money and demanded it of the townsmen,
who in reply demanded religious liberty. In 1529
the banished ministers were recalled. In 1530 the
Catholic preachers had to evacuate all the pulpits;
and in 1531 Pomeranus gave the town an ecclesias-
tical ordinance.*
' Seckendorf, JSigt. des Lutherthums, p. 1160. Raake, Deutsche
Geschichte, iii. p. 384. Eichter, Evang. Kirchenordnungen.
CHAP. ri. 889
CHAPTER II.
THE PEINCIPALITY OF ANHALT.
(1522—1532.)
THE Eeformation met with difHculties in the prin-
cipality of Anhalt, but the young princes who
now ruled the two duchies of which the principality
consisted, had had a pious mother, and the seed
which her hand had sown in their hearts overcame
all obstacles. One of the princes, Wolfgang, had
held intercourse with Luther as early as 1522 and
had, as we have seen, most wUlingly signed the
Confession of Augsburg.* The other three, however,
had not followed his example. John, on the con-
trary, had signed the Compromise of Augsburg, and
it was not easy for him to draw back. Surrounded
by powerful neighbours entirely devoted to Rome,
the elector of Brandenburg, duke George of Saxony,
and the archbishop elector of Mentz, it seemed scarcely
possible for them to extricate themselves from the net.
Joachim was of a feeble and gloomy temper. More-
over, prince George was an ecclesiastic at the age of
eleven, a canon of Merseburg since 1524, and provost
of the chapter of Magdeburg, and seemed to be called
to the highest offices of the church. He was born
at Dessau in 1501. From his childhood he had
* Sistory of the Reformatimi , Fii-st Series, vol. iv. book xiv. chap. 6.
390 THE EEFOEilATION IX EUEOPE. book xvi.
shown a strong attaclinient to church, ceremonies and
to the traditions of the fathers ; and the doctrines
of Luther were afterwards depicted to him in the
blackest colours. ' This man,' they told him, ' pro-
scribes good books, authorizes bad ones, and abolishes
all the holy ordinances. All his followers are Dona-
tists and Wickliffites.' He was henceforth a vehe-
ment opponent of a system which, according to his
judgment, was destructive of Christianity. When
the ministers of Magdeburg attempted to win over
the members of the Chapter to the Reformation, he
roughly rebuked them. As he was an honest man
and was desirous of qualifying himself to contend
against the errors of the Protestants, he began to
search for arguments in the Holy Scriptures and in
the fathers of the church, but it was not possible
for him to find any. On the contrary, he was utterly
astonished to find that Holy Scripture was opposed
to many of the established customs of the church ;
and that in what was called the new doctrine there
were many articles which were found in the Bible,
and which had been held by the fathers. His
mother, although she continued in the church and
counselled her sons not to violate its unity, had be-
lieved that she was saved by grace alone, and had
with special emphasis professed this faith at the time
of her death. George had embraced this faith at an
early age ; and the bishop of Merseburg had con-
firmed him in it by rebuking one day a preacher who
had exalted human merits, and to whom he had said
energetically : ' Not a single living man is righteous.'
He repeated the words three times in the presence of
George ; and now George found the doctrine distinctly
CHAP. II. DUKE GEORGE OF ANHALT. 301
asserted in the sacred writings. He wondered within
himself whether it could be on this account that the
friends of Rome spoke of the Bible as a heretical book
and forbade people to read it. But at other times
recognising in it this truth, of which God had kept
alive a spark in his heart,"* he was not a little alarmed,
for he saw that it was the very doctrine of Luther.
' I see,' he said to himself, ' that the fathers very
much praised the Holy Scriptures, considered them
the foundation, and would have no other.' And
now the doctors of the church refuse to test their
teaching by Scripture ! He therefore put to some of
them the question on what basis the doctrines of
the church were made to rest ; and they could not
tell him. He observed at the same time, in many
of those who defended abuses, spiteful passions, in-
justice, and calumny ; and honest George was at a
loss what to think about it. He fell into a deep
melancholy, a state of restlessness and distress of
mind which nothing could relieve.| ' On the one
hand,' said he, ' I see the building threatening to
fall ; on the other I see troubles, disagreements,
and the revolt of the peasants.' Luther had indeed
opposed this revolt ; but, for all that, the prince was
terrified and in great distress. ' What shall I do ?
Which side must I take ? God grant that I may de-
termine to do only that which is right, and resolve
not to act against my own conscience.' He was
haunted by these thoughts day and night. At a
* ' Anfanglicli nicht wenig ersohreckt, weil Gott, in seinem Herzen
dies Funklein immer erhalten.' — Seckendorf, SiBt. des Ziakeithums, p.
1414.
t ' Welclie.s alles bey ihm grosse Betriibniss, Bekummerniss und
Herzensangst erweckt.' — Seckendorf, Hist, des Lutherthmns, p. 1415.
302 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xyi.
later time he said : ' How many a night have I been
agitated and depressed, suffering unutterable heavi-
ness of heart. Something dreadful appeared before
me; He knows, from whom nothing is concealed. My
whole being shuddered. How often this passage
came into my mind, — The sword without, and terrors
within. I could do nothing else but cry unto God, as
a poor sinner who supplicates his grace.'
In 1530, he received a copy of the Confession of
Augsburg, which Wolfgang had signed. He had up
to this time read very little the writings of the
reformers; and he found that the evangelical doc-
trine, as set forth in this document, was entirely
different from what had been told him. The funda-
mental doctrines of the apostolical churches were
clearly asserted in it, and the ancient heresies were
convincingly refuted. The refutation of the Protes-
tant Confession drawn up by the Roman doctors dis-
gusted him. He now began to read the works of
Luther, and was struck by the fact that the author
exhorted men to good works, although he would have
no one place his confidence in them. He found,
indeed, that Luther was sometimes rather fiery; ' but,'
said he, ' so are Jeremiah, Isaiah, Ezekiel and other
prophets. He found that the Gospel of Christ was
again in the pulpits. He recollected that his mother
had one day said to him with sorrow, — ' How is it
that our preachers, when they have to speak of the
Gospel of Christ, do so with less wannth than the
new ministers ? ' And he thought within himself, —
' AVhile the poor people to whom the cowl of St.
Frajicis, satisfaction, and their own merits are recora-
CHAP. II. LUTHER S LETTER. 893
mended, die wretchedly, those who are now directed
to Jesus Christ leave this world with joyful hearts.'
Ere long this prince, who was subsequently known
as George the Pious, showed himself zealous for the
truth, and gained over his brothers John and Joachim
to the Gospel. On Holy Thursday, 1532, when a Do-
minican who preached at Dessau had vigorously con-
tended against the practice of administering the Sup-
per in both kinds, George dismissed him. The three
brothers now gave complete freedom to the Reforma-
tion. Duke George of Saxony took care to warn
them that they would draw upon themselves the
Emperor's displeasure, and that George would not
attain to the high honours which he had had reason
to hope for. But all this was ineffectual. Towards
the close of the summer, Luther wrote to the princes
in the following terms : ' I have heard, illustrious
princes, that by the power of the Spirit of Christ an
end has been put in your dominions to impious abuses,
and that you have introduced the practices of Chris-
tian communion, not without exposing yourselves to
great danger and to the threats of powerful princes.
I give God thanks that He has imparted to the
three brothers the same spirit and the same strength.
Christ, the " weak " king, is in truth and for ever the
king almighty, and such are the works which he
accomplishes. He acts, he lives, he speaks, both in
himself and in his members. The beginnings of every
work of God are weak, but the results are invincibly
strong. The roots of all trees are at first mere slender
filaments, or rather a sort of pulp which solidifies ;
nevertheless from them are produced those huge
trees, those oaks, of which are constructed vast build-
394 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xti.
ings, ships and machines.* Every work of God begins
in weakness and is completed in strength. It is
otherwise with the works of men.' On September
14, Luther sent his friend Hausmann to the princes
as pastor, ' a man who loves the Word of God and
teaches it with discretion.' Prince George, on the
ground of his ecclesiastical offices, considered himself
to be invested with a legitimate authority in the
church of his own dominions. Luther calls him
' right reverend bishop.' When he heard how much
George had to suffer ' on the part of Satan, the
world, and the flesh,' and that machinations of all
kinds were set on foot for attacking him, he made
haste to fortify him, writing to him as follows :—
' Christ himself hath said — Be of good comfort, I have
overcome the world. If the world be overcome, so like-
wise is the prince of the world ; for when a kingdom
is conquered the king also is conquered. And if the
prince of this world be conquered, all that proceeds
from him shares his defeat, — fury, wrath, sin, death,
hell, and all the arms in which he confidently trusted.
Glory be to God, who hath given us the victory.' f
Prince Joachim, a feebler man than George, found
himself assailed by powerful princes who exerted
themselves to turn him away from the Gospel, and
his resolution was shaken. Luther therefore en-
deavoured to strengthen him. ' Let your Highness
but call to mind,' said he, ' that Christ and his word
are higher, greater, and surer than a hundred thou-
* ' Omnium arbonun radices in principio sunt tenuia fila . . . et
tamen producvmt trabes et robora quibus tantee moles domorum, navium,
et macbinarum construuntur.' — Luther, Ejmt. iv. p. 400.
t ' Victo reinio, yictus est rex.' — Luther, JSjnst. iv. p. 440.
CHAP. IT. PEINCE JOACHIM. 395
sand fathers, councils, and popes, whom the Scriptures
call sinners and sheep gone astray. Let your High-
ness then be full of courage. Christ is greater than
all devils and all princes.' * A year later, Luther,
understanding that Joachim had fallen into a state of
melancholy, wrote several letters to him. ' A young
man like you,' he wrote to him, ' ought to be always
cheerful. I counsel you to ride on horseback, to hunt,
to seek for pleasant society in which you may piously
and honourably enjoy yourself. Solitude and melan-
cholj' are penalties and death for all, but especially
for a young man. God commands us to be joyful.
" Rejoice," says the Preacher, " rejoice, young
man, in thy youth, and let thy heart cheer thee in
the days of thy youth." ' f
On March 16, 1534, a meeting was held of all
the ecclesiastics of the principality of Anhalt ; when,
in spite of the opposition of the archbishop, they were
ordered to celebrate the Lord's Supper according to
the institution of Christ. Prince George appointed
to the livings men who had studied at Wittenberg,
and sent his candidates to Luther for examination
and consecration.
The country, which takes its name from the
ancient castle of Anhalt, the walls of which are still
to be seen in the forest of Harzegerode, was one of
those in which the Reformation was most peacefully
carried out.
We have elsewhere treated of the reformation of
Bremen, of Augsburg, and of Wiirtemberg. Pome-
rani a was not yet reformed, although Pomeranus, the
* ' Ohristus ist grosser dann alle Fiirsten.' — Epist. iv. p. 448.
t Eccles. xi. 9.
396 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xti.
reformer to whom it had given birth, took so promi-
nent a part in the work in many towns and countries.
The duke, Bogislas, and the bishop of Camin were
resolutely opposed to the Reformation ; but here and
there amongst the townsmen were ardent aspirations
towards the Gospel ; and occasionally, likewise, there
were excesses and destruction of images. The clergy
and the nobles were on the side of the pope ; the
towns were for the Bible ; and the two camps were
almost at war. The duke on his travels, in 1523,
passed through Wittenberg, and the bishop of Camin,
as curious as the duke, appears to have accompanied
him. The reformer in his sermon spoke, amongst
other things, of the carelessness and luxury of
bishops. The duke smiled and looked at his com-
panion.* Bogislas sent for Luther, conversed with
him in a friendly manner, and said : ' I should like
for once to confess to you.' ' I am quite willing,'
said the reformer ; ' my only fear is that as your High-
ness is a great prince, you are also a great sinner.'
The duke made frank reply that this was only too
true. The duke felt also the influence of his son, the
young prince Barnim, who had studied at Witten-
berg from 1518 to 1521, and who had attended the
disputation at Leipsic in 1519. His brother George,
on the other hand, brought up at the court of Duke
George of Saxony, had there imbibed a hatred of the
Gospel. After the death of Bogislas, these two
princes became leaders of the two opposing parties.
Barnim sent word to the allies of Smalcalde-^' What
my brother builds up, I shall cast down.' The mother
■*■ ' Solle der Herzog gelachelt iind den Bischof angeselien haben.'
Seckendorf, Hist, des Lutherthurm, p. 599.
CHAP. TI.
WESTPHALIA. 397
of George appeared friendly to his purpose ; and her
son Philip having come to an understanding with
Barnim, a diet was convoked, in 1533, at Treptow.
The towns laid before it a scheme of reformation,
which was well received ; and Pomeranus was sum-
moned to settle the new order of things. The no-
bility, however, and the clergy, particularly the
bishop of Camin, still energetically opposed the evan-
gelical work.
The conflict was severe in Westphalia.* Evan-
gelical truth was well received in some places.
Children used to sing Luther's hymns at the doors
of houses ; the members of a family would sing them
by the fireside ; the most fearless ventured to do the
same in the open air, at first in the evening twilight,
and then in the daytime. At length some ministers
arrived. Monks and nuns were now seen quitting
their convents and embracing the Gospel. At other
places, as for instance at Lemgo, the pastor, at first
stoutly opposed, would set out for some reformed
town in order to see how matters were going on there,
and on his return would reform his own church.
But in some districts violent resistance was offered.
At Soest, a conflict took place between a victim
and the executioner. The latter having made an
ineflTectual stroke and inflicted only a severe wound,
the victim, a robust man of the lower class, snatched
away the weapon, repulsed the executioner and his
assistant, and was carried ofi" in triumph by the
crowd to his own house, where, however, he died on
the following day, of the blow which he had received.
* Eanke, Deutsche Oeschichte, iii. p. 492.
398 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xyi.
In other places a struggle between cruelty and
liumanity took place among the persecutors, and on
some occasions humanity triumphed. At Paderborn,
a town in which Charlemagne held several diets and
where many Saxons were baptized, the community
without asking leave of higher authorities had opened
the churches to evangehcal preaching. Hermann,
elector of Cologne, who subsequently entertained very
different views, being named administrator of the
bishopric, arrived in the town attended by guards and
by influential men of the country who were devoted to
the papacy. Appealed to by these men, by the cliapter
and by the council which implored him to punish the
illegal proceedings of the townsfolk, he allowed at first
things to take their course. The people were, how-
ever, called together in the garden of a convent at
which the elector was staying. They were told that
he was desirous of taking a gracious leave of them.
The townsfolk arrived ; but they suddenly found
themselves encompassed by armed men, and the
leaders of the evangelical party were seized and cast
into prison. They were put to the torture ; they
were led out to the scaffold, around which the people
were gathered, and the approaches to which were
covered with gravel intended to absorb the blood of
the victims, and there sentence of death was read to
these honest and pious citizens. Xothing now re-
mained but to behead them. The chief executioner
came forward and, turning to Hermann and aU the
dio-nitaries around him, said : ' These men are inno-
cent, I would sooner die than behead them.' At the
same time a voice was heard from the midst of the
crowd ; it was that of an aged man who came for-
CHAP. n. PRINCE NtJRNBERG. 399
ward with difficulty, leaning on his staff. ' I also am
guilty like those you have condemned, and I ask to
be put to death with them.' The wives and daughters
of the prisoners had assembled in a neighbouring
house. The door now opened, and they approached,
some smiting themselves on the breast, others with
dishevelled * hair ; they cast themselves at the feet of
the elector and entreated pardon for these innocent
men. Hermann, who was not cruel, could not refrain
from tears, and he granted the pardon which was
sought at his hands. Nevertheless, the evangelical
doctrine was prohibited in the town. The people
were even forbidden to engage domestic servants who
came from places where the new doctrine was pro-
fessed.|
We have elsewhere seen how some countries and
towns more or less recently reformed, had felt the need
of union after the decree of the diet of Augsburg, of
1530, and had formed at Smalcalde, March 29, 1531,
an alliance for six years, by which they engaged to
defend each other. J Under these circumstances, and
considering that the Sultan Solyman was advancing
towards Austria with an immense army, the Emperor
had determined to treat with the Protestants, and
the religious peace of Niirnberg was concluded, July
23, 1532. The leaguers of Smalcalde, nevertheless,
were still subject to molestation, for various reasons,
by the tribunals of the Empire. The landgrave of
• ' Traten aua einem nalien Haiise die Frauen und Jungfrauen der
Stadt hervor, jener mit oflfener Brust, dieae mit zerstreuten Haaren . . .'
— Banke, Deutsche OescMchte, iii. p. 496. Hamelmann, Hkt. renovati
Evangdii. Seclrendorf, Hist, des Lutherthums, p. 1291.
t Compromise of October 18, 1532.
X Hist, of the Reformation, Second Series vol. ii. took ii. chap. ?1.
400 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xvr.
Hesse, by a bold measure, re-established the Protes-
tant duke, Ulrich of Wiirtemberg, in his dominions,
thus opening them to the Reformation and increasing
the power of the League of Smalcalde.*
• History of the Reformution, Second Series, vol. ii. chaps, 22 and 23.
401
CHAPTER III.
THE TEIUMPH OF THE ANABAPTISTS OF MUNSTEE.
(1533.)
UNFORTUNATELY, there was going on at this
time a fanatical movement, which the Roman
Catholics were fain to turn to account against the
Reformation, but which in truth furnished no ground
of reproach against it ; for the attitude of the Re-
formation towards the fanatics was chiefly one of re-
sistance and suppression. When after a long winter
the springtide comes again, it is not only the good
seed which grows up, but weeds too appear in abund-
ance. It could not happen otherwise in this new
springtide of the church, which is called the Reforma-
tion. The mightiest power of the Middle Ages —
the Papacy — was assailed. In place of the opinions
which it had professed and imposed on the world for
centuries, the reformers presented evangelical doc-
trine. It was easy to understand that not all who
rejected the views of the Roman pontiffs would accept
those of the reformers, but that many would invent
or adopt others.
There was a diversity of doctrines, and some-
times, even within the limits of a single party, all
manner of opinions. This was the case with the so-
VOL. VIII. D D
402 THE REFOEMATIOX IN EUROPE. BOOK XVI.
called spirituals, who have been erroneously named
Anabaptists, for opposition to infant baptism, so far
from being their distinctive doctrine, was hardly their
badge. They held in general the power for good
of the natural will (free-will). Haetzer denied the
divinity of Christ, and led a bad life. ]\Iany of them
said, ' Christ took nothing of human nature from his
mother, for the Adamic nature is accursed.' There
were some who looked upon the observance of Sunday
as an antichristian practice. These fanatics fancied
themselves alone to be the children of Tiod, and like
the Israelites of old believed that they were called to
exterminate the wicked. One of this sect, Melchior
Hoffmann, after being in turn in king's courts and in
ignominious imprisonment, went into Alsace, suppos-
ing that at Strasburg the new Jerusalem was to come
down from heaven, and that from this town would
sro forth the messengers charg^ed to gather together
God's elect. Almost all of them expected that the
end of the world was very near at hand, and some
even fixed the day and the hour.
These fanatics, in consequence of the persecution
to which they were subjected in South Germany, in
Switzerland, and in Holland, turned their steps towards
the regions bordering on the Rhine, where more free-
dom was to be enjoyed, and where the Reformation
was not yet thoroughly organized. Munster, in West-
phalia, was a strong town, fortified with a citadel, and
the seat of a bishop, with a cathedral, and a numerous
body of clergy. 2s ear the town stood a church dedi-
cated to St. ^Maurice ; here a false reformer preached
a false reformation. This preacher was one Bernard
Rottmann. a fiery man, eloquent and daring, who
CHAP. III. BERNARD KOTTMANN. 400
had to some extent apprehended the reformed doc-
trine, but whose heart remained unaffected by it.
As he used to deliver tine discourses, the towns-
people flocked to hear him ; and at length requested
that he should be called into Munster. Some influ-
ential men among the Roman Catholics, acquainted
with the man, and anxious to avoid any disturbance,
offered him money to go away.* Rottmann accepted
the money and took his departure, thus giving the
measure of his faith and zeal. He then visited several
towns and universities in Germany, but made no
stay anywhere, and in the course of a few months
returned to Munster. Some of the citizens and the
populace, who were very fond of listening to his
declamation, joyfully welcomed him; but the bishop
and the clergy were opposed to his preaching in the
churches. His partisans now set up a pulpit for him
in the market-jjlace, and his hearers increased in
number daily. Two pastors from Hesse, taking
Rottmann for a minister of good standing, joined
him, and drew up a statement of the errors of
Rome in thirty-one articles, and submitted it to the
council. The priests were then assembled at the
town-hall, and the council laid the document before
them. ' This is indeed our doctrine,' they said, ' but
we are not prepared to defend it.' They were con-
sequently deprived. The bishop, who had quitted
Munster, resolved to cut off the supply of food to the
town — a measure not exactly within a pastor's func-
tion, whose call is to feed his flock. The townsmen,
provoked, arrested most of the canons and the priests-
* ' Mediocrem pecuniae summam ei daut pontificii.' — Gerdesiiis, Hist.
Reform, iii. p. 93.
D D 2
404 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xti.
and imprisoned them ; and it was arranged in 1533,
that evangelical doctrine should be preached in the six
churches of the town, and that the old abuses should
be no longer allowed except in the cathedral.*
Among the most respected inhabitants of Munster
was the syndic Wiggers, whose wife, continually
followed by a host of admirers, was a person of doubt-
ful character. She had a great admiration for Eott-
mann, and, clever woman as she was, knew how to
captivate him. Her husband died shortly afterwards,
and the rumour was spread that she had poisoned
him.f This is, however, uncertain. AYhatever the
fact may be, Kottmann married her, and thus showed
again, that although he was a preacher of the Gospel,
he did not practise it. Honourable men now with-
drew from his society. This circumstance, with
others, drove him to take an extreme course.
In 1.533, a very large number of enthusiasts from
the Xetherlands arrived at Munster. One of these,
Stapreda, from Meurs, became Rottmann's colleague,
and preached \dgorously their particular doctrines. J
Rottmann, abandoned by his old friends, threw him-
self into the arms of these new ones, and strongly
advocated their view^s. Great alarm was excited in
Hesse. Hermann Busch, of Marburg, came to Mun-
ster to oppose the fanatics, and in consequence of a
dispute between him and Rottmann the adherents of
the latter received orders to leave the town. They
concealed themselves for a time and then reappeared.
* ' Und allein im Thurme die alten Missbrauche teybehalten -svurden.'
— Seckendorf, Hist, des Lvtherthums, p. 1465.
t ' Amore Rotmani virum yeneno interemit.' — Manlius, Excerpta,
p. 485.
I Sleidan, De statu lelit/ionis, lib. x.
CHAP. III. MATTHISSON AND BOCKHOLD. 405
The pastor Fabritius, sent to Munster by the land-
grave of Hesse, who was growing more and more
alarmed, earnestly exhorted the senate and the people
to be stedf'ast in sound doctrine. But one of the
visionaries, pretending to be led by divine inspiration,
went about the town towards the end of December
1533, exclaiming : ' Repent ye and be baptized, or
the wrath of God will destroy you.' * Ignorant
men were filled with terror and hastened to obey.
At the beginning of 1534, the strength of the
party was augmented by the arrival of some famous
recruits. On January 13 two men made their en-
trance into Munster, strangely apparelled, with an
air of enthusiasm in their countenances and in their
actions, and honoured by the visionaries as their
leaders. These were a prophet and an apostle ; the
former, John Matthisson, a baker from Haarlem, the
latter, John Bockhold, a tailor from Leyden.f Bock-
hold had made his journeyman's tour, had run over
Germany, and also, it was said, had visited Lisbon.
On returning to his native land, he had taken a shop
at Leyden, near the gate which leads to the Hague.
The working men who rallied round the prophet had
in general very little relish for work. This youthful
tailor, for example, felt it very irksome to sit all day
with his legs crossed, threading needles and sewing
pieces of stuiT and buttons. General tradition repre-
sents Bockhold as a tailor, but it is stated by some
writers that he was a cloth-merchant. His father
held some office in the magistracy at the Hagu.e; but
* ' Sin minus jam ira Dei vos obruet.' — Gerdesius, iii. p. 98.
t 'Johannes, a Leidis artiflcio sar^o;-.' — Oochlseus, Acta Lutheri, p.
40G THE RErOEilATIUX IX EUROPE. book xvi.
his mother, a native of Westphalia, belonged to the
servant class. However this may be, he gave up his
shop, and took, in conjunction with his wife, a public-
house for the sale of beer and other drinks ; and here
he led a gay and even a dissolute life. The new
tavern-keeper had not read much, but he had a cer-
tain amount of education and a good address. He
was keen, crafty, ambitious, daring, eloquent, and full
of animation.* There were at this time in most of
the towns in the Netherlands, and particularly at
Leyden, poetical societies; and John Bockhold was
ambitious to shine as an orator. He made speeches
which were remarkable for fluency and copiousness of
diction. He even composed comedies and acted in
them. He took part in the conversations, and caught
the spirit of opposition to the church which prevailed
in these assemblies. He made acquaintance with some
of the enthusiasts ; was fascinated by the notion of a
new kingdom in which they were to be leading men ;
and thought that he should be able to find there better
than elsewhere a great part to play himself. ]\Iat-
thisson, as we have stated, chose Bockhold for one of
his apostles.
At the time of the arrival of these two men, there
was living at ]\lunster a notable townsman named
Bernard KnipperdoUing. This man having been in
Sweden had associated with solne of the enthusiasts
of that country. He was now eager to receive into his
house two persons already so famous. The latter
set to work without delay. Their wish was to make
^Munster the capital of the sect, and with a view to
Gerde?ius, Hist. Refor^n. iii. p. 95. Eanke, Deutsche Geschidite,
iii, p. 5-Jl.
CHAP. III. THEIR PKOCEEDINGS AT MUNSTEE. 407
this tliey made use of all means calculated to gain
over men's minds. By their figure, their unusual
attire, their fervour, their eloquence, and their enthu-
siasm, they produced a powerful impression. These
men were bold, but also shrewd, and sought to pro-
pitiate everybody. Bockhold succeeded even in gain-
ing access to the evangelical ministers. He spoke to
them at first in the pure language of the Gospel ;
then he asked one or another, what he thought of
this or that point on which the visionaries had pe-
culiar views. If their answers were not such as he
required, or if passages of Scripture were noted in
support of their opinions, he would smile, and some-
times shrug his shoulders. It was not long before
his friends and he openly proclaimed the new king-
dom of which they were the forerunners. But the
evangelical ministers implored the people to remain
faithful to pure doctrine and to maintain it against
the fanatics.*
"Women were the first to believe in that earthly
and heavenly kingdom which was thus proclaimed, and
which was flattering at the same time to their senses
and their understanding. First some nuns, then
some women of the middle class, and afterwards
men embraced the doctrines published by Bockhold.
Rottmann, who by his wrongdoing had forfeited the
good opinion of the evangelicals, now threw himself
into the arms of the new party, which received him
most favourably ; and he began to preach with his
utmost eloquence the fantastic kingdom of the vision-
aries. The crowd that flocked to listen to his sermons
* ' Et a fanaticis liominibus incorniptam defendere.' — rierdesius, Ilist.
Reform, iii. p. 95.
408 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUROPE. book xvi.
was immense, and to hear, people said, was to be con-
verted. The report became current that he possessed
a secret charm, of such sovereign power that all
persons on whom he chose to practise it were im-
mediately enchanted and bound to the sect. It
was the charm of novelty, of pride and of error.
Women, who joined the party, sharply rebuked the
burgomaster because he was friendly to Fabritius,
the pious evangelical minister from Hesse, who de-
clined to become a convert to the new kingdom.
Working men wanted to be reputed masters. A
blacksmith's boy began to preach the new Gospel ;
and when the council ordered him to be imprisoned,
all his comrades assembled and compelled the magis-
trate to release him.
A collision between the two parties seemed in-
evitable. On February 8 (1534), the enthusiasts,
believing themselves strong enough, took up arms
and suddenly seized the great square ; the evan-
gelicals remaining masters of the walls and the gates
of the city. The latter were the stronger party, and
many talked of making an attack with artillery upon
the fanatical multitude and of expelling the intruders
from the town. While the most prudent men were
engaged in deliberation, the illumines had the strangest
visions. ' I see,' said one, ' a man with a golden
crown; in one hand he holds a sword, in the other a
rod. ' Many declared that ' the town was filled with
ruddy-brown flames, and that the horseman of the
Apocalypse, mounted on a white horse, was advancing,
conquering and to conquer.' The good pastor Fabri-
tius, whom they had scandalously insulted, pleaded
on behalf of them. He eiitreated that the mad
CHiP. III. THE VISIONAEIES IN POWEE. 409
ones should be leniently dealt witli. In other quarters
it was expected that there would be a vigorous i-esist-
ance and great slaughter. Men of conciliatory dis-
position would fain avoid shedding the blood of their
fellow-citizens ; and some were afraid that the bishop,
who was near with his troops, would take advantage
of the conflict to get possession of the town.* Two
proposals were made to the visionaries ; liberty
secured to both sides in matters of religion, but sub-
mission to the magistrates in civil matters. This was
a victory for the enthusiasts ; they were triumphant,
and ' their countenances,' says one of themselves,
' became of a magnificent colour. 'f
This was, indeed, the beginning of their king-
dom. They now summoned their adepts to Munster
from all quarters, and these came in crowds, especially
from Holland. The period for the election of the
Council having arrived (February 20, 1534), not one
of the former magistrates was re-elected. Some
working men, who pretended to be illuminated by the
Spirit, superseded them and distributed all ofliccs
among their own friends. KnipperdoUing was named
burgomaster. A few days later (February 27) there
was held at the town-hall a great meeting of the
Christians, as they called themselves. The prophet
Matthisson remained for some time motionless, and
seemed to be asleep. Suddenly he rose and ex-
claimed : ' Drive away the children of Esau (the
Evangelicals) ; the inheritance belongs to the children
of Jacob.' The streets were at the time almost im-
passable in consequence of a storm of wind with rain
• ' Per earn pugnam uAe potiretur.' — Oochleeus, Acta Lwtheri, p. 251 .
t Arnold, Kirchen-Historie. Ranke, Deutsche Oeschichfe, iii. p, 533.
410 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xti.
and snow ; but the enthusiasts dashed mto the midst
of it, impetuously rushing about, and crying out with
all their might, ' Wicked ones, begone ! ' They for-
cibly entered people's houses, and expelled from them
all who would not join their party. All the magis-
trates, the nobles, and the canons who were still in
the town, were compelled to leave it ; the poor like-
wise. The unfortunate city presented at this time
the most mournful sjDectacle. ]\lothers, in terror,
would snatch up their children half-naked in their
arms and go away pale and trembling from their
abodes, carrying with them nothing but some bever-
age to refresh the poor little ones on the way. Young
lads with a scared look, holding in their hands a bit
of bread which their schoolmasters had given them to
comfort them or to allay their hunger, went side by
side with their parents, with bare feet, through the
snow ; and old men, leaning on their staffs, quitted
the town at a slow space. But on reaching the gates,
the wanderers were searched ; from the mothers
the fanatics took away the beverage intended for their
young children, from the lads the bread which they
wel'e carrying to their mouths, and from the old men
the last small coins which they had taken up at the
moment of their departure,* and then they drove
them all out of the town. They went forth at hap-
hazard, not knowing whither they were to go, ha-sang
nothing to eat or to drink, and deprived of the pitiful
savings of a long and laborious life.f The prophet
* ' "S'ascula cervisiae plena quo mulieres fatigatos in itinere parvulos
recreaturae videbantiir, adimerent . . . manibns panes . . ad lenien-
dam famem . . . raperent.' — CocHIkus, Acta Lutheri, p. '2v2.
t Kersenbroik, quoted by l^anke, Deutsche Getchichte, iii. p. Gi?G.
Hamelniann, 1216. Coivinus ajpud Sclwrdium, ii. p. 315.
CHAP. ]ll. SOCIAL REVOLUTION. 411
Matthisson had at first intended that all those who
did not accept the new kingdom should be put to
death. But they did them the favour of only banish-
ing them, pillaged, however, and almost naked,
taking from them their coats if they happened to
be good,* and then drove them away, crying out,
' Wicked ! Pagans ! '
The new community was noAV organized ; and
Matthisson ere long exercised over it supreme author-
ity. Prophets who gave themselves out for inspired
did not wait for the millennial kingdom, or for the re-
surrection of the dead, or for the advent of the Saviour.
They were quite equal, they thought, to their task.
They despised knowledge. They prohibited all
intercourse with the pagans^ that is to say, the evan-
gelicals. Those who received the new baptism indis-
pensable for admission into their imaginary kingdom,
and they alone, Avere saints. Marriages previously
solemnized were annulled ; laws were abolished on
the ground that they were opposed to liberty. All
distinctions of rank were suppressed ; community of
goods was established ; and all the property of those
who were banished was thrown into a common fund.
At the same time, seeing that their first duty was
to break with a corrupt world, that irreconcileable
enemy of the saints, orders were given to destroy
all those evil things of which the men of the world
made use. Images, organs, painted windows, clocks,
seats adorned with sculptures, musical instruments,
and other things of a similar kind, were removed into
the market-place, and there solemidy broken to
pieces. The masterpieces of the painters of the
' Vestem non ad modum bonam.'— OooMeeus, Acta Lutheri.
* ( '
412 THE KEFOKMATION IN EUROPE. book xvi.
Westphalian school were not spared. Books and
manuscripts, even the rarest, were some of them
burnt and others thrown upon dunghills.* This was
all done, they declared, by divine inspiration. People
were at the same time ordered to deliver up all gold,
silver, jewels, ornaments, and other precious things.
Property was superseded by communism ; and any-
one who failed to bring these superfluities to the
public office was put to death. The leading fanatics
divided among themselves the fine houses of the
canons, the patricians, and the senators, and settled
in them in plenty and comfort. A large number of
adventurers in quest of fortune, and of fanatics who
coveted the good things of the world more than they
acknowledged, arrived at Munster from Holland and
the neighbouring countries. They looked upon it as
a fine opportunity, and were eager to have a share of
the spoil, and ready enough to lay hands on a large
portion of it. To each handicraft some special duty
was assigned. The tailors, for example, were charged
to see that no new form of dress was introduced into
the community. These people made it a matter of as
much moment to avoid the fashion as other people
did to follow it.
MeanwhUe, the main business was the defence of
the town. Young lads even were in training for this
task, and not without good reason ; for in the month
of May, 1531, the bishop of Munster invested the
episcopal city. He, however, made no progress ; for
the town, admirably fortified, was situated on a
plain, and there was no rising ground in its neigh-
* ' Intus humanis excrementis iUitos.' — Kersentroik, Bellona anabnpt.
Sleidan, -De statu relii/tonis, lib. x. p. I.'jO.
CHAP. ni. TERROR. 413
bourhood on which the besiegers could establish
themselves. Some of the soldiers who were taken
prisoners in the sorties were beheaded by order of
the prophets ; and their heads were set up on the
walls, to show their comrades what fate awaited
them.*
The prophet Matthisson, who had at least the vir-
tue of courage, was killed in an attack made by the
besieged. Bockhold took his place. He was not so
brave, but was more ambitious than his predecessor,
and applied himself to the organizing of this strange
community. The magistrates were nominated by
Rottmann the preacher and Bockhold the prophet.
Their decrees were executed by Knipperdolling. This
man had authority to put to death, without form of
trial, anyone who was detected in violating the new
laws. For this purpose he was always accompanied
by four satellites, each carrying a drawn sword ; and
thus attended he paraded the streets, at a slow pace,
and with a penetrating glance which spread terror all
around.
* Cochlseus, p. 252,
414 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xvl.
CHAPTER IV.
THE ANABAPTISTS OF MTTNSTEE. EXCESSES.
(1535.)
IT was not long before the new king gave the rein
to his passions. Munster became the scene of
the grossest debaucheries and the most revolting
cruelties. Fanaticism is usually accompanied by im-
morality, and with faith morality is thrown over-
board. Bockhold, not contented with Matthisson's
oflS.ce, wanted also to have his wife, the beautiful
Divara. He was already married, but that was of no
consequence. He began to preach polygamy, adduc-
ing the examples of the Old Testament, but passing
by what the Xew says, that God in the beginning
ordained the union of one man with one woman, an
institution confirmed and sanctioned by the Saviour.
This scandalous proceeding was at first opposed by
several members of the community, and there Avas
even an evangelical reaction. At the head of the
gainsayers was a blacksmith. Some of the prophets
were arrested, and there was talk of recalling the
exiles. The evangelical party seemed to be on
the point of revival ; but the enthusiasts were the
stronger party, and their opponents were shot or
beheaded.
The prophets became more numerous. A work-
ing goldsmith, named Tausendschur, pretended to
cn,U'. IV. THE KING OF THE UNIVERSE. 4ir,
great revelations. Urged on, no doubt, by Bockhold,
he called together the whole body of the saints, and
said, — ' The will and the commandment of the Father
who is in heaven is that John of Leyden should have
the empire of the whole world, that he should go
forth from the town with a powerful army, that he
should put to death indiscriminately all princes and
kings, and that destroying all the wicked he should
take possession of the throne of David his father.'*
Bockhold, who was present, at tirst kept silent, and
appeared to know nothing of this revelation. But
when Tausendschur had finished, the Leyden tailor
fell on his knees, and said that ten days before the
same things had been revealed to him, but that he had
refrained from announcing them, lest he should seem
desirous of the sovereignty. At length, he said, he
submitted to the Avill of God, applying to himself this
saying of Ezekiel, — David my servant shall be their
king^ and he shall make an everlasting covenant with
them. He therefore declared himself ready to under-
take the conquest of the world. This scheme was,
doubtless, on his part, a mere piece of trickery, but
it abundantly served his ambition. The madmen
^nd fools who believed in it, voluntarily submitted to
the man Avho was to be king of the universe ; and
the hope of occupying the chief places in this uni-
versal kingdom filled them with zeal for the support
of Bockhold. Even if there were any doubters, they
knew that the impostor would not hesitate to cut off
their heads, if that should be necessary for the estab-
lishment of his empire. Bockhold, whose mother
* 'Reges atque prineipes omnes promiacue interficiat.' — Sleidan,
lib. X. p. 161. Gerdesius, Hist. Mef. iii. p. 102.
410 THE EEFOKMATION IN EUROPE. book xvi.
■was a serf of Westphalia, assumed in tlie capital of
this province the pomp and attire of a king. He
surrounded himself with a court composed of a large
number of officers and magistrates. The churches
were pillaged ; and the king and his ministers decked
themselves with the silk vestments enriched with
gold and silver which they took out of the churches,
from the officiating ministers and from the most
wealthy citizens.* He had a seal made, representing
the world with two swords which pierced it through
and through. This he hung about his neck on a
gold chain adorned with precious stones, as a symbol
of his power. He bore a golden sword with a silver
hilt ; and on his head he had a triple crown made of
the finest gold. To all this ostentation the ex-jour-
neyman, now a king, added debauchery. Besides
Divara, who was his queen, he took fifteen wives, all
under twenty years of age, and he declared that he
would have three hundred.^ His queen and these
young girls he attired magnificently. Each of his
apostles and other adherents also had several wives.
He considered it necessary to keep his followers in a
state of drunkenness, to prevent them from foresee-
ing the catastrophe which was impending over them.
He assumed the title of king of the new temple, and
rode about the town invested with the insignia of his
office, and escorted by his guards. All who met him
were obliged to fall on their knees. Three times a
week he made his appearance in the public square,
* ' Se suosque ministros exornavit holosericis, auiatisque et argenteis
indumentis, quae ex templis abstulftrat.' — Cochlseus, p. 253.
t ' Duxit quindecim uxores et trecentas se diicturum declaravit.' — •
Sleidan, lib. x. p. 161. Gerdesius, iii. p. 12.3.
CHAP. IV. A SUPPEE. 417
and sat upon a lofty throne, a sceptre in his hand
and a crown upon his head, and surrounded by a
body of his satellites. In this position he delivered
his judgments. KnipperdoUing, one step beloAv
him, with a drawn sword in his hand, held himself
in readiness to execute them. Whosoever wished to
bring any matter before him was compelled to fall
on his knees twice in approaching the throne, and
then to prostrate himself with his face to the ground.
In October there was a great religious festival,
which Bockhold called the Lord's Supper. A table
of 4,200 covers was prepared for men and women.
The king, the queen, and their principal officers,
served on the occasion. Bockhold perceiving a
stranger in the crowd ordered him to be arrested
and brought before him. ' Wherefore,' said he, ' hast
thou not on a wedding garment ? ' He pretended
to believe that the man was a Judas, and ordered
him to be expelled; then going out himself, he be-
headed him with his own hands. He then re-entered,
exulting and smiling at this exploit.*
When the repast was over, he asked if they were
all ready to do the will of God. ' AH,' they replied.
' Well, then,' said the king, 'this will is that some of
you should go forth to make known the wonderful
things which God has done for us.' He forthwith
nominated six of them to go to Osnabruck, and the
same number to go to various other towns in the
neighbourhood. He gave to each of them a piece of
gold of the value of nine florins and a viaticum. On
the same evening these apostles quitted ]\Iunster ;
and on their arrival at the towns which had been
* Ranke, iii. p. .'540.
VOL. VIII. E E
418 THE KErORMATION IX EUROPE. book iti.
assigned, to them, they made their entrance, filling the
air with horrible outcries. ' Be converted,' they said,
as they went along the streets ; ' repent ! The time
which God in his mercy leaves you is short. The
axe is laid at the root of the tree. If you do not
receive peace, your town will soon be destroyed.'
Xext, presenting themselves to the assembled senate,
they spread their cloaks upon the ground, threw
down their pieces of gold,* and said, — ' We proclaim
peace to you ; if you receive it bring hither what you
possess and place it with this gold. Our king will
ere long have conquered the whole world and sub-
dued it to righteousness.' Those envoys who had
been despatched to the towns belonging to the bishop
of Munster were at first favourably received ; but
presently they were all arrested, and several were
put to the torture. Xot one of them, however, would
acknowledge himself in error. 'We wait for new
troops from Friesland and fi'om Holland, and then,'
repeated they, ' the king will go forth and will subdue
the whole earth.' They sufi'ered the extreme penalty
of the law, as men guilty of sedition.
The king encountered difiiculties not only in the
neighbouring towns, but likewise in his own capital,
and even in his harem. There was at ]\Iunster a
woman of great courage and determination, who
boasted that no man should ever marry her. John
of Leyden commanded that she should be carried
ofi^ and placed in the number of his wives ; but
the woman, with her independence of character, find-
ing the morals and the manners of this harem into-
* ' Coram senatu eipandentes in terra pallia sua," i<>:o. — Coclilffius,
p. 254.
CHAP. IT. CRUELTY. 419
lerable, made her escape. This was in the king's
eyes a very great crime. He therefore had her ar-
rested, conducted her himself to the great square,
cut off her head with his own hand, and then, filled
with wrath and vengeance, trampled her body in the
dust. Bockhold had ordered that all his other wives
should be present at this hateful scene, and had
directed them to sing a hymn of praise after the exe-
cution. These unhappy creatures did, accordingly,
strike up their song in the presence of the mutilated
and desecrated body of their companion.''''
* Kei-senbroik, Raeumer, GeschicJite Europas, ii. p. 467. Eanke,
iii. p. 542.
E K 2
420 THE REFOKMATION IX EUROPE. hook xyi.
CHAPTEE V.
THE ANABAPTISTS OF MFNSTER. CHASTISEMENT.
(1535—1536.)
THE landgrave Philip of Hesse having, meanwhile,
entered Westphalia with the troops which had
just made the conquest of Wiirtemberg, Munster
was soon so completely invested that nothing,
and especially no food supplies, could any longer
enter the town. The dearth became more and more
severe, and the miserable people were driven to have
recourse for sustenance to the most unaccustomed
food. They ate the flesh of horses, dogs and cats,
dormice, grass, and leather ; they tore up books and
devoured the parchment. Half the population of the
town, it was said, died of starvation. These fanatics
had trusted in the word of their king and prophet,
and had awaited with confidence the succour which
he promised them ; but, as this succour did not ar-
rive, murmurs began to be heard from some of them,
and others appeared to go mad. Bockhold had told
them that, if it were necessary for saving his people,
the stones would he turned into bread. Consequently,
some of these votaries might be seen stopping in the
streets, biting the stones and attempting to tear them
to pieces, in expectation of their being converted
into nourishment.* At length, despair, madness, and
* ' In lapides aliquoties denies acuisse refenintur, sperantes juxta
regis vaticinium illos couversos iri in panem,' — Gerdesius, iii. p. 154.
CHAP. V. iSIEGE AND FAMINE. 421
inhumanity proceeded to the bitterest extremities.
The wife of the senator Menken, one of the working
men raised to this dignity by Bockhold, kUled her
three children, salted their bodies, and placed the
parts thus cured in jars, in this way making abomi-
nable provision for her own subsistence, and on this
she fed day by day.* The wretched inhabitants of
this ill-fated town wandered with tottering steps
about the streets, the skin wrinkled over their flesh-
less bones, their necks long and lank, hardly able to
sustain the head, their eyes haggard and opening
and shutting with sudden jerk, their cheeks hollow
and emaciated, with lips which death seemed to be
about to close, corpses in appearance rather than
living beings. In the midst of this appalling spec-
tacle which recalls the greatest distresses recorded
in history, even the destruction of Jerusalem, there
was, it is said, in the king's palace abundance, feast-
ing, and debauchery, f
The enthusiasts, during this time, were causing
much trouble in Holland ; but they did not succeed in
bringing help to their brethren. At the beginning of
1535, a certain number of them proposed to burn
Leyden ; fifteen were arrested and beheaded. In
February, others ran naked about the streets of Am-
sterdam by night, crying out, ' Woe ! woe ! woe ! ''
They also were executed. Near Franeker, in Fries-
land, three hundred of them assembled and took pos-
* ' Oum trium liberorum mater facta esset, eos omnea Occident, sale
condierit et comederit. . . . Infantium manus ac pedes, urbe capta, in
salsamentia dicuntur reperti.' — Gerdesius, iii. p. 154.
t riortens. in Ep. ad Ei-asmum, p. 152. Kersenbroii, in Bella Monast.
p. 59. Gerdesius, iii. p. 104. Banke, iii. p. 555. Raeiuner, Oeschichte
Europas, ii. p. 407.
i-22 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xvr.
session of a convent; but they were all put to death.
Bockhold, impatient to get the succour of which he
was in sore need, delegated Jan van Geelen, a clever,
crafty man, to stir up a revolt in Holland, and to
return to his aid with an army which should raise the
siege of Munster, and help him to conquer the world.
Jan van Geelen, by a feigned renunciation of his errors,
obtained a pardon from Queen Mary. Having entered
Holland, he was able secretly to attract a large number
of followers ; and in a short time he conceived the
project of surprising Amsterdam by night. He did, in
fact, get possession of the town-hall ; but the towns-
men, aroused by the tocsin, drove away the fanatics
with cannon-shot, not without suffering great losses
themselves, particularly in the death of a burgomaster.
The rebels were cruelly treated. Many of them were
stretched upon butcher's blocks, had their hearts torn
out, and were then quartered. On all these occasions
a certain number of women were, as usual, drowned.*
These successive defeats made an impression on
Bockhold and his partisans. They lost all hope of
aid from Holland. The landgrave, Philip of Hesse,
one of the most powerful chiefs of Protestantism, had
brought up his forces to put an end to the scandals of
Munster. The bishop of this city, impelled by the
desire to reconquer it, had assembled for the purpose
some Roman Catholic soldiers. One of Bockhold's
men escaped from the town and pomted out the way
to capture it.f In the night of June 24, 1535, two
hundred lansquenets cleared the foss and scaled the
* Brandt, Reform, i. p. 51.
•\ ' A milite transfuga episcopo . . . via indioata . . . capiendi oivi-
tatom.' — Gerdesius, iii. p. 104.
CHAP. V. CAPTURE OF MUNHTEE. 42^
wall at a point where it was very low. They were
no sooner within the town, than they uttered cries
and beat the drum. The men of the king of Zion
leaped out of their beds and ran to arms. The con-
flict began and was for a moment doubtful ; but one
of the city gates having been opened from within, the
army of the besiegers entered and the fight became
terrible. A hundred and fifty horse- or foot-soldiers
lost their lives. On the side of the besieged many
also fell, and amongst others Rottmann who, resolved
not to suffer the disgrace of captivity, threw himself
with intrepidity into the midst of the fire and pe-
rished. The king and two of his principal counsel-
lors, KnipperdoUing and the pastor Crechting, made
their escape and hid themselves in a strong tower,
where they hoped to escape the notice of the con-
querors.* But the soldiers penetrated into their
place of concealment) dragged them out and made
them prisoners. Bockhold at first braved it out, and
assuming the air of a king spoke arrogantly to the
bishop. Two theologians of Hesse endeavoured to
bring him to repentance; but he obstinately held
to his opinion, admitting no superior to himself on
earth. Reflexion, however, wrought a change. Bock-
hold was not a fanatic, but an impostor ; and he felt
that the only way to save his life was to abjure his
errors. He asked for a second conference with the
two Hessians and feigned conversion. ' I confess,' he
said to them, ' that the resistance I have offered to
authority was unlawful ; that the institution of poly-
gamy was rash, and that the baptism of children is
obligatory. If pardon should be granted me, I pledge
* ' Rex vero latitans in tuni quadam.' — Oochljevis, p. :?55.
■J24 THE KEFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xvi.
myself to obtain from all my adherents obedience and
submission.' He likewise acknowledged that he had
deserved to die ten times over. This was the beha-
viour of a knave, willing to abandon even his impos-
ture, if, by so doing, he might save his life. Knip-
perdoUing and Crechting, on the contrary, persisted
in their views, and asserted that they had followed
the guidance of God. Cruelty of various kinds was
inflicted on these wretched men. They were led
about publicly, during the month of their detention,
like strange animals, as a spectacle to the several
princes and their courts, to whom they and their
pretended king were made a subject of ridicule.*
Bockhold did not derive from his confessions the
advantage which he expected. The three leaders
were all sentenced to the same punishment, the
penalty of high treason to a supreme head. This
took place in February 1536. In the barbarous
period of the Middle Ages imagination had been
racked for the invention of the most cruel punish-
ments. These three wretches were conducted to the
great square of Munster, where Bockhold, as king,
had borne the sceptre and the triple crown, and his
executive minister KnipperdoUing the sword. They
were then laid out naked ; and their bodies were
plucked to pieces with hot pincers, until at length,
amidst hideous tortures, pincers, fire, sword and
excruciating sufferings had put an end to their life.f
This process lasted an hour. Cochlajus himself ex-
* ' Hue, illuc, ad principes ducebantur spectaculi et ludibrii causa.' —
Gerdesius, iii. p. 105.
t ' Supplicio ultimo caudeutibus forcipibus distract! deceaseruiit.' —
Sleidaii, lib. x. p. 166. Ileresbach, Epist. ad Erasmum, Corvinus.
Uei'desius, iii. p, 105. llanke, iii. p. 561. Brandt, Ref. i. p. 61.
CHAP. V. EXECUTIONS. 425
claims, — ' Cruel, horrible punishment ! a terrible ex-
ample to all rebels ! ' KnipperdoUing and Crechting
bore with courage the frightful infliction, and Bock-
hold, apparently recovering good sense, was deter-
mined not to die the death of a coward. Not a groan
escaped him. After he had breathed his last they
pierced his heart with a dagger.
It was Philip of Hesse and his soldiers of the re-
formed party who chiefly contributed to put an end
to the disorders and cruelties of which. Munster had
been the scene. The only result of this episode for
Protestantism was to demonstrate that it had no con-
nexion with the fanaticism of these would-be inspired
ones. Protestant opinion was on this occasion dis-
tinguished by various characteristic features. Its
intention was that punishment should be inflicted not
for the religious doctrine of the enthusiasts, but only
for their rebellion and other ordinary crimes. There
have been, indeed, and there are especially at the pre-
sent time a large number of pious and zealous Chris-
tians who advocate adult baptism ; and we are bound
to respect them although we do not share their views.
Moreover the baptism practised by the enthusiasts of
Munster, was not that of the sect of Baptists ; it was
a proceeding which denoted adhesion to the fanatical
system the triumph of which they pretended to in-
sure, a ceremony such as is adopted in many secret
societies. The essential characteristics of their sys-
tem were then- alleged visions, tlieir unquestionable
licentiousness, the confusion which they brought upon
the institutions of social Ufe, their tyranny and their
cruelty.
"\"arious opinions were entertained as to the pun-
42G THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book xvl.
ishment which ought to be inflicted on them. Luther
by a letter expressed clearly and briefly what he
thought on the subject. He was not greatly troubled.
' It does not disturb me much,' he said ; ' Satan is in
a rage, but the Scripture stands fast.'* The land-
grave Philip Avas always an advocate of the most le-
nieiit measures ; he had no desire that the punish-
ment of death should be inflicted upon them, as had
been done in other countries. He consented only to
their bemg imprisoned ; and he insisted that they
should be instructed. The evangelical towns of
Upper Germany acted upon the same principle and
refused to stain their hands with the blood of these
unhappy men. But it was decreed by a majority of
the Germanic Diet, that all enthusiasts who persisted
in their false doctrines should be put to death. Thus
were confounded, as it has been said, two things as re-
mote fi'om each other as heaven and earth, evangelical
doctrine and the confusion introduced into churches
and states by these fanatics. The unfortunate men
were put to death, whether they were visionaries or
not ; and not only were culpable disorders put down
with a strong hand, but evangelical doctrine was also
banished from Munster.f
Three causes especially contributed to bring about
these hideous disorders of the fanatics. First, the
bloody persecutions carried on by Charles V. in the
Netherlands against all those who desired to worship
* ' Parum euro. Satan fui'it sed stat Scriptura.' — Luther, Epp. iv.
p. 548.
+ ' Si qui improvide commiscerent ea quse toto tamen coelo distabant,
Eyangelii purioria profesaionem cum violentis illis Ecclesiarum et Remm-
publicanim perturbatoribus.' — Gerdesius, iii. p. 106. Compromise of tlie
Diet of ] "iL'iJ. Seclioiidorf, Kauuuier, Ranke.
CHAP. V. CAUSES OF THE DISORDERS. 4:27
God according to their conscience ; next, the doc-
trines of the enthusiasts, mingled sometimes with im-
morality, which Tanchelme of Antwerp, Simon of
Tour nay, Amalric of Bena, the Turlupine.s, the Pseu-
do-Cathari, and the Brethren of the Free Spirit, had
for centuries professed in different countries, and
especially in the Netherlands and on the banks of the
Rhine, and which had lately been revived there by
emissaries from Germany ; and finally, the need for a
change in the social order felt at this period by the
least industrious and most fanciful men of the lower
orders, and especially of the class of artisans.
After the terrible catastrophe which put an end
to the kingdom of Zion, there still remained, un-
doubtedly, some enthusiasts and libertines, particu-
larly David Joris. But many of them settled down
and returned to more wholesome doctrines. One of
these, Ubbo of Leuwarden, had been consecrated
bishop of the new sect and had in turn consecrated
others, Menno Simonis in particular. Ubbo made
public confession of his error ; ' I have been miser-
ably mistaken,' he said, ' and I shall lament it as
long as I live.' *
We have narrated the horrible episode of Mun-
ster, and we have exhibited it like one of those
placards which we have sometimes met with in the
Alps, nailed to a post near an abyss, on which were
to be read such words as these, — ' Traveller, beware !
anyone approaching falls and rolls over, and hurled
from rock to rock, is dashed to pieces and killed, the
sad victim of his rashness.'
* 'Deplorabo quoad vixero.' — Ubhonis Confessio, in Gerdesius iii,
p. 113.
4^8 THE REFOKMATION IN EUROPE. book XVI.
TRIUMPH IN DEATH.
(The night of the 18tA February, 1546, at Eisleben.)
Luther had throughout his hfe refused the aid of
the secular arm, as his desire was that the truth
should triumph only by the power of God. How-
ever, in 1546, m spite of his eflforts war was on
the point of breaking out, and it was the will of
God that his servant should be spared this painful
spectacle.
The Counts of Mansfeld, within whose territories
he was born, having become involved in a quarrel
with their subjects and with several Lords of the
neighbourhood, had recourse to the mediation of the
reformer. The old man — he was now sixty-three
— was subject to frequent attacks of giddiness, but
he never spared himself. He therefore set out, in
answer to the call, and reached the territory of the
Counts on the 28th of January, accompanied by his
friend the theologian Jonas, who had been with him
at the Diet of Worms, and by his two sons, Martin
and Paul, the former now fifteen, and the latter
thirteen, years of age. He was respectfully received
by the Counts of Mansfeld, attended by a hundred
and twelve horsemen. He entered that town of
Eisleben in which he was born, and in which he was
about to die. That same evening he was very unwell
and was near fainting.
Nevertheless, he took courage and, applying
himself zealously to the task, attended twenty
conferences, preached four times, received the sacra-
ment twice, and ordained t^\'o ministers. E\"ery
CHAP. T. LUTHER AT EISLEBEN. 429
evening Jonas and Michael Coelius, pastor of Mans-
feld, came to wish him good night. ' Doctor Jonas,
and you Master Michael,' he said to them, ' entreat
of the Lord to save his church, for the Council of
Trent is in great wrath.'
Luther dined regularly with the Counts of Mans-
feld. It was evident fi-om his conversation that the
Holy Scriptures grew daily in importance in his eyes.
' Cicero asserts in his letters,' he said to the Counts
two days before his death, ' that no one can compre-
hend the science of government who has not occupied
for twenty years an important place in the republic.
And I for my part tell you that no one has under-
stood the Holy Scriptures who has not governed the
churches for a hundred years, with the prophets, the
Apostles and Jesus Christ.' This occurred on the
16th of February. After saying these words he
wrote them down in Latin, laid them upon the table
and then retired to his room. He had no sooner
reached it than he felt that his last hour was near.
' When I have set my good lords at one,' he said to
those about him, ' I will return home ; I will lie down
in my coffin and give my body to the worms.'
The next day, February 17, his weakness in-
creased. The Counts of Mansfeld and the prior of
Anhalt, filled with anxiety, came to see him. ' Pray
do not come,' they said, ' to the conference.' He rose
and walked up and down the room and exclaimed, —
' Here, at Eisleben, I was baptized. Will it be my
lot also to die here ? ' A little while after he took the
sacrament. Many of his friends attended him, and
sorrowfully felt that soon they would see him no
more. One of them said to him, — ' Shall we know
430 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. book svi.
each other in the eternal assembly of the blessed?
We shall be all so changed ! ' ' Adam,' replied
Luther, ' had never seen Eve, and yet when he awoke
he did not say " Who art thou?" but, "Thou art
flesh of my flesh." By what means did he know
that she was taken from his flesh and not from a
stone? He knew this because he was filled with the
Holy Spirit. So likewise in the heavenly Paradise
we shaU be filled with the Holy Spirit, and we shall
recognize father, mother, and friends better than
Adam recognized Eve.'
Having thus spoken, Luther retired into his
chamber and, according to his daily custom, even in
the winter time, opened his window, looked up
to heaven and began to pray. ' Heavenly Father,
he said, ' since in thy great mercy thou hast re-
vealed to me the downfall of the pope, since the
day of thy glory is not far off, and since the light
of thy Gospel, which is now rising over the earth
is to be difi"used through the whole world, keep
to the end through thy goodness the church of my
dear native country ; save it from falling, preserve
it in the true profession of thy word, and let all
men know that it is indeed for thy work that thou
hast sent me.' He then left the window, returned to
his friends, and about ten o'clock at night retired to
bed. Just as he reached the threshold of his bed-
room he stood still and said in Latin, — ' In manus
tuas commendo spiritum meum, redemisti me, Deus
veritatis ! '
The 18th of February, the day of his departure,
was now at hand. About one o'clock in the morn-
ing, sensible that the chill of death was creeping over
him, Luther called Jonas and his faithful servant
Ambrose. ' Make a fire,' he said to Ambrose. Then
CHAP. T. HIS LAST PIOUES. 431
he cried out, — ' Lord my God, I am in great pain !
What a weight upon my chest ! I shall never leave
Eisleben.' Jonas said to him, ' Our heavenly Father
will come to help you for the love of Christ which
you have faithfully preached to men.' Luther then
got up, took some turns up and down his room,
and looking up to heaven exclaimed again, — ' Into
thine hand I commit my spirit ; thou hast redeemed
me, God of truth ! '
Jonas in alarm sent for the doctors. Wild and
Ludwig, the Count and Countess of ]\Iansfeld, Drach-
stadt, the town clerk, and Luther's children. In
great alarm they all hastened to the spot. ' I am
dying,' said the sick man. ' No,' said Jonas, ' you
are now in a perspiration and will soon be better.'
' It is the sweat of death,' said Luther, ' I am nearly
at my last breath.' He was thoughtful for a moment
and then said with faltering voice, — ' my heavenly
Father, the God and Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ, the God of all consolation, I thank thee that
thou hast i-evealed to me thy well-beloved Son,
Jesus Christ, in whom I have believed, whom I have
preached, whom I have confessed, whom the pope
and all the ungodly insult, blaspheme, and persecute,
but whom I love and adore as my Saviour. Jesus
Christ, my Saviour, I commit my soul to thee !
my heavenly Father, I must quit this body, but I
believe with perfect assurance that I shall dwell
eternally with thee, and that none shall pluck me
out of thy hands.'
He now remained silent for a little whUe ; his
prayer seemed to have exhausted him. But presently
his countenance again grew bright, a holy joy shone
in his features, and he said with fulness of faith, —
433 THE REFOKMATION IN EUROPE. book xti.
' God SO loved the world that He gave his only be-
gotten Son, that whosoever believeth in him should
not perish, but have everlasting life.' A moment
afterwards he uttered, as if sure of victory, this
word of David,* — ' He that is our God is the God
of salvation ; and unto God the Lord belong the
issues from death.' Dr. Wild went to him, and
tried to induce him to take medicine, but Luther
refused. ' I am departing,' he said, ' I am about to
yield up my spirit.' Then returning to the saying
which was for him a sort of watchword for his depar-
ture, he said three times successively without inter-
ruption, — ' Father ! into thine hand I commit my
spirit. Thou hast redeemed me, God of truth !
Thou hast redeemed me, God of truth ! '
He then closed his eyes. They touched him,
moved him, called to him, but he made no answer.
In vain they applied the cloths which the town-clerk
and his wife heated, in vain the Countess of Mansfeld
and the physicians endeavoured to revive him with
tonics. He remained motionless. All who stood round
him, perceiving that God was going to take away
from the church militant this mighty warrior, were
deeply affected. The two physicians noted from
minute to minute the approach of death. The
two boys, Martin and Paul, kneeling and in tears,
cried to God to spare to them their father. Ambrose
lamented the master, and Coelius the friend, whom
they had so much loved. The Count of Mansfeld
thought of the troubles Avhich Luther's death might
bring on the Empire. The distressed Countess sobbed
and covered her eyes with her hands that she might
not behold the mournful scene, Jonas, a little apart
* Psalm Ixviii. 20.
CHAP. V. DEATH OF LUTHER. 43.3
from the rest, felt heartbroken at the thought of the
terrible blow impending over the Reformation. He
wished to receive from the dying Luther a last testi-
mony. He therefore rose, and went up to his friend,
and bending over him, said, — Reverend father, in
your dying hour do yon rest on Jesus Christ, and
stedfastly rely upon the doctrine which you have
preached ? ' ' Yes,' said Luther, so that all who were
present could hear him. This was his last word.
The pallor of death overspread his countenance ; his
forehead, his hands, and his feet turned cold. They
addressed him by his baptismal name, ' Doctor
Martin,' but in vain, he made no response. He
drew a deep breath and fell asleep in the Lord. It
was between two and three o'clock in the morninsr.
' Truly,' said Jonas, to whom we are indebted for
these details, ' thou lettest. Lord, thy servant de-
part in peace, and thou accomplishest for him the
promise which thou madest us, and which he himself
wrote the other day in a Bible presented to one of
his friends : Verily, verily, I say unto you, if a man
keep my saying, he shall never see death.'*
Thus passed Luther into the presence of his
Master, in full reliance on redemption, in calm faith
in the triumph of truth. Luther was no longer here
below, but Jesus Christ is with his people evermore
to the end of the world, and the work which Luther
had begun lives, is still advancing, and will extend to
all the ends of the earth.
* John viii. 51.
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[4-21]
APPENDIX
Transcript of 'Indulgence' of Leo X. — the words which are
abbreviated in the original being written in full.
Albektus dei et apostolice sedis gratia . sancte Mogiin-
tinensis sedis . ac Magdeburgensis ecclesie Archiepiscopus .
primaa . et sacri Romani imperii in germania ar|ohican-
cellarius . princeps : elector ac administrator Halberstattensis .
Marchio Brandenburgensis . Stettinensis . Pomeranie : Cassu-
borum Sclauorumque dux | Burggrauius . Nurenbergensis
Eugieque princeps . Et guardianus fratrum ordinis minorum
de obseruantia conuentus Moguntini . Per sanctissimum |
dominum nostrum Leonem Papam decimum per prouincias
Moguntinensem ac Magdeburgensem ac illarum et Halber-
stattenses ciuitates et dioceses necnon terras | et loca
illustrissimi et illustrium Principum dominorum Marchio-
num Brandenburgensium temporali dominio mediate uel
immediate subiecta nuncii et com|missarii : ad infrascripta
specialiter deputati . Vniuersis et singulis presentes literas
inspecturis Salutem in domino . Notum facimus quod sanc-
tissimus dominus | noster Leo diuina prouidentia Papa
decimus modernus : omnibus et singulis utriusque sexus
christifidelibus : ad reparacionem fabrice basilice prinjoipis
apostolorum sancti Petri de vrbe : iuxta ordinationem nos-
tram manus porrigentibus adiutrices : vltra plenissimas indul-
gentias ac alias gratias et faculta|tes quas christifideles
ipsi obtinere possunt : iuxta literarum apostolicarum desuper
confectarum continentiam misericorditer etiam in domino
indulsit atque concessit : vt idoneum possint | eligere con-
fessorem presbyterum secularem . uel cuiusuis etiam mendi-
F F 2
[4i'2] APPEXDIX.
cantium ordinis regularem . qui eorum confessione diligenter
audita . pro commissis per eligentem | delictia et excessibus :
ac peccatis quibuslibet : quantumcumque grauibus et
enormibus : etiam in dicte sedi reseruatis casibus : ac censuris
ecclesiasticis : etiam ab | homine ad alicuius instantiam latis .
de consensu partium etiam rations interdicti incursis . et
quarum absolutio eidem sedi esset specialiter reseruata.
Preterquam machina|tionis in personam summi pontificis :
occisionis episcoporum aut aliorum superiorum prelatoruni
et iniectionis manuum violentarum in illos aut alios pre-
lates . falsificationis | literarum apostolicarum . delationis
armorum et aliorum proUbitorum ad partes infidelium ac
sententiarum et censurarum occasione aluminum tulfe *
apostolice de partibus infi|delium ad fideles contra prohibi-
tionem apostolicam delatorum incursarum semel in vita et
in mortis articulo quotiens ille imminebit . licet mors tunc
non subsequatur | Et in non reseruatis casibus totiens quo-
tiens id petierint plenarie absoluere et eis penitentiam
salutarem iniungere . necnon semel in vita et in dicto
mortis arti|culo: plenariam omriumpeccatorumindulgentiam
et remissionem impendere . Necnon per eos emissa pro
tempore uota quecumque (vltramarino : visitationis | liminum
apostolorum et sancti Jacobi in compostella : reUgionis et
castitatis votis dumtaxat exceptis) in alia pietatis opera
commutare auctoritate apostolica | possit et valeat. In-
dulsit quoque idem sanctissimus dominus noster prefatos
benefactor es eorumque parentes defunctos qui cum cbaritate
decesserunt in precibus : | sufFragiis : elemosynis : ieiuniis :
orationibus : missis : horis canonicis : disciplinis : peregrina-
tionibus : et ceteris omnibus spiritualibus bonis que fiunt
et fieri poterunt in tota vniuersali sacrosancta ecclesia mili-
tante : et in omnibus membris eiusdem in perpetuum par-
ticipes fieri. Et quia deuotus | Philippus Kessel f presbyter
ad ipsam fabricam et necessariam instaurationem [ supra-
dicte basilice principis apostolorum iuxta sanctissimi domini
nostri Pape intentionem et nostram ordinationem de bonis
* See Note, p. [4i?3].
t This name has first been written Keschel — altered to KesseL
ta
APPENDIX. [423]
sviis coutribuendo se gratum | exhibuit In cuius rei signum
presentes literas a nobis accepit Ideo eadem auctoritate
apostolica nobis commissa : et qua fungimur in hac parte |
ipsi quod dictis gratiis et indulgentiis vti et eisdem
gaudere possit et valeat per presentes concedimus et
largimur. Datum Auguste | sub sigillo per nos ad bee
ordinate . Die xv Mensis Aprilis Anno domini M.D.xvij.
Forma absolutionis totiens quotiens in vita.
Misereatur tui &c. Dominus noster Jesus christus per
meritum sue passionis te absoluat : auctoritate cuius et
apostolica mihi in hac parte commissa : et | tibi concessa ego
te absoluo ab omnibus peccatis tuis . In nomine patris et
filii et spiritus sancti Amen.
Forma absolutionis et plenissime remissionis : semel in
vita et in mortis articulo.
Misereatur tui &c. Dominus noster Jesus christus per
meritum sue passionis te absoluat : et ego auctoritate ipsius
et apostolica mihi in hac parte commissa : et tibi | concessa
te absoluo . primo ab omni sententia excommunicationis
maioris vel minoris si quam incurristi . deinde ab omnibus
peccatis tuis : conferendo tibi plenissimam omnium | pecca-
torum tuorum remissionem remittendo tibi etiam penas pur-
gatorii in quantum se claues sancte matris ecclesie extendunt.
In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti Amen.
Note. — If one effect produced by the perusal of this
often-talked-of document be surprise at the extent of the re-
missions offered to those who should ' stretch out a helping
hand towards the repair of the fabric of the Church of the
prince of the apostles, St. Peter of Rome,' another surely is
amazement at the seeming incongruity of the exceptions.
' Indulgence ' is extended to crimes and excesses and any
kind of sin, however ' grave and enormous,' but is with-
held not only from * conspiracy against the person of the
Pope, murder of Bishops or other superior prelates, laying
violent hands on them or on other prelates, forgery of
apostolic letters, exportation of arms and other forbidden
goods to heathen parts,' but also from the importation of
[424] APPENDIX.
alum from heathen to Christian parts, contrary to the apo-
stolic prohihition, hy which the faithful who wanted alum were
required to use only that ohtained from Tolfa helonging to the
Pope.
Superficially regarded, this last exception is suggestive
of a commercial monopoly enforced by the threat of spiritual
penalties ; and so clearly has it been seen that a damaging
significance might readily be attached to it, that the accuracy
of the passage has frequently been doubted. M. Audin,
who in his Histoire de Martin Luther, vol. i. pp. 429^32,
gives a copy of the ' Indulgence,' renders the passage thus :
' occasione aluminum {sic) sanctse ecclesife,' &c. By using
the wovdi sic, and by appending the note ' Tire d'une source
protestante par un protestant,' M. Audin would seem to
have intended to suggest not merely that he doubted the
correctness of the copy to which he had had access, but also
that the apparently objectionable features of the document
might be attributable to inaccuracy.
But transactions of which the causes are imperfectly un-
derstood may give rise to very erroneous opinions ; and in
this case even the most cursory glance at the state of Europe
during the pontificate of Pius II., when the alum works of
Tolfa came into existence, will show that there were grave
reasons for treating the importation of alum as a most heinous
offence — reasons which might well affect the decrees of the
Pope, and which had not lost their importance in the time of
LeoX.
Until the discovery that alum could be obtained from
the hills near Tolfa, the Italians had been dependent for
their supplies of this commodity, which they used in very
considerable quantities, upon the Turks, who, it is to be
borne in mind, had but a few years previously taken Con-
stantinople, and who were now the scourge and dread of
Christendom. The Papal view as to the use to which the
discovery should be turned is shown in the following extract
from a brief of Pius II. : —
' Item quoniam diebus nostris faciens nobiscum Dominus
misericord iam suam de absconditis terras, uberrimas pretiosi
APPENDIX. [425]
aluminis venas antea nunquam inventas miraculo quodam in
montibus nostris, qui in patrimonio B. Petri in Tuscia prope
arcem Tolpham sunt patefecit, volens videlicet, ne ultra ex
fidelium pecunia Turchorum in eos persecutio cresceret, sed
ilia ad defensionem nostram uti possemus, justum et pietati
sua3 placitum reputantes, fructum omnem, qui antehac ex
comportato in Christianitatem transmarine alumine penes
impios Turchos in Christianorum exitium erat, modo ad nos
in suffragium ecclesife catliolicas transeat, praesertim cum
alumen nostrum, magistra experientia, virtute perfectius,
pretio villus, numero autem sit adeo abundans, ut usui
Christianorum in omnem partem satisfacere possit, ex parte
omnipotentis Dei Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancti, ac
nostra ex hoc sancto tribunal! apostolica voce hortamur
atque requirimus omnes, et singulos profitentes nomen
Christianum, ne posthac alumen a Turchis aKisque infide-
libus emant, &c. Dat. Romae apud S. Petrum anno
jMCDLXIII. vii. id. Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno v.'
(Raynaldus, ' Annales Ecclesiastici,' torn. 29, p. 376).
In his ' History of Inventions, Discoveries ' &c. (Bohn's
Standard Library), Beckmann, who, in treating of Alum,
quotes several accounts of the works at Tolfa, says : — ' The
Pope himself has left us a very minute history of this dis-
covery, and of the circumstances which gave rise to it;' and,
alluding to the conflicting statements respecting the disco-
verer, he adds : — ' But as I do not wish to ascribe a false-
hood to the Pontiif, I am of opinion that the history of this
discovery must have been best known to him. He has not,
indeed, established the year with sufficient correctness ; but
we may conclude from his relation that it must have been 1460
or 1465.* The former is the year given by Felician Bussi;
and the latter that given in the History of the City of Civita
Vecchia.' Beckmann's rendering of the Pope's history,
though the account is here and there open to criticism, throws
much light on the passage in the Indulgence and is otherwise
very interesting. It is in these terms : — ' A little before
* Pius n. died in 1464.
[426] APPENDIX.
that period came to Rome John di Castro, with whom the
Pontiff had been acquainted when he carried on trade at
Basle, and was banker to Pope Eugenius. His father, Paul,
was a celebrated lawyer of his time, who sat many years in
the chair at Padua, and filled all Italy with his decisions ;
for law-suits were frequently referred to him, and judges
paid great respect to his authority, as he was a man of in-
tegrity and sound learning. At his death he left considerable
riches, and two sons arrived to the age of manhood, the elder
of whom, following the profession of the father, acquired a
very extensive knowledge of law. The other, who was a
man of genius, and who applied more to study, made himself
acquainted with grammar and history ; but, being fond of
travelling, he resided some time at Constantinople, and ac-
quired much wealth by dyeing cloth made in Italy, which
was transported thither and committed to his care, on ac-
count of the abundance of alum in that neighbourhood.
Having by these means an opportunity of seeing daily the
manner in which alum Avas made, and from what stones or
earth it was extracted, he soon learned the art. When, by
the will of God, that city was taken and plundered about
the year 1453, by Mahomet II., Emperor of the Turks,
he lost his whole property ; but, happy to have escaped the
fire and sword of these cruel people, he returned to Italy,
after the assumption of Pius II., to whom he was related,
and from whom he obtained, as an indemnification for his
losses, the office of Commissary-General over all the
revenues of the Apostolic Chamber, both within and without
the city. While in this situation he was traversing all the
hills and mountains, searching the bowels of the earth, leav-
ing no stone or clod unexplored, he at length found some
alum-stone in the neighbourhood of Tolfa. Old Tolfa is a
town belonging to two brothers, subjects of the Church of
Kome, and situated at a small distance from Civita Vecchia.
Here there are high mountains, retiring inland from the
sea, which abound with wood and water. While Castro was
examining these, he observed that the grass had a new
appearance. Being struck with wonder, and inquiring into
APPENDIX. [427]
the cause, he found that the mountains of Asia, which en-
rich the Turkish treasury by their alum, were covered with
grass of the like kind. Perceiving several white stones,
which seemed to be minerals, he bit some of them, and found
that they had a saltish taste. This induced him to make
some experiments by calcining them, and he at length
obtained alum. He repaired therefore to the Pontiff, and
addressing him said, " I announce to you a victory over the
Turk. He draws yearly from the Christians above three
hundred thousand pieces of gold, paid to him for the alum
with which we dye wool different colours, because none is
found here but a little at the island of Hiscla, formerly
called Aenaria, near Puteoli, and in the cave of Vulcan at
Lipari, which, being formerly exhausted by the Romans, is
now almost destitute of that substance. I have, however,
found seven hills so abundant in it, that they would be
almost sufficient to supply seven worlds. If you will send
for workmen, and cause furnaces to be constructed, and the
stones to be calcined, you may furnish alum to all Europe ;
and that gain which the Turk used to acquire by this
article being thrown into your hands will be to him a double
loss. Wood and water are both plenty, and you have in the
neighbourhood the port of Civita Vecchia, where vessels
bound to the West may be loaded. You can now make
war against the Turk : this mineral will supply you with the
sinews of war, that is money, and at the same time deprive
the Turk of them." These words of Castro appeared to the
Pontiff the ravings of a madman : he considered them as
mere dreams, like the predictions of astrologers ; and
all the cardinals were of the same opinion. Castro, how-
ever, though his proposals were often rejected, did not
abandon his project, but applied to his Holiness by various
persons, in order that experiments might be made in his
presence on the stones which he had discovered. The
Pontiff employed skilful people, who proved that they really
contained alum ; but lest some deception might have been
practised, others were sent to the place where they had been
found, who met with abundance of the like kind. Artists
[428] APPENDIX.
■who had been employed in the Turkish mines in Asia were
brought from Genoa ; and these, having closely examined
the nature of the place, declared it to be similar to that of
the Asiatic mountains which produce alum ; and, shedding
tears for joy, they kneeled down three times, worshiping
God, and praising his kindness in conferring so valuable
a gift on our age. The stones were calcined, and produced
alum more beautiful than that of Asia, and superior in
quality. Some of it was sent to Venice and to Florence,
and, being tried, was found to answer beyond expectation.
The Genoese first piurchased a quantity of it, to the amount
of 20,000 pieces of gold ; and Cosmo of Medici for this
article laid out afterwards seventy -five thousand. On account
of this service, Pius thought Castro worthy of the highest
honours and of a statue, which was erected to him in his
own country, with this inscription : — " To John di Castro,
the Inventor of Alum ; " and he received besides a certain
share of the profit. Immunities and a share also of the gain.
were granted to the two brothers, lords of Tolfa, in whose
land the aluminous mineral had been found. This accession
of wealth to the Church of Rome was made, by the di\'ine
blessing, under the Pontificate of Pius II. ; and if it escape,
as. it ought, the hands of tyrants, and be prudently managed,
it may increase and afford no small assistance to the Roman
Poutifis in supporting the burdens of the Christian reli-
gion — Pii Secundi Comment . rer . memorab . tjucB temp .
sui^ contigerunt. Franco/. 1614, /oZ. p. 185.'
Dr. Georg Voigt, in his ' Enea Silvio de Piccolomini als
Papst Pius der Zweite und sein Zeitalter,' vol. iii. pp.
546-48, says :—
' Ein Gliickszufall brachte dem Papste noch eine ganz
unerwartete Quelle von Einnahmen. Unter ihm wurden
die beriihmten Alaungruben von Tolfa entdeckt. Der
genannte Giovanni de Castro, ein Mann der riihrigsten In-
dustrie, der zu Konstantinopel die Farbung itahenischer
Zeuge betrieben, bei der Eroberung der Stadt jedoch nichts
als sein Leben und seine technischen Kenntnisse davon-
getragen, war der Finder. Umherschweifend auf dem
APPENDIX. [429]
einsamen cnlturlosen Waldgebirge, das sich unweit Civita-
vecchia mit seinen Ausliiufern bis zum Meer erstreckt,
stobernd unter den Steinen, Erden und Pflanzen mit dem
eigenthiirnlichen Antriebe solcher Naturen, bemerkte er
zunachst ein Kraut, das er auf den alaunhaltigen Bergen
Asiens gesehen, dann weisse Steine, die der salzige
Geschmack und gar die Auskochung als Alaun erwies.
Freudig eilte er zum Papste und verkiindete ihm den Sieg
iiber die Tiirken, zunachst den Industriellen, da der Orient
durch den Alaun jahrlich iiber 300,000 Ducaten von den
Christen verdiene. Von anderer Seite wird der Astrolog
Domenico di Zaccaria aus Padua wenigstens als Mitentdecker
angegeben.* Pius indess erwiihnt nur de Castro. Er und
die Cardinale hielten die Entdeckung anfangs fiir eine
alchymistisohe Traumerei. Doch bestatigten Sachver-
standige, dass das Gestein wirklich Alaun und dass es in
jenen Bergen in betriebsfahiger Masse vorhanden sei ; das
reichliche Wasser der Gegend und der nahe Seehafen
beofiinstio-ten den Bau. Es wurden Gewerbsleute aus
Genua berufen, die einst bei den Tiirken den asiatischen
Alaun behandelt ; sie weinten vor Freude, als sie das
Mineral erkannten, nach der Abkochung zeigte sich seine
Giite : 80 Pfund hatten den Werth von 100 Pfund tiir-
kischen Alauns. Proben wurden nach Venedig und Florenz
versandt. Genuesische Kaufleute schlossen zuerst einen
Ankauf fiir 20,000 Ducaten ab. Dann Cosimo de' Medici
einen fiir 75,000. Der Papst fasste den Vorsatz, das
Geschenk Gottes auch zur Ehre Gottes, zum Turkenkriege
zn verwenden ; er ermahnte alle Christen, fortan nur von
ihm, nicht von den Unglaubigen den Alaun einzukaufen,
zumal da der seinige nach der Erfahrung besser und billiger
sei.f Schon im Jahre 1463 wurde tiichtig in den Gruben
von Tolfa gearbeitet, 8,000 Menschen waren dabei be-
schaftigt : der Finder wie die B esitzer des vorher unfrucht-
* ' Gaspar Veronensis, p. 1038, 1043.'
t ' Diese Auffbrderung nimmt sich in der Grundonnerstagabulle v.
7 April, 14G3, bei Raynaldus, 14G3, n. 84 etwas wuuderlich neben den
riiiclien aus.'
[430] APPENDIX.
baren Districtes erhielten eine Quote des Gewinnes, dcr
dem apostolischen Schatze jahrlich gegen 100,000 Ducaten
einbrachte. In der Wahlcapitulation von 1464 warden
sammtliche Einkiinfte von Alaun fiir den Tiirkenkrieg
bestimmt.' *
From Dr. Voigt's statements that as early as the year
1463, 8,000 men were employed in the alum-works of
Tolfa, and that the profit to the apostolic treasury, after the
claims of the discoverer and the proprietors had been duly
recognised, amounted to 100,000 ducats a year, and from
the date of the Pope's Brief quoted above, it would seem
that the discovery could scarcely have been made later than
1462, the year assigned to it by Niccolo della Tuccia,
The foUowing extract from E,. Harrison's translation of
A. von Reumont's ' Lorenzo de' jNIediei,' carries on some-
what further the history of this famous mine and of its posi-
tion in regard to the Papal Government : —
' The Pope's aifection and confidence were shown in
various ways. The Koman depository, i.e., the Receiver's
office, was handed over to the Medici, with the permission
to choose as their representative Giovanni Tomabuoni,
director of the Roman bank. New privileges were also
granted to them in connection with their share in the farming
of the alum-works of Tolfa. It was an important conces-
sion. In the days of Pope Pius II., Giovanni di Castro, son
of the famous jiuisconsult, Paolo, the principal co-operator
in the revision of the Florentine statutes ("finished in 1415),
discovered alum-deposits in the rock while making geolo-
gical investigations in the hilly country between Civita
Vecchia and the territory of Viterbo, iu the vicinity of
Tolfa. He instantly perceived the importance of his dis-
* ' Die ausfiihrlichste Nachricht giebt Pius, Comment, p. 18-5, ISiJ,
einige -wertlivolle Xotizen Xiccolo della Tuccia, Cronaca, etc. ed. Orioli.
Roma 1852, p. 307. Die verschiedenen Zeitangaben diirfen nicht irre-
machen : nach Tuccia geschali der Fund im Mai 1462, wobei er richtig
bemerkt, dass der Papst damals in Viterbo war ; damit stimmt Pius' An-
gabe in den Commentarien. Als er jene BuUe erliess, war der Bau scbon
im Gauge. Den Ertrng giebt aucb Card. Papiens. Comment, p. 394 an.'
APPENDIX. [431]
covery, wLich promised to free the "West, hitherto poor in
this mineral, from a tribute to the distant East, made more
inaccessible by the Turkish conquests. In fact the produce
soon amounted to 160,000 gold florins ; and it is well-
known what sanguine hopes Pius II., whose eyes were
directed towards the East, indulged, that this new source of
revenue would aid his enterprises. Genoese houses had em-
ployed themselves with the alum-trade till the Medici con-
cluded a contract with the Papal exchequer, which after-
wards gave rise to many unpleasant misunderstandings with
the financial department.' — (Vol. I. p. 275).
An account of the alum of Tolfi is also given in vol. v.
chap, i., of the ' Voyages du P. Labat de I'Ordre des FF.
Prescheurs, en Espagne et en Italic'; and in the article
' Alaun,' in the ' Oeconomische Encyclopadie,' by Dr. J. G.
Kriinitz, which is in part derived from Labat's work.
GENEEAL INDEX
TO
VOLUMES I.-VIII.
GENEKAL INDEX
Volumes I.- — VIII.
AAR
.4.4i?.l U, meeting of pastors at, to
complain of exile of Megander, vi.
438 ; deputation sent to Berne, 438
Abelard, ii. 24; iii. 52
Ab Hofen, Thomas, Bernese deputy
to Geneva, ii. 412 sq. ; his evan-
gelical work, 415 ; opposition and
dejection, 418 ; death, 419
Adam, iii. 356, 360 sqq.
Adrian VI., Pope, attempts to pre-
vent introduction of Luther's works
and followers into Spain, viii. 4
Adriiin, Dr., umpire at conference of
Schiissbnrg, vii. 469
Agrippa, Cornelius, at Strasburg, i.
484 ; his career, 487 ; his book on
marriage, 488
Alasco, John, Baron, primate of Poland,
vii. 529, 541 ; unfriendly reception
of his nephew John, 543 ; his devo-
tion to the papacy, 544 ; examines
John, 545 ; his death, 549
— Stanislaus, vii. 529 ; at court of
Francis I., 539
— Yaroslav, vii. 529 ; gets his brother
John appointeda bishop, 551 ; inter-
view with John, 559 ; his relations
with Zapolya, 559 : military service
and imprisonment, 559 j his death,
560
Alasco, John, Polish reformer, his
birth and early life, vii. 630 ; sets
out to visit European courts and
universities, 530 ; atLouvain, 531 ;
meets Zwinglius at Zurich, 531 ;
difficulty of fixing dates of his
travels, 532, iwte ; grateful remem-
brance of Zwinglius, 533 ; becomes
guest of Erasmus, 534 ; influence
of Erasmus on him, 534, 535 ; stu-
dies at Basel under Pellican, 536 ;
ALA
friendship with Glareanus, 536,
637 ; enjoined by King Sigismund
to leave Basel, 538; uncertainty of
his next course, 540 ; in Italy,
540 ; again in Poland, 640 ; his
struggles, 541 ; worldly associa-
tions, 542; decline of faith, 543;
false reports about him, 543 : exa-
mined by the primate, 645 ; re-
nounces doctrines of the Reforma-
tion, 545 ; urges Erasmus to write
to the king, 547; named provost of
cathedral church of Gnesne, 547 ;
reads and coiT&sponds with We-
lanchthon, 548; leans towards Lu-
ther, 548 ; coolness of Erasmus, 649 ;
his place among reformers, 650; has
to give up hoi^e of reforming Po-
land, 660, 651 ; appointed bishop
of Wesprim, 551 ; bishop of
Cujavia, 651 ; his difficult posi-
tion, 662 ; refuses bishopric of
Cujavia, 553 ; leaves Poland,
654 ; goes to Mentz and Louvain,
564 ; offers made to him, 555 ;
marries, 556 ; his life at Embden,
566, 557 ; declines offer of pastorate
there, 558 ; attends death-bed of
his brother Yaroslav, 569, 560 ; re-
turns to Friesland, 660 ; writes to
Hardenberg, 662 ; accepts direction
of churches in Friesland, 563 ; in-
vited to Poland, 564 ; his task in
Friesland, 564 ; charges against
him, 665 ; opposition of John of
Falkenberg, 566 ; writes to Bul-
linger, 666 ; conflict with the
monks, 567 ; his appeal to Countess
Anna, 568 ; victory over John of
Falkenberg, 570 ; aims at union of
Protestant sects, 671 ; has a confer.
F F
48'3
GEXEKAL INDEX.
ALB
eace with ^Jlenno, 571; with David
Joris, 573 ; his ministry, 574 ; his
church government, 575 ; relations
to Erasmus, Zwinglius, and Jle-
lanchthon, 575; his Epitome uf doc-
trine, 575, 576 ; again appeals to
Countess Anna, 576 ; resigns oflBce
of superintendent, 577 ; resumes it,
578 ; death of his child, 578 ; his
country home, 578, 579 ; his first
letter to Calvin, 579, note ; at Lou-
vain, 668, 67.; ; meetings with Fran-
cis de Enzinas, viii. 51, 70
Albany, John Stitait, duke of, i. 555 ;
special ambassador of Francis I. to
Clement VII., ii. 196 ; his career,
197 ; 205 ; commands French fleet
escorting Catherine de' Medici to
Nice, 252 ; escorts Clement VII. to
Marseilles, 253; regent of Scot-
land, vi. 18 ; returns to France, 18 ;
again in Scotland, defeated by the
English, finally quits the country, 2i
Albert, duke of Prussia, protects the
reformed in Poland, vii. 527
Albigenses, the, ii. 137
Alcagnices, Marchioness of, her con-
versations with Carranza, viii. 141 ;
gets his works copied and trans-
la'ed, lis
Alcala de Senares, viii. 15, 16; a
theological disputation at, 1 7.
Alciati of Milan, at Bourges, ii. 31.
Aleander, papal nuncio, obtains edict
of persecution for the IN'etherlands,
\\\. 594; receives recantation of
Spreng, 596
Alenqon, Duchess of '^Margaret of
AngmileTne~\
Alenqon, Duke of, i. 464, 465.
Alesi-us, presents Melanchthon's Com-
Tnonplaces to Henry VHI., v. 125 ;
account of him, 218 ; present at
convocation, 219; his speech, 220,
221 ; refused admission, 222 ; his
birth and early life, vi. 13 ; publicly
refutes Luther's doctrine, 59 ; his
inter^-iews with Patrick Hamilton,
60; refuses to condemn him, 89:
preaches before the synod, 89 ;
assailed by Prior Hepburn, and
imprisoned, 90, 91 ; released by
command of the king, 92; immedi-
ately imprisoned again, 93 ; urged to
escape, reluctarit to leave Scotland,
94, 95 ; his flight, 96, 97 ; embarks
at Dundee, 98; his wanderings, 'y.\ :
his letter to James V., lOfi, 107
ANG
AUxander VI., Pope, i. 160, 28(; ; hia
decree on printing, ii. 230.
Alexander Cantis (Dumovlin), goes to
Geneva, iv. 251 ; attempts to arrest
him, 254 ; seized and banished,
264 ; leaves Geneva, 276
Ale-rander, Dr., preaches at Dantzic,
vii. 519
Alexander, Peter, chaplain to the
Kegent of the Netherlands, viii.
103 ; holds a disputation with De
Soto, 104 ; his flight, trial, and
burning in efligr, 104 ; pastor of
French church in London, 105
Alra, Duke of, i. 436
Amadeus T"! of Savoy, i. 22; seizes the
chateau de I'lle, 22 ; becomes ri-
dame, 23; bids for popular favomr, 24
Amadeus Till., his attempt on
Geneva, i. 25 ; his abdication, 27 ;
nominated pope by Coimcil of
Basel a.s Felix V"., 27 ; makes himself
prince and bishop of Geneva, 27 ;
his death, 27
Amadeus IX., i. 28
Amman, Louis, vi. 516
Amsterdam, beginning of the Refor-
mation at, vii. 646 sqq. ; arrests of
evangelicals by night, their execu-
tion, 651 ; Jan van Geelen's at-
tempt to surprise, viii. 422
Amy at, Jacques, iii. 90
Anabaptists, burnt by Henrj- VLLl., v.
74 ; viii. 193, 194 [Spirituals^
Ancina, Messire d', i. 156, 164
Anderson, Lawrence, his birth and
early life, vii. 292 ; receives evan-
gelical doctrine, 293 ; administra-
tor of diocese of Strengnaes, 293 ;
friendship with Olaf and Lawrence
Peterson, 294 ; before Gustavus,
315; appointed chancellor of the
kingdom, 310; his character, 316,
317; advises Gustavns, 317; trans-
lates the Xew Testament, 329 ; ad-
vises the king on church power,
343 ; his speech at Diet of 'W'es-
teraas, 349 sqq. : deputy with Olaf
to the king, o57 ; his speech on re-
turn of the king, 359 ; president of
synod of Orebro, 366
Anderson, William, a Protestant of
Perth, vi. 211 ; seized and con-
demned to death, 214 ; hung, 215
Andronicvs, inMted into Switzerland
by Farel, iii. 277 sqq.\ joins Farel,
280
Angeli«, Francis de, viii. 4
GENERAL INDEX.
437
ANG
Am/ers, University of,, declares for
divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 51
AnguuUiiu\ city, iii. 6
Aiif/us, Earl of, marries Margaret, re-
gent of Scotland, vi. IS ; takes the
Great Seal, 27; defeats Lennox,
28 ; renews proscription of New
Testament, 50 ; keeps the king in
subjection, 85 ; banished, 87 ; joins
English army against the Soots, 16'i: ;
accompanies the liberated nobles to
Scotland, 187 ; reinstated, 191 ;
imprisoned, liberated, 218
Anhalt, Principality of, the reforma-
tion in, viii. 389; the princes- of,
389 ; Luther's letter to them, 393 ;
the reformation established in, 395
Anna,, Countess [Ft-iesland^
Annates, in England, abolished, iv. 1 1 4
Anne Bole>/n,Ta.eeis Henry VIII., ii.
139 ; iv. 27, 38 ; lodged in palace at
Greenwich, 131 ; marriage of, 152,
164, 165 ; included in Clement's
excommunication of Henry VIII.,
167; appears as queen, 170; her
marriage pronounced lawful, 174 ;
presented to the people, 175 ; her
coronation, 176; unsatisfied, 177;
her course and fate, 178 ; change in
her character, V. 37; protects evange-
licals, 37 ; orders liberation of Har-
man, 38, 135; her bringing up, 140 ;
her good works, 141, 142; esteem for
Latimer, 143 ; Tyndale's present to,
143 ; character of, 146 ; opposite views
other, 1 47 ; hostility of Norfolk, 148 ;
her difficult position, 149 ; jealousy
of Jane Seymour, 150 ; gives birth
to a dead son, 151 ; cooperates with
Cranmer, 152, 163 ; her choice of
bishops, 153 ; forebodings, 155 ;
commends her daughter Elizabeth
to Parker, 156 ; charges against
her, 156 sti- ; ordered to keep her
room, 162 ; before the council, 163 ;
taken to the Tower, 164 ; her sym-
pathy, 165 ; watched, 170 ; agitation,
171 ; her letter to the king, 176
sqq. ; alleged pre-contract of mar-
riage not proved, 180 ; her trial,
182 sfiq. : sentenced to death, 184 ;
heraddress to the judges, 185 ; asks
pardon of the princess Mary, 190;
her execution, 193 sdq. ; etl'ect of
her death in Europe, 199, 201, 202
Anne of Beauregard, v. 498, 499
Anne of Cleves, proposal for her mar-
riage with Henry VIII., viii. 232 ;
ARR
her portrait, . 233 ; the marriage
arranged, 233 ; at Calais, 233 ; a
game of cards, 234 ; reaches Canter-
bury, 234 ; at Rochester, seen by
the king, 235 ; received by him,
237 ; enters London, 237 ; married,
238 ; hopes, 239 ; scheme contrived
for her divorce, 276 sqii- ; consents,
278 ; receives report of judgment
of convocation, 280 ; her submis-
sion, 280 ; a pension and a palace
for her, 281
Anne of Cyprus, i. 28, 30, 31 ; accused
by her son Philip to her husband, 32
Annonai/, the 'holy virtues ' of, i. 575 ;
preaching of Stephen Machopolis
at, 576 ; of Etoier, 576 ; of Jonas,
577 ; arrest and imprisonment of
many evangelicals, 577
Anseluir, apostle of Scandinavia, vii.
148
Antwerp, vii. 586 ; beginning of re-
formation at, 588 sqq. ; persecution ,
595 : convent of the Augastiues
destroyed, 608 ; open-air meeting
of the reformed, 612 ; murder of
Nicholas, 613 ; preaching attended
by crowds, 629
Aosta, Lutheranism at, 523 sqq. ; as-
sembly of estates at, 526 ; resolu-
tion against Lutheranism, 527 ;
monuments of Calvin's passage
through, 530
Ajiulorjists, Christian, iii. 11, 202
Aj>peah to the pope, abolished in
England, iv. 231
Aquinas, Thomas, Calvin's admiration
of, i. 525, 578 ; ii. 223
Arciin'bold,sQ\\s indulgences in Scan-
dinavia, vii. 156 ; gains over the
King of Denmark, 156 ; sends his
brother to Gothland, 289
Aresen, Johan, bishop of Holum, vii.
275 ; his quarrel with bishop of
Skaiholt, 275 ; vanquished in single
combat, 275 ; takes up arms against
the reformation, 279 ; usurps the
see of Skaiholt, 279 ; arrested and
executed with his sons, 280 ; bar-
barous revenae of his partisans, 280
Aj'lod, Jean cV. i. 363 ; iv. 403 ; v.
412; imprisoned at Chillon, 413
— , Domaine d', iii. 436 ; proscribed
by the bishop, 527 ; seized and im-
prisoned, 529, 549
Arnold of Winkelried, i. 263
Arran, Earl of, vi. 180 ; his character,
182, 183; proclaimed regent of
438
GENERAL INDEX.
ABE
Scotland, 183 ; his evangelical
chaplains, 184 ; favours project of
marriage of Mary Queen of Scots
with Edward of England, 187 ;
confirmed in the regency, 191 ; dis-
misses his chaplains, 199 ; refuses
the hostages to Henry Vni., 203 ;
assembles an army at Edinburgh,
201 ; his irresolution, 205 ; joins
the cardinal at Stirling, 206 ; sub-
mits to the pope and is ab-
solved, 206 ; accompanies Beatoun
to Perth, sanctions martyrdom of
Protestants, 215 ; and persecution
in Forfarshire, 216 ; flies from Ed-
inburgh with Beatoun, 218 ; gives
up Wishart to Beatoun, 234 ; writes
to the cardinal about him, 234
Arras, martyrs at, i. 469 ; ill. 169
Arteis, preaching of Berquin in, i.
446, 447
Aslte, Robert, heals revolt of
Catholics in Yorkshire, v. 241 ; the
pilgrimage of grace, 242 ; at l?om-
fret Castle, 245 ; confronts the
Lancaster herald, 246 ; resolves to
march on London, 247
Askerv, Anne, account of, viii. 331 ;
her marriage and separation, 332 ;
imprisoned, her examinations, 333 ;
before Bishop Stokesley, 334 ;
liberated on bail, 334 ; again ar-
rested, examined, 335 ; her firm-
ness, 336 ; condemned to be burnt,
336 ; again examined and tortured
by Wriothesley and Rich, 33S_, 339,
and note ; her martyrdom, 340 sqq.
At/ianasian Creed, the, vi. 377, 378
Audley, Sir Thomas, Speaker, iv. 11 ;
appointed Chancellor, 118: one of
Fryth's examiners, 204 ; begs for
gift of convents, v. 116; member
of commission of inquiry into con-
duct of Queen Anne, 159, 163, 189 ;
viii. 289
Aiig^hurfi, Diet of, ii. 290, 339, 554,
562 ; vii. 208 ; influence of the con-
fession in Hungary, 453
Avgustines, at Geneva, i. 58
Augustine, St., iv. 59
Austria, ii. 286, 288, 289 : delegates
at Diet of Augsburg, 2!I0, 291, 292
[Ferdinand of Austria, Philij) of
Hesse]
A va log, Don Gaspard d', opposes pub-
lication of Spanish New Testament,
viii. 73
Areiiclies, iii. 252
BAN
Avignon, Francis I., holds council at,
ii. 285 ; the embroiderer of, iv. 417 ;
seized and ill-used, 418; reaches
Geneva, 419
Avilu, John d', his preaching in
Andalusia, viii. 5, 6, 7 ; exposes the
fraud of Madeline de la Croix, 8 ;
defends St. Theresa, 8, 9 ; counsels
Sancha de Carile, 9 ; arrested by
the Inquisition, and acquitted, 20
BABIXOT, Albert, iii. 55; sent by
Calvin to preach, 69 ; at Toulouse,
70,74
Badnel, Claude, ii. 342 ; seeks intro-
duction to Margaret of Navarre,
344 ; visits her, 344 ; his career,
345 ; envoy from Margaret to
Melanchthon, iv. 473
Baillot, Jacques, of Neuchdtel, advo-
cates giving help to Geneva, v.
378 ; on the march, 385
Bainham, James, iv. 137 ; arrested
and tortured by More, 138 ; before
Bishop of London, 139 ; his abjura-
tion and sentence, 140; remorse,
140 ; repentance, 141 ; condemned,
141; visited by Latimer, 142;
martyrdom, 143
BaHker, Johan van, with his father
denounced as a Lutheran, vii. 621 ;
sent to Louvain, becomes a priest,
622 ; imprisoned, liberated, goes to
Wittenberg, 622 ; returns, and is
banished, 622 ; wanderings, 623 ;
separates from Rome, 623 ; opposes
indulgences, 624 ; arrested, 624 ;
his trial, 625 ; imprisoned, 626 ;
his father, 627 : his martvidom,
627, 628
Balard, syndic of Geneva, i. 277;
elected svndic, 353 ; cited, 391
note; iii. 337, 311,348; recommends
celebration of the mass, v. 430 ; his
views, 481 ; examined before the
Council, vi. 598 ayj.
Balkerley, Martin, imprisoned at
Edinburgh for reading the Scrip-
tures, vi. 133 ; pays a ransom and
is left in prison, a double ransom
demanded, 134 ; liberated, 134
Balleyson, M. de, i. 373, 390, 395, 398
Balue, Master, deputy of the
Sorbonne, ii. 381
Bandihe, Ami, i. 358, 363, 370, 391 ;
leads the search for Pontverre, and
is wounded, 505
GENERAL INDEX.
439
BAN
Bandi'ere, Jean, i. 391
Uandini, Francesco, Archbishop of
Siena, receives deputation accus-
ing Paleario, iv. 568 ; consents to
support the charge, 669
Baner, Eric, in charge of Gustavus
Vasa, vii. 300
Baptism, a reformed, at Geneva, iv.
320
Barharossa, iv. 596
Bariier, instigates plot against re-
formers at Geneva, v. 287
Bar-le-Dv£, conference and treaty of,
ii. 298 aqq., 39i
Barlom, Dr., prior of Bisham, his
embassy to Scotland, vi. 118, 119;
ready to preach, 124
Barnes, envoy to reformers at Witten-
berg, V. 124 ; sent by the king to
invite Melanchthon, 126 ; v?ell
received by Elector of Saxony, 126 ;
joined by Fox and Hare, 128 ; viii.
199 ; takes part in negotiating
marriage of the king with Anne of
Cleves, 242 ; appointed to preach
at Paul's Cross, superseded by
Gardiner, 243 ; preaches, 244 ; re-
primanded by the king, 245 ; reads
a retractation, and again preaches,
245; committed to the Tower,
246 ; with Garret and Jerome and
three Papists, burnt at Smithfield,
272, 275
BaHon, Elizabeth \_Maid of Kent\
Basel, council of, i. 27 ; embassy to
Geneva, ii. 520, 522 ; treaty with
landgi-ave of Hesse, 561 ; confer-
ences at, vi. 387 ; vii. 52, 53
Baud, Claude, syndic of Geneva,
attempts to direct Catholic rioters,
iii. 449; plants the city banner,
455 ; refuses to give the signal for
attack, 461 ; takes part in con-
sultation for peace, 473 ; iv. 258 ;
searches for Froment, 264
Bayfield, Bichard, in prison, iv. 108 ;
his martyrdom, 109.
Beatoun, David, abbot of Arbroath,
negotiates return of his uncle, the
primate, to St. Andrews, vi. 32 ; one
of the judges of Patrick Hamilton,
72 ; accompanies James V. to Paris,
128 ; again in France, made bishop
of Mirepoix, 128 ; negotiates mar-
riage of James with Mary of Lor-
raine, 129 ; his character and aims,
130, 131 ; created cardinal, 131 ;
unites with the king against the
BBA
gospellers and the nobles, 132 ; finds
money for the king, 133 ; his ar-
rogance, 134 ; goes to France to
seek aid for Scotland, 135 ; perse-
cutes the gospellers, 136 sqq. ; de-
mands the burning of Kennedy
and Russel, 143 ; succeeds his uncle
as primate, 147 ; his persecutions
checked by the king, 1 50 ; holds
assembly of prelates and nobles at
St. Andrews, 150 ; aims at ruin of
Henry VIII., 158 ; prevents inter-
view of James and Henry, 160 ;
visits James V. on his death-bed,
177 ; under alleged will of the king
claims to be president of the
council of regency, 181 ; opposes
appointment of Arran to the re-
gency, 182 ; appointed chancellor,
184 ; resists scheme for marriage
of Mary Queen of Scots with Prince
Edward of England, 1 87 ; excluded
from the council and imprisoned,
188 : results of his arrest, 189, 190 ;
liberated, 200 ; his intrigues against
the regent, 201 ; convokes the
clergy, 201 ; induces the regent to
refuse the hostages, 203 ; removes
the two queens to Stirling, 204 ;
receives submission of Arran and
absolves him, 206 ; crowns the
queen, 207 ; resolves to crush the
Reformation, 210 ; goes to Perth,
condemns six Protestants to death,
214 ; persecutes them in Forfar-
shire, 216 ; on appearance of Eng-
lish army at Leith, flies from Edin-
burgh with Arran, 218 ; sets a
body of armed men to waylay Wis-
hart, 226 ; imprisons "Wishart, 234 ;
convokes the bishops, 236 ; arms his
men to escort them and Wishart,
235 ; presides at his trial, 236 sqq. ;
witnesses his martyrdom, 243 sqq. ;
marries his daughter to David
Lindsay, 248 ; quarrels with Nor-
man Lesley, 248 ; a conspiracy
formed against him, orders his
partisans to meet him at Falkland,
249 ; his castle seized by Norman
Lesley, 261 ; murdered, 253 ; opi-
nions on the murder, 255
Beatoun, James, primate of Scotland,
gathering of the Hamiltons in his
palace, vi. 18 ; dissensions with
the queen-mother and the nobles,
26 ; deprived of the Great Seal by
Angus, 27 ; plots with the priests
440
GENEKAL INDEX.
BEA
against Angus, 27 ; in concealment
in FifesMre, 28 ; returns to St.
Andrews, 33 ; cites Patrick Hamil-
ton before him, 33 ; invites him to
a conference, 56 ; cites him on a
charge of heresy, 63 ; orders his
arrest, 70 ; pronomices sentence on
him, 75 ; sanctions imprisonment
of Alesius, 93 ; condemns Seaton's
doctrines, 104 ; imprisons Thomas
Forrest, 109, 110 ; leaves his see to
his nephew David, 147
Seatriee of Portugal, married to duke
Charles m.. i. 295 ; reception of,
at Geneva, 297 sqq. ; birth of a son,
314 ; deputation of women to her
in behalf of Levrier, 336 ; quits
Geneva, 336 ; ii. 603
Beaugency, ancient custom at, ii. 7
Becon, Thomas, quoted, iv. 209
Beda, syndic of the Sorbonne, advises
persecution of Lutherans, i. 445,
446, 443 ; reports on Berquin's
works, 449 : principal of Montaigu
College, 518 ; attacks Berquin, 541 ;
his refutation of Erasmus, 543 ;
arrested, 544 ; attacked by Berquin,
544 ; urges persecution of Berquin,
578, 579 ; ii. 46, 48, 54 ; attacks
the professors, 78 : his charges dis-
missed by the parliament, 79 ;
adopted by the Sorboime, 79 ; de-
claims against reformers, 120:
nrcres arrest of preachers, 159 ; ge-
neral in the war against Lutherans,
161 ; sets mendicant friars to work,
162 ; confined to his house by the
king's order, 166; breaks loose,
167; appears before the parliament,
172; banished, 173, 174; his de-
parture, 177 ; censor of books, 222 :
detects heresy in Margaret's Mirror,
222 ; returns to Paris, 306 ; attacks
professors of University of Paris,
307 ; demands burning of Eoussel
and others, 388 ; his debate with
Eoussel in the prison, 310; his
B^monstrance read by the king,
310 ; imprisoned, 311 ; accuses the
king, iii. 137 ; charged with trea-
son, his imprisonment and death,
137 ; iv. 50, 51
Bell, Dr., joint commissioner to Ox-
ford University, iv. 42
Bdlaiitei, Antonio, his friendship
with Paleario, iv. 562 ; his mother,
563 ; her property stolen by the
monks, 563
BER
Bellantes, Faustus, warns Paleario, iv.
564; at his trial, 571, 576, 577.
— , Bvander, at trial of Paleario, iv.
576
Bellegarde, Sieur de, prepares am-
buscade for Levrier, i. 330 ; seizes
and takes him to castle of Bonne,
331 ; tortures him, 337 ; treachery
to Bonivard, ii. 542 ; envoy to the
emperor, iii. 312 ; bribes the grand
equerry, 313 ; has audience of
Charles V., 314 ; interview with
Granvella, 316 ; his letter to the
duke, 317 ; his plans against Ge-
neva, 319 ; projects a fortress, 32&
Bellessert, Captain, commands one of
the bands against Lutherans, iii.
453 ; strikes down Philippe, and is
wounded by him, 463
Bewibo, Pieiro, Cardinal, iv. 553, 595,
616
Benoit, Andrew, goes to G«neva, vi.
357 'iSpirituaU'l
Berger, Xicholas, assassinated by
Pennet, iv. 300
Bergeron, G., syndic of Geneva, i. 413
Bernard, Carmelite, martvrdjm of,
vii. 629
Bernard of Lublin, vii. 516
Bernard, Claude, iii. 332, 354, 375 ;
his daughter, 389, 396, 397 ; rescues
Froment, 416 ; aids in rescue of
OlivStan, 435 ; leads Huguenots in
the %ht in the ilolard, 499 ; re-
ceives evangelists into his house,
329; V. 238, 290, 294; proposes
su]3J)ression of the mass, &c., 323
Bernard, Jacques, superior of Fran-
ciscans,con verted by Parels preach-
ing, iv. 327 ; v. 294 ; preaches in
convent church, 295 ; undertakes a
public disputation, 297 ; ten theses,
298, 299, 308; at the debate, 311
Sfj'j. ; appointed pastor at Geneva,
vi. 493
Bernard, John, i. 76, 181, 343 ; ii. 442
Bernard, Louis, throws off his priestly
robes, iv. 363 ; marries, 392 ; writes
to Calvin, vii. 16, 17
Berne, i. 209, 210, 247; friendly to
Greneva, 371 ; embassy to (Jeneva,
376 ; exiles at, 380 ; receives news
of Huguenot triumph at Geneva,
404 ; alliance with Friburg and
Geneva, 4ii7, 410, 411, 415, 416,
419. 420, 505 ; Genevese and Sa-
voyard deputations to, ii. 407 :
admonishes duke of Savoy, 449 ;
GENERAL INDEX.
441
BEE
warns Geneva, 449 ; triumph of the
Scriptures at, 461 ; Bernese Luther-
ans at Genera, 513, 520, 522, 534,
660, 564 ; prepares to succour
Geneva, 577, 589 ; asks help of
Geneva, 589 ; refuses help to
Geneva, 594 ; deputies propose
renunciation of alliance, 595 ;
demands it again, 599 ; Genevese
embassy to, 600 ; alliance main-
tained, 601 ; joint-suzerain of Orbe,
iii. 243 ; orders that all fathers
of families should attend Farel's
preaching, 259 ; opens churches at
Granson to reformers, 284 ; with
Friburg publishes first act of re-
ligious liberty in Switzerland, 291 ;
intervenes in favour of religious
liberty at Geneva, 437 ; counter
embassies to, from Geneva, 481,
485 ; embassy to Geneva, 514 ; the
deputies counsel yielding to the
bishop, 548 ; sends Farel to Geneva,
.iv. 267; embassy to Geneva, 276;
protects the reformers, 277 ; com-
pels opening of a church to them,
281 ; insists upon trial of Furbity,
282 ; deputies assist at his examin-
ation, 313 sq., 328 ; farewell of the
embassy, 329 ; intervention on
behalf of Maisonneuve, 350 ; Gene-
vese embassy to, 397 ; exhorts
Savoy and Burgundy to cease hos-
tilities against Geneva, 408 ; in-
tervenes for Maisonneuve and
Janin, 414 ; supports duke of
Savoy, 439 ; refuses aid to Geneva,
V. 871 ; negotiates with duke of
Savoy on its behalf, 422 ; helps
Geneva, 435 ; declares war against
duke of Savoy, 436 ; march of the
army under Nagueli, 437 ; demands
sovereignty of Geneva, 464 ; re-
duction and annexation of Vaud,
465 ; the envoys at Aosta, 523, 524 ;
the Bernese take Tverdun, and
abolish Eomish worship, vi. 272,
273 ; edict issued for disputation
at Lausanne, 278 ; ordinances for
the Pays de Vaud, 314, 315 ; treaty
with Lausanne, 316 ; issues edict of
reformation for the Pays de "Vaud,
325 ; sjmod of, 381 ; another
synod convoked, 389 ; a patched-up
peace, ' 389 ; another synod, 389
sqq. ; deputies of, at Geneva, sup-
port the malcontent Huguenots,
405 ; letter to the Eeformers, 414 ;
BEK
an embassy to Geneva promised,
415, and not sent, 416 ; sanctions
the Genevese confession, 416 ; dis-
missal of Megander, 438 ; deputa-
tion of country pastors to Berne,
438, 439 ; views of Bernese on
church and state, 413 ; on worship,
443 ; convoke a synod at Lausanne,
445 ; letters to Calvin and the
Council of Geneva, 448; letter of
the council to the Genevese on
behalf of Calvin and Farel, 498 ;
delegates sent with them to Geneva,
512 ; received by the council, 515 ;
dispute about treaty with Geneva,
610; a new treaty, 611; quarrel
about it, 612 ; summons the Gene-
vese to a trial at Lausanne, 614 ;
sentence against Geneva, 615; pro-
poses fresh discussion, 616
Berquin,\jO\As, arrested and liberated,
i. 446; his character, 446; preaching
in Artois, 447 ; assailed by priests
and nobles, 447 ; his books ex-
amined by the Sorbonne, 448 ; im-
prisoned, 449 ; interroga'ed, 460,
461 ; threatened with the stake,
461 ; proceedings stopped by Fran-
cis I., 463 ; partial liberation, 481 ;
set free, 506 ; his task, 507 ; re-
solves to attack the papal power,
541 ; letter to Erasmus, 542 ; rejects
advice of Erasmus, 543 ; attacks
Beda and the Sorbonne, 544 ; cen-
sured by Erasmus, 546 ; abuse of,
577 ; ii. 41 ; judges appointed to
try him, 44 ; Margaret's interces-
sion, 45 ; arrested, 47 ; his let-
ter discovered, 47 ; sentence
pronounced, 49 ; appeals, 60 ; efEorts
of Budaeus, 51 ; a fall and a re-
covery, 53 ; sentenced to be burnt,
54 ; execution hurried on, 55 ;
martyrdom, 56 sqq. ; effect on spec-
tators, 59, 73
BeHliatul, appointed to preach in
Paris, ii. 156; his end, 157; con-
fined by the king's orders, 166 ;
forbidden to preach, 304 ; burning
of, demanded by i3eda, 308 ; set
free ; 312 ; arrested, iii. 133 ; before
the king, 139 ; sent to a convent, 148
5ert7ieKCT-,Philibert, Genevese patriot,
i. 2 ; his character and aim, 40, 48,
52 ; accepts from the Bastard the
government of Peney, 53 ; friend-
ship with Bonivard, 62, 67 ; tears
up his commission, 73 ; his school
442
GENERAL INDEX.
BES
of liberty, 78, 86 ; frustrates at-
tempt of the duke to seize Levrier,
87 ; his intercourse with Bonivard,
89, 90, 91 ; calls a meeting of
patriots, 92 sqq^. ; his exhortation
to unity, 94 ; watched by agents of
the bishop, 96 ; practical joke about
Claude Gros' mule, 98 ; threatened
with a fine by the vidame, 100 ;
scheme to get rid of him, 102, 107 ;
demanded by the bishop. 111 ;
warned. 111 ; escapes with the
Friburgers, 112 ; the search
for him, 113; at Friburg, 114;
his speech to the guilds, 115 ;
ofEered a pardon by the duke, 123 ;
alleged to be a ' charmer ' 130 ; his
return to Geneva, 148 ; promotes
the Swiss alliance, 148 ; obstacle
to destruction of liberty, 150 ; his
trial, 151, 175 ; his energy and de-
votion, 176 ; his proposition for
consultation of patriots, 181 ; his
friendship with Marty, of Friburg,
183 ; Touses the G«nevese to action,
192 ; tried by the syndics and ac-
quitted by the council, 194 ; rejects
bribe offered by the duke, 207, 217,
218, 235, 242, 250; the bishop
' watches for ' him, 25.5 ; his se-
renity, 255 ; his retreat, 256 ; ar-
rested, 257 ; in prison, 258, 259 ;
his religious faith, 260 ; refuses to
be tried by Desbois, 261 ; proposal
to rescue him, 263 ; sentence of
death, 265 ; execution, 266 ; pro-
cession through Geneva, 267 ; im-
pression produced by his death,
268 ; sanguis semen, 269; 289, 378 ;
his memory honoured, 422 ; iv. 270
' B holies war,' the, 1. 246, 281
JieyaeHs, Jan, ™. 670, 671, 672 ; re-
moves pictures from the churches,
673 ; arrested, 675
Be::a, Theodore, i. 517, 533, 537; ii.
12, 28, 29 ; birth and early life of,
first meets Calvin, 30
Bible, the, in French, prohibited in
France, i. 460 ; difficulty of obtain-
ing at Paris, ii. 116 ; Latin, of .Ste-
phens, 116 ; first French published,
V. 319 ; act passed by Scottish par-
liament for freedom to read, vi. 193
{^Tyndale, Croimrell, Cranmer, and
names of various ver.sions]
Biderniitti, John [^Bhinchcf]
Billih, Carmelite, papal delegate at
Batishon, viii. 123.
BOE
Bilneij, Thomas, character and
opinions of, iv. 100 ; his preaching,
101 ; friendship with Latimer, 1U2 ;
arrested, 103 ; attempts of monks
to convert him, 103; his trial, 103 ;
condemned, 104 ; his last evening,
105 ; martyrdom, 106, 107, 120
Bisliojyers and Commoners, at Geneva,
ii. 443, 471
Bishops, of England, their reply to
petition of the Commons, iv. 16,
17; the reply criticised, 19; resist
attack on their privileges, 21 ;
their subterfuge, 22 ; alliance
with the king against reformers,
94 ; attempt to impose on lower
clergy the payment promised to
the king, 95 «^. ; begin persecu-
tion of Lutherans, 99 ; submit to
the king, 113 ; their oath at conse-
cration, 114: renounce orders of the
pope prejudicial to the king, 116;
election of, regulated, 231 ; declare
the papacy a human invention,
231 ; suspension of their jurisdic-
tion, V. 97 ; decline to answer
German envoys, viii. 1S8 ; find a
compromise impossible, 217, 218 ;
protest against referring the trans-
lation of the Bible to the universi-
ties, 309
Bisliops, government by, i. 382 : ar-
guments for temporal power, iii. 546
Bishops in Denmark, excluded from
the Diet, vii. 269
' Bislwp's Book,'' the, viii. 315
Blancherose, physician, takes part in
disputation at Lausanne, vi. 282,
289,291, 293, 302, 303
Blanchet, i. 93 ; his adventures, 147 ;
imprisoned at Turin, 154 ; his exa-
mination, 155 ; tortured, 157, 162 ;
sentenced to death, 163 ; beheaded,
166 ; treatment of his remains,
166, 167 ; agitation in Geneva, 168,
177, 249
Blois, Roussel and Leffevre at, i. 4S7 ;
a 'placard" on the king's door, iii. 125
Bochhold [John of Zeyden']
Boc/tinff, Friar, instigates imposture
of JIaid of Kent. v. 9, 11 ; before
Star Chamber, 18.
Bi'njuef, Christopher, preaches at
(ieneva, iii. 394; again, 404, 419;
ordered to leave Geneva. 124.
Boehmcr, Edward, his researches on
the brothers Yalder, iv. 585 note,
597 note.
GENERAL INDEX'.
443
BOH
Bohemia, the Reformation in, vii.
509 ; ttie Calixtiues, 509 ; ttie
Taborites, 510
Boiling to diiath, penalty for poison-
ing, iv. 89
Bois-le-Buc, martyrs at, vii. 654
Boisseaw do la Borderie, Jean, iii. 55.
Bologna, Conference of, ii. 188 sqq. ;
another congress, iv. 27 ; meeting
of Clement YII. and Charles V.,
164 ; beginning of reformation at,
577 ; address of evangelicals to
John of Planitz, 578
Bologna, University of, appealed to
by Henry VIII. on his divorce, iv.
51 ; the judgment, 62.
Boniface VIII., Pope, ii. 615.
Boniface, Cardinal bishop of Ivrea, ar-
rests Ciirione and his friends, iv. 533
Bonivard, Francis, his arrival at
Geneva, i. CO ; birth and education,
61 ; friendship with Berthelier,
63, 65, 67, 77 ; rejects proposal
made to him to seize Levrier, 84,
85 ; warns him, 86 ; his character,
89 ; fascinates Berthelier, 89 ;
their intercourse and aims, 90,
91 ; his difference with the bishop,
96, 105, 110, 111, 129 ; attempts to
save Peoolat, 133 ; resolves to ' bell
the cat,' 135 ; gets inhibition of the
metropolitan served on the bishop,
136, 137 : his advice to Pecolat's
friends, 139, 145 ; goes to Rome,
158 ; what he saw there, 159 ; fails
in his suit for bishopric, 162 ;
warned of danger at Turin, 162 ;
his flight, 163 ; discouraged, 177,
181, 194, 205, 207; his speech in
chapter, 213; his protest, 215;
pacifies the people threatening the
canons, 217, 218, 227, 229 ; escapes
from Geneva, 234, 237 ; betrayed,
251 ; compelled to resign his
priory, 252 ; imprisoned by the
duke, 253, 259, 270 ; set at liberty,
286, 329, 343, 354 ; his estimate
of La Baume, 356 ; restored to Ms
priory, 421 ; advocates expulsion
of the prince-bishop, ii. 438, 442,
443 ; detested by papal party, 463 ;
threatened with expulsion from his
priory, 464 ; his estimate of excom-
munication, 465 ; reflections on
state of Geneva, 469 ; his reply to
proposal of Huguenots, 471 ; his
fief at Cartigny, 477 ; maintains
reciprocity of rights between prince
BOU
and subject, 478 ; obtains support
of the council to his claim, 478 ;
takes possession of Cartigny, 479 ;
loses it, 480 ; his expedition to re-
cover it, 480 ; his grass mown by
Pontverre, 495 ; among the Luther-
ans, 513 ; his raids to recover his
rents, 535 ; fires at the papal
proctor, 536 ; illness of his mother,
537 ; obtains safe-conduct to visit
her, 538 ; at Seyssel, 538 ; slandered
at Geneva, 538 ; perplexity, 539 ;
safe-conduct extended, 540 ; pro-
poses to give up his priory, 541 ; at
Moudon, 541 ; journey to Lausanne,
542 ; kidnapped,' 543 ; imprisoned
at ChiUon, 544; treatment, 545;
liberation of, demanded and re-
fused, 577 ; incidents of his con-
finement, V. 465, 466 ; orders given
for his death, 467 ; liberated, 469 ;
made free of city of Geneva,
marries, 486 ; a prediction fulfilled,
486, 487
Bonivard, Jean Aime, prior of St.
Victor, i. 61 ; orders his culvorins
to be cast into church bells, 62 ; liis
death, 62
Bonner, Edmund, envoy to Marseilles,
iv. 216 ; forces his way into the
pope's palace, 217 ; presents the
king's appeal to a council, 218;
threatened by the pope, 223 ; am-
bassador in France, viii. 214 ;
conveys to Cromwell the Bibles
printed at Paris, 214 ; appointed
bishop of London, 243 ; declares
against Cromwell, 254 ; his activity,
286 ; assails Grafton, 287 ; perse-
cutes citizens of London, 287 sqq. ;
admonitions to his diocese, 310
BoHhwiek, Sir John, cited before
Cardinal Beatoun, escapes to Eng-
land, vi. 161 ; his property con-
fiscated and his efiigy burnt, 151 ;
withdraws from the court, 200
Bothniemis, Nicolaus, president of
assembly at TJpsala. vii. 415
Bothmell, Earl of, opens negotiations
on the part of Scottish nobility
with Northumberland, vi. 101 ;
withdraws from the court, 200 ;
sides with Beatoun, 201 ; prohibits
preaching of Wishart in Hadding-
tonshire, 230 ; arrests him, 233 ;
gives him up to the regent, 234
Boulet, Bernard, treasurer of Geneva,
i. 34.5 ; assaulted by Richardet,
444
GENERAL INDEX.
BOU
346 ; his friends turn it to account,
347 ; reports it to ducal council,
348 ; appears at a general council,
3i9 ; condemned, 383
Smirion, Constable of, i. 437, 453
Bviinjes, University of, ii. 30; centre
of reformed doctrine, 32, 39 ;
declares for divorce of Henry
Vin., iv. 51
Boutcrille, Prior of, iii. 17, 20
Soj^leij, fraud of monks at, v. 105
Brandenlurg, George, margrave of,
vii. 478
Brazil, bishop of Linkoping, resolves
to suppress the Lutheran heresy,
vii. 296, 297 ; entreats the pope
that Olaf may be sentenced to
death, 298, 315 ; his violence, 320,
321 ; remonstrates with Magnus,
321 ; demands trial of the re-
formers, 322 ; circulates books
against them, 323 ; his services to
Sweden, 327 ; letters to Gustavus,
328 ; excommunicates Olaf, 328 ;
stirs up the people against him,
329 ; censures the primate, 338 ;
attends diet of Westeraas, 344 ; at
secret meeting of the bishops,
instigates opposition to reforms,
348 ; gains Thure Joensson, 349 ;
his speech at the diet, 351 ; de-
prived of his castle, 360, 361 ; leaves
S^Yeden, 361 ; his death, 362
Srcreton, William, arrested, v. 160 ;
examined, 1 74 ; beheaded, 187
Briqoiinet, bishop of Meaux, i. 476,
492, 573 ; ii. 75, 7G ; iii. 90
Bnon, Denis, burnt, iv. 468
Brothers, enmities of, viii. 119 ; love
of, 119, 120
Broiiirart, Jean de, i. 469
Bron-n, Greorge, made archbishop of
Dublin, T. 153
Brvcciulx, translates New Testament
into Italian, iv. 526
Bruly, Pierre, preaches at Ghent, vii.
666 : removes to Strasburg, 666
Brini.tn-ick, beginning of reformation
at, viii. 3S4 ; evangelical preaching
decreed, 385 ; organisation by
Pomeranus, 385, 386
Brussels, the reformation at, vii. CS7 :
persecution, 692 sqq.
Biiccr, reformer, bis qualifications as
peacemaker, ii. 83 ; his confidence
in Jlargaret, 84 ; letter to Luther,
81; 118, 119, 244; interview with
William Du Bellav, 327 ; mission
BVR
of Chelius to, 350 ; his proposals
examined before Francis I., 353
sqq. ; iii. 80 ; his opinion of Serve-
tus, 102 ; 178, 181, 182, 183 ; with
Calvin visits Erasmus, 186 ; con-
demns divorce of Henry VHI., iv.
53 ; 449, 453, 454 ; prepares to go to
France, 463 ; his works read in
Italy, 523 ; joint envoy to Henry
VIII., V. 139 ; proposes a conference
with Calvin, vi. 328 ; advocates
union of Lutherans and Zwinglians,
3s5 ; defended by ilyconius and
Grymeus at Basel, 387 : gets an-
other synod held at Berne, 3s'.i ;
with Capito goes to Beme, 3s;i ;
his views, 391 ; agrees to Calvin's
view of the sacrament, 395 ; revises
Megander's catechism, 437 ; attends
synod of Zurich, 500 ; invites
Calvin to Strasburg. 529 ; acquaint-
ance with Juan Diaz, viii. 122 ;
delegate to conference of Eatisbon,
122 ; writes to Cranmer, 178 ; 226
BnslMrmn, George, sent to Paris, vi.
19 ; his epitaph on Madeleine of
Valois,127 ; account of him,140 ; im-
prisoned, 140 ; escapes to France, 141
BufltTruLSter, Dr., rice-chancellor of
Cambridge University, iv. 37, 38,
39, 40, 46 ; presents the sentence
on the divorce to the king, 48 ; con-
ference with the king, 48
Budaens, William, ii. 11 ; one of the
judges on trial of Berquin, 44 ;
tries to save him, 51 sqq. ; 56, 67,
87, 186; present at torture of De
la Croix, 322 ; iv. 504
Bude, Matthew, goes with Juan Diaz
to Geneva, viii. 121
Bugenhagen \_Pom^ranits~\
Bullinger, iv. 454; ri. 385; yi\. 27;
viii. 173, 176: dedicates works to
Henry VHL, 176, 177
BvUs, papal, proclamation of Henry
Vin. against, iv. 56
Burgos, viii. 45
Burgiindiam, at Geneva, i. 11 ; com-
pilation of code, i. 12 ; first and
second kingdoms of the, 12
Buriiundy, Marshal of, takes part
with tjavoy in advance on Geneva,
iv 399; 4()7, 408
Burrey, Denis, governor to Erick, son
of Gustavus Vasa, vii. 397, 399;
goes in search of Erick and is slain
by his order, 402
Bitrsinel, meeting of knights at,
GENERAL INr)EX.
44-:
BUT
Order of the Spoon instituted, ii.
475
Butler, Jolin, writes to Bullinger,
viii. 239 IStudeuts, EiujUsli]
CADAN, peace of, ii. 338 ; iv. 480
Cadena, Louis of, opposes scholas-
ticism, viii. 19 i his exile, 20
Cajetan, Cardinal, sent into Hungary,
vii. 428
Calnirpiini, Celio, iv. 547
Calixtines, the, in Bohemia, vii. 509;
correspond with Luther, 611, 613 ;
the majority adopt his views, 614
Calmar, blockaded by the Danes, vii.
301
Calmar, Union of, vii. 148 ; violated
by Sweden, 157 ; dissolved, 314
Calvi, bookseller of Pavia, circulates
the works tf the reformers, iv. 523 .
Calvin, i. 2, 4 ; distinction between
his reformation and that of Luther,
4 ; his influence on politics, 5 ; his
disciples in foreign countries, 6 ;
founder of American republic, 7 ;
the charge of despotism against
him, 7 ; his plea for Servetus, 8 ;
his work, 91, 424 ; his great idea,
429 ; the complete reformer, 431 ;
his origin, 432 ; compared with
Margaret of Angouleme, 432 sf[q. ;
enters college of La Marche, 612 ;
influence of Mathurin Cordier on
him, 513, 614 ; removes to Mon-
taigu College, 515 ; a Spanish pro-
fessor, 516 ; classical studies, 516 ;
his moral and devout character,
617 ; a strict Romanist, 518 ; a
hard student, 618 ; has a benefice,
visits Noyon, 519 ; first breath of
the new Gospel, 619; friendship
with Olivgtan, 520 ; chronology of
his student life obscure, 621 ; in-
tercourse with Olivftan, 521 ; re-
sists OlivStan's innovations in re-
ligion, 622 ; secret struggles, 622,
623 ; alarm of his teachers, 523 ;
confession to the priest, 524; dis-
tress of mind, 526 ; conversion,
529 ; reverence for church authority,
531 ; investigates claims of the
pope of Rome, 532 ; longing for
unity with truth, 633 ; results of
his conversion, 534 ; its date, 534 ;
shyness and reserve, 536 ; his
father's grief and plan, 636, 637 ;
consents to study law, 537 ; 680
CAL
-, goes to Orleans, ii. 1 ; enters
household of Duchemin, 2 ; falls
under influence of L'Btoile, 4, 5, 6 ;
proctor of the Picard nation, 7 ;
demands the maille do Florence at
Beaugency, 8 ; a close student, 9 ;
visits house of F. Daniel, 10 ; ac-
quaintance with Wolmar begins,
11 ; studies Greek, 12 ; his fellow-
ship with Wolmar, 15 ; inward
struggles, 15 ; accused of schism,
16 ; sympathy with the Psalmist,
17 ; phases of his conversion, 19 ;
renimciation of the world, 20 ; his
motto, 21 ; his great qualities re-
cognised, 21 ; study of the Bible
and of the law, 22 ; sought as a
teacher, 23 ; teaches in families,
25; called to Noyon, 27; hisfather's
illness, 27 sjj. ; his first extant
letter, 29 ; first meeting with Beza,
30 ; goes to Bourges. 31 ; reads
works of Luther and Melanchthon,
33 ; Wolmar's appeal to him, 33 ;
hesitation, 36 ; preaches, 37 ; in-
trigues of priest, 38 ; again called
to Noyon, his father's death, 38, 62,
63; cur6 of Pont I'Bvfque, 65;
preaches, 66 ; goes to Paris, 67 ;
his visitors, 68 sj2- ! '^i^it to a nun-
nery, 70 ; social habits, 71 ; re-
nounces the law, 72 ; speaks at secret
meetings, 73 ; his extensive corre-
spondence, 74, 75 ; returns to
Paris, 77 ; observant of the Sor-
bonne, 80 ; works in obscurity, 80 ;
his activity, 110; rejects Daniel's
proposal of oflice in Roman church,
113; his commentary on Seneca,
113 ; publishes it, 115 ; form of
his name, 115 ; makes his book
known, 116 ; a search for Bibles.
116 ; interview with a young
' Frondeur,' 118 ; writes to Bucer,
119 ; intercourse with La Forge,
120 ; with Tillet, 121 ; abstinence,
122 ; first intercourse with Mar-
garet of Navarre, 123 ; declines to
enter her service, 124; quoted,
164 ; preaches at Paris, 183 ; 231,
234, 243, 244 ; his labours at Paris,
264 ; writes address for Cop to
deliver, 263 ; the address, 266 ; his
idea of a universal church, 270 ; in
favour with Margaret, 272 ; inter-
view with her, 273; his arrest
ordered by the parliament, 278 ;
escapes, 279 ; recognised on his
446
GENERAL INDEX.
CAL
nay, 281 ; in concealment, 283,
34y ; his narrative of conver-
sion of the provostess of Orleans,
361 sqq.
■ — , flight, iii. 5 ; received by Du
Tillet, 6 ; his Boxopolis, 8 ; his
studies, 11 ; sketches his Christian
IiisUtutes, 12 ; combats material-
ism, 13 ; love of nature, 15 ; teaches
Greek, 16 ; visits prior of Boute-
ville, 18 ; conferences, 19 ; sermons,
21 ; preaches in Latin, 21 ; visits
Eoussel, 27; visits Leffevre, 28;
goes to Poitiers, 51 ; attends dis-
putations at the university, 53 ; his
friends, 55 ; his teaching, 56 ;
visits the lieutenant-general, 57 ;
in the garden, 58 ; his grotto, 60,
61 ; view of the mass, 62, 63 ; sends
evangelists into France, 69; care
for the young, 71 : leaves Poitiers,
75 ; renunciation of Roman orders,
75, 77 ; goes to Paris, 78 ; sad-
dened, 91 ; first contact with the
Spirituals, 92 ; attacks them, 96,
98 ; encounters Servetus, 101 ;
agrees to conference with him,
103 ; Servetus absents himself,
103 ; first theological work, Psyeko-
pannychia, 104 ; his bitterness,
105 ; leaves Paris, 107 ; reaches
Strasburg, 108 ; comments on pro-
cession of relics, 152 «y. ; his mis-
sion, 177 ; received by Zell, 179 ;
friendships, 183 ; his estimate of
Strasburg reformers, 183, 184 ;
meets Erasmus at Friburg, 186 ;
goes to Basel, 187 ; received by
Catherine Klein, 187 ; silent
growth, 189 ; friendships, 190, 191 ;
his book on Immm-tality criticised,
192 ; translation of New Testament,
193 ; hears of persecution at Paris,
194 ; his plea for compassion, 195 ;
effect of the martyrdoms on him,
201 ; resolves to publish his Insti-
tutes, 202 ; goes to the fountain
head, 203 ; account of the Insti-
tutes, 205, 215 ; letter to the king,
217 ; publication of the Institutes,
227; starts for Italy, 229; his
object, 230 ; agreement of Luther
and Calvin, 441 ; in preparation for
Geneva, 553
— , his influence in England, iv. 2 ;
condemns divorce of Henry VIII.,
53 ; his place in the Reformation,
268; protests against union with
CAL
popery, 453 ; writes to Francis I.,
492 ; welcomes Caraccioli at Ge-
neva, 594 ; expected at Ferrara, 625
- — , expected at Ferrara, v. 124 ; ar-
rives at Ferrara, 491, 492 ; his in-
terviews with the duchess, 494,
495 ; preaches, 498 ; his portrait
painted by Titian, 603 ; intercourse
with Master Francois, 503 sqq. ;
his letter to Duchemin, 509, 510 ;
writes to Eoussel, 512 sqq. ; his in-
fluence in Italy, 515 ; arrested by
.the Inquisition, 519 ; rescued, 520 ;
his wanderings, 522 ; reaches Aosta,
523, 527; 'Calvin's farm,' 528,
529 ; monuments of his flight, 530 ;
returns to France, 531 ; at Noyon,
532 ; arrives at Geneva, 535 ; meet-
ing with Farel, 536 ; consents
to stay at Geneva, 540; visits
Basel, 542 ; his vocation as re-
former, 543 ; his concession to the
state, 544 ; Ms place in history,
545 sqq. ; mention of him in a
council minute, 549
— , his arrival at Geneva, vi. 263 ;
refuses any official charge, 264 ;
reader in holy Scripture, 265 ; cha-
racter of his teaching, 266 ; his view
of chiuch discipline, 268 ; retained
by advice of the council, 271 ; goes
with Farel to Lausanne, 272, 282 ;
his speeches at the disputation,
295, 304 ; begins to take part in
church government, 324, 325; his
work compared with Luther's and
Zwingli's, 328, 329 ; elected pastor
at Geneva, 330 ; biographies of him,
330 note ; prepares a catechism,
334, 335 ; and a confession of faith,
337 ; his memoir on order in the
chiu'ch, 340 sqq. ; requires that all
should profess the reformed faith,
347,348; encounters the Spirituals,
357 sqq. ; intervenes between
Viret and Caroli at Lausanne, 365,
366 ; accused of Arianism by Caroli,
367 ; his reply, 368 ; avoids use of
the term ''Trinity,' 369; T\Tites to
Megander, 371 ; goes to Berne,
urges assembly of a synod, 372 ; at
s^-nod of Lausanne, 373 ; unmasks
Caroli, 375 ; his confession on the
Trinity, 376 ; his views of the
early creeds, 377, 37S; confronts
Caroli at synod of Berne, 381 ; his
speech at another synod, lays the
storm between Zwinglians and
GENERAL INDEX.
447
CAL
Lutherans, 393, 39-t ; gains support
of the civil power in church affairs,
397 ; pleads for the hospital' and
the schools, 398 ; proposes com-
pulsory swearing to the confession
of faith, iOl ; at the council, 413 ;
goes to Berne, vindicates himself
and the reformers, 415 ; applies to
the council for their support, 418 ;
proposes to the council to exclude
the disturbers from the Lord's
Supper, 420 ; difference with Du
Tillet, 425 ; blames the proceedings
of the government and is warned
to let it alone, iSi; writes to
Bucer, 441; excluded by Berne
from colloquies of the Vaudois,
444 ; sent with Farel and Jean
Philippe to synod of Lausanne, 445';
has conference with Bernese dele-
gates, 447 ; before the council,
450,451 ; protests against imprison-
ment of Courault, 457 ; refuses to ac-
cept order for adoption of Bernese
usages, and is forbidden to preach,
460 ; his perplexity, 463, 464 ; with
Farel declines to administer the
supper, 466, 467 ; his embarrass-
ment, 469, 470 ; preaches, 474, 477 ;
a disturbance in the church, 479 ;
banished, 480 ; is refused a hearing
by the council, 483 ; sentence of
the general council, 484 ; his re-
flections, 485, 486 ; leaves Geneva,
486, 488 ; goes to 13erne, 495 ; with
Farel complains to the council,
496, 497 ; at synod of Zurich, 500
sqgi. ; bis demands, 502 ; returns
to IBerne, 507 ; interview with
Kunz, 508, 609 ; before the senate,
511 ; reconducted to Geneva by
Bernese, 513 ; banished by vote of
general council, 522 ; at Berne,
525 ; at Basel, 526 ; at Strasburg,
529 ; returns to Basel, 530 ; settles
at Strasburg, 532 ; his letter to the
Genevese, 539 ; his position at
Strasburg, 544, 545, 546 ; pastor
and teacher, 547, 548 ; his view of
the Lord's Supper, 549 ; his
poverty, 550 ; at Frankfort, 563 ;
meets Melanchthon, 564 sqq. ; re-
plies to Sadoleto, 580 sqq. ; inter-
course with Caroli, 593 ; refuses to
return to Geneva, 600 ; household
troubles, 601 ; marriage projects,
602, 603 ; Idelette de Bure, 605 ;
married, 606 ; difference between
CAM
wives of Luther and Calvin, 607 ;
attends assembly at Hagenau, 608 ;
fruits of exile, 626, 627
— , his recall desired, vii. 3 ; letter to
his friends, 4, 5 ; his perplexity, 7,
11, 12 ; deputy to conference at
Wtrms, 8 ; receives letter of recall,
10 ; his reply to Geneva, 12, 13 ;
meets Melanchthon and Cruciger
at Worms, 18 ; friendship with
Melanchthon, 19 sq/j. ; his Song of
Victory, 23 ; deputy to diet of
Eatisbon, 25 ; letter to Bernard,
26 ; loses his friend Feray, 28 ; his
estimate of Contarini, 30 ; his part
at Eatisbon, 32 ; his reply to mani-
festo of the papacy, 34, 43 ; resists
concessions made by the Protest-
ants, 45 ; ^Tites against reference
to a council, 46 ; his moderation,
47 ; complains of the princes, 48 ;
leaves Eatisbon, 50 ; at Strasburg,
51 ; edict of expulsion revoked, 52 ;
writes to Farel, 57 ; leaves Stras-
burg, 58 ; visits Farel at NeuchStel,
60 ; retirrns to Geneva, 62 ; his
house there, 63, 64 ; benefit of his
Strasburg life, 65 ; before the
council, 66, 67 ; colleagues ap-
pointed to draw up with him
articles of constitution of a church,
68 ; his project of the ordinances,
74 ; his desire for frequent com-
munion, 91 ; limits of his responsi-
bility for ecclesiastical ordinances,
98, 99 ; his active duties, 100 ; his
preaching, 101 ; his method, 102 ;
his seiTnon to young men, 105 ; on
fitful devotion, 107 ; on self-love,
108 ; on grace unbounded. 111 ; on
predestination, 113 ; his imparti-
ality, 127 ; efforts for peace, 128 ;
gentleness and strength, 129; loses
his friend Porral, 135 ; illness of
his wife, 135 ; reconciles Pierre
Tissot and his mother, 138, 139 ;
his place in the Reformation, 140
sqq. : his doctrines moderate, 143 ;
compared with Zwinglius, 144 ; his
desire for union, 145
— , correspondence with Enzingis,
viii. Ill ; visited by English stu-
dents, 174; his view of the Six
Articles, 228
Camh'ay, treaty of, ii. 82
Camhray, bishop of, Ms cruelties, iii.
524
Cambridge, University of, appealed
448
GENERAL INDEX.
CAM
to by Henry YIII. cpn his divorce,
iv. 3" ; meeting of the doctors,
kc, 38 ; a committee appointed,
41 ; sentence, H ; disowns primacy
of the pope, v. 23
CiimiUo, Giulio, invited to Paris by
Francis I., iii. 88
CariqjTjell, Alexander, prior of the
Dominicans, his interviews with
Patrick Hamilton, vi. 61 ; reports
them to Beatomi, 62 ; accuses him
on his trial, 73 ; insults him at the
stake, 79 ; dies mad, 79
Campiell, John, of Cessnock, protects
Lollards, vi. 7 ; denounced by
monks, S : acquitted by James IV.,
9
Campeggio, papal legate, ii. 190 ; de-
prived of See of Salisbury, iv. 232 ;
at diet of Xiirnberg, 625, 527 ; re-
claims see of Salisbury, v. 203
Canaye, Jacques, iii. 89
Caidrmivs, Frederick, vii. 609
Canons, i. 216 ; conspiracy of, at
Geneva, 417; imprisoned, ii. 434 ;
liberated, 440 ; quit Geneva, 441
Caiiterbwrg, visitation of , v. 99; state
of the monasteries, 101 , 102
Cajjito, i. 484, 509 ; ii. 827 ; iii. 178,
183, 291 ; writes to Calvin, vi. 328 ;
at synod of Berne, 390 ; agrees to
Calvin's view of the sacrament,
395 ; attends synod of Zurich, vi.
500 ; approves the course taken by
Farel and Calvin, 505, 529 ; his
distress, 552 ; vii. 5'j6 ; dedicates a
book to Henry Till., viii. 177
Cap2>el, battle of, ii. 340, 589; an-
nounced at Geneva, 592 ; iii. 197
Cai-acc'wU, Galeazzo, iv. 593 ; friend-
ship with Caserta, 594 ; converted,
poes to Geneva, 594 ; made cardinal,
V. 75
Caraffa, Giovanni Pietro, Cardinal,
iv. 609, 612, 6] 6 ; made cardinal,
622 ; viii. 179
Cardinals, college of, refuses consent
to papal gift of Geneva to iSavoy,
i. 69 ; hats asked for by Charles
v., Francis I., and Henry Till., ii.
215, 216
Ciirhstadt, invited by Christian II.,
goes to Denmark, vii. 163; offends
by his violent speech and is dis-
missed, 165
Carvientraiit, a creature of the Bas-
tard of Savoy, i. 95, 96, 151
Came, Sir E., envoy with Eevett to
CAE
the pope, V. 3, 4 ; interview with
Du Bellay at Bologna, 5 ; too late, 5
Ca/rneseccM, Pietro, among friends
of Valdez, iv. 60.5 ; character and
career of, 606 ; his power under
Clement, vii. 606 ; goes to Naples,
has interview with Charles V., 607 ;
religious decision, 608; 609, 613,
614
Ca/roli^ Peter, escapes to Switzerland,
iii. 147; accounts of, v. 304; Fa-
rel's interriew with him, 306, 307 ;
offers himself as umpire at a dis-
putation, 307 ; takes part in dispu-
tation, 311 sqq. : at disputation of
Lausanne, vi. 289 sqq. ; made first
pastor at Lausaime by the Bernese,
317 ; his career and character, 362,
363 ; between Eome and the Gos-
pel, 364 ; quarrels with Viret, 364 ;
condenmed to make a retractation,
366, but is spared ; his ambition,
366 ; accuses Cahin and others of
Arianism, 367 ; retracts the charge,
370 ; unmasked and condemned at
synod of Lausanne, 373, 379 ; ap-
peals to Berne, 379 ; agitation
caused by the debates, 380, 381 ; at
synod of Berne, exposed by Farel,
383 ; deprived of his functions and
banished, 383 ; his flight. 384 ;
turns to the reformers, vi. 592 ; at
Strasburg, 593 ; goes to Metz, 593 ;
his death, 594
Carranza, Bartholomeus, birth and
early life of, viii. 135, 136; de-
nounced to the Inquisition, 136; pro -
motions, 136 ; his influence at Val-
ladolid, 137; his almost evangeli-
cal teachings, 137 ; fervour of his
preaching, 142 ; preaches before
Philip n., in London, 142; assertion
of evangelical faith, 144: elected
primate of Spain, 145 ; his last
years, 145 ; preaches at the burning
of San Romano, 149
Cai-telier, Francis, i. 55, 202, 228;
gives signal for entry of Savoyards
into Geneva, 232, 239, 246, 402;
character, ii. 408 ; condemnation,
409 ; pardoned by the bishop, 410
Cartliusians, of London, refuse to take
oath of succession, v. 55 ; take it,
56 ; commanded by the king to re-
ject papal authority, 68 ; their re-
solution, 69 ; a general confession,
70 ; again commanded to acknow-
ledge royal supremacy, 70 ; three
GENERAL INDEX.
449
CAS
priors sent to the Tower, 71 ; and
found guilty of higli treason and
executed, 72, 73
Casale, Da,, agent of Henry VIII. at
papal court, v. 76, 90 ; informs the
pope of divorce of Queen Anne, 189,
201, 202
Caserta, Giovanni Francesco, iv.
593
Cassandtr, George, account of, viii.
47,48
Cassilis, Kennedy, Earl of, taken
prisoner by the English, vi. 173 ;
liberated and sent to Scotland by
Henry VIII., 186; on failure of
Henry's scheme, returns to cap-
tivity, 203 ; released with his bro-
ther.s, 204 ; a friend of Wishart,
228
Catherine of Aragon, Queen of Henry
VIII., iv. 32 ; refuses arbitration,
88 ; leaves "Windsor, 93 ; writes to
the pope, 113 ; refuses to appear
before Cranmer at Dunstable, 172 ;
her firmness, 173 ; the divorce pro-
nounced, 173 ; her cause and fate
compared with Anne's, 178; joins
in conspiracy against Henry VIII.,
V. 16; her firmness, 21; her mar-
riage declared null and her child
illegitimate, 22 ; writes to Mary,
131 ; refuses to renounce title of
Queen, 131, 1.32 ; austerities, 132 ;
illness, letter to the king, 134 ;
her death, 13.5
Catherine de' Medici, i. 488 ; marriage
of, with Henry duke of Orleans,
proposed by Francis I., ii. 197 ;
what she brought to France, 198 ;
intrigues around her, 202 ; full
powers sent by Francis for conclu-
ding the contract, 206 ; escorted to
Nice by French fleet, 2.52; the
marriage celebrated at Marseilles,
260 ; in her train. Death, 260 ; and
corruption, 261, 287 ; iii. 58 ; op-
poses plans of Francis I., iv. 457
Cuturce, Jean de, studies Xew Tes-
tament, ii. 103 ; at Twelfth Night
Supper at Limoux, 104 ; arrested,
105 ; condemned to be burnt, 106 ;
his degradation, 106 ; a Dominican
preacher confoimded, 107 ; burnt,
108
C'tf «!■!«, Gerard, i. 519, 536 ; ii. 27 sqq.,
38, 64
— Anthony, ii. 63, 65
— Mary, ii. 63
CHA
Cazalla, Augustine, attends lectures
of Carranza, viii. 138 ; his mother,
138 ; preacher to Charles V. accom-
panies him to Germany, 139
Celibacij of the clergy, iv. 149
Chablais, Provena de, summons
Geneva to receive duke Charles
HI., i. 223, 224 ; declares war, 226
Chabot, put to the torture, iv. 417
Chahot, Philippe de, ii. 245
Chaillon, Anthony de {^BoutemVUf^
Chamois, Francois, at Geneva, de-
mands withdrawal of Calvin's ' Con-
fession,' vi. 576
Champion, Anthony, bishop of Geneva,
i. 34 ; his attempt to reform the
clergy, 35
Chapeaurovge, Btienne de, syndic of
Geneva, i. 392 ; endeavours to stop
the fight in the Molard, iii. 501 ;
appointed syndic, iv. 311 ; again,
V. 460 ; refuses to swear to the
Confession, vi. 405 ; at the general
council, 409 ; elected syndic, 430 ;
one of the delegates to Berne, 610 ;
signs a treaty, 611 ; again sent to
Berne, 612; arrested, liberated on
bail, 615 ; his flight, 617 ; sentenced
to death, 618
Chappuis, Eustace, i. 122 ; employed
to make a breach between the
Swiss and the Genevese, 122 ; at
Friburg, 123 ; Savoyard ambassador
to Swiss Diet, 207, 271 ; Imperial
ambassador to England, iv. 23
ChapjJ^ds, Dominican, intrigues for
dnke of Savoy, ii. 492, 493 ; ban-
ished from Geneva, 494, 495 ; takes
part in great disputation, and is
ordered to leave Geneva, v. 311
Charlemagne, at Geneva, i. 15 ; char-
acteristics of his age, vi. 378
Charles V., i. 9, 122, 295, 315, 356 ;
receives news of battle of Pavia,
435 ; his projects, 435 ; proposes
dismemberment of Prance, 437
receives Margaret of Valois, 440
unmoved by her appeals, 442, 443
proposes to imprison her, 451
consents to liberate Francis I., 452
the treaty, 452, 453 ; 478, 488, 508
accuses the Evangelicals, ii. 93
137, 142 ; repulses Soliman, 143
passes into Italy, 146 ; at Bologna,
188; his schemes, 1S9; demands a
general council, I'.IO; conference
with the pope, 190; appeals to the
cardinals, 192 ; proposes Italian
VOL. VI ir.
G G
450
GENERAL INDEX.
CHA
League against Francis L, 193 ;
amused with scheme of marriage
between Henry, duke of Orleans,
and Catherine de Medici, 199;
tries to prevent it, 202 sqq. ; pro-
poses marriage of Catherine with
Sforza, 203, 204, 206; his new
manceuvres, 207 ; rejects scheme of
a lay coimcil, 212 ; gets Italian
League formed, 215 ; asks for
cardinal's hat, 215 ; his displeasure
against Henry VIH., 216 ; leaves
Bologna, 216 ; tries to prevent
meeting of the pope and Francis I.,
248 ; demands justice for Queen
Catherine, his aiuit, 248 ; tries to
draw the Swiss into the Italian
League, 250 ; unconcerned about
his brother's danger, 333, 377 ;
sack of Eome, 421 ; supports Savoy
against Geneva, 521 ; interferes at
Geneva, 527 ; will crush Protes-
tantism, 562 ; censures attack on
Geneva, 562 ; at Augsburg, 573 ;
his letter to the Genevese, 574 ;
counsels the bishop to cede Geneva
to son of the duke of Savoy, 604 ;
gives audience to Bellegarde, 314 ;
his answer, 316 ; orders Genevans
to extirpate the Keformation, 325 ;
meets the pope at Bologna, iv. 28 ;
receives embassy from Henry VIII.,
rebukes the ambassador, 33 ; leaves
Bologna, 34 ; war with Solyman,
150 ; conferences with Clement
VH., ] 52 : exasperated at divorce
of Catherine, 211 ; his ambassadors
oppose policy of Clement, 228 ;
supports duke of Savoy and bishop
of Geneva, 439, 442 ; 582, 583, 587 ;
hears Occhino preach, 599 ; pro-
hibits intercourse with Lutherans,
604 ; calls Camesecchi before him,
607 ; ordered to execute the pope's
sentence against Henry TUI., v.
4 ; preparations, 6, 24 ; censures
execution of More and Fisher, 88 ;
offers Milan to Francis I. and
secures his alliance, 133; keeps
Milan, 136 ; promises support to
English Catholics, 237 ; writes to
Henry VIH., 200 ; requires the
Swiss to aid duke of Savoy against
Geneva, 3B'J ; distraction of Geneva
part of liis plan, 432 ; keeps Mi-
lan, 441 ; concludes alliance with
James V. of Scotland, vi. 102 ; at-
tempts to prevent disputation at
CHA
Lausanne, 277, 278 ; convokes a
conference of theologians at Frank-
fort, 562 ; at Diet of Eatisbon,
vii. 31 ; interviews vrith Christian
n. of Denmark, 165, 211; favours
enterprise of Liibeckers in behalf
of Christian, 252, 443 ; his attach-
ment to the Netherlands, 586 ; his
edict of persecution, 594 ; intro-
duces the Inquisition, 598 ; his
characteristics, 617, 618 ; his perse-
cution in the Netherlands, fil ; con-
cludes peace of Madrid, 633 ; alli-
ance with the pope, 638 ; treaty
of Cambray, resolves to extirpate
evangelical doctrine, 638 ; issues a
new edict of persecution, 650;
patronises Virves, viii. 21 ; rescues
him from the Inquisition, 23 ;
appoints Ponce de la Fuente one
of his chaplains, 41 ; at Diet of
Eatisbon, 63 ; gives audience to
San Romano, 65, 66 ; his victory
over duke of Cleves, 76 : appoints
De Soto his confessor, 71 ; enters
Brussels, 80 ; entertained by Men-
doza, 83 ; invades France, 101 ;
returns to Brussels, 101 ; promul-
gates edicts of persecution, 102 ;
his treatment of his mother
Joanna, 152; his birth, 156; con-
ditionally approves marriage of
Henry VIII. with duchess of
Jlilan, 211 ; interview with Sir T.
Wyatt, 239 sqq. ; alliance with
Henry Vm., 323 ; invades France,
concludes a separate peace, 324
Charles the Bold, i. 419 ; iii. 281
Cliarlen III., the Good, duke of
Savoy, i. 39 ; his character, 43 ; his
scheme for getting possession of
Geneva, 44, 45 ; claims the cul-
verins of Bonivard, 63 ; his cha-
racter, 64 ; made sovereign of
Geneva by Leo X., 66 ; the boll re-
called, 69 ; rebukes the bishop,
83 ; sends La Val d'Isdre to arrest
Levrier, 83 ; conspires with the
bishop against Levrier and Berthe-
lier, 88 ; goes to Geneva, 100 ;
visits Lyons, 105 ; alarmed at the
bishop's proceedings, 122; employs
Chappuis, 122 ; goes to Friburg
and Berne, 123 : renews alliance
with the Swiss, 123 ; determines
to put Pecolat to death, 129 ; plots
with the bishop of Geneva, 149 ;
receives embaissy from Genevese
GENEKAL INDEX.
451
CHA
about death of Blanohet and Navis,
173; another embassy, 178; de-
mands death of Berthelier and
others, ] 80 ; resolves to break
alliance of Swiss and Genevese,
196 ; his embassy to Geneva, 197 ;
tampers with the Priburgers, 205 ;
gains support of Swiss diet, 207,
208 ; intrigues with the canons of
Geneva, 212 ; secretly raises an
army, 220 ; surrounds Geneva, 220 ;
insolent embassy, 221 ; formally
summons Geneva, 223, 224 ; de-
clares war, 226 ; plots with the
Mamelukes, 229 ; at castle of
Gaillard, 229 ; grants a truce, 231 ;
attacks Geneva, 232 ; his promises,
233 ; enters the city, 236 ; pillages
it, 240 ; his proclamation, 243 ;
imprisons Bonivard, 2S3 ; with the
bishop restricts liberties of Geneva,
276 ; returns to Turin, 278 ; his
marriage, 295 ; attempt to seduce
the Genevese, 295 ; entry into
Geneva, 297 sqq. ; declines to at-
tend the 'mystery,' 307; birth of
a son, 314 ; his attempts at usur-
pation resisted by Levrier, 320
sqq. ; fails in attempt to gain him,
322 ; claims sovereignty of Geneva,
322 ; unmasks his batteries, 325 ;
frightens the episcopal councillors,
327 ; threatens Levrier with death,
328 ; orders his seizure, 330 ; ofEers
to give up Levrier in exchange for
liberties of Geneva, 335 ; his op-
pression of Genevese, 351 ; threats
of his council, 355 ; blows hot and
cold, 357 ; demands the superior
jurisdiction, 358 ; begins persecu-
tion of Huguenots, 360 ; his troops
in Geneva, 362 ; alarmed at exodus
of the patriots, 372 ; demands
withdrawal of appeal to Rome,
373 ; urges on persecution of Ge-
nevese, 373 ; enters Geneva, 374 ;
foiled by Swiss intervention, 376 ;
his stratagem, 377 ; detected, 378 ;
a new scheme, 383 ; assembles a
general council at Geneva, 384 ;
claims sovereignty, 385 ; his am-
nesty, 386 ; received as protector,
387 ; thwarted, 387 ; leaves Geneva,
388 ; sends de Lullins to Berne,
ii. 407 ; plots against bishop of
Geneva, 427 ; his scheme against
Geneva, 429 ; its failure, 430, 431 ;
irritation against the bislrop, 439 ;
G &
CllA
orders Genevese to liberate the
canons, 440 ; claims and threats,
449 ; fries to win the bishop, 466 :
claims authority in matters of
faith, 465, 466; rebukes the
canons, 467 ; reconciled with the
bishop, 482 ; convokes a synod,
490 ; intrigues to make his son
prince of Geneva, 491 ; sends the
silver keys, 492, 493 ; instigates
dissolution of Swiss alliance, 51 9 ;
sends embassy to Geneva, 520 ;
seeks help of the pope, 524 ; covets
St, Victor's, 536 ; meets the bishop
at Gex, 554 ; will attack Geneva,
555 ; censured by the emperor,
withdraws his army, 563 ; prepares
another attack, 576 ; Diet of
Payerne, 577 ; threatens Geneva,
594 ; withdraws, 597 ; desires ces-
sion of Geneva to his son, 603 ;
prepares another attack, 604 ; sends
Bellegarde to the emperor, iii.
312 ; forms new plot against Ge-
neva, iv. 396 ; his troops march for
Geneva, 400 ; panic and retreat,
404, 405 ; advised by the Swiss to
cease from hostilities, 408, 432 ;
attempts to gain over the Genevese,
438 ; prepares to ruin Geneva, 439 ;
forbids hrs subjects to attend dis-
putation at Geneva, v. 301 ; ap-
plies to the pope for intervention
at Geneva, 354 ; the de Montfort
of the crusade, 368 ; his supporters,
368 ; summons Genevese to ex-
pel heresy and restore the bishop,
372 ; prepares for war, 374 ; orders
attack on Geneva, 418 ; receives
Bernese deputation at Aosta, 423 ;
asks for a truce, 423 ; orders attack,
428 ; sends another army under
Medici, 434 ; offers cession of terri-
tory, including Geneva, to Charles
v., 441
Charles de Syssel, bishop of Geneva,
i. 39
Charles of Fgrnont, vii. 619 ; his letter
to the pope, 620; his persecution
of Lutherans, 639, 640
Charles, duke of Sudermania, head of
Protestants in Sweden, vii. 41 5 ;
administrator of the kingdom, then
king, 415 ; convokes assembly at
Upsala, 415
Chautemps, Jean, ii. 607 ; character
of, 609 ; visits Farel, iii. 331, 396,
397; receives Froment, 417; aids
2
452
GENERAL INDEX.
CHE
in rescue of Olivetan, 435, 503 ;
proscribed by the bishop, 526;
escapes, 529 ; his wife Jaquema
seized, 530
Chelxus, Ulric, his mission to Witten-
berg, ii. 346 sqq. ; visits Melanch-
thon, 347 ; Luther, 347 ; Bucer,
350; Hedio, 351 ; returns to Paris,
351
Children, assemblage of. Join Catholic
bands at Geneva, iii. 458, 459
' CJdldren cf Geneva,' i. 98, 118
Christaudins of Meaux, i. 572 sqq. ;
one of them burnt at Paris, 572
Christian II., king of Denmark, his
character and aims, vii. 154 ;
marries Isabella, sister of Charles
V. 155 ; favours the papal legate,
156; suppresses revolt of Sweden,
157; his vengeance, massacre of
the nobles and prelates, 157, 158 ;
his interest in the Reformation,
159; publishes a code, 163; meets
Charles V. in the Netherlands,
165 ; consents to repel the Lutheran
doctors, 166 ; alliance formed
against him, 166 ; influence of
Sigbrit over him, 167 ; submits to
the Staf-es, 167; his flight, 168;
seeks aid of Charles T., Henry
VIII., and other princes, 168, 169 ;
deserted, 169 ; a hearer of Luther,
169; death of his wife, 170; per-
suades Michelseu to pulslish trans-
lation of New Testament, 178 ; his
intrigues, 225 ; obtains a fleet and
an army and lands in Norway, 226 ;
acknowledged king there, 226 ; in-
vades Sweden and is repulsed, 227 ;
submits to Frederick, 228 ; his
letter to Frederick, 229 ; goes to
Copenhagen and is made prisoner
of state, 230, 231 ; confined at
Sonderburg, 232 ; Luther's letter
in his behalf, 231 ; enterprise of
the Liibeckers, 252, 253 ; flies from
Stockholm, 313 ; set aside, and
his dominions divided between
Frederick and Gustavus, 321
Christian III, king of Denmark, vii.
180 ; sent to Germany, becomes a
Lutheran, 181 ; signs articles of
capitulation of Copenhagen, 182 ;
resumes government of the duchies
and demands electoral diet, 238 ;
elected king by diet in Jutland,
257; besieges Liibeck, 258; pro-
claimed king, 258 ; defeats the
CLE
Liibeckers, 260; invests Copen-
hagen, 260; visits Sweden, 260;
receives surrender of Copenhagen,
262 ; enters the city, 263 ; consults
the leading men, 264 ; introduces
representation of the people, 266 ;
invites Pomeranus to organize
the new church, 270
Cliristina, duchess of Jlilan, sought
in marriage by Henry Vlll., viii,
210; the match conditionally sanc-
tioned by Charles V., 211 ; the
treaty broken off, 212
Christopher, son of duke Ulrich, of
"Wiirtemberg, birth and early life
of, ii. 141; saved from the
Turks, 144 ; at diet of Augsbm-g,
145 ; his project, 146 ; follows
Charles Y. to Italy, 146 ; his escape.
147 ; protected by duke of Bavaria,
148 ; claims Wiirtemberg, 148 ; his
character and protectors, 149, 188 ;
his claim considered by Francis I.
at Avignon, 285, 288 ; his inter-
course with Du Bella}' at Augsburg,
290 ; his supporters, 290 ; his cause
won, 294 ; returns to Wurtemberg,
336 ; won to the Reformation, 339
Chrysostom, cited, ii. 24 ; iv. 59
Church and State, separate spheres
of, distinguished by Bonivard, i.
214; separation of, in Geneva,
advocated by dukes of Savoy, 324 ;
confusion of two provinces, ii. 466 ;
conflict of, in England, iv. 79, 113,
395 ; the church made department
of the state by Henry VHI., v. 29 ;
three kinds of relation between,
32 ; twofold enfranchisement, 293 ;
separate existence of, 473, 474 ;
vi. 420, 421 ; diilerence between
Berne and Geneva about, 443 ; re-
lation of, at Geneva, vii. 94 sqq. ;
Melanchthon's view of, questioned,
viii. 190
Church, the true, iv. 145
Chnrek Goreriimcnt, views of Bucer
and Melanchthon, ii. 355, 356 ;
church in transition, iii. 393
Chirenbach, Adolph, preaches in
Guelderland, vii. ,640; burnt at
Cologne, 641
Claude, pastor of Ollon, iii. 561, 362
Chiudc de Geneve, proscribed by the
bishop, iii. 527
Clement VII., Pope, i. 321, 350, 857 ;
authorizes persecution of Lutherans
in France, 445 ; approves treaty
GENERAL INDEX.
4.53
CLE
between Chaiies V. and Francis I.,
453, 539 ; thwarts Henry VIII., ii.
138 ; French embassy to, 140 ;
alarmed, 142 ; at Bologna, 188 ;
opposed to a general council, 190 ;
conference with Cliarles V., 190 ;
reasons for inaction, 192 ; a disciple
of Maohiavelli, 193 ; 'moves softly,'
194 ; agrees to marriage of Cathe-
rine de' Medici with Henry duke
of Orleans, 197 ; promises an
Italian state to Francis I. 198 ;
refuses to marry Catherine to
Sforza, 203 ; asks Francis I. for
full powers for marriage contract,
204 ; receives them, 205 ; alterca-
tion with Charles, 207, 208 ; joins
the Italian League, 215 ; leaves
Bologna, 217; agrees to meet
Francis I., 217; announces mar-
riage contract of Catherine to tlie
cardinals, 247 ; obstacles raised to
Lis journey to France, 248 sqq. ;
makes up his mind to go, 251 ;
opinions about the voyage, 254 ;
arrives at Marseilles, 275 ; the
Latin address to him, 257; his
promises to Francis, 258 ; publisliCs
bull against heretics, 259 ; officiates
at marriage of Catherine de'
Medici, 260 ; departs for Rome,
262 ; failing health, 263 ; declines
to help King Ferdinand, 332 ;
alarmed at progress of Philip of
Hesse, 337 ; appealed to for help
by duke of Savoy, 524 ; his attain-
ments, and perplexity, 525 ; grants
subsidy to the duke, 528 ; a grace
to Geneva, 578 ; publishes another,
679-; publishes a Jubilee, 615 ;
commands bishop of Geneva to
return, iii. 609 ; meets Charles V.
at Bologna, iv. 28 ; troubled about
English embassy, 30 ; his brief to
Henry VHI., 80 ; gives audience
to English ambassadors, 32 ; puts
off Cranmer, 36 ; nominates him
grand almoner, 54 ; English address
to him, 55 ; proposes bigamy to
Henry VIII., 56 ; calls upon him to
take back Catherine, 113 ; confer-
ences with Charles V., 152 ; sends
bulls for inauguration of Cranmer
as primate, 166 ; again suggests
bigamy to Henry VIII., 162; goes
to Bologna, 163 ; conferences with
Charles V. about divorce of Henry
VIII., 164 ; -murmurs against, in
COM
England, 165; issues brief of ex-
communication against Henry, 166 ;
annuls Granmer's sentence, 178 ;
cites Henry to appear at Rome,
211 ; revokes proceedings of English
courts and excommmiicates the
king, 211, 212 ; meeting with
Francis 1., 215 ; creates four French
cardinals, 217 ; Henry's appeal to
a council presented to him by
Bonner, 2] 8 ; his wrath, 220 ; con-
versation with Francis I., 221 ;
rejects the appeal, 222 ; threatens
Bonner, 223 ; accord with Francis
I., 228 ; consents to a council, 227 ;
holds a consistory, 233 ; promises
condemnation of Henry VIII.,
234 ; disquieted, 235 ; appeal of
Geneva to, 437 ; death of, 455 ;
alarmed by spread of Lutheranism
in Italy, 525 ; v. 3, 25, 66, 57 ; sends
Cardinal Cajetan into Hungary,
vii. 428; writes to F. Frangi-
pani to support Catholic faith in
Hungary, 451 ; cooperates with
Charles V. in persecution in the
Netherlands, 619; his brief to the
bishop of Liege, 620 ; issues new
species of indulgences, 624 ; al-
liance with Charles V. at Barce-
lona, 638
Cleyne, Martin van, vii. 667
Clifford, Lord, holds Skipton Castle
for the king, v. 245
Cloet, Jerome, vii. 669, 670, 671 ;
arrested, 677
Clotilda, wife of Clovis, i. 11
CloKis, conversion of, i. H
Cochlaeus, writes to James V. of
Scotland against circulation of the
New Testament, vi, 107, 108 ; in-
vited to Denmark, declines to go,
vii. 197, 198 ; papal delegate at
Eatisbon, viii. 123
Coiffard, ii. 68
Coligny, iii. 3
CnlladoH Family, The, Calvin's
friendship with, ii. 36
College of Navarre, Paris, the priests'
comedy performed, ii. 23] ; search
of police for author, 237, 238: ar-
rest of the actors and the head of
the College, 239
Colonna, Vittoria, friend of Valdez,
iv. 595
Com-et, apparition of a, iii. 374 : iv.
241
Commons, House of, its petition to
454
GENERAL INDEX.
COM
Henry VIII., iv. 12 sqq. ; the bishops
called upon to answer it, 15
Communal libeHies, destroyed by
princes and bishops, i. 150
Com III union, frequent, recummended
by Calvin, ri. 340, 341
Compel/, Philibert de, proscribed, iii.
527, 549
Cimci/iatum, needful, iii. 233
Confession of Faith, prepared by
Farel and Calvin, iv. 334 ; questions
as to its authorship, 339 ; adopted
by Council of Geneva, 340
Confession, Aiiricula/r, in England,
demanded by some of the bishops,
rejected by Henry YIII., viii. 230
Conscdence, rights of, iii. 1, 2
Constance, Council of, i. 26 ; ii. 326
Contarini, Gaspare, Cardinal, IV., 470 ;
ambassador to Charles V. at diet
of Worms, 618 ; senator of Venice,
619 ; ambassador to the Pope, 619 ;
at coronation of Charles V., 619 ;
joins Oratory of Divine Love, 620 j
created cardinal, 620 ; his views of
church reform, 622 sqq., 626 ; at
diet of Ratisbon, vii. 30 ; advises
a reference to a council, 46
Conversion, i. 535, 538
Convoeation,ot the clergy, in England,
at St. Paul's, V. 212 ; division and
strength of parties, 212; Latimer's
sermon, 212 sqq. ; lay element, 215 ;
denunciation of the mala dogmata,
217 ; Alesiusadmitted, 219 ; refused
admission, 222 ; character of Con-
vocation, 223 ; accepts the king's
Articles of Religion, 229 ; remedial
measures passed, 230 ; dissolved by
the king, 230 ; declares for divorce
of Anne of Cleves, viii. 278, 279 ;
discussion about translation of the
Bible, 308, 309
Cop, Nicholas, Professor, visits Cal-
vin, ii. 69, 70 ; intercourse with
Calvin, 123 ; rector of the Sor-
bonne, 240 ; his speech on the
priests' comedy, 240, 241 ; delivers
address on ' Christian Philosophij,'
266 ; its effect, 269 ; his heresies
laid before the parliament, 270 ;
his defence, 271 ; summoned before
parliament, 274; gdes in slate,
27.5 ; is warned and returns home,
276; escapes to Switzerland, 277;
intercourse with Calvin, iii. 190
Copenliagen, surrenders to Kintr Fre
derick, vii. 182 ; Diet of, 209; me-
COU
thods of procedure of the two par-
ties, 212 ; the Lutheran C'.infession,
213, 215 ; charges of the prelates,
216; reply of Evangelicals, 217; a
public discussion rejected by the
prelates, 219 ; appeal of the Evan-
gelicals to the king, 220 ; Master
Mathias, 221 ; success of the pas-
tors, 222 ; iconoclasts, 224 ; popular
rising for liberation of Tausen,
245 ; entered by the Liibeokers,
253 ; besieged by army of Christian
ni., 260 ; state of the city, 261 ;
capitulates, 262 ; entered by the
king, 263 ; the university reor-
ganised by Pomeranus, 270
Coppet, conference at, v. 899
Coppin, one of the Spirituals, iii. 92
Cordier, Mathurin, at College of La
Marche, i. 512; influences Calvin,
513, 514 ; influenced by him, 515 ;
flies from Paris, iii. 147 ; teaches
in schools of Geneva, vi. 353 ; ban-
ished, 556
Cornells, Giovanni, sets oirt for 'Wit-
tenberg, iv. 532 ; arrested, 633
Cornm, Jean, burnt, iv. 467
Cormi, Pierre, Cordelier, ii. 1 79
Cortesi, Gregorio, iv. 616
Cotta, Otto Melia, joins in plot against
Paleario, iv. 563, 565 ; one of a
deputation to archbishop of Siena,
567 ; at trial of Paleario, 571
Council,General,diema,-DAeA by Charles
v., opposed by Clement VII., ii. 189
sqq. ; rejected by Clement, 208 ;
reasons pro and con, 209; called
for by the cardinals, .'537
Council, Lay, proposed by Francis I.,
ii. 209 ; would constitute a revolu-
tion, 210 ; rejected by Charles V.,
212 ; arrangement at council of
Trent, 213
Council of Halberds, i. 384 sqq.
Coii?'avlt, appointed to preach in Paris,
ii. 156 ; his preaching, 157 ; con-
fined by the king's order, 166 ; for-
bidden to preach, 304, 305 ; burn-
ing of, demanded by Beda, 308 ;
set free, 312 ; opposes theplacards,
iii. 113 ; arrested, 133 ; before the
king, 139 : sent to a convent, es-
capes to Switzerland, 148; meets
Calvin at Basel, 195 ; reports the
prosecution, 1 96 ; urges acceptance
of Calvin's Confession by all the
Genevese, vi. 349 ; attends synod of
Lausanne, 37.5 ,■ forbidden to preach.
GENERAL I^'DEX.
J5r)
cou
450 ; preaches at St. Peter's, 454,
455 ; arrested and imprisoned, 456 ;
a protest against his imprisonment,
457 ; bail refused, 458 ; banislied,
480, 484 ; leaves Geneva, 486 ; tal^es
refuge at Thonon, 490 ; hisdeath, 533
Coiiifelier, Father, sent to Geneva, iv.
316 ; submits his doctrines to the
council, 317 ; his sermon, 318; in-
terview with Farel, 322 ; his preach-
ing compared with Farel's, 331 ;
gives evidence against Maison-
neuve, 381, 382
Covcrdale, Miles, iv. 2 ; account of,
V. 231 ; his Bible, 232 ; the king's
sanction to it refused, 232 ; accom-
panies Grafton to Paris, to prepare
new edition of Tyndale's Bible, viii.
213 \_Graftoii\
Coxe, Leonard, gets John Fryth libe-
rated, iv. 184
Cracow, Luther's doctrines introduced
at, vii. 525
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Can-
terbury, presents to Henry VIII.
his treatise on the ising's marriage,
iv. 29 ; ambassador to the pope at
Bologna, 30 ; his audience put ofP,
goes to Home, 36 ; nominated grand
almoner by the pope, 54 ; sent to
Niirnberg, 147; intercourse with
Osiander, 148; marries, 160; ne-
gotiates with Elector of Saxony,
150 ; with imperial chancellor, 150 ;
selected by the king for primate,
hesitates, 151 ; goes to Italy, attends
meeting of the pope and the em-
peror, 152 ; returns to England,
153 ; objection to the primacy, 154 ;
consents, 156 ; sends the pope's
bulls to the king, 157 ; his protest,
157 ; consecrated, 158 ; takes the
oath, 158 ; energy and weakness,
159 ; papal order interred at his
consecration, 160 ; his letter to the
king, 169; a second, 170; receives
royal licence, 171 ; his court at
Dunstable, Henry VIII. and Cathe-
rine summoned, 172 ; pronounces
divorce of the king and queen,
173 ; declares marriage of Henry
and Anne Boleyn lawful, 174; hi,
sentence annulled by the pope, 178
appointed one of Pryth's judges
195 ; wishes to save him, lOii, 'iWi
detects imposture of Maid of Kent
V. 17 ; leader of evangelical part}',
26, 54 ; his explanation of royal
CBA
supremacy, 58, 59 ; his character,
62, 63 ; proposes translation of the
Bible, 64 ; a compromise, ^4 ; pro-
ceeds with the task, 66 ; visitation
of London and Winchester, 67 ; his
.sermon at visitation of Canterbury,
100, 115, 116; intercedes for Prin-
cess Mary, 130 ; his communications
with Queen Anne, 141, 152 ; hears
of the queen's arrest, 166; writes
to the king, 167 ; his false con-
science, 16!l ; the charges laid be-
fore him, 169; declares null the
marriage of the king with Anne
Boleyn'; ISS, 218, 21!l, 224; signs
the king's Articles of Eeligion,
229 ; sugi;ests remedial measures,
230 ; his cowardice and submission
to the king, 266; asks permission
for Tyndale's Bible to be sold, 267 ;
baptizes Edward (VI.), viii. 171,
177 ; urges union mth German
Piotestants, 185 ; conference with
German envoys, 186 ; presses them
to delay their return, 187 ; has a
conference with Lambert, 199 ; con-
demns his views, 200 ; at Lambert's
trial, 205 ; speaks against the Six
Articles, 220 ; retains his see, 222 ;
courted by the king, 222, 223 ; a
banquet, 223 ; necessary to the
king, 224 ; difficulty of iilling his
place, 225 ; his Bihle published,
246 ; writes to the king in behalf
of Cromwell, 255, 256 ; absents
himself from parliament on the
reading of bill of attainder, 262 ;
consents with Convocation to di-
vorce of Anne of Cleves, 278, 279 ;
his provision for education of min-
isters set aside, 285 ; conspiracy
against him, 291 ; accused to the
king, 293 ; interview with him, 294,
295 ; receives the king's ring, 293 ;
summoned before the council, pre-
sents the ring, 296 ; formally recon-
ciled with the lords, 298 ; embar-
rassed by disclosures of Lascelles
against the queen, 300 ; reports
them to the king, 300 ; sent with
Noi-folk to examine the queen, 301 ;
receives her confession, 301 ; in
favour, 308 ; introduces a Bill fm'
ihf Adrancemeiit nf Ileligion, 313 ;
its absurdities, 314 ; obtains modi-
fication of Six Articles, 314 ; revises
the King's Book, 315; plot of bi-
shops and priests against him, 317 ;
45fi
GENERAL INDEX.
CEA
interriew with the king, 318 ; ac-
quitted by the commissioi), Sl'.i ;
pleads for ilarbeck, 321 ; interview
with the king on his deathbed, 371
Crarvar, Paul, burnt at .St. Andrews,
vi. 6
Ci-esjrin, John, goes with Juan Duaz
to Geneva, viii. 121
Ci'ocus^ Cornelias, account of, vii.
647 ; undertakes to write against
Luther, 647 ; writes against Sar-
torins, 649
Crome, Dr., forbidd n to preach, viii.
2aO ; his falls and recovery, 32.S
Cromnc'U, Sir Kichard, commissioner
for visitation of monasteries, v. 98
Cromwell, Thomas, iv. 47; presents
to the king Tyndales Practice of
Prelates, 68 : writes to VautrLan,
74 ; suggests attempt to gain Fryth,
76 ; his expedient for making the
king supreme over the clergy, 80 ;
announces it to Convocation, 80 ;
demands recognition of royal su-
premacj', 81; character of, 113;
advises abolition of papal power
in England, 226 ; in advance, 229 ;
sends the JIaid of Kent to the
Tower, v. 17 ; Protestant leader, 26,
.i4 ; visits More and Fisher in the
Tower, 7-5 : advises abolition of the
monasteries, y.5 ; named vicegerent
and vicar-general for visitation of
churches and monasteries, 97 ; his
commissioners, 'J8 ; lays the Black
Book before parliament, 112, 118,
163, 189, 21.5 ; his position at Con-
vocation, 216, 218 ; invites Alesius
to attend, 219, 222; signs the
king's Artioles of Keligion, 229;
made lord privy seal, and vice-
gerent in ecclesiastical matters,
230 ; his instructions to the priests,
231; his -efforts in behalf of Tyn-
dale, 257, 260, 267 ; his report on
birth of Edward TI., viii. 170 ; pre-
sents works of Bullinger to the
king, 176 ; arrests Bishop Sampson,
summons him before him, 195 ; his
interview with Lanrbert, 207 ; ex-
tols the king, 208, 20'i ; resolves to
issue another edition of the Bible,
213 ; orders seizure of the presses,
types, &c., at Paris, 215 ; his Bible'
completed, 21.5; sanctions the .8ix
Articles, 220 ; quarrels with Nor-
folk, 224 ; his alms, 232 ; recom-
mends Anne of Cleves to the king,
DAL
'?32 ; conversations with the king,
236, 237; blamed by Henry, 238;
his desire to have the Gospel
preached, 242 : Lis measures, 247 ;
his speech in Parliament, 247, 248 ;
his promotions, 248; created Earl
of Essex, 249 ; his possessions, 249 ;
his fiscal measures, 250 ; a note from
the king, 251 ; accused of treason
and sent to the Tower, 252 ; the
charges against him, 253 ; the real
aim of his enemies, 254 ; bill of
indictment against him, 257, 258 ;
denies alleged alliance with Pole,
259 : bill of attainder adopted,
260 ; his alarm and distress, 260 ;
his letter to the king, 261 ; the bill
pa-ssed, 262; renewedexaminations,
262 ; again writes to the king-, 263 ;
.anxiety for his famUy, 264 ; his
last days, 266 ; his confession and
prayer, 267-269 ; his execution, 269 ;
his character, 269
Culdees, the, their influence in .Scot-
land, vi. 4, 5
Cul2)ejier, TJii. 304; beheaded, 305
Culrerins, Prior Bonivard's, i. 62;
claimed by duke of Savoy, 63
Curione, Celio Secundo, birth and
early life of, iv. 529, 53it : reads Lu-
ther> ilelanchthon, and Zwinglius,
581 ; sets out for Wittenberg, 532 ;
arrested, 533 ; placed in a monas-
tery, 533 ; puts the Bible in place
of relics, 535 ; escapes to Milan,
535 ; his philanthropy, 535 ; mar-
ries, 536 ; returns to Piedmont,
536 ; defends Luther against Do-
minican preacher, 538 ; again im-
prisoned, 538 ; harshly treated, 539;
prison thoughts, 541 : escapes, 542 ;
teaches at Pavia, 544 ; attempts to
seize him baffled, 544 ; escapes to
Ferrara, 644
CuHet, Aime, appointed syndic of
Geneva, iv. 311
Cvi-tet, Castellan of Chaumont, burnt
at Annecy, vi. 578
Curtet, Jean Ami, attempt to murder
him, iii. 550 ; iv. 239
Cyriaei, Martin, goes to study at Wit-
tenberg, viii. 423 ; returns to Leut-
schau, 432
D'ADDA, Stephen, iv. 299. 403
Dalecarliam, The, demand banish-
ment of Lutherans, vii. 339 ; de-
GENERAL INDEX.
457
DAN
clare for (he pretender -Xils Sture,'
340 ; treat with Gustavus, 363 ; re-
volt suppressed, 364
Banes, Pierre, ii. 67; cited, 78; at
Council of Trent, 87 ; accused by
Beda, 307
Daniel, Francis, Calvin a visitor in
his family, ii. 10, 11 ; his sister a
nun, 70, 76 ; his vievrs for Calvin,
110; asks for Bibles, 116, 123;
Calvin's letter to, iii. 9
— , Robert, ii. 78
Daniel of Yalenre, at Waldensian
synod, iii. 304 ; refuses to sign the
new confession, 309 ; goes to Bo-
hemia, 311
Danish Xeic Testament, published by
Michelsen, vii. 178
Dantzic, beginning of reformation at,
vii. 517, 518 ; opposition, 519 ; tole-
ration established, 520 ; Romish
worship abolished, 521 ; invites
Pomeranus, 521 ; Hanstein sent,
522 ; Catholic deputation to King
Sigismund, 522 ; his severity, 523 ;
preaching of Klemme, 524
Darcy, Lord, head of Catholic league,
V. 236; joins insurgents of York-
shire, 241 ; at Pomfret Castle, 245 ;
on the march southward, 247, 248 ;
executed, 249
Dales, coincidence of, iii. 156
Da%j/hiny, i. 468, 482; iii. 146
'Day of the Ladders,' ii. 512
De Bresse, i. 156
De Clialans, Rene, Count, Marshal of
Aosta, ii. 540, 541, 544; his hostility
to the Lutherans, v. 524
De Cornihiis, Pierre, invited to dis-
putation at Geneva, v. 303
De Olautiiiis, accompanies Farel to
Granson, iii. 280 ; preaches, 283 ;
insulted by monks, 284
De la Croix, Father Laurent, con-
demned as hereticat Geneva, ii. 313;
preaches in France, 314 ; at Lyons,
314; visits the prisons, 316; es-
capes discovery, 316 ; his Easter
preaching, 319; arrested and con-
demned to death, 320 ; removed to
Paris, 320 ; before the parliament,
tortured, 322 ; condemned to be
burnt, 323 ; his degradation, 323 ;
martyrdom, 324, 325
De la Fosse (Barnabas Vore), sent to
invite Melanchthon to France, iv.
460, 466, 470; importance of his
mission, 481 ; visits Melanchthon /
481, 483 sq.
DEN
De la Mare, Stephen, Genevese envoy
with Hugues to Fiiburg, i. 190;
elected syndic, 201 ; interview with
the bishop of Geneva, 253, 254,
280 ; at general council, opposes
Swiss alliance, 412; goes to Swit-
zerland with Mamelukes to break
it off, 420 ; appointed pastor at
Geneva, vi. 493; charges against
him, vii. 4
De la Motdlle, William, ii. 420, 482
De la Place, Pierre, iii. 17, 52, 56, 66,
59
De la Tow, Sieur, martyrdom of,
with his servant, i. 555
DeUrme, watches llaisonneuve atthe
tournament, iv. 290
Democracy, i. 430
Denia, Marquis of, keeper of Queen
Joanna, viii. 154, 164, 165, 166
Denis, a Christaudin, i. 573 ; his re-
conversion attempted by Brifonnet,
573 ; burnt, 575
Denmarlt, beginning of the Reforma-
tion in, vii. 147 sqq. ; union of
Calmar, 148 ; the crown offered to
Frederick, duke of Holstein, 167 ;
accepted by him, 174 ; Michelsen's
translation of New Testament in-
troduced, 178; assembly of the
council at Copenhagen, 186 ; its
resolutions agamst Lutherans and
Lutheran books, 187 ; progress of
the Reformation in, 196 ; alarm of
the bishops, 1 96 ; agitation, Diet of
Odensee, 198 sqq. ; demands of
nobles and priests, 200 ; the royal
ordinance, 201 : submission of the
prelates, 202 ; Diet of Copenhagen,
209 sqq. ; progress of the Gospel,
223 ; death of Frederick, 236 ; in-
terregnum, intrigues of the priests,
237 ; Electoral Diet opened, 238;
demands of the bishops, 239, 241 ;
the compact published, 242 ; the
election adjourned, 243 : edict for
prosecution of Lutherans, 249 ;
polemical publications, 251 ; in-
vasion of the Liibeckers, 263;
Christian II. restored, 254; as-
sembly of the Diet in Jutland,
255 ; proclamation of Christian III.,
257, 258 ; surrender of Copenhagen,
262 ; arrest of the bishops, 266 ;
first representation of the people in
the Diet, 266 ; charges against the
bishops, 267 ; the compact signed,
268 ; the bishops excluded from the
Diet, the Reformation established,
458
GEXEEAL INDEX.
DEN
■2fi9 ; the bishops liberated, 269 ;
constitution of evangelical church
promulgated, 271 ; separation of
Sweden from, 321
Denny, 8ir A., viii. 371
De Pesmes, Percival, iii. 439, iil,
451 ; bears the banner of Geneva,
453, 454, 487, 493 ; iv. 268, 401 ;
escapes from Geneva, 406
De Pranging, Sire de Rive, Governor
of Neuchatel, v. 379 ; forbids de-
]iarture of auxiliaries for Geneva,
379 ; orders the men to return
home, 381
Derham, Francis, viii. 299, 301, 304 ;
hung, 305
D'Erlacli, Sieur, Swiss envoy to
Geneva, i. 208 ; his speech, 209 ;
leads Swiss army to Geneva, ii.
566 ; envoy with Nagueli to duke
of Savoy, v. 422
Destois, Jean, appointed to examine
Berthelier, i. 261 ; passes sentence
of death on him, 265
Des Fosset, iii. 89
De Sindeux, sent to Geneva to hunt
up charge against Maisonneuve, iv.
374
Dcriiy, Mathias Biro, his birth and
early life, vii. 448 ; conversion,
449 ; goes to study at Wittenberg,
449 ; returns to Hungary, 454 ; his
sympathy with Melanchthon, his
completeness, 454, 455 ; pastor at
Bada, 455 ; removes to Kaschau,
457 ; successful labours, 457 ; de-
nounced to King Ferdinand, 457 ;
seized and carried off by the bishop
of Eger's agents, 458 ; harshly
treated in prison, 458 ; cited before
Bishop Faber, 459 ; liberated, goes
to Buda, 460; imprisoned by
Zapolya, 460 ; set at liberty, 461 ;
received by Count Xadasdy, at
Sarvar, 462; replies to Szegedy,
463 ; visits Melanchthon at Witten-
berg, 463 ; at Basel publishes his
works, 465 ; returns to Hungary,
465 ; his Grammar, 466 ; his preach-
ing, 467 ; driven away by Turkish
invasion, 478 ; at Wittenberg, 478 ;
gres to Switzerland, 479 ; becomes
acquainted with ( !alvinism, 483 ;
returns to Hungaiy, 483 ; pastor
and dean at Debreczin, 485
De Veiffy, canon of Geneva, his mis-
sion to duke of 8avoy, ii. 467 ;
exjjelled from Geneva, 468; ex"
DIE
amines Farel, iii. 344 ; commands
one of the bands against Lutherans,
453 ; charged to bum out the
Lutherans, 466 ; iv. 2S1
Deventer, envoys of Charles V. sent
to inquire after Lutherans, refused
admission, vii, 652
De Venonay, Marin, account of, iii.
493 ; incites to conflict, 494
De Vei-sonex, F., v. 363
De Via, Cardinal, protests against
preaching of Ocohino, iv. 598
Diana of Poitiers, iv. 457
Dia:, Alonzo, informed of Ms brother
Juan's heresy, viii. 128 ; goes to
Ratisbon, 129 ; consults with Mal-
venda, 129 ; their schemes for find-
ing Juan, 130; finds him, 131:
takes leave, 132; returns, murders
Juan, 133 ; flies to Iimspruck, 134
Diaz, Juan, account of, viii. 120 ; his
conversion and friendships, 121 ;
goes to Geneva, 121 ; visits Stras-
birrg, 122 ; delegate with Bucer to
conference of Eatisbon, 122 ; meets
with JIalvenda, 123 ; resists his
endeavours to win Mm back to the
Pope, 124-126 ; leaves Ratisbon,
129 ; at Neuburg, 130 ; visited by
Ms brother Alonzo, 131 ; declines
to go to Rome, 132; murdered by
Alonzo, 133
Dia:, Peter, \-iii. 43
Dieshach, John of, commands Swiss
auxiliaries at Pavia, iv. 413 ; Ms
widow seeks intervention of Berne,
414
Dieshach, Nicholas of, avoyerof Berne,
iv. 412
Diesbacli, Rodolph of, envoy to Court
of France, iv. 414 ; account of, 414 ;
pleads for Maisonneuve and Janin,
414 ; succeeds, 421 ; delivers them
up to Genevese authorities, 423 ;
with Xiigueli, envoy to duke of
Savoy, V. 422
Dieshach, Louisof,Bemese ambassador
to Pays de Vaud, v. 399 ; at confer-
ence of Coppet, 399, 401, 404, 407,
408 ; seized by Savoyards and re-
leased, 410 ; at Geneva, 416
Dieshach, Sebastian of, head of Swiss
embassy to Geneva, i. 419 ; again, ii.
520, 521 ; reports failure, 523 ;
deputy to Geneva, 595 ; again,
599 ; again, advocates religious
liberty, iii. 514 ; advises consent
to episcopal citation, 543 ; head of
GENERAL INDEX.
459
DIP
Berneie embassy to Geneva, iv.
27G ; demands a disputation be-
tween Furbity and the reformers,
^78 ; at the tournaments, 280 sq. ;
colloquy with Furbity, 2S3 ; de-
mands his punishment, 284
Diplomacy, v. 397
Dispensations, papal, abolished in
England, iv. 232
Dobszynski, writes in praise of Wy-
cliffe, vii. 575
Dominicans, at Geneva, their vices,
i. 39, 317; iv. 257; compared with
Franciscans, 316
DoH, beginning of Beformation at,
vii. 591 ; complaint of Dominicans,
592 ; reply of Henry of Nassau,
592
Douglas, Gavin, competition for see
of Ht. Andrews, vi. 11
Douglas, Hir George, guardian of James
v., vi. 28 ; discovers flight of the
king, 87 ; joins English army against
the Scots, 164 ; returns to Scotland,
187 ; reinstated in his honours and
estates, 191 ; imprisoned, liberated,
218 ; at the preaching of Wishart,
230
Doiillon, Nicholas, martyrdom of, i.
527, 528
Da B'illay, Jean, bishop of Paris,
Cardinal, ii. 67, 86, 87, 99, 100;
appoints two evangelical monks to
preach in Paris, 156 ; warns the
king of danger, 168, 178, 199, 202,
244 ; delivers Latin address to the
pope at Marseilles, 258 ; ordered
to persecute heretics, 262 ; closes
the churches, 304 ; takes part in
preparing French version of the
reformers' opinions, 378, 381 ; iii.
161 ; iv. 5, 9 ; his eilorts at media-
tion between England and the
pope, 228 ; awaits success, 233 ;
pleads with the consistory for de-
lay, 233 ; his ancestry, 457 ; driven
from France, 458 ; at heaxi of mo-
derate Catholic party, 459 ; advises
the king to invite Welanchthon to
France, 459 ; created cardinal,
465 ; ambassador to Rome, 469 ;
^vrites to Melanchthon, 469, 473 ;
interview with English envoys at
Bologna, v. 6.
Du Bellay, William, views of, ii. 126 ;
desires union of France and Ger-
ma.ny, 127 ; ambassador to Ger-
many, 127 ; at Schweinfurth, 130 ;
DUG
proposals to the Protestants, 132 ;
addresses the landgrave of Hesse,
133 ; conclirdes agreement with
Protestants, 136 ; sent to England,
136 ; negotiates alliance between
Francis I. and Henry VIII., 137 ;
supports Christopher of Wiirtem-
berg, 14'.), 199 ; his project of a lay
council, 209 sqq. ; quoted, 216 ;
hopes of reformers fixed on him,
244 ; opposes publication of bull
against heretics, 259 ; a friend of
freedom, 289 ; explains transition
from JIarseilles to Avignon, 287 ;
ambassador to Diet of Augsburg,
288 ; negotiates with the Swiss
Protestants, 289 ; supports Chris-
topher at Augsburg, 290 sqq. ; in
Germany, 294 ; negotiates with
Philip, landgrave of Hesse, 295 ;
opposed by Luther and Melanch-
thon, 296 ; has interview with
Bucer at Strasburg, 327 ; returns
to Paris, 327 ; estimate of Melanch-
thon, 328; hopes, 336, 342, 348,
351, 376 ; takes part in preparing
French version of reformers' opin-
ions, 878 ; submits it to the Sor-
bonne, 379, 381 ; his estimate of
Bucer, iii. 79, 80 ; ambassador in
England, takes gifts for Francis I.,
iv. 50 ; his ancestry, 457 ; character,
458 ; advises the king to invite
Melanchthon to France, 459, 466 ;
letter to Melanchthon, 470, 471 ;
envoy to Smalcalde, 506; has au-
dience of Elector John Frederick,
507 ; received by German princes
and deputies, 507, 508 ; demands a
congress, 509 ; a consultation held,
570 sqq. ; receives reply of the
princes, 517, 518; failure of his
mission, 519
Du Bowg, John, iii. 86 ; arrested,
132 ; his martyrdom, 142
Du Chdtel, PieiTe, ii. 87 ; opposes
persecution, iii. 134
Diichemin, Nicholas, character of, ii.
1 ; Calvin in his house, 2, 11 ;
appointed ecclesiastical judge, v.
509
Dii Cresi, Nicholas, premier syndic of
Geneva, iii. 437, 449 ; takes part in
consultation for peace, 473 : envoy
to Berne, 481 ; fails, 485 ; iv. 245,
258 ; searches the bishop's palace,
303, 308, 328 ; escapes from Geneva,
406
460
GENERAL INDEX
DDM
Xhimotit, syndic of Geneva, deputy
to the bishop, i. 351
Diiinoulin [Alexander Caniis]
Dunbar, Gawin, archbishop of Glas-
gow, chancellor of Scotland, with
the primate and other prelates
placed at the head of the govern-
ment, vi. 88 ; deprives the nobles
of their jurisdiction and sets up a
College of Justice, 100 ; presides
at prosecution of Kennedy and
Eussel, 143 ; intimidated by agents
of Beatoun, condemns them, 145 ;
threat ened by James Y., 149; be-
comes chancellor, 192 ; opposes the
law giving freedom to read the
Bible, 192 ; takes possession of
church, at Ayr, to prevent Wishart
preaching, 222
Duncan, Andrew, captured by the
English at Flodden, vi. 11 ; at-
tempts rescne of Patrick Hamilton,
69 ; captured by Beatoun's troops
and banished, 70
Ditnlield, bishop of, counsels peace,
vi. 18 ; with other prelates placed
at head of the Government, 88 ;
his interview with Thomas Forrest,
123
Dnnfstdble, Cranmer's court at, iv.
172 sg[(i.
Duprat, Cardinal, i. 459, 465, 484,
537, 549 ; character and position,
550; sides with Rome, 561; at
synod of Paris instigates persecu-
tion of Lutherans, 657 ; appeals to
Francis L, 658 ; his ambition and
aggrandisement, 559 ; his quarrel
with the parliament of Paris, 559 ;
combines with the parliament
against Lutherans, 560, 575 ; ii 44,
90, 159 ; sent to Paris to stop
intrigues of the Sorbonne, 168 ;
arrests Le Picard, 169 ; his spies,
170; summons the priests, 170;
the doctors of the Sorbonne, 171,
283, 370, iii. 134, 136
Dutch Keiv Testament, published, vii.
610; Old Testament, 630; the
whole Bible, 630
Diivillard, J., appointed syndic of
Geneva, iv. 311
ECK, Dr., at Diet of Ratisbon, vii.
30 ; declines invitation to Den-
mark, 197
Edinlnirgh, entered by Lord Hertford
ENG
and English army, vi. 218 ; pillaged
and burnt, 219
Edward VI., Bang of England, pro-
posal for his marriage with Mary
Queen of Scots, vi. 185 ; the treaty
concluded, 195, 196 ; frustrated,
203 ; his birth, viii. 170 ; created
Prince of Wales, 171 ; hopes excited
by his birth, 173
Egidius, John, preacher at Seville,
viii. 26, 27 ; his scholastic sermons,
27 ; his interview with Valeric, 28,
29 ; conversion, 29, 30 ; Ms evan-
gelical preaching, 31 ; interview
with Ponce de la Fuente and Yar-
gas, 33, 34 ; division of labour with
them, 34; opposition aroused, 37;
loses his two friends, 41, 42 ;
schemes of his enemies, 42
Egrmmt, Nicholas van, inquisitor in
the Netherlands, vii. 598, 600
EJirard of Nidau, account of, v. 376
Einm'sen, Gisser, vii. 277 ; sent to
Copenhagen, 277 ; made bishop of
Skalholt, 278 ; his death, 279
Einarsen, Morten, elected bishop of
Skalholt, taken prisoner by Bishop
Aresen, vii. 279
Eliae, Paul, vii. 153 ; interpreter of
Reinhard, 160 ; sent to Odensee,
162 ; attacks Reinhard, 162;
preaches against Lutheranism, 180 ;
attends conference at Copenhagen,
210 ; remains silent, 221 ; publishes
apology for the mass, 222 ; draws
up plea for the bishops, 257
Eliot, Nicholas [Students, English]
Eliot, Sir Thomas, begs for gift of
convents, v. 116
Elizabeth, Queen, birth of, iv. 213
excitement in London, 214 ; com-
mended to care of Parker, v. 156
Elizabeth of Arnex, plots against
Farel, iii. 254 ; her conversion, 268
Engelbrechtsen, Olaf, archbishop of
Drontheim, receives Christian II.,
vii. 226 ; flies to the Netherlands,
272
England, laity and clergy, iv. 1
Scriptural reformation, 2 ; special
character of Reformation in, 3, 4 ;
the Romish and political parties,
6 ; the Society of Christian
Brethren, 7; Tabletalk, 8, 9;
popular excitement, 10 ; petition
of the Commons, 12; reforms of
the clergy, 20 ; abolition of plural-
ism, 24 ; English address to the
GENERAL INDEX.
J 61
EXT
pope, 55 ; the clergy preiominant,
78 ; royal supremacy recognised by
clergy, 84, 85 ; popular agitation,
88 ; beginning of persecution, 99 ;
importance of choice of new pri-
mate, 147 ; papal authority set
aside by parliament, 169 ; separa-
tion from France, 224 ; general
movement against papal supre-
macy, 229 ; abolition of papal
privileges, 230, 231 ; Komish ex-
actions, 231 ; the tree lopped, 232 ;
a critical epoch, v. 1,2; people
and clergy against Rome, 7 ; con-
fusion, 62 ; efEect of execution of
More and Fisher, 87, 88 ; general
visitation of churches and monas-
teries ordered, 97 ; suppression of
lesser monasteries, 115; advanta-
geous results, 120, 121, 122 ; state of
parties after Queen Anne's death,
201 ; sarcasms against the papacy,
210, 211; the King's Articles of
Eeligion published, 225 ; evan-
gelical reaction, 233 ; prosecutions,
231 ; insurrection in the North,
236 sqq. ; renewal of, 249 ; invasion
of, proposed by Paul III., vi. 129 ;
three parties in, viii. 169 ; source
and efEect of the Reformation in,
169, 170 ; relations with Swiss
reformers, 173 ; various parties,
attempt at compromise, 216 sqq. ;
the Six Articles, 219 sqq. ; Cran-
mer's Bible and others published,
246 ; Catholic policy on marriage
of Henry VIII. with Catherine
Howard, 284
Enthu.iiasts, The, in the Netherlands,
vii. 655 sqq. \_SpiriUuils, The]
Enzinas, Francis de \_Enziiias,The],
returns to Burgos, interview with
Peter de Lerma, viii. 49 ; desires
conversion of Spain, 50 ; under-
takes translation of New Testa-
ment, 51 ; his acquaintance with
Alasco, 51 ; with Hardenberg, 51 ;
■writes to Alasco, 52 ; presents his
sword to him, 53 ; goes to Paris,
53 ; attends deathbed of Peter de
Lerma, 54 ; goes to Wittenberg, 57 ;
completes his translation of the
New Testament, 20 ; visits Alasco
and Hardenberg, reaches Louvain,
70 ; at Antwerp, 71 ; opinions on
his New Testament, 71, 72 ; submits
it to the dean of Louvain, 72 ;
obstacles, 73 ; interview with the
ERA
printer, 74 ; with a Dominican, 75 ;
the titlepage criticised, 75, 76 ;
goes to Brussels, 80; dedication of
his New Testament, 81 ; difficulty
of access to Charles V., 81, 82 ; in-
terviews with Mendoza, 82, 83 ;
presented to the emperor, 84 ; the
conversation, 85 ; interview with
De Soto, 87 : hears his sermon, 88 ;
interviews with him, 90 xqq. ; ex-
citement in the convent, 93 ; ar-
rested, 94 ; imprisoned, 95 ; his de-
jection, 95 ; consoled by Tielmans,
95, 96 ; his examination, 97 ; re-
proached by friends, 98 ; reads
Calvin and the Psalms, 99 ; his
numerous visitors, 100 ; failure of
attempts in his behalf, 101, 102 ;
resolves to fly, 105 ; escapes, 106 ;
in danger at Mechlin, 107 ; reaches
Antwerp, 108 ; a legend about him,
109; another tale, 110; his cor-
respondence with Calvin, 111 ;
goes to Wittenberg, intercourse
with Melanchthon, 112, 113 ; coun-
sels his brother to leave Rome,
114 ; hears of his death, 117 ; wTite^
to Calvin, 117
Enzinas, James de \_Enzinas, The],
at Paris, viii. 54 ; his character,
65 ; impressed by heroism of mar-
tyrs at Paris, 55 : his Catechism,
57 ; sent by his father to Rome,
113 ; his dissatisfaction, 114 ; re-
solves to leave Rome, arrested by
the Inquisition, 114 ; his trial, 1 15 ;
his martyrdom, 116 sqq.
Bmoinas, John de [Enzinas, The],
settles in Germany, viii. 57
Enzinas, The, viii. 45 ; sent to Lou-
vain, 46 ; their character, 46 ; re-
ligious disposition, 47 ; friendship
with Cassander, 47, 48 ; study the
Bible and read Melanchthon, 48
[Enzinas, Francis de, James de,
and John de]
Eperies, Conference of, vii. 500
Erasmus, i. 444 ; approves Berquin's
propositions, 461, 462, 507, 541 ; at-
tempts to restrain Berquin, 543 ;
again, 545 ; his colloquies proscribed
by the Sorbonne, 546; shrinks
from conflict, 547 ; writes to Mar-
garet of Angouleme, 553 ; advice to
Berquin, 578 ; ii. 1 ; warns Francis
I., 43, 397 ; iii. 185 ; meeting with
Calvin, 186 ; breaks with him, 187,
197; his followers, iv. 448, 581,
4(i2
GENERAL INJ;EX.
EUD
582, 587 ; laments More, v. 88 ; de-
picts couit of Brussels, 260 ; the
ideal of John Alasco, vii. 530 ; re-
ceives Alasco as his guest, 533 ; his
counsels, 535 ; his controversy with
Luther, 536 ; esteem for Alasco,
537, 538 ; mourns his departure,
639 ; letter to Alasco, 639 ; writes
to King Sigismund, 5i7 ; his cool-
ness towards Alasco, 549 ; friend-
ship withViglius, 580, 581 ; a fore-
runner of reformation, 588 ; as-
sailed by theologians of Louvain,
591 : his opinion of the monks,
594, 630 ; read in Spain, viii. 3 ;
writes to Valerio, 15, 16
Erdoed, Conference of, vii. 499,
500
EriDk, king of Sweden, the govern-
ment resigned to him by Gustavus,
vii. 395 ; his character, 397 ; seeks
the hand of the princess Elizabeth
of England, 398 ; his character and
attainments, 398 ; instructed in
Calvin's principles, 399 ; abolishes
Catholic rites, opens Sweden to all
Protestants, 400 ; his madness, 401 ;
slays Nils .stm'e, 401 ; his iiight,
402 ; slays Surrey, 402 ; escapes
from his guards, his wanderings,
403 ; taken to Stockholm, 403 ;
conferences with his brother John,
404 ; deprived and imprisoned,
404 ; his treatment, 405 ; his mur-
der ordered by John in., 411 ; his
death by poison, 412
Enclt, St., Feast of, 332.
Eszeliy, Emeric, preaches at Tolna, vii.
504 ; application of the priests to
pasha at Buda against him, 505 ;
declared free to preach, 506 ; esta-
blishes a school, 506
FAampes, Duchess of, ii. 245
Europe, awakening of, i. 423
JJraiigelicals. [^Lictlierans, England,
France, Genera^
Eram^eUsts, sent out by Calvin, iii.
69 ; abuse of, 73
Excommunication, Calvin's view of,
vi. 341, 344
Exeter, Marquis of, charged with
treason and executed, viii. 184
EABEjR, John, bishop of Vienna,
writes against Luther, vii. 4.t8 ;
appointed bishop, 45'.i ; cites Devay
before him, 459
FAE
Fahri, John, Friburg envoy to
Geneva, i. 208, 279
Fahri (Chr. Libertet), iii. 192; joins
Farel at Morat, 240 ; sent to Neu-
chatel, 241 ; removes to Bole, 365 ;
Catholic riot in his chapel, 366 ;
rising of Protestant peasants, 367 ;
another riot, 368, 369 ; with Viret
at Lausanne, vi. 273, 274 : his
trials, 323
Facts and Ideas, iii. 490
Faith and Science, iii. 72, 73; vi. 38,
39
Farel, William, i. 2, 409, 424 ; at
Strasburg, 485 sgq. ; light of France,
496 ; invited to La Marche, 499 ;
his qualifications as reformer, 602 ;
hesitation, 603 ; his connexion with
family of Mirabeau, 503 ; preaches
at Gap, 504 ; arrested and res-
cued, 504 ; schoolmaster at Aigle,
505, 511, 518 ; ii. 134, 349, 582 ;
his perils, 585 ; his attention fixed
on Geneva, 585 ; calls Toussaint to
go there, 586 ; consulted by evange-
licals of Paris, iii. Ill ; draws up a
protest, 112; the great evangelist,
236 ; development and character,
237 ; scene of his labours, 239 ;
at Morat, joined by Fabri, 240;
preaches at Orbs, 243 ; at Avenches,
252; again at Orbe, riot at his
sermon, 253 ; plot of women, 254 ;
assaulted and rescued, 255 ; his
strange congregation, 267 ; another,
258 ; sermon on penance, 259 ; care
for the ministry, 261 ; meets with
Viret, 263 ; their friendship, 266 ;
the Lord's Supper at Orbe, 270 ;
invites preachers into Switzerland,
276 ; letter to Andronicus, 277 sgq^. ;
goes to Granson, 281 ; rougli recep-
tion at the convents, 282, 283 ; goes
to Murat, 283 ; imprisoned at
Granson, 285 ; assailed in a church,
286 ; invited to Waldensian synod,
300 ; his journey, 302 ; the discus-
sions, 305, 308 ; resolves to visit
Geneva, 311; reaches Geneva, 328 ;
consults with Olivetan, 329 ; inter-
view with Huguenot leaders, 330
sqq. ; agitation against him, 336 ;
appears before the town council,
337 ; conspiracy against, 341 ; sum-
moned before episcopal council,
342 ; the examination, 844 sqq. ;
tumult, 345 ; threats, 347 ; assault,
348; dangers, 349, 350: banished.
GEXEllAL INDEX.
403
PAR
3.51 ; attempt to kill him, 3.53 ; es-
capes, 355 ; at Yvonaud, 356 ; in-
vites Froment to go to Geneva,
357 ; urges Olivetan to translate
the Bible, 359 ; sent by Bernese to
Geneva, iv. 267 ; his character,
268, 273 ; at the tournament, 279 ;
disputation with Furbity, 285 sqfi;
314, 317, 319; interview with
Father Courtelier, 322 ; preaches
in the convent at Eive, 326, 331 ;
domestic trials, 333 ; letter to
evangelicals of Paris, 334 ; presides
at first evangelical marriage, 358 ;
at first evangelical Pentecost, 363 ;
before the council, 394 ; protests
against union with popery, 453 ;
attempt to poison him, v. 288 ;
promotes a public disputation, 296 ;
invitations, 303 ; interview with
Caroli, 306 sq. ; preaches at the
Madeleine, 326, 327 ; summoned
before the Council, 327 ; preaches
at the Cathedral, 329 sqq. ; before
Council of Two Hundred, 344 ;
preaches to nuns of St. Claire, 355 ;
exhorts the council, 426, 429, 475 ;
476 ; calls for a general confession,
479 ; asks for help, 488 ; meeting
with Calvin, 536 ; presses him to
stay at Geneva, 537 sqq. ; urges the
council to retain Calvin, vi. 271 :
goes to Lausanne, 272, 282, 2X3 ;
his theses at the disputation, 283 ;
his opening speech, 284 ; opposes
protest of the canons, 286 ; his
closing discourse, 306, 310 ; his
search for pastors, 321, 322 ; pre-
sents the confession of faith to the
Council, 338 ; his reverence for
Calvin, 352 ; made a citizen of
Geneva, 354 ; his depressed state,
372 ; attends synod of Lausanne,
373 ; with Calvin at the council,
413 ; accompanies him to Berne,
415 ; excluded by Berne from col-
loquies of the Vaudois, 444 ; sent to
synod of Lausanne, 445 ; before the
council, 450, 541 ; protests against
imprisonment of Courault, 457 ;
with Calvin declines to administer
the Supper, 466, 467 ; in defiance of
prohibition preaches, 472, 473 ; a
disturbance in the church, 473 ;
banished, 480, 484 ; leaves Geneva,
486 ; goes to Berne, 495 ; at synod
of Zurich, 500 sqq. ; returns to
Berne, 507 ; interview with Kunz,
FER
508 ; with Calvin before the sen-
ate, 511 ; reconducted to Geneva
by Bernese, 513 ; banished by vote
of general council, 532 ; at Berne,
525 ; at Basel, 526 ; goes to Neu-
chatel, 531 ; his letter to the
Genevese, 541 ; urges Calvin to re-
turn to Geneva, vii. 27 ; edict of
expulsion revoked, 52 ; deprived
and banished from Neuchatel, 60 ;
reinstated, 61 ; a man of action, 141
Fariiese, Alexander [Paw? Z/X]
— , Cardinal, sent by the Pope to
Charles V. at Eatisbon, vii. 33
Favre, Francis, Genevese deputy to
Berne, ii. 407, 463, 464; assailed
by Mamelukes, iii. 538 ; envoy to
Berne, iv. 397
Felia; V. [Amadeus VIII.']
Feray, Claude, vii. 27, 28
Ferdinand, the Catholic, deprives his
daughter Joanna of her crown and
imprisons her, viii. 152 ; assumes
the government of Castile, 168;
meeting with Philip, 159; agree-
ment between them, 160, 161 ; his
secret protest, 161 ; his delegate
left with Philip, 161, 168
Ferdirmnd, of Austria, King of Bohe-
mia and Hungary, ii. 145 ; invested
with duchy of Wurtemberg,145,289 ;
threatened by alliance of Francis
I. and Philip of Hesse, appeals to
the pope, 331, 332; his army de-
feated by Philip, 336 ; loses Wiir-
temberg, 338 ; attempts to maintain
papal power in the duchy, 339 ;
opposes Zapolya and is crowned
King of Hungary, vii. 445 ; pub-
lishes edict against the Lutherans,
446 ; supported by Charles V., 452 ;
annuls edict of toleration, 452 ; less
hostile to the Reformation, 468 ;
appoints a conference between the
bishops and Szautai, 469 ; his em-
barrassment, 471 ; interview with
the bishops, 471, 472; banishes
Szantai, 473 ; concludes agreement
with Zapolya, 476 ; issues ordinance
for maintenance of Catholic faith
488 ; another, 488 ; his desire for
union of the two churches, 498
Ferrara, Hercules, duke of, his mar-
riage at Fontainebleau, i. 561
Ferrara, Eenee, duchess of {^Beiue of
France]
Ferrara, University of, declares for
divorce of Henry VHL, iv. 52 ; know-
464
GENERAL INDEX.
FEVr
ledge of evangelical doctrines at,
547, 62i ; influence of Calvin at, v.
498 sqq.\ the Inquisition, 519
Fcij-t, Florentius, Jesuit, sent to Swe-
den, vii. 407
Fief, Peter du, conducts persecution
at Louvain, vii. 674, 675 ; remon-
strance of the townsmen, 677, 692
Finlason, James, one of the Perth
Protestants, condemned bj Cardi-
nal Beatoun, vi. 214 ; hung, 215
Pislwr, John, bishop of Bochester, iv.
5, 6 ; defends the church, 21 ; sum-
moned before the king, 22 ; his
subterfuge, 22 ; rumour of attempt
to poison him, 89, 182 ; supports
Maid of Kent, v. 12, 14 ; attainted,
sentenced to death, 19 ; refuses to
take the oath of supremacy, 54 ;
attainted, 54 ; steadfast, 55 ; visited
by Cromwell, 75 ; made cardinal,
76 ; his last moments, 77 ; death,
79 ; characterised, 87 ; effect of his
death at Rome, 89
Fitzkerieii, Anthony, commissioner
for suppression of lesser monas-
teries, V. 117
Fitztvilliavt, .Sir William, lord-admi-
ral, iv. 6
FitzmiUiam, Lord, Governor of the
Tower, delivers Fryth to messen-
gers of the primate, iv. 198
Fhimitiio, Marco Antonio, poet, iv.
547 ; .birth and early life of, 609,
610 ; character, 611 ; at Naples with
Valdez, 612 «j.; at Rome, with Pole
and CarafEa, 614
Florence, iv. 654
Fulengo, Giovanni Battista, account
of, iv. 617, 618
Fontainehleaii, rejoicings at, i. 561
sqq. ; interrupted, 565
Forest, Father, defends Catherine of
Aragon, iv. 135
Fm'man, Andrew, competitor for see
of St. Andrews, vi. 11 ; seizes the
castle and monastery, 12
Fm~rest, Henry, Benedictine, impri-
soned by Beatoun, vi. 109 ; de-
graded, 109 ; burnt, 110
Fm-rest, Thomas, Augustine, reads the
writings of St. Augustine, ^A. 121 :
priest of Dollar, 122 ; denounced,
123 ; his interview with the bisl.op
of Dunkeld, 123; arrested, 137;
examined before the cardinal, 138 ;
burnt, 139
Fouquet, [_Trois-Mouticrx, prior of]
FRA
Fo^, Edward, high almoner, deputed
with Gardiner to obtain opinion of
Cambridge University on the king's
divorce, iv. 37 ; with Longland,
that of Oxford, 42 ; summoned to
Windsor, 45 ; ambassador to Ger-
many, V. 128 ; concludes alliance
with the princes, 129 ; sent to con-
duct discussion with Protestants at
Wittenberg, 136 ; has audience of
Elector of Saxony, 137 ; his speech
at Convocation, 220
France, struggles in, i. 6 ; royalty in,
382 ; springs of reformation, 424 ;
state of, 431 gqq. ; after battle of
Pavia, 434 ; dismemberment of,
proposed by Charles Y., 437 ; per-
secution of Lutherans in, 445 ;
proclamation against the Bible in
French, Luther's works and doubt,
460 ; who will be the reformer of 1
495, 509, 510 ; councils against
heresy, 559 ; hopes of reformers,
ii. 175 ; progress of reform, 244
iqq. ; flight of evangelicals from,
282 ; proposal for union with Ger-
man Protestants, 2s5 ; rival plans
of reform, 340 ; spirit of liberty in,
380 ; evangelisation of, begun by
Calvin, iii. 65, 69 ; progress of the
Gospel, 72, 80: 'year of the pla-
cards,' lOy sqq. ; importance of, iv.
463 ; invasion of, by Henry VIII.,
viii. 323
Francis I., of France, i. 105, 315,
356, 382 ; captmred at Pavia, 435 ;
suppliant to Charles V., 437 ; at
Madrid, 437 ; illness, 440 ; reco-
very, 441 ; patron of letters, 450 ;
orders persecution to be stayed,
451 ; his abdication, 4.51 : his con-
tradictory oaths, 452 ; treaty with
Charles v., 452, 453; inconsistency,
454 ; stops proceedings against Ber-
quin, 463 ; returns to France, 472 ;
refuses permission for Count of
Hohenlohe to go into France, 474,
475 ; liberates Lutheran prisoners,
478, 490 ; consents to marriage of
Henry d'Albret and Margaret, 507 ;
his promises to them, 508 ; treaty
with Charles V., 50S ; his attitude
towards the Reformation, 539 ;
arrests Beda, 544; exasperation
against the Sorbonne, 545 ; hesi-
tation between Rome and the Re-
formation, 550, 551 : deaf to appeal
of Duprat, 558, 550 ; deaf to the
GENERAL INDEX.
405
FEA
priests, 560; goes to Paris, 506;
investigates case of mutilation of
image of the Virgin, 568 ; sanctions
persecution, 571 ; consents to in-
quiry against Berquin, 57'J
— , warned bj' Erasmus, ii. i''> ; signs
treaty of Cambray, 82 ; liis chil-
dren restored, 83, S5, 86 ; his mar-
riage and coronation of his queen,
Eleanor, 86 s^q.; tlie Protestants
accused to him, 93 ; receives en-
voy and letter from German Pro-
testant princes, yi ; proposes a
council, 95 ; hears Lecoq preach,
99 ; has secret interview with
him, 100 ; veers towards reform,
126 ; sends Du Bellay to Germany,
127; and to England, 136; alli-
ance with Henry VIII., 137 ; meets
him, complains of the pope, 138,
139 ; treaty with Henry, 140 ;
sends embassy to the pope, liO ;
threatens separation from the pa-
pacy, 111 ; alarm in Europe, 1-12 ;
confines heads of both parties in
their own houses, 166 ; warned by
Henry of Navarre and Du Bellay,
168 ; receives deputation from Hor-
bonne, 168 ; insults the deputies,
169 ; banishes Beda, 173 ; sends
ambassadors to conference of Bo-
logna, 189, 194 ; aims at alliance
with Henry VIII. and the pope,
196; consequences of his scheme,
196 ; sends special ambassador to
Bologna, 196 ; proposes marriage
of Henry duke of Orleans with
Catherine de' Medici, 197 ; claims
an Italian state, 197 ; hesitation,
204, 205 ; sends the pope full pow-
ers for the contract, 205 ; his policy,
209 ; proposes a lay council, 209 ;
a meeting with Clement arranged,
217 ; silences iVIontmorency accus-
ing Margaret, 236 ; orders inquiry
on the decision of the Sorbonne,
239 ; meets Clement VII. at Mar-
seilles, 256 ; his demands, 258 ; at
marriage of his son with Catherine
de' Medici, 260; orders persecution
of heretics, 262 ; intrigues with
Protestants, 263 ; holds a council
at Avignon, 285 ; his policy in Ger-
many, 288 ; goes to Bar-le-Duc,
294 ; invites Philip of Hesse to a
conference, 298 ; discusses affairs
of Germany, 299 ; desires to see
Melanchthon, 300; concludes treaty
FRA
with Philip, 301 ; returns to Paris,
309 ; refuses to burn Roussel and
others, 310 ; imprisons Beda, 311 ;
vacillation 311 ; sets free the
preachers, 312 ; quotes Scripture,
329 ; co-operates with Bucer and
Du Bellay, 329 ; gives audience to
waywode of Wallachia, 330 ; re-
ceives news of Philip's victory,
337 ; sends Clielius to Germany,
346 ; receives memoirs of German
doctors, 351 ; holds conferences in
the Louvre, 352 ; approves Melanch-
thon's views, 373; sends envoy to
Germany and confesses his mis-
takes, 374 ; orders French version of
reformers' opinions, 377 ; his tactics,
380; dill'erence between him and
Henry VHI., 391 ; leans towards the
Reformation, 393 ; supports de-
mands of Savoy against Geneva, 520
— , steps towards reformation, iii.
79; a 'placard' on his door, 125;
his exasperal ion, 126 ; orders search
for evangelicals, 127 ; returns to
Paris, 133 ; harsh towards Mar-
garet, 136 ; recalls her to Paris,
137 ; interview with her preacliers,
139 ; pardons them, ] 48 ; orders
procession of relics, 150 ; his peni-
tence, 154 ; his .<?peech, 158 ; present
at torture and death of martyrs,
163, 164, 165 ; orders extirpation of
Lutherans, 167 ; abolishes printing,
167 ; his motives, 171 ; writes to
German princes, 175 ; illusions about
him, 199 ; Calvin's letter to, 217
-, inclines towards Eome, iv. 166,
212, 214 ; meeting with Clement
VII., 215 ; conference with Eng-
lish envoys, 215 ; conversation with
the pope, 221 ; their accord, 223 ;
attempts mediation between Eng-
land and the pope, 227 ; at Pa-
via, 413 ; appeal of Bernese to, in
behalf of Maisonneuve and Janin,
414 ; liberates them, 421 ; his let-
ter to the syndics of Geneva, 421 ;
447, 448, 449 ; writes to German
princes, 451 ; 455, 456 ; inclines
to reform, 459 ; invites Melanch-
thon to Prance, 460 ; his letter to
Melanchthon, 406 ; his sincerity
questionable, 467 ; publishes am-
nesty, 473 ; instructs Cardinal dn
Bellay, 473 ; proposes a conference
between Catholics and reformers,
474 ; gives up the scheme, 476 •
VOL VIII.
H H
466
GENERAL INDEX.
FHA
his political designs, 50i ; proposes
to write to Elector of Saxony, 505 ;
his views o£ reformation set forth
by Du Bellay at Smalcalde, 511
sqq.; plays two parts, .519 ; his an-
ger at Garneseochi, 608
— , proposes interview with Henry
VIII., V. 24 ; sends embassy to him,
67, 88 ; accepts alliance of Charles
v., 133 ; proposes crusade against
Henry, 1 34 ; prepares for war with
the emperor, 136 ; secretly aids
Geneva, 420, 425 ; resolves to in-
vade Savoy and the Milanese, 442
■ — , refuses to deliver up Cardinal Pole
to Henry VIII., viii. 181 ; expels
Pole from France, 181 ; opposes mar-
riage of Henry VIII. with duchess
of Milan, 210 ; proposes marriage
of Henry of Orleans with Princess
Mary of England, 212 ; authorises
printing and importation of Bibles
by Grafton, 213 ; rejoices at Crom-
well's fall, 254 ; and at persecution
of Protestants in London, 282 ; pre-
texts of Henry VIII. for war with,
322 ; concludes peace with Charles
v., 324
Fraiuus, bishop of Geneva, i. 27, 34,
ii
Frarioiscans, at Geneva, i. 58 ; com-
pared with Dominicans, iv. 316
Fiungipani, Francisco, vii. 451, 468
Frankfurt, Protestant deputies at,
ii. 129; assembly of Protestant
Princes at, v. 138 ; Conference of
theologians ai, vi. 562 s^q. \ be-
ginning of reformation at, viii. 383
Fredencli, duke of Holstein, forms
alliance with Liibeck against
Christian II., vii. 166 y his charac-
ter, 172; a canon of Cologne, re-
signs the canonry, 173 ; accepts
crown of Denmark, 174 ; promises
not to tolerate Lutherans, 1 71 ; re-
solves to maintain impartiality,
175 ; his edict of toleration, 1 77 ;
his son Christian in Germany, 180,
181 ; enters Copenhagen, 182 ; pro-
fesses Lntheranism, 182 ; his coro-
nation, 188 ; liberates Jansen, 190 ;
convokes diet at Odensee, 198 ; his
speech, 198-200; by his ordinance
establishes freedom of conscience,
201 ; assembles a conference of the
bishops and the Lutherans, 209 ;
prohibils preaching of the Luther-
ans, withdraws the prohibition.
imi
211; his impartiality, 222, 224 ;
allies himself with German princes,
224 ; assembles army and fleet,
227 ; imprisons Christian II., 232 ;
his death, 235 ; his character and
his family, 236
Fredericlt tlie Wise, i. 545,- his reply
to the king of Hungary, vii. 426
Fregom, archbishop of Salerno, made
cardinal, iv. 622
Frihv/rij, citizenship of, granted to
Genevese patriots, i. 49 ; envoys
of, at Geneva, protect Berthelier,
112; another deputation to Geneva,
117 ; indignation at refusal of
safe-conduct for Berthelier, 117 ;
Genevese embassy to, demands
alliance, 190 ; otier of alliance ac-
cepted by Geneva, 200, 201 ; the
duke of Savoy tries to break the
alliance, 205 ; disturbances, 205 ;
Fabri sent to Geneva, 208 ; the
alliance confirmed, 210 ; the canons
of Geneva declare against it, 215 ;
deputation sent to Geneva, 230 ;
alliance renounced by Mamelukes,
243 ; sends army to Geneva, 244 :
message to the duke, 245 ; protects
and receives fugitive patriots of
Geneva, 366 ; promises help, 371 ;
embassy to Geneva, 376 ; arrival of
wives and children of exiles, 379,
380; alliance with Berne and
Geneva, 407 ; departure of Genevese
exiles, 408 ; 410, 415, 416, 419, 420 ;
ii. 520, 522, 534, 540, 654, 558, 559,
564, 577, 589 ; asks help of Geneva,
589 ; outrages of Friburgers at Ge-
neva, 593 ; demands renunciation of
alliance, 599 ; alliance maintained,
601 ; complains of Lutheran pro-
ceedings, 622 ; joint-suzerain of
Orbe, iii. 243 ; deputation from
Orbe to, 252 ; orders liberation of
priests, 274 ; with Berne publishes
first act of religious liberty in
Switzerland, 291 ; sends embassy
with threats to Geneva, 424 ;
mediation of Fribm-g merchants
between Catholics and Lutherans,
470 ; urges bishop of Geneva to
return, 508 ; demands satisfaction
for Wernli's death, 513 ; deputies
of, attend the bishop on his return,
518 ; rumours of intervention at
Geneva, 636 ; the deputies demand
justice for Wernli's death, 53" ;
support episcopal citation, 543,
GENERAL INDEX.
407
FBI
545 ; iv. 297 ; renounces alliance
with Geneva, 332
Friesland, religious condition of, vii.
557 ; a battle-field of religious
parties, 558 ; Countess Anna, 563,
566 ; John of Palkenberg, 566 ;
Countess Anna's reply to Alasco,
569 ; suppression of Eomanism,
570 ; disorders, 576
Proieniiis, iv. 522
Froment. Christian Anthony, iii.
356 ; urged by Farel to go to
Geneva, 357 ; 370, 373 ; goes to
Geneva, 374 ; coldly received, 375 ;
departs but returns, 376 ; advertises
his school, 377 ; his proceedings,
378 ; success, 379 ; alarm, 381, 382 ;
conversion of Claudine Levet, 386 ;
disputation with Pellier, 397 ; ends
with a riot, 398 ; advised not to
preach, 401 ; preaches at the Mo-
lard, 405 ; forbidden by sjTidics,
continues, 410 ; interrupted by
armed priests, rescued by Bernard,
416 ; attempted concealment, 417 ;
employed as a servant, 417, 420 ;
attacked and rescued, 421 ; goes to
Yvonand, 422 ; results of his labours
at Geneva, 422 ; returns to Geneva,
iv. 251 ; attempts to arrest him,
254 ; refutes Furbity, 262 ; assailed
in the church, rescued by Jlaison-
neuve, 262 sq. ; leaves Geneva,
265 ; returns, 276 ; at the tourna-
ment, 279 ; at first evangelical
Pentecost, 363 ; 423 ; attempt to
poison him by Antonia Vax, v.
288 ; at the disputation, v. 315
' Frondeur,' 3,n unhappy, ii. 117; at
atrasburg, 118 ; returns to France,
118 ; received by Calvin, 119
Fnjth, John, sought for by Henry
VIII., iv. 76 ; married, 76 ; account
of him, 180; his true Catholicism,
181 ; assists Tyndale, 182 ; returns
from the Low Countries, 182 ; his
reply to More and others on pur-
gatory, 182 ; in the stocks at Read-
ing, 183 ; liberated, goes to London,
184 ; his doctrine of the Lord's
Supper written down, 185 ; a copy
treacherously taken to the Chan-
cellor, 185 ; leaves London, 185 ;
Tyndale 's letter to, 186 ; hunted
by More, 187 ; arrested, 188 ; reads
More's reply to him, 189 ; writes
the. Bnhvnrli, 190; other labours in
prison, 191 ; some liberty allowed
GAE
him, 192 ; visits Petit, 192 ; the
bishops bent on his death, 194 ;
ordered for trial, 195 ; his judges,
195 ; taken by Cranmer's messen-
gers to Lambeth, 198 ; will not
step backwards, 199, 200; the
scheme for his escape, 201 ; refuses
to escape, 203 ; his trial at Croydon,
205 ; his view of the sacrament,
205 ; again sent to the Tower, 206 ;
his cause transferred to bishop
of London, 206 ; sentenced to
death, 207 ; in Newgate, 207 ;
burnt at Smithfield, 208 ; influence
of his writings, 209 ; v. 39
Funeral Prooesswn of the Papacy, at
Geneva, ii. 402
Furbiti/, Guy, Dominican, sent to
Geneva, iv. 257 ; preaches in the
Cathedral, 258 ; challenges Luther-
ans, 261 ; answered by Froment,
262 ; tumult in the church, 262
sq. ; eulogizes St. Thomas of Can-
terbury, 267 ; watched by city
guards, 273 ; prevented from
lea-idng Geneva, 274 ; appears
before the council, will not speak,
279, 280 ; his trial demanded by
Bernese, 282 ; colloquy with
Diesbach, 283 ; disputation with
Farel, 286 sq. ; visits Pennet in
prison, 309 ; summoned before the
coimcil, 313 ; his apologies in the
Cathedral, 315 ; violently assailed
and again imprisoned, 315 ; his
release requested by Francis I.,
424 ; liberated, 425 ; declines to
take part in disputation, v. 312,
314 ; liberated, 476
GABRIEL DUXE, Gardiner's agent
against Tyndale, v. 40 sq.
Gaillard, Castle of, Duke Charles
III. at, i. 229
Oallc, Peter, champion of the papacy
against Olaf Petersen, vii. 835 ;
discussion with Olaf at Westeraas,
355
Gallicaa Libe7-ties, ii. 326, 328, 380
Gamiara, nuncio, ii. 190
Gardiner, Stephen, deputed to obtain
opinion of Cambridge university
on the king's divorce, iv. 37, 40,
41 ; made bishop of Winchester,
94 ; his interviews with Fryth in
the Tower, 189 ; one of Fryth's ex-
aminers 195; envoy to Marseilles,
H H 2
468
GENERAL INDEX.
GAR
215 ; jealousy of Bonner, 216 ; re-
solves on death of Tyndale, v. 40 ;
his agents, Philips and Gabriel, 41,
57 ; opposes translation of the
Bible, 64 ; opposes visitation by
Cranmer, 67 ; opposes alliance with
German Protestants, 130 ; his reply
to Pole, 208 ; his policy, his embassy
to France, viii. 191 ; complains to
Granvella of calumnies about him-
self, 192; his entry into London,
192 ; urges the king to persecution
of heretics, 193 ; his secret confer-
ences with other bishops, 194 ; in-
stigates prosecution of Lambert,
200 ; at his trial, 205, 224 ; preaches
at Paul's Cross instead of Barnes,
243 ; brings subject of the king's
divorce before Convocation, 278 ;
reads the Judgment, 279 ; intro-
duces Catherine Howard to the
king, 283 ; sent with Norfolk to
examine the queen on charges
made against her, 301 ; his argu-
ment for keeping Latin words in
English Bible, 309 ; takes part in
plot against Cranmer, 317 ; perse-
cutes evangelicals of Oxford, 319
sqq. ; examines Anne Askew, 335 ;
gets royal proclamation issued
against New Testament and many
religions books, 337, 345, 346 ; in-
stigates Henry against the queen,
347, 348 ; intrigues against her,
849 ; with Wriothesley, draws up
indictment against her, 350 ; in
disgrace, appeals to the king, 360 ;
excluded from number of the
king's executors and from the
council of regency, 360
Garret, evangelical preacher, viii.
243 ; preaches at Paul's Cross, 244 ;
reprimanded by the king, 245 ;
committed to the Tower, 246 ;
burnt at Smithfield, 272-275
Gaudet, Pierre, iv. 365 ; settles at
• Geneva, v. 279 ; sets off for Gex,
279; seized and taken to Peney,
280 ; tortured, 281 ; his death, 282
Oaudri, Bishop of Laon, slain, ii.
450
Gazzini, Pietro, Bishop of Aosta, ii.
490 ; commissioned to seek help of
the pope for Duke of 8avoy, 524 ;
his opposition to the Lutherans, v.
524, 526
GecJi-ii, Jan van, ' Spiritual,' excites
revolt in Holland, attempts sur- I
GEN
prise of Amsterdam, viii, 422 ; fate
of his followers, 422
Genera, centre of Keformation, i. 1 ;
characteristics of the movement,
2 ; importance of political element,
3 ; great things to be studied in
small at, 9 ; Eoman, German,
Christian influences combined, 10 ;
Burgundian conquests, 11; the gos-
pel first brought to, 12 ; its first
bishop, 13; early history and liber-
ties, 14 ; Charlemagne at, 15 ; the
Counts of, 15 ; their castles and
mode of life, 16 ; growth of power
of the bishops, 16 ; the first prince-
bishop, 17 ; coveted by House of
Savoy, 18 ; seizure of the castle by
Peter of Savoy, 21 ; placed under
his guardianship, 21 ; attempt of
Amadeus V., 22 ; the vidamy, 23 ;
rectors of the city elected, 24 ; at-
tempt of Amadeus VHI., 25 ; visit
of Pope Martin Y., 25 ; the fair
transferred to Lyons, 38 ; sur-
rounded by states of Savoy, 35 ;
renovation preparing, 37 ; excite-
ment at, about death of bishop
Charles de Seyssel, 39, 40, 41 ; en-
try of the Bastard of Savor, 50;
settlement of Savoyards in, 55 ;
given to Savoy by Leo X., 66 ; ex-
citement and opposition, 67 ; con-
sent of cardinals refused, the bull
recalled, 69 ; corruption fostered
by Philibert the Fair, 77 ; assembly
of patriots, 92 ; terror caused by
torture and death of Pecolat, 110 ;
peril, 114 ; Swiss alliance sought,
115 ; excommunication riot, 141 ;
plot of the duke, the bishop, and
the count, 149 ; agitation caused
by deaths of Blanchet and Navis,
168 sqq. ; meeting of the council,
172 ; embassy to Duke of Savoy,
173 ; critical position of the Re-
public, 175 ; another embassy to
the duke and the bishop, ITS ; con-
sultation of patriots, 181 ; rejec-
tion of sealed letter from the
bishop, 186 ; the Great Council,
186 ; conflict of ecclesiastical and
secular society in, 188 ; fruitless
debate on Swiss alliance, 191 ; ex-
citement, 192 ; reception of ducal
embassy, 197 ; Swiss alliance car-
ried, 201 : election of Huguenot
syndics, 201 ; Marmaduke organi-
zation, 203 ; the canons in danger,
GENERAL INDEX.
409
GEN
216; surrounded by ducal army,
220 ; insolent ducal embassy, 221 ;
ordered by Swiss Diet to receive
the duke, 222 ; summoned by
Charles IH., 223, 224 ; reply of the
Syndics, 225 ; preparations for war,
226; a truce, 231; attack of the
duke frustrated, 232 ; entered by
the duke, 236 ; distribution of his
army, 237 ; conquered, 239 ; pil-
laged, 2iO ; Friburg army at, 244 ;
the plague, 247 ; entered by the
bishop, 254 ; Mameluke reaction
at, 271 ; restriction of liberties,
276 ; the decrees revoked, 278 ;
Huguenots recover their liberties,
280 ; papal citation, 282 ; proces-
sion organised by priests, 284 ;
Pierre de la Baume, prince bishop,
291 ; time of depression, 294 ;
vanity of the Genevese, 296 ; en-
try of the duke and duchess, 297 ;
' mystery ' performed, 300 ; seem-
ing success of Savoyard seductions,
303 ; New Testament introduced,
304 ; quarrels with Savoyards, 312 ;
corruption and disorders, 316, 317 ;
agitation caused by seizure of Lev-
rier, 333 ; indignation at his exe-
cution, 342 ; departure of the duke,
343 ; vengeance of Savoyard council
for assault on Boulet, 348, 349 ;
election of Huguenot syndics, 353 ;
appeal of Council to the pope
against Savoy, 354 ; the delegates
stopped by the duke, 357 ; appeal
withdrawn, 359 ; the ducal «rmy
near, 860 ; enters, 362 ; exodus of
patriots, 363 ; entered by Charl«s,
374 ; about to surrender indepen-
dence, 375 ; Swiss embassy to, 376 ;
departure of wives and children of
exiles, 379 ; ' council of halberds,'
384 ; departure of the duke, 388 ;
mission of LuUin, 389 ; justification
of the fugitives, 391 itq^g-; return
of the bishop, 397 ; -election of
Huguenot syndics, 401 sqq. ; old
constitution restored, 403 ; Swiss
alliance concluded, 407 ; return of
exiles, 408 ; Council, 409 ; General
Council, 412 «jj. ; gleams of re-
formation, 416; conspiracy of
canons, 417 ; flight of iMamelukes,
418 ; Swiss embassy, 419 ; alliance
sworn, 420 ; rejoicings, 421
-, the new sitiiation, ii. 400 ; the
castle.s, 401 ; traders, 402 ; measures
GEN
of defence, 406 ; deputation to
Berne, 407 ; immoralities, 423 ; pro-
ject of the duke against, 429 ; warn-
ings, 430; deli\ered from the canons,
433, 434 ; the bishop made a citizen,
436 ; civil jurisdiction conceded,
437 ; new party forms, 443 ; im-
morality attacked, 445 ; claim and
threats of the duke, 449 ; flight of
the bishop, 452 ; constitution
foiTued, 458 ; fall of the ducal
arms, 459 ; excommunication and
interdict pronounced against, 460 ;
papal letters prohibited, 461 ;
funeral procession of the papacy,
462 ; bids the duke mind his own
business, 466 ; assailed by ' gentle-
men of the Spoon,' 476 ; civil juris-
diction revoked, 484 ; menaced by
the bishop, 485 ; reply to his
envoys, 486 ; the messenger of the
council insulted, 488 ; intrigues in
the convents, 493 ; arrival and de-
parture of auxiliary troops, 496 ;
insolence and death of Pontverre,
501 sjj. ; a Genevan crucified, 510 ;
'Day of the Ladders,' 511, 512;
embassies from the Swiss and from
Savoy, 520 ; will not give up Swiss
alliance, 522 ; defies the emperor,
527 ; emperor and pope imite
against, 528 ; war begun by duke
and bishop, 555 ; march of allies
on, 556 sq. ; still a Catholic city,
557'; blockaded, 559; skirmishes,
560 ; night attack, 561 ; retreat of
Savoyards, 563 ; arrival of Swiss
troops, 565 sqq. ; preachings in the
cathedral, 569 sqq. ; truce of St.
Julien, 572 ; declines intervention
of the emperor, 575 ; another attack
threatened and frustrated, 576,
577 ; Diet of Payerne, 577 ; a pil-
grimage to St. Claire resisted, 579 ;
another allowed, 580 ; ' de Christo
meditare,' 583 ; agrees to help
Berne and Friburg, 590 ; again
threatened by the -d-uke, 591 ;
election of Catholics, struggles,
593 ; threatened by the duke, 594 ;
Swiss alliance adhered to, 696 ;
withdrawal of ducal army, 597 ;
preparation by suiferings and dan-
gers, 597 .«</(/. ; Swiss alliance
cancelled by patricians, 699 ; but
maintained by citizens of Berne,
601 ; cession of, to son of the duke
proposed, 603 ; agitation about the
J70
GEXEKAL INDEX.
GEN
General Pardon posted up by
Lntherans, 619 sqg[. ; Friburg em-
bassy and threats, 622 ; placards
and preacbing prohibited, 623 ;
first official act in favour of reforma-
tion, 624 ; letter from archbishop
to the syndics, 625 ; standard of
the Gospel raised, 630 ; conflict of
two parties, 631 sqq^.
-, saves Eirrope, iii. 236 ; Farel's ar-
rival at, 328 ; progress of reforma-
tion, 389, 393 ; tumult, 898, 899 ;
Froment's sermon at the Molard,
priests in arms, 405, 416 ; balance
of parties, 423 ; agitation against
Lutherans, 440 ; conspiracy, 442 ;
both parties armed, 445 ; disturb-
ance in the cathedral, 446 ; Catholic
preparations to fight, 449 ; the corps
formed, 451 ; musteringof the corps,
453 ; distresses in the homes, 456,
457 ; the Huguenots on the defen-
sive, 467 ; bloodshed prevented,
469 ; mediation of Friburgers, 470 ;
peace proclaimed, 474; articles of
peace, 476; disquietude, 480 ; holi-
day evening and a brawl, 491 ; the
tocsin, 495 ; fight in the Molard,
498 sqq. ; the bishop invited to re-
turn, 511; his entrance, 519; a
general council, 521 ; the Charters
consulted, 523 ; episcopal proscrip-
tions, 526 ; deputation of elders to
the bishop, 540 ; resolution of the
Sixty, 543; of the Two Hundred,
545 ; gathering perils, 551
-, the part of Geneva in the Reforma-
tion, iv. 287; agitation about Lu-
theran prisoners, 240 ; the bishop's
final departure, 247 ; evangelical
preaching authorised by the Coun-
cil, 253 ; plot of the Catholics,
271, 272 ; both parties in arms,
275 ; Bernese embassy to, 276; the
tournament, 279 sqq. ; the bishqp's
C(mp d'etat, 207; assassinations and
tumult, 299 sqq. ; the bishop's
palace searched, 303 ; the cathe-
dral searched, 305 ; four Hupnenot
syndics, 311 ; Savoyard procession
forbidden to enter, 359 ; another
enters and is driven out, 359 sq ;
image-breaking, 361 ; Whitsuntide
procession, 365 ; -embassy from
France, 375 ; Feast of Coipus
iJhristi, 391 ; rumours of attack by
bishop and duke, H95 .vj. ; pre-
parations, 397; plans of the in-
GEN
vaders, 398 ; advance on the city'
400 ; treachery within, 400 ; a
warning, 401 ; called to arms, 402 ;
retreat of the Savoyards, 405 ;
vigilance, 407 ; city and suburbs
described, 415 ; destruction of
suburbs ordered, 416, 419 ; opposi-
tion of Catholics, 420 ; the houses
razed, lamentations, 429, 430 ; ram-
parts built, 431 ; the see removed
to Gex, 435 ; excommunications by
the bishop, 436 ; appeal to the pope,
437 ; prepares for defence, 440
-, three parties to uphold the Refor-
mation, V. 272 ; Huguenot magis-
trates elected, 273 ; a monk allowed
to preach the Gospel, 275 ; riot of
women in the church, 277 ; plots
of Roman Catholics, 285 ; a dis-
putation announced, 800 ; refusal
of the papists, 301 ; the debate,
310 sqq. ; its effect, 322 ; trade or
intercourse with Geneva forbidden
by the bishop, 317 ; misery in the
city, 325 ; Farel at the Cathedral,
32.1 sqq. ; forbidden to preach there,
332 ; images broken, 335 ; cam-
paign against idols, 339 sqq. ; mass
suppressed, church property confis-
cated, 347 ; the moriks dumb before
the Council, 351 ; flight of papists,
352 ; hospital and school foimded,
368 ; mendicity abolished, 363 ; end
of Romanism, 365 ; proclaimed as
infected by duke of Savoy, 368 ;
skirmishes and alarms, 369 ; re-
fuses to erpel heresy and restore
the bishop, 372 ; news of battle of
<Jlngins, 405 ; stoiTning of con-
vent of St. Jean, 417; blockaded,
419; assault repulsed, 419; coins
money, 421 ; refuses a truce,
425 ; the troops partly withdrawn,
425 ; rejects offer of French pro-
tectorate, 427; attack on the church
of our Lady of Grace repulsed by
Jess6, 428, 429 ; night attacks by
Savoyards, 430, 481 ; the war of
Cologiiy, 431 ; famine, 439 ; Bernese
help promised, 439 ; entrance of
Xagueli and the Bernese army,
452 ; the castles bvurnt, 457, 458 ;
rejects sovereignty of Berne, 464 ;
attack on Chillon, 466 sq.; evange-
lisation of the town and the coun-
try, 472, 473 ; difficulties with the
priests, 475; morals in the city,
47 7 ; i!;e General Confession (21st
GENERAL INDEX.
471
GEN
May), 481 sqti. ; return of refugees,
486 ; toleration, 486, 487 ; action
of the Government in religious
affairs, 544
-, importance of the services of Ge-
neva to freedom and religion, vi.
261, 262, 263; arrival of Calvin,
263 ; church discipline before his
time, 267 ; long preparation of the
Genevese for triumph of the Refor-
mation, 269, 270 ; conference of pas-
tors at, 326, 327 ; Calvin's Confession
of faith adopted, 840 ; his articles on
order and discipline allowed, 345 ;
measures of the council, 347, 348;
Convocation of the people, the Con-
fession adopted, 350; but refused by
many: discipline by the state, 355 ;
description of the city, 355, 356 ;
parties at, 399 ; the Confession
sworn to, 402 sc[. ; resistance of
the Huguenots, 402 sq^. ; a general
Council, 407 ; the remonstrance,
407, 408 ; confusion, 410 ; deputa-
tion to Berne, 416 ; refusal of the
council to exclude any from the
Supper, 423 ; disorders, 423, 424 ;
two parties in the republic, 427 ;
election of syndics, 429, 430 ; vic-
tory of the opposition, 430; pro-
clamation against disorders, 431 ;
refuses to entertain project of sub-
mission to France, 432 ; confusion
of church and state at, 434, 435 ;
Bernese usages adopted, 451.; dis-
turbances, 453 ; confusion, 461 sgq. ;
Easter Sunday 1538, 471; banish-
ment of the reformers decreed,
480, 484 ; dismay at their departure,
491 ; licentiousness of the vulgar,
492; the new pastors, 493; replyto
Bernese letter, 499 ; resistance to
return of Farel and Calvin, 514 ;
Bernese delegates received, 515;
vote of banishment of the ref oAi ers
by general council, 522 ; the cere-
monies established, 634 ; new pas-
tors, 534, 535; party strife, 536;
disorders, 638 ; despotism, 563,
554 ; the rector and regents of the
College banished, 556 ; election of
new syndics, 560 ; suppression of
disorders, 561; letter from Sadoleto
received by the 'Council, 672 ; effect
of Calvin's reply to it, 591, 695 ;
Catholic priests before the Council,
596, 597; dispute about treaty with
Berne, 610 ; a new treaty signed,
GHB
611; quarrel about it, 612, 613;
summoned by Berne to a trial at
Lausanne, the treaty rejected by
general Council, 614 ; judgment
against Genevese delivered at
Lausanne, 615; a general recon-
ciliation, 615 ; agitation about the
quarrel with Berne, 616 ; flight of
the Articulants, 617 ; a riot, 620 ;
fate of the Articulants, 624, 625
— , proceedings for recall of Calvin,
vii. 6 ; letter of the Council, 9 ;
edict of expulsion of the reformers
revoked, 62 ; letters of the Syndics
to Zurich, Basel and Strasburg, 62
Bqg. ; value of these documents,
55 ; preparations for reception of
Calvin, 61 ; a day of humiliation,
71, 72 ; the ' Ordinances ' consi-
dered by the Council, 74, 75 ;
adopted, 76, 77 ; Geneva to be
made an ecclesiastical fortress, 79 ;
the name of Jesus engraved on the
gates, 93 ; relation of church and
state at, 94 sqci- ; state of men's
minds at, 119; new pastors, 131;
moral change, 137
George, Duke of Anhalt, his birth and
early life, viii. 389 ; his adherence
to Rome, 390 ; searches the Scrip-
tures, 390 ; inquiry and perplexity,
391 ; reads Luther, 392 ; gains over
his brothers to his views, 393 ;
exercises episcopal authority, 394
GersjO, castle of, iii. 17 sciq.
German jEwooys in England, viii. 185
sqq. .; their long stay, fruitless dis-
cussions, 187 ; ttieir view, 188 ;
leave England, 189
GerTnan Protestant Princes send en-
voy to Francis I. ii. 95 ; envoy sent
to, 96 ; proposal for union of
France with, 285 ; English em-
bassy to, V. 128 ; attempt at al-
liance renewed, 136, 137 ; assembly
at Frankfort, 138 ; embassy to
Henry VHI. 138; renounce his
alliance, 200 ; send envoys lo
Henry VIII., viii. 185 ; discussion
at Lambeth, 186
Germans, The, papal treatment of, i.
161
Germany, affairs in, ii. 127 sqq. ; pea-
sant revolt in, compared witli Pil-
grimage of Grace, v. 243
Gex, meeting of- duke of Savoy and
bishop of Geneva at, ii. 554, 665
Ghent, the Ref onnation at, vii. 665 sqq.
472
GENERAL INDEX.
GHI
Ghinucci, deprived of see of "Wor-
cester, iv. 232
' Glwgt of Lyom,' i. 548
Criierto, Giovanni Matteo, bishop of
Terona, iv. 611, 616
Gingim, Aimi de, ^ibbotof Bonmont,
i. il ; elected bishop of Geneva,
42 ; set aside by the Pope, 47
pensioned by the Bastard, 53, 213,
216, 217, 229 ; ii. 547, 548, 624
episcopal council at his house, iii.
339 ; presides nt examination of
Farel, 344, 348, 475 ; armed gather-
ing at his house, 493 ; v. 301 ; flies
from Geneva, 361 ; discovered by
the Bernese at Divonne, ransoms
himself, 451
Gingim, Francis de, lord of Divonne,
a,ccount of, v, 449, 450 ; a ransom
exacted from him by the Bernese,
451
Gingins, battle of, v. 391 sq. ; effect
of it, 416
Giraldi, Lilio, iv. 547
Girard, Aime, deputy to bishop of
Geneva, i. 351, 363, 370; ii. 488,
491, 504
Gjoe, Heirry, holds Copenhagen for
Christian II., vii. 182 ; capitulates
to Frederick, 182
Gjoe, Magnus, councillor of Den-
mark, embraces the Eeformation,
vii. 182 ; head of reform party,
201 ; his speech at the electoral
diet, 240 ; refuses to sign the com-
pact, 241 ; in Jutland, 254 ; urges
election of Christian IH. 255 ; an-
nounces to him his election, 258
GjiJe, Brigitta, vii. 248
Gldreatuis, his intercourse with
Alasco, vii. 536, 537
GnapTieia, "William, vii. 609 ; takes
part in translating Xew Testament,
610 ; arrested and imprisoned, 611 ;
liberated, 611 ; again arrested,
632 ; his TuMas and Lazarus, 632
Goch, Jan van, vii. 58S, 599
Golden Bull, The, read at Geneva, ii.
460
Goldenhauer, Gerhard, preaches in
Guelderland, vii. 639 ; goes to
Strasburg, 641 ; Professor of Theo-
logy, Marburg, 641
Gonin, Martin, Waldensian deputy to
Granson, iii. 300, 301, 356, 360, 361
gq.
Gmizitiin. Giulia di, among friends of
Valdez, iv. 595 ; BarlmroSia's at-
GRA
tempt to carry her ofE, 596 ; her
religious struggles, 599 ; conversa-
tions with Valdez, 600 sq.
Gosseau, Jacques, vii. 671, 694
Gostivieli, Sir John, accuses Cranmer,
viii. 293 ; the king's menace to him,
298
Gathus, Lawrence, appointed arch-
bishop of TTpsala, vii. 407
Gottschanien, Oddur, vii. 275, 276 ;
secretary to CEgmund, 276 ; trans-
lates the Xew Testament, 277 ; his
translation printed, 278
Gaulaz, Jean, takes part in posting
up General Pardon at Geneva, ii.
61 8 ; afEray with a canon, 621 ;
fined, 623; visits Farel, iii. 332,
354, 375 ; supports Froment, 381,
446 ; vrith Porral charged to main-
tain good morals in the city, vi.
345 ; renounces citizenship of Ge-
neva, and is imprisoned, 560 ; assists
Calvin in preparing constitution of
a church, vii. 68
Gam-laij, Norman, condemned and
burnt with Straiton, vi. 114
Grafton, Richard, asks permission to
seU Tyndale's Bible, v. 266 ; inter-
view with Cranmer, 266 ; with
"Whitchurch, authorised by Francis
I. to print and import the Bible
into France, viii. 213 ; vrith Cover-
dale goes to Paris, 213 ; their diffi-
culties, 214 ; the printing stopped
by the Inquisition, 214 ; and com-
pleted in London, 215 ; cited before
the Council, 287 ; saved by inter-
vention of "Wriothesley, 287
GraTiam, Patrick, primate of Scot-
land, deprived and imprisoned for
life, vi. 6
Gramont, Cardinal de, ambassador to
Clement Vn. ii. 140 ; to Conference
of Bologna, 189 ; characterized,
194 \Tmirnon~\
Gramont, De, Bishop of Tarbes, am-
bassador to the emperor, iv. 31 ;
confers with Earl of "Wiltshire, 34
Gran, Archbishop of, cites evangelists
of Hermanstadt before him, li.
427 ; goes to Rome, 428 ; takes part
in suppression of Lutheranism, 429
Gratixon, battle of, iii. 281 ; the
chm-ches opened to Farel by order of
Berne, 284 ; a fray in the church, 286
G^'anvella, Imperial chancellor, iii.
314 ; gives to Bellegarde answer of
the emperor to duke pf_ Savoy
GENERAL INDEX.
473
GEA
316 ; his relations with de Soto,
viii. 80 ; orders arrest of Bnzinas, 89
Grapliexis, Cornelius, account of, vii.
6y9 ; seized by Inquisitors, 599 ;
apologizes and is imprisoned, 600 ;
retracts, 600 ; his property is con-
fiscated, imprisoned for life, 601 ;
his appeal fruitless, 601
Greewmieh, tournament at, v. 161 sqq.
Gregonns, Matthias, Bishop of Streng-
naes, vii. 289 ; massacred at coro-
nation of Christian II., 291
Gregorxj., Father, orator of Eoman
party at Conference of Bchassburg,
vii. 469 sqq.
Grimani, Marco, legate, sent to Scot-
land, vi. 197 ; co-operates with
Lennox, 198
Gringalet and Levrat, monks, intrigue
for duke of Savoy, ii. 492 ; banished
from Geneva, 494, 495
Grmat, George, precentor, iii. 269 ;
preaches at Orbe, 270
Groningen, reformers at, vii. 611
Groot, Gerard, vii. 588
Gros, Claude, his mule, i. 97, 98 ;
mock auction, 99 ; his complaint
before the vidame, 100
Grynceus, Simon, his intercourse with
Calvin at Basel, iii. 191, 199 ; con-
demns divorce of Henry VIII,, iv.
53 ; defends Bucer, vi. 387 ; takes
part in the synod of Berne, 390 ;
his letter to Calvin and Farel,
526 ; receives Calvin into his house,
527 ; his early life, vii. 422 ; pro-
claims evangelical doctrines at
Buda, 422 ; seized, imprisoned and
banished, 431 ; Professor at Basel,
431; viii. 173
Gnarino, Francesco, sets out with
Curione for Wittenberg, iv. 532 ;
arrested, 533
Guene, William, instigates persecu-
tion at Brussels, vii. 692
Giierin, iii. 422, 426, i30; presides
at the Lord's Supper at Geneva,
432; leaves Geneva, 432
Guidaoerio, of Venice, publishes com-
mentaries on Scripture, ii. 119 ; ac-
cused by Beda, 307
Guido, iii. 356, 360 sqq.
Gidllanme, Thomas, named chaplain
to Earl of Arran, vi. 184 ; outcry
against him, 185 ; forbidden to
preach, goes to England, 199
Gvillet. M., i. 55
Guiidebald, at Geneva, i. ]1, 12
GUS
Gustavus Vasa, his birth and boy-
hood, vii. 299 ; his first campaign,
300 ; one of the hostages assigned
to Christian II., taken prisoner and
confined in Jutland, 300 ; escapes
to Liibeck, pursued, 301 ; returns
to Sweden and enters Calmar, 301;
escapes to the mountain district,
attempts to rouse the peasants,
302 ; his wanderings, 302 sqq. ; his
interview with archbishop Ulfsson,
304 ; hears of the Stockholm mas-
sacre, 304 ; in concealment in Dale-
carlia, 305 ; recognised at Orna«s,
307 ; received by Perssons, 307 ;
denounced, escapes, 308 ; pursued
and wounded, again escapes, 309 ;
his appeal to the peasants, 310 ; pro-
claimed captain of all the com-
munes of Sweden, 311 ; growing
success, 312 ; the Danish camp
broken up by his followers, 312 ;
takes possession of Westeraas, 312 ;
besieges Stockholm, and takes it,
313; convokes a diet at Strengnaes,
313 ; proclaimed king there, 314 ;
his interview with the reformers,
315; his policy, 316 ; appoints An-
derson chancellor, 316,' conversa-
tions with him, 317 ; at Malmoe,
arranges with Frederick the sepa-
ration of the kingdoms, 319 ; re-
fuses to persecute the Lutherans,
320 ; appoints Magnus primate,
320-; expels the iconoclasts, 326;
makes a progress through the pro-
vinces, 326 ; present at Olaf 's mar-
riage, 327 ; bids the bishops trans-
late the New Testament, 329 ;
demands part of the tithes for
state purposes, 330 ; at tJpsala on
the Feast of St. Erick, 331 ; confers
with the Chapter on church tem-
poral power, 333 ; attends public
disputation between Olaf and Peter
Galle, 335 ; declaration of his pur-
pose, 341 ; cites the primate before
him, 342 ; resolves on reformation,
343 ; convokes Diet at Westeraas,
344 ; his speech and abdication,
352, 353 ; in retirement, 354 ; re-
ceives deputations from the Diet,
357 ; returns to the Diet, 358 ; his
requirements, 359 ; his victory, 362 ;
suppresses revolt of the Dalecar-
lians, 364 ; his coronation, 364 ;
convokes a synod, 365 ; his politi-
cal view of religion. 366; itnder-
474
GENERAL INDEX.
GUY
takes restoration of the schools,
372 ; marries Catherine of Saxe-
Lauenburg, 375 ; discovers and frus-
trates scheme of alliance of Hanse
Towns and Denmark against him,
377 ; his ecclesiastical measnres,
378 ; compared with Olaf, 379 ; his
coolness towards Olaf, 380; rebuked
by him, 381 ; marries a second time,
382 ; his letter to the primate, 382 ;
anger against Olaf and his brother,
384 ; commands them to be brought
to triaJ, 385 ,• compared with Henry
Vni., 386; his claim to rule the
Church, 388; absolute in church
and state, 389; his rule of the
church, 391 ; orders arrest of the
bishop of Strengnaes, 392; excuses
for severity, 393 ; declines to join
the League of Smalcalde, 393 ; his
speech on resigning the government
to his son, 394, 395 ; last conversa-
tions, 396 ; death, 397 ; grief over
his sons, 397
Guy Regis, Superior of Grey Friars,
iii. 282, 283; contends with Farel
and Viret, 284
Cryldengtern, Count, his inters'iew
with Tausen, vii. 207
(ryldenstern, Knud, commander-in-
chief of forces of Denmark, vii.
227 ; receives submission of Chris-
tian II., 228; his convention an-
nulled, 230
Gypsies, banished from England, iv.
HA CKET, Sir John, at Brussels, iv.
210; attempts to seize Tyndale's
Kew Testaments in the ports of the
Netherlands, vi. 29, 30
Ealidon, battle of, vi. 164
Haller, Berthold, invites Farel to
Switzerland, i. 505 ;' ii. 534 ; v. 371,
422 ; blesses the Bernese army,
437 ; his death, vi. 387
Hamburg, Congress at, CJerman
mediation between Christian HI.
and Liibeck, vii. 260; beginning
of reformation at, viii. 386 ; church
organized by Pomeranus, 386, 387
Hamilton, made archbishop of St.
Andrews after murder of Beatoun,
vi. 256
Hamilton, Catherine, her trial before
the ecclesiastical court, vi. 115;
leaves Scotland, 116-
HAM
Hajmilton, James, Lord, detained by
the Lesleys as a hostage, vi. 255
Hamilton, John, of Linlithgow, ac-
companies Patrick Hamilton to the
Netherlands, vi. 34
Hamilton, John, abbot of Paisley,
arrives in Scotland, vi. 198 ; his in-
fluence on the regent, 199 ; inter-
views with Beatoun, 201 ; alarms
the regent, 205
Hamilton, Sir James, at Council at
Edinburgh, demands reforms, vi.
124 ; treasurer, charged to seize
heretics, 152 ; imprisoned and put
to death, 152
Hamilton, Sir James, resolves to
rescue his brother Patrick, vi. 64 ;
is prevented, 65 ; cited before ec-
clesiastical court, leaves Scotland,
114; is condemned, excommuni-
cated and deprived of his estates,
115
Ha/milton, Sir Patrick, vi. 14 ; his
great reputation, 15, 16 ; counsels
peace, 18 ; slain in affray at Edin-
burgh, 19
Hamilton, Patrick, his birth and early
life, vi. 14, 15 ; sent to Paris, 16 ;
abbot of Feme, 16 ; becomes ac-
quainted with Luther's writings,
20 ; death of his father, 20 ; returns
to Scotland, 20; enters University
of St. Andrews, 23; refuses to
enter on the monastic life, 23 ;
begins to preach, 23 ; lays open the
New Testament, 31 ; cited before
Beatoun, 33; escapes to the Nether-
lands, 34 ; arrives at Marburg, 36 ;
visits Lambert of Avignon, 36, 37 ;
member of the university of Mar-
burg, 40; his evangelical theses,
44 sq^g. ; sails for Scotland, 48 ; at
Kincavil, 50 ; his zeal, 51 ; his
brother and sister, 51 ; his minis-
trations, 52, 53 ; preaches at Lin-
lithgow, 53, 54; his marriage, 55;
invited by I3eatoun to a conference,
56; goes to the conference, 57;
arows his principles, 58 ; his in-
terviews with Alesius, 60 ; with
Alexander Campbell, 61 ; cited to
answer a chaige of heresy, 63 ;
appears before the bishops, 60 .sjj. ;
his doctrines declared heretical,
69 ; an'ested and confiined in the
castle of St. Andrews, 71 ; his trial
in the Cathedral, 71 sqq. ; declared
a heretic, 75 ; at the stake, 77-81 ;
GEXEUAL INDEX.
475
HAN
the effects of his martyrdom, 83,
84, 85
Haiue Towns, alliance of, with Den-
mark, against Gustavus Vasa, vii.
377; German and Swedish partici-
pators put to death, 377 ; rumours,
377
Hardenberg, Albert, vii. 531 ; de-
clines invitation to Friesland,
558 ; remains in convent of Adu-
wert, 560, 561 ; denounced as a
heretic, 561 ; escapes imprisonment,
561 ; his inward conflicts, 561,
562 ; leaves the convent, goes to
Wittenberg, 563 ; meets with
Francis de Enzinas, viii. 51 ; again,
70 ; leaves his convent, 70
Harman, Richard, liberation of,
ordered by Queen Anne, v. 38
Ma/rvel, Edmund, ambassador in
Italy, viii. 324
HmiijMoH, Prior, refuses to take oath
of succession, v. 55 ; sent to the
Tower, 56 ; takes the oath, 56 ,• re-
solves to resist the king's com-
mand, 69 ; sent to the Tower, 71 ;
found guilty of high treason and
executed, 72, 73
JImissmann, Nicholas, viii. 382, 394
Ilaveloos, Antoinette, vii. 667; re-
ceives Alasco as her guest, 668 ;
her daughter Gudule, 668, 671 ; her
widowhood, 674 ; arrested, 677 ;
buried alive, 686, 687
Harvkiiix, English ambassador to con-
ference of Bologna, ii. 216
Seath, Archdeacon, ambassador to
Germany, v. 128 ; signs alliance
with the princes, 129 ; takes part
in discussion at Wittenberg, 136
ITedio, ii. 327 ; visit of Chelius to,
351 ; his proposals examined before
Francis I., 353 sqq. ; iii. 178
Henry III. of England, i. 20
Henry V. of England, i. 26
Henry VIII. of England, i. 478, 507
— , ii. 136 ; alliance with Francis I.,
137 ; meets Francis I., 138, 1.S9 ;
dances with Anne Boleyn at Calais,
139; treaty with Francis, 140;
'alarm in Europe, 142 ; his opinion
of marriage of Henry duke of
Orleans with Catherine de' Medici,
200; displeasure of Charles V.
against, 216 ; tries to prevent
meeting of the pope and Francis
I., 247 ; his marriage with Anne
Boleyn, 248 ; censured by the pope,
HEN
249 ; contributes to recovery of
Wiirtemberg from Austria, 338,
391, 393
-, personification of Anglo-Saxon
tendency, iv. 2 ; summons a par-
liament, 4 ; opens it, 11 ; requires
the bishops to answer petition
of the Commons, 15 ; his character
and intentions, 26 ; motives, 27 ;
sends embassy to the emperor and
the pope, 28 ; invites opinions
of universities, 37 ; letter to Ox-
ford, 42 ,• another, 45 : receives
Cambridge deputation, 48 ; sends
gifts to Francis I., 50 ; sends agents
to Italy, 51 ,• his proclamation
against papal bulls, 56 ; tries to
gain the evangelical doctors, 58 ;
reads Tyndale's Practice of Pre-
lates, 68 ; sends Vaughan in search
of Tyndale, 70 ; exasperated by
his report, 73, 74 ; fails to gain
Tyndale, 75; aims at being head
of the church, 79 ; demands recog-
nition of supremacy, 81 ; agrees to
compromise proposed by Warbam,
83; his supremacy recognized by
the clergy, he pardons them, 85 ;
desires Catherine to leave Wind-
sor, 93 ; authorizes persecution of
Lutherans, 99 ; will not allow his
cause to be tried at Kome, 1 12 ;
compels submission of the bishops,
113 ; errors of his policy, 118 ; his
court, 123; his see-saw policy, 137 ;
chooses Cranmer as primate, 151 ;
marriage with Anne Boleyn, 152 ;
insists on Cranmer's primacy, 151;
converses with him, 155 ; demands
necessary bulls of the pope, 156 ;
marriage with Anne Boleyn, 164,
165 ; excommunicated by Clement
Vn., 166 ; obtains decision in
favour of divorce from Convoca-
tion, 169 ; requires Cranmer to
modify his letter, 170; insists on
supremacy, 171 ; summoned before
Cranmer at Dunstable, 172 ; tlie
divorce pronounced, 173; his mar-
riage with Anne declared lawful,
174; presents her to the people,
175 ; informs the pope, the em-
peror, &c., of his divorce and mar-
riage, 178 ; threatened with excom-
munication, 178 ; orders trial of
Pryth, 195; cited to appear at
Rome, appeals to a general council,
211; his isolation, 212, 213; sends
47G
GENERAL INDEX.
HEN
envoys to Germany, 212 ; sends
Gardiner and Bryan to Marseilles,
215 ; sends Bonner, 216 ; a. procla-
mation drawn up, 224 ; announces
to foreign states his determination
to reduce the power of the pope,
226 ; his message to Francis I.,
227 ; dispenses with a council, 227 ;
condemned by the pope, 234, 447
— , condemned by the pope, v. 8-; pro-
poses arrangement with the pope,
3 ; writes his book against the pope,
6 ; informed of sayings of Maid of
Kent, 11 j admits her to an audi-
ence, 12; conspiracy against him,
15, 16 ; his supremacy recognized
by monks, 23 ; interviews with
Francis I. 25 ; abolishes power of
the pope by proclamation, 27-; anger
against Queen Anne, 3tt ; sum-
inus ejiiscopns, 49 ; his tj'ranny,
57 ; his new title ratified by Par-
liament, 58 ; consents to transla-
tion of the Bible, 65 ; his fixed idea,
65 ■; papal decree against him with-
drawn, 67 ; danger of insurrection,
70; hesitates about execution of
More and Fisher, 75 ; bull of Paul
III. against, 90; his excuses, 91 ;
at Eeading Abbey, 92 ; makes ad-
vances to German Protestants, 124 ;
writes to Melanchthon, 125; sends
Barnes to invite him, 126 ; sends
another embassy to Germany, 128 ;
requires Catherine to renounce her
title, 131 ; renews attempt at
union with German Protestants,
136, 137 ; attracted by Jane Sey-
mour, 149, 151; required by the
pope to put away his wife, 154 ;
resolves to get rid of her, 158 ; ap-
points commission of inquiry, 169 ;
summons Parliament, ] 59; at Green-
wich tournament, 161 ^ withdraws,
162 ; orders the queen to keep her
room, 162 ; sends her to the Tower,
164^ effect of her letter to him,
179 ; attempts to prove a pre-con-
tract of marriage, 179 ; determines
to annul the marriage with Queen
Anne, 187 ; puts her to death, 193 ;
at a hunting party, 193 ; will main-
tain rupture with Home, 203^ Pole's
book presented to him, 204, 21)7 ;
his marriage with Jame Seymour
ratified by Parliament, 209; plays
llie pope, 224 ; his Artir/cx of Ite-
ligion, 225 sqq. ; dissolves Parlia-
HEN
ment and Convocation, 2S»'; refuses
to sanction Coverdale's Bible, 232 ;
threatens insurgents of the North,
240 ; his energetic policy, 244 ;
sends Lancaster herald to the
rebels, 245 ; abandons Tyndale,
260 ; authorizes sale of Tyndale 's
Bible, -267
— , his quarrel with James IV. of
Scotland, vi. 10 ; receives Scot-
tish -exiles, 117; projects marriage
of his daughter Mary to James
v., 117; the title of Defeiider of
the Faith withdi'awn from him by
the pope, 129; sends Norfolk to ob-
serve events in Scotland, 135 ;
sends Sir E. Sadler to Scotland,
147-, 157, 3 58; i-nvites James V. to
an interview at York, 159 ; goes to
York, 169 ; his wrath at abandon-
ment of the interview by James,
162; writes to him, 162 ; prepares
for war, 163; refuses to receive
ambassadors, 165; his manifesto,
166 ; orders exposure of the cap-
tive Scots in London, 173 ; projects
marriage of his son Edward with
Mary queen of Scotland, 185 ; his
arrangement wit