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7
THE
HISTORY
OP THE
REIGN
OF THE
EMPEROR CHARLES V.
VOL. n.
(
♦''S
- /
-9 <?.
,,. --,'- \v T^. .
THE
H I STORY
OP THE
REIGN
OF THE
EMPEROR CHARLES V.
VOL. n.
1
THE
H I S T O R Y
OF T H E
* f
REIGN
.\
OF THE
'.
'.r.
milPEROR CHARLES V,
' • WITH
A 1FIEW of the PROGRESS of SOCIETY
ilBvonoPBy from theSubverfioo of theRomtn £mptre>
CO tEe Beginmng of the Sixteenth Century.
=".: IN THREE VOLUMES,
■
. By WILLIAM ROBERTSON, D. D.
. f^IsciVAii of the Univeksitt of Edinburgh,! and
BifTOmooiiApaER, tohi$MAjBSTirforScaTj,&NB«
A NEW EDITION.
V O L. II.
DUBLIN;
sprinted forW.WHiTESTONE, W. Sleater, M. Hat,
D. Chamberlaine, J. Potts, J. Hoey, L. L.
Fli.n, J. Williams, W. Colles, W,
WitsoN, J. Porter, W. Halhbad,
7* 1^« Faulkner, and J.ExsKAWy
MDCCUCXVII,
'-'f?*'.* " ? *f
1^ ^
'/
.•o
THE
HI STORY
OF THE
REIGN
OF THE
EMPEROR CHARLES V.
BOOK L
CHARLES V. was born at Ghent on the Book I.
twenty-fourth day of February, in ^c^JTT'T*^
year one thoufand five hundred. His father, chtrio v.
Philip the Handfome, Archduke of Auftria,
was die fon of the Emperor Maximilian, and of
Mary, the only child of Charles the Bold, the
laft prince of the houfe of Burgundy. His mo-
ther, Joanna, was the fecond daughter of Ferdi-
nand and Ifabella, king and queen of Caftile and
Aragon.
A LONG train of fortunate events had opened Hiidomini-
the way for this young prince to the inheritance eveou by***
of more extenfive dommions, than any European ^J>»«J>^ ^«
monarch, fince Charlemagne, had pofleffed. Each Jhtm!*
of his anceftors had acquired kingdoms or pro-
vinces, towards which their profpedk of fuccef-
fion was extremely remote. The rich pofleflions
of Mary of Burgundy were dcftined for another
Vol. II. B family.
2 THE REIGN OF THE
Book I. family, (he having been contrafted by her father
^"■""^^""^ to the only fon of Louis XI. of France -, but
that capricious monarch, indulging his hatred to
her family, chofc rather to ftrip her of part of
her territories by force, than to fecure the whole
by marriage •, and by this mifcondudt, fatal to
his pofterity, threw all the Netherlands and
Franche Comte into the hands of a rival Ifa-
bella, the dau^itcr of John IL of Caftile, far
from having any profpedt of that noble inheri-
tance which Ihe tranfmitted to her grandfon, paflT-
ed the early part of her life in obfcurity and in-
digency. By t the C^ftilians, exafperated agamft
her brother Henry IV. an ill-advllcd and vicious
prince, publickly charged him with impotence,
and his Queen with adultery. Upon his demife^
rejefting Joanna, whom the King had uniform-
ly, and even on his death-bed, owned to be his
lawful daughter, and whom an ailembly of the
ftates had' acknowledged to be the heir of his
kingdom, they obliged her to retire into Portu*
faU and placod Ifabella on the throne of Caftile,
erdinand owpd the crown of Aragon to the un-
expefted death of his elder brother, and acquired
the kkigdoms of Naples and Sicily by violatii^
the faith of treaties, and difregardin^ the ties <^
blood. To all thcfe kingdoms, Chriftopher Co-
^ lumbus^ by an effort of genius and of intr^dity,
the boldeft and moft fuccefsful that is recorded m
the annals of mankind, added a new world, the
wealth of which was one ccmfiderable fource of
the power and grandeur of the Spanifli monarchs.
Philip iDd Don J<xhn, the only fon of Ferdinand and
teVnd* Isabella, and their eldeft daujjhter, the Queeo
fill'^tii''*'^ Portugal, being cut off in the flower of
''*'°* youth, all their h(^es centered in Joanna and
her pofterity. But as her hufband, the Arch-
duke, was a ftranger to the Spaniard?, it was
thought
t
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 3
thought expedient to invite him into Spain> that Book \.
by re0ding among them, he might accuftopa ^'■''*'^'^^
himielf to their laws and manners \ and it was^
expeded that the Cortes, or aflemhly of ftaces,^
whoie authority was then fo great in Spain, that
no title to the crown was reckoned valid unlefs
it received their landion, would acknowledge
his right of fucceffion, together with that of the
infanta, his wife. Philip and Joanna, pafling
through France in their way to Spain, were 'Sm*
entertained in that kingdom with the utmoft
magnificence. The archduke did homage to
Louis XIL for the earldom of Flanders, and
took bis feat as a peer of the realm in the par^
Moment of Paris. They were received in Spain
with every mark of honour that the parental
aSe£kion of Ferdinand and Ifabella, or the ref«
peft of their fubje£ts, could devife, and their ti^
tk to the crown was foon after acknowledged by
the Cortes of both kingdoms
Put amidft thefe outward appearances of fa- ?^*^'°*^^
tisfai6tion and joy, fomc fecret uneafinefs preyed phiUp?,°
vpon the mind ^ each of thefe princes. The p°^«'-
ftately and referved ceremonial of the Spaniih ^
court, was fb burdenfome to Philip, a prince
young, gay, alFable, fond of fociety and of
pleafure, that he foon began to expref; a defire
of returning to his native country, the manners
gf which were mcH'e fuited to his temper. Fer-
dinand, obferving the declining health of his
Queen, with whofe life his right to the govern*
n>ent of Caftile mud ceafe, eafily forefaw, that
a prince of Philip's difpofition, and who ah'eady
dif<povered an extremn? impatience to reign, would
never confent to his retaining any degree of au-
thority in that kingdom ; and the profpeft of
this diminution of his power, awakened the jea-
loufy of ti^ ambitious monarch.
B 2 Isabella
4 THE REIGN OF THE
Book T. Isabella beheld, with the fentiments natural
^^[j^^^J]|I^ to a mother, the indifference and negleft with
fotidtud^ which the Archduke treated her daughter, who
t^' him M(f ^^^ deftitute of thofe beauties of perfon, as well*
hcrdaugh. as thofc accompliftinients of mind, which fix
^*''' the affeftions of an hulband. Her underftand-
ing, always weak, was often difordered. She
doated on Philip with fuch an excefs of childifh
and indifcreet fondnefs, as excited difguft rather
than afFcftion. Her jealoufy, for which her
hufband's behaviour gave her too much caufc,
was proportioned to her love, and often broke
out in the moft extravagant aftions. Ifabella,
though fcnfible of her defcdts, could not help
pitying her condition, which was foon rendered
altogether deplorable, by the Archduke's abrupt
refolution of fetting out in the middle of winter
for Flanders, and of leaving her in Spain. Ifa-
bella intreated him not to abandon his wife to
grief and melancholy, which might prove fatal
to her, as fhe was near the time of her delivery.
Joanna conjured him to put off his journey for
three days only, that fhe might have the plea-
fure of celebrating the feftival of Chriftmas in
his company. Ferdinand, after reprefenting the
imprudence of his leaving Spain, before he had
time to become acquainted with the genius, or
to gain the afFcdtions of the people who were
one day to be his fubjefts, befought him, at
leaft, not to pafs through France, with which
kingdom he was then at open war. Philip,
without regarding either the diftates of huma-
nity, or the maxims of prudence, perfifled in
his purpofe, and on the twenty-fecond of De-
cember fct out for the Ix)w Countries, by the
way of France ■.
From
* Petri Marty ris Anglerii EpiHolae, 250. 253.
EMPERQR CHARLES V. 5
From the moment of his departure, Joanna Book I.
funk into a deep and fallen melancholy \ and ^jj^^^[^7^
while (he was in that fituation bore Ferdinand jotnaau^
her fecond fon, for whom the power of his gj'^J- ^^
brother Charles afterwards prpcured the king- Ferdiiund,
doms of tiungary and Bohemi^ and to whom EmMrorl*
he at laft tranfmitted the Imperial fceptre. Jo-
anna was the only perfon in Spain who difco-
vered no joy at the birth of this prince. Infen-
fible to that, as well as to every other plejifurc,
flie was wholly occupied with the thoughts of re-
turning to her hulband ; nor did (he, in any de-
gree, recover tranquility of mind, until. (he ar-
rived at Bruilels next year ^. '504.
Philip, in pafling through France, had an
interview with Louis XII, and figned a treaty
with him, by which he hoped that all the differ-
ences between France, and Spain would have
been finally terminated. But Ferdinand, whofe
affairs, at that time, were extremely prolperous
in Italy, where the fuperior genius of Gonfalvo
de Cordova, the great captain, triumphed on
every occafion over the arms of France, did not
pay the lead regard to what his fon-in-law had
concluded, and carried on koftilities with greater
ardour than ever.
From this time Philip feems not to have taken Death of
any part in the affairs of Spain, wairing in quiet '^'*^"'-
till the death either of Ferdinand or of Ifabella
ihould open the way to one of their thrones.
The latter of thefe events was not far diftant.
The untimely death of her children had made
a deep imprdlion on the mind of Ifabella ; and
as Ihe could derive but little confolation for the
lofles which flie had fuftained either from her
daughter
^ Id. Bl>ift. 2<j. c Mariana, lib. 27* cii. 14.
Flechier Vie de Aimen. i. 191.
^•a'-'j'
6 THE RtIGN OF THE
Book I. daughter Joanna, whofe infirmities daily in-
' creafed, or from her fon-in-kw, who no kmgfer
preferved even the appearance of a decent re*
fpe6t towards that unhappy princefs, her fpii'its
and health began gradually to decline, and after
languifhitig fome months, flie died at Medina del
Campo on the twenty-fixth of November, one
thoufand five hundred and four. She was no Icfs
eminent for virtue, than for wifdom j and whe*
ther we confider her behavibur as a queen, as a
wife, or as a mother, fhe is juftly entitled to the
high encomiums beftowed on her by the Spanifli
hiftoriarts ^.
Her wHi, A FEW weclcs bcfore her death, fhe made her
mppointing iftft i^iii, And bcinff fenfiblc of Jbatina^s incapa-
regent of City to aflume the reins of government into
Caftiie. her o^vn hands, and having no inclination to
commit them to Philip, with whole t^ohduft flie
was extremely diffatisfied, Ihc appointed Ferdi-
nand regent or adminiftrator df the affairs of
Caftile until her grandfon Charles Jhould attain
tfcie age of twenty. She bequeathed to Ferdi* '
nand lifcewife one half of the revenues which
fliould arife from the Indies, together with the
grand mafterihips of the three military orders ;
dignities, which rendered the perifbn who poP-
fefled them almoft independent, and which Ifa-
bella had, for that reafon, annexed to the crown *.
But before flic figned a deed fo fiavourable to Fer-
dinand, ftie obl^;ed him to fwear that he would
not, by a fccond marriage, or by ar^ other
means, endeavour to deptive Joanna or her
pofterity of tStcir right of fucccffion to iany of
his kingdoms ^
Immediatblv
^ P, Mart. Ep. 279. « P. Martyr. Ep. 277.^ Mar.
Hift. Hb. 28. c. 1 1. Fcrreras Hift. Gencr. d'Efpagne^ torn,
viii. a63« ^ Mar* Hift* lib. 28. c. 14.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 7
IhUidiat^ly upon the (jueen's death, Ffcn- Book I.
dinund relicned the tide of kiDg of Caftile^ and ^^^'^^''"^
commanded Joanna and Philip to be publickljr
prochimed the fovertigns kA that kii^dom.
But, at the fame time, he afTumed the charaAer
of R^ent, in con&quence of Ifabclk*s cefta-
jnenc, and not long after he prerailed on the
Cortes of Caftile to acknowledge his right to Perdinind
that ofiice. This, however, he did not procure J^^Jg" a^J,
witlK>ut difficulty^ nor without difcovering fuch reg«nt b^
fymptoms of alienation and difguft among tht *^'i^5*^
Caftilians as filled him with great uneaflneft. T^ ^•ou
The union of Caftile and Aragon, for almoft ^t\Xd!
thirty years, had hot 16 entirely extirpated the
^ticient and liereditaxy ennlity which fubdfled
between the natives of thefe kingdoms^ tbit the
Caftilian pride could fubmit, without thurmur*
ing, to the government of a king of Aragdn»
Fcidinand's own charaAer, with Whkh the Ca£>
tilians -m^ere well acquainted, was far from refi«
dering his authority defiribk. Sufpicious, dif«
ceming^ ieverej ami parfimonidus, bt was ac^
tuftomed to obferve the m6ft minute a&ions
of his (x^6h with a jealous attention, and tO
reward their hi^eft tervices with little libe*
rality ; and they were now deprived of Ifabella^
whole gentle qu^ities, and partiality ft> her
CaftBian fubjefts, often tempered his auAetity^
or rendered it tolerable. The maxisns of hii
govenunent were efpecially odious to the Grant-^
dees ; iot that artful primee, fenfihle of thb d»t*
MSovB privil^es comerred upon tfaenli by the
Feudal inftitutions, had endeavoured to cin-b
tfaetr exorbitant power ^, by extef»ling the royal
jmiidi&ion^ by protefting thehr injured vafllkla^
by iilciiealis^ tine immunkies of cities^ and by
otbor
C Marian* lib. 28. c. 12.
8 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book I. other meafures equally prudent. From all thefe
^ ^^^"""^ caufes, a formidable party among the Caftilians
united againil Ferdinand ; > and though the per-
fons who compofed it, had not hitherto tdcen
any publick ftep in oppofition to him, he plain-
ly faw that upon the lead encouragement from
their new king, they would proceed to the moft
violent extremities.
Philip en- There was no lefe agitation in the Nether-
obuirthc*** lands upon receiving the accounts of Ifabella's
^"c' TT"* ^^^^' ^^'^ ^^ Ferdinand's having affumed the
government of Caftile. Philip was not of a
temper tamely to fufFer himfelf to be fupplanted
by the unnatural ambition of his father-in-law. If
Joanna's infirmities, and the non-age of Charles,
rendered them incapable of government, he, as
a huiband, was the proper guardian of his wife,
and, as a father, the natural tutor of his fon.
Nor was it fufficient to oppofe to thefe juft
rights^ and to the inclination of the people of
Caftile, the authority of a teftament, the ge-
nuinenefs of which was perhaps doubtful, and
jts contents certainly iniquitous. A keener edge
was added to Philip's refentment, and new vi-
gour infufed into his councils, by the arrival of
Don John Manuel. • He was Ferdinand's am-
baflador at the Imperial court, but upon the
firft notice of Ifabella's death repaired to Bruf-
iels, flattering himielf that under a young and
liberal prince, he might attain to power and ho-
nours which he could never hope for in the
fervice -of an old and frugal mafter. He had
early^ paid court to Philip during his refidence
in Spaing with fuch aflkluity as entirely gained
his confidence ; and having been trained to biifii-
nefe under Ferdinand, could oppofe his fchemes
with equal abilities, and with arts not inferior
i, . ■• • ■ ..'.:.... to
o»
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 9
to thofe for which that monarch was diftin* Book!.
guiflied K ' ^^""^
By his advice, ambafladors were difpatched "v^j^
to require Ferdinand to retire into Aragon, and ^ J?^^
to refign the government of Caftile to thofe per- '«««^i-
ions whom Pnilip Ihould entruft with it until
his arrival in that kingdom. Such of the Caf-
tilian nobles as had di^overed any diflatisfa£bion
with Ferdinand's adminiftration, were encou-
raged by every method to oppofe it. At the
fame time a treaty was concluded with Louis
XII. by which Philip flattered himfelf that he
had fecUred the friendfhip and afliftancp of that
monarch.
Meanwhile, Ferdinand employed all the
arts of addrefs and policy, in order to retain
the power of which he had got poflefiion. By
means of Conchillos, an Aragonian gentleman,
he entered into a private n^ociation with
Joanna, and prevailed on that weak princefs to
confirm, by her authority, his right to the re-
gency. But this intrigue did not efcape the
penetrating eye of Don John Manuel ; Joanna's
letter of confent was intercepted; Conchillos
was thrown into a dungeon •, (he herfelf con-
fined to an apartment in the palace, and all
her Spanifli domefticks fecluded from her pre-
fence '.
The mortification which the difcovery of this Perdiotni
fcheme occafioned to Ferdinand, was. much in- by*th^ cir-
creafed by his obferving the progrefs that Philip's tuitn no-
emiHaries made in Caftile. Some of the nobles
retired to their caftles 5 others to the towns in
which
b Zurita Anales de Ar^on, torn. vi. ^. 12.
' P. Mart. Ep* 2S7. Zurita Anales vi. p. 14.
lo THEREIGNOFTHE
Book 1. which they had influence; they formed them-
^ ^ v— - ^ felves into confederacies, and began to aflemble
their vaflals. Ferdinand's court was almoft to-
tally deferted ; not a peribn of diftinftion but Xi-
menes, archbilhop of Toledo, the duke of Alva,
and the marquis of Denia^ remaining there;
while the houfes of Philip's ambaffadors were
daily crowded with thofe ot the higheiit rank.
Ferdintnd ExASf»ERAT£D at this univeffal defeftion, and
ma°rr7/in'' ^T^ortified perhaps with feeing all his fchcmes
order to ex- defeated by a younger politician, Fefdinami re^
diutht^e? folvedy in defiance of the law of nature, and of
from the <lecency, to deprive his daughter and her pofte-
^ '*'°** rity of the crown of Caftile, rather than renounce
the regency of that kingdom. His plan for
accomplifhing this was no lefs bold^ than the
intention itfdf was wicked. He demanded in
marriage Joanna, the fuppofed daughter of
Henry IV. on the belief ot whofe illegitimacy
Ifabella's right to the crown of Caftife wafc
founded ; and by reviving the claim of tht$
princefs, in oppolition to ti^iich he hin^elf had
formerly led armies, and fought battles, he hoped
once more to get pofTeltklti of die throne of that
kingdom. But Emamiel, king of Portugal, in
whofe dominions Joanna refided, being married
to one of Ferdinand's daughters by IfabelU,
tefiiifed his confent to that unnatural match %
and the unhappy princefs herfelf, having l(A all
relifli for the objeds of ambition, by being long
immured in a convent, difcovered no lefs aver-
fion to it *^.
Marries t The Pefourccs, liowcver, of Ferdinand'9 am-
Frl^nch^ ^^^ bitk)n wer« Aot exhaufted. Upon meeting with
'^^"S' a repulfe
k Sandoy. HUL oT Civil Wats in Caftile. Loia. 165 5.
p. 5* ZvLtiXA Anales de Aragon, torn. vi. p. 213.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. it
a tepuUt Itt Portugal, he mmed towards France, Book f.
tod ibilght in marriage Gehtiainc de Foix, a
daughter of the vifcOunt of Narbonne, and of
Mary, the fitter of Louis XIL The war which
that monarch had carried on againft Ferdinand
in Naples, had been fo unfortunate, that he
liftemed with joy to a propofal, which furnilhed
him with an honourable pretence of concluding
peace : And though no prince was ever more
remarkable than Ferdinand for making all his
paflions bend to the tfiaxims of intereft, or be-
coifte fubfervient to the purpofe of ambition,
yet fo vehement was his refcntment againft his
ibn-in-law, that the defire of gratifying it ren-
dered him regardlefs of ev«ry other confideration.
In ordej- to be revenged of Philip, by detaching
Louis from his intereft, and in order to gain a
chance of excluding him from his hereditary
throne of Aragon, and the dominions annexed to
it, he was ready once more to divide Spain into
icparate kingdoms, though the union of thefe
was the great glory of his reign, and had been
Ac chief objeft ot his ambition ; he confented
to reftore the Neapolitan nobles of the French
faction to their po£fe(fions and honours ; and fub-
initted to the ridiculeof marrying, in an advanced
age, a princefs of eighteen '.
The conchifion of this match, which deprived
Philip of his only ally, and threatened him with
the Wi of fo many kingdoms, gave a dreadful
alarm to him, and con vitKted Don John Manuel
that there was now a neceffity of taking odier
meafure^ with regard to the affairs of Spain ""•
He accordingly inftrufted the Flemifli ambaBTa-
dors in the court <rf Spain, to teftify the ftrong
defire
i P. MartEp. 290. tgt. Mirifttift> lib. 2B. c. i6» 17.
™ P. Mart. Ep. 293,
12 THE REIGN OF THE
Book I. defire which their mafter had of terminating all
'— ^^^-— ' diflferences between him and Ferdinand in an
amicable manner, and his willingnefs to confent
to any conditions that would re-eftabli(h the
friendfliip which ought to fubfift between a fa-
A treaty ther and a fon-in-law. Ferdinand, though he
^^^5*"* . had made and broken more treaties than any
and Philip, prince of any age, was apt to connde fo lar m
the finccrity of other men, or to depend fo much
upon his own addrefs and their weaknefs, as to
be always extremely fond of a negociatipn. He
liftened with, eagernefs to thefe declarations, and
Nov. Z4. ifoon concluded a treaty at Salamanca; in which
it was ftipulated, that the government of Caftile
fhould be carried on in the joint names of Joan-
na, of Ferdinand, and of Philip 5 and that the
revenues of the crown, as well as the right of
conferring offices, fhould be fhared between Fer-
dinand and Philip by an equal divifion °.
phii?^ild Nothing, however, was farther from Philip's
j^^nna'fct thoughts than to obferve this treaty. His fole
Spli^*^ intention in propofing it was to amufe Ferdi-
nand, and to prevent him from taking any mea-
fures for obftrufting his voyage into Spain. It
had' that .effed. Ferdinand, fagacious as he
was, did not for fome time fufpe6t his defi^n ;
and though when he perceived it, he prevailed
on the king of France not only to remonftrate
againft the archduke's journey, but to threaten
hoftilities if he Ihould undertake it; though he
folicitcd the duke of Gueldres to attack his fon-
in-law's dominions in the Low Countries, Philip
and his confort neverthelefs^ fet fail with a nume-
rous fleet and a good body of land forces.
They were obliged by a violent tempeft to take
flicker
n Zurita Anales Jc krzgon, vi. 19. P. Mart. Ep. 293,
294.
1
.. •
EMPEROR CHARLES V. i^
Ihelter in England, where Henry VII. in com- Book I.
pliance with Ferdinand's folicitations, detained ^-^v^-^
them upwards of three months*; at laft they
were permitted to depart, and after a more
profperous voyage, they arrived in fafety at Co- Apriut.
runna in Galicia ; nor durft Ferdinand attempt,
as he had once intended, to oppofe their landing
by force of arms.
Thb Caftilian nobles, who had been obliged Theoobiiitj
hitherto to conceal or to diflcmblc their fenti- ^^'fj^^
ments, now declared openly in favour of Philip. PhUip.
From every corner of the kingdom, perfons of
the highefl rank, with numerous retinues of
their vaflals, repaired to their new king. The
treaty of Salamanca was univerfally condemned,
and all agreed to exclude from the government
of Caftile a prince, who, by confcnting to disjoin
Aragon and Naples from that crown, difcovered
fo little concern for its true interefts. Ferdi-
nand, meanwhile, abandoned by almofl all the
Caftilians, difconcerted by their revolt, and un-
certain whether he fhould peaceably relinquiih
his power, or take arms in order to maintain it,
earneftly folicited an interview with his fon» in-
law, who by advice of Manuel ftudioufly avoid-
ed it. Convinced at laft, by feeing the 'number
and zeal of Philip's adherents daily increafe,
that it was vain to think of refifting fuch a tor-
rent, Ferdinand confented, by a treaty, to refign June 47.
the regency of Caftile into the hands of Philip, fefi^J'tlfe
to retire into his hereditary dominions of Ara- regency of
gon, and to reft fatisfied with the mafterftiips of Sf^io*"^
the military orders, and that ftiare of the revenue Artgon.
of the Indies, which Ifabella had bequeathed to
him. Though an interview between the princes
was no longer neceffary, it was agreed to on
both
o Ferrer. Hid. viii. 285.
,4 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book 1/ both fides, from motives of decency. PhHtp re*
^^ ^'""'^ paired to . the place appointed with a fptowiid
retinue of the Caftiliaa nobles, and a confid^a-'
ble body of armed pien. Ferdinand appeared
without any pomp, attended by a few foUowert^
mounted on mules, and uoarmed. On that
occafion Don jol^n Manuel had the pleafure of
difplaying before the monarch whom be had
dcfertcd, the extenfive influence which he had
acquired over his new maftdr : Wbil^ Ferdjriand
fuffered in prcfcnce of his former fubje<Sts thi?
two mod cruel mortifications which an artfu} and
ambitious prince can feel ; being at once over*
reached in conduft, and ftripped of power p.
July. Not long after, he retired into Aragon i an4
hoping that fome favourable accident would foon
open the way for bis return into Caftile^ he took,
care to protcft, though with great fecrecy, that
the treaty concluded with his fon-in4aw, being
extorted by force, ought to be decoded void of
all obligation %
9
Philip and Philip took pofieffion of hts new authority
krw?edg;d with a youthful joy. The unhappy Jpanna,
as king and from wKom he derrred it^ remained during all
the Cortes. ^^^ conttits, undcr the dominion of a deep
melancholy ; (he was ieldom allowed to appear
^ in pubiick •> her father, though he had often de^
fired it, was refufed accefs to bar ^ and PhiUp'a
^ chief ob^ed was to prevail OD the Cortes »>
declare her incamable of government^ that %n
undivided power might be lodged in his hand^,
until hk ion ikould attain to fuU age* But fuch
was the partial attachment of the Caftilians %Q
their
P Zurlta Anales de Arag. vi. 64. Mar. lib. zS. c, 19,
20. P. Mart* Ep. 304, 305, &c. q Zurita Anales
de Arag. vi. p. 68. Ferrer. Hifl. viii. 290.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 15
their native princes, that though Maniiel had Book I.
the addreis to gain feme members of the Cortes <- -^z — i/
aflemUed at Valladolid) and others were willing
to gratify their new fovereign in his firft re*
audi, die great body of the repreientatives re*
niied their oonfent to a declaration which they
diOQ^ &i injurbus to the blood of their mo<-
narchs '. They were unanimous, however, in
acknowledging Joanna and Philip queen and
king of Caftile, and their Ion Charles prince of
Afturias.
This was almofl: the only memorable event.Detth of
during Philip's admkiiilration. A fever put^***^*P-
an end to his life in the twenty-eighth year of Sept. 2$.
his age, when he had not enjoyed the regal dig-
nity which he had been fo eager to obtain full
three nx>nths ^«
Trx whole royal audiority in CaiHle ought The difor-
of cQorllc to have devolyed upon Joanna. But n?8*li^°'
die fluKk OGcafioned by a difaiter fo unexpeded iocretres.
as the death oi her hufband, completed the dif-
oider of her underftanding; and her incapacity
for government. During all the time of Phi-
lip's ficknefs, no intreaty could prevail on her,
thou^ in the (ixth month of her pregnancy, to
leave kim for a moment. When he expired,
however, (he did not flied one tear, or utter a
0ng^ groan. Her grief was filent and fettled.
She continued to watch the dead body with the
iame tendemefs and attention as if it had been
^hre S and tboi^ at laft (he permitted it to
be bwied, flie ioon removed it from the tomb
to her own apartment. There it was laid upon
a bed of Aatq, in a fplendid drefs ; and having
heard
' Zofitt Anaits de Arag. vi. p. 75. ^ Marian.
Kb. a8. c. 23. ^ P. Mart. Ep. 316.
i6 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book I. heard from fome monk a legendary tale of a
^'^"^^^'^^ king who had revived after he had been dead four-
teen years, Ihe kept her eyes almoft conftantly
fixed on the body, waiting for the happy mo-
ment of its return to life. Nor was this caprici-
ous afFedion for her dead hufband lefs tindured
with jealoufy, than that which fhe had born to
him while alive. She did not permit. any of
her fbmale attendants to approach the bed on
which his corpfe was laid ; ihe would not fufier
any woman who did not belong to her family,
to enter the apartment ; and rather than grant
that privilege to a midwife, though a very aged
one, had been chofen of purpofe, (he bore the
princefs Catherine without any other affiftance
than that of her own domeftics \
She is inct- A WOMAN in fuch a date of mind was little,
wimeofr ^^P^^l^ of governing a great kingdom; and
Joanna, who made it her fble employment to
bewail the lofs, and to pray for the foul of her
hufband, would have thought her attention to
publick affairs an impious negled of thofe duties
which fhe owed to him. But though fhe de-
clined afTuming the adminiftration herfelf, yet,
by a flrange caprice of jealoufy, fhe refufed to
commit it to any other perfon ; and no intreaty
of her fubjefts could perfuade her to name a re-
gent, or even to fign fuch papers as were necef^
fary for the execution of juftice, and the fecurity
of the kingdom.
MtximiiUn The death of Philip threw the Caflilians into
I^^F^S^ "^ ^h^ greateft perplexity. It was necefTary to ap-
nindcom- point a regent, both on account of Joanna's
t£*regcncy. "Cnzy, and the infancy of her fon 5 and as there
was
» Mar. Hift. lib. 29. c. 3 & 5. P. Mart E. p. 3i8,
324. 328. 332.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. i;
was not among the nobles, any perfon fo emi- BookL
nently diftinguifhed as to be called by the pub-
lick voice ( to that high ofHce, all naturally
turned their eyes either towards Ferdinand, or
towards the emperor Maximilian. The former
claimed that dignity as adminiftrator for his
daughter, and by virtue of the teftament of
Ifabella; the latter thought himfelf the legal
guardian of his grandfon, whom, on account of
his mother's infirmity, he already confidered as
king of Caftile. Such of the nobility as had
lately been moft adive in compelling Ferdinand
to refign the government of the kingdom, trem-
bled at the thoughts of his being reftored fo
foon to his former dignity. They dreaded the
return of a monarch, not apt to forgive, and
who, to thofe defefts with which they were al-
ready acquainted, added that refentment which
the remembrance of their behaviour, and reflec-
tion upon his own difgrace, muft naturally have
excited. Though none of thefe objedtions held
againft Maximilian, he was a flranger to the
laws and manners of Caftile; he had not either
troops or money to fupport his pretenfions ; nor
could his claim be admitted without a public
declaration of Joanna's incapacity for govern-
ment i an indignity, to which, notwithilanding
the notoriety of her diftemper, the delicacy of .
the Caftilians could . not bear the thoughts of
fobjeding her.
Don John Manuel, however, and a few of*
the nobles, who confidered themfclves as moft
obnoxious to Ferdinand's difpleafurc, declared
for Maximilian, and offered to fupport his claim
with all th^ir intereft. Maximilian, always cn-
terprizing and decifive in council, though feeble
and dilatory in execution, eagerly embraced the
offer. But a feries of ineflfedual negociations
Vol. II. C waj
t8 THE REIGN QE THE
Book I. was the only confequence of this tratifa^ftbou
^ '^" -^ The Emperor^ as ufual, afferted his rights in a
high ffarain, promi&d. a great deal, and pcr«
formed nothing \
Ferdintod A Fiw days befoTc the death of Philip« Fer*
^^ntTo hi" * dinand had fet out for Naples^ that by his own
kingdom of prefence he might put an end, with the greater
^*P'"* dccaency, to the vice-royalty of the ^reat captain^i
whofe important fervices, and cautious condu&,
did.iK>t fcrecn him from the fufpicions of his
jealous mafter. Though an account of his Ton*
in-law'$ death reached him at Borto-fino,"in the
territories of Genoa, he was fo folicttous to.dif^
cover the fecret intrigues which he fiippofed the
great captain to have been carrying on, and. to
eftahlifli his. own authority on a firm foundation
in the Neapolitan dominions, by removing, htm
from the fupremc command ther^ that 'rather
than difcoatinue his voyage, he chofe to leave
Caftile in a ftate of anarchy, and even to rifque,
by this delay, his d^tainirig poileflion of the go*
vernment of that kingdom x.
Acquires NoTHiHc but the great abilities and prudent
ifVtftfie^ ccttiduft of his adherents, could have prevented
chiefly thr'o' tbc bad qSc&s of this aWcnce. At the h?ad o£
ence of Car- thcfe was Xlmcnes, archbdihop of Toledo, who,
dinti xi- though he had been raifed . to that dknity by
^*'*"' Ifabella, contrary to the inclination of Ferdi-
nand, and though he could have no expeAation
of enjoying much, power under his jealous ad-
miniftmtioD, was neverthelefs fb difinterefted, as.
to prefer the welfare of his country before his
own gratvdcur, and to declare, that Caftile could
never be fo, happily governed as by a prince,
whom
X Mariana, lib. 29. c. 7. ^urita Anales de Arag^^ ?i.
p^ 9^. y Zurita Analci de Arag. vi. p. 85*
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 19
whom long experience had rendered thoroaghly Book !•
acquainted with its true intereft. His zeal to *- "v^*— '
bring over Im countrymen to this cminion, in-
duced him to lay afide fomewhat of his ulual
aufterity and haughtinefs. He condefcended, noj*
en this occafion, to court the difaffeded nobles,
and employed addrefs; as well as arguments, to
perfuade them. Ferdinand feconded his endea-
vours with great art; and by conceflions to
ibme of the grandees, by promifes to others, and
by letters full of complaifance to all, he gained
many of his moft violent opponents *• Though Aug. n.
many cabals were formed, and lome commo* retoms to
tioDs were excited, yet when Ferdinand, after Sptin.
having fettled the affairs of Naples^ arrived in
Caftile, he entered upon the adminiftration with-
out o^ofition. The prudence with which he
exercifed his authority in that kingdom, equalled
the good fortune by which he had recovered iu
By a moderate, but fteady adminiftradon, free "J* P'*?*'*^^
irom partiality and from relentment, he en-tion.
tirely reconciled the Caftilians to his perfon, and
fecured to them, during the remainder of his
Me, as much domeflick tranquillity, as was
confiftent with the genius of the feudal govern-
ment, which ftill fubfifted among them in full
vigour *. ;
Nor was the prefervation of tranquillity in
his hereditary kingdoms, the only obligatiiMi
which the Archduke Charles owed to th^ wife
regency of his grandfather; he had the fatif-
fcidion, during that period, of feeing very im-'
poptaB* acquifitions added to the dominions over
whiqh he was to reign. On the cqift of Bar-Conqocft of
bary, Oran, and other ccwiqucfts of no fmall "°*
C 2 value,
* ZtM-lia Ana)e9 dc Arag. vi. p. 87. 94. 109. ■ Ma-
nana, lib. 29. c. 10.
2% THEREIGNOFTHE
Boo» I. declined every day, none of his attendants durft
^^""'^^ mention his condition •, nor would he admit his
father cohfcffor, who thought fuch filence, cri-
minal and unchriftian, into his prcfence. At
laft the danger became io imminent, that it
could be no longer concealed, terdinand re-
ceived the intimation with a decent fortitude \
and touched, perhaps, with compqnftion at the
injqftice which he had done his grandfon^ of
influenced by the honeft remonftrances of Car-
vajal, Zapata, and Vargas, his mod ancient and
faithful counfellors, who reprefented to him, that
by invefting prince Ferdinand with the regency,
he would infallibly entail a civil war on the two
brothers, and by beft owing on him the grand-
mafterfhip of the military orders, would ftrip
the crown of its npbleft ornament and chief
ftrength, he confented to alter his will in both
i$i(j. thefe particulars. By a new deed he left Charles
!o aittfhat ^hc fole heir of all his dominions ' and allotted to
will, prince Ferdinand, inftead of that throne of which
be thought himfelf almoft fecure, an inconfid6-
rable eftablifhment of fifty thoufand ducats a
tad dies, year *. He died a few hours after figning this
will, on the twenty^third day of January, one
thoufand five hundred and fixteen,
Edacation Charles, to whom fuch a noble inheritance
ot Charles dcfcendcd by his death, was near the full age
of fixteen. He had hitherto refided in the Low
Countries, his paternal dominions. Margaret
of Auftria, his aunt, and Margaret of York,
the fifter of Edward IV. of England, and widow
of Charles the Bold, two princeffes of great
virtue and abilities, had the care of forming his
e^rly
« Mar. Hift. lib. 30. c. ult. Zurita Anales dc Arag. vi.
401. P. Matt. Ep. 565, 566^ Argenfoia Analcn it Ardg.
lib. 1. p. II. ' - ' '
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 25
early youth. IJpon the death of his father, the ' Bdbt I,
Flemings committed the government of the Low """^C*
Countries to his grandfather^ the Emperor '* *
Maximilian, with tM name rather than the au-
thority of regent ^ Maximilian niadc choice xtf
Wiiliai!n de Croy lord of Chierres to fuperintend
the education c£ the young prince his grand-
ion t. That nobleman poflefled, in an eminent
degree,
. . f PontiiiA Heoterus Reram Atftriaetrun, lib, xr. Lot.
1649, lib, 7. «. s. jp, 1^5.
% The French hiftonans, fipoo the authority of M* de
^Ilay, Mem. p. 1 1 • have unanimoufly afTerted, that Philip,
by his laft will, hairing appointed the kiag of Framce to
have the diredion of hia Ton's edjocatiokit Ixnis XTI. with
a difintereftednefs foitabk to the confidence rcoofed in him,
named Chievres for that oi&ct. Even the preudent Henant
has adopted this opinion. Abreg^ Chron. A. D. i coy.
VaHllafi, in hit n(Viai manner, ])retend8 to have feen Phifip't
tiefbament* Praft. de V education det Princea^ p. i6. Sat
the Spanifli* German, and Flemiib hiftorians concur in coa-
tradiaing this aiTef tion of the Frencl^ authors, It appears
iVom Heuterus, a contemporary Pleniifh hiflorian of great
authority, that Louis XII. by conrenting to the marriage
of Geribaine de Joijt with Ferdinand, had loft much of
that confidence which Philip once placed in him ; that thi«
diiguft was increafed by the French King's giving in mar-
riage to the count of Angoul£me his eldeft daughter, who^i
he had formeHy iMrothed to Charles. Heuter. Rer. kn^t.
lib. v. p. 1 5 1 : Thtu the Freiich, a ihorl time before Philip't
de^th, had violated the peace, which fubfifted between
them and the Flemings, and Philip had complained of this
injury, and was ready to refent it. Ifeuter. ibid. Ail
thefe circumftanices render it improbable that Philip, who
made his will a few days before he died, Heuter. p. 15a,
fliould commit the educatk)n of his fon to Louis XII. In
confirmation of theie plaufible conje^ures, pofitive teftimo-
ny can be produced. It appears from Heuterus, that Phi*
lip, when he iet out for Spain, had entrufted Chievres bodi ,
with the care of his ion's education, and with the goverh-
inent of his dominions in the Low Countries, Heuter. lib.
vif . p. t ;s. That an attempt was made, foon i^fter Philip's
dbath, to hAvt the Emperor Maximilian appointed regent,
daring the minority of his grandfon ; but this being op-
^ff^i Cbicvr^ ieems to have contihued to difcharge both
the
24 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book f. degree, the. talents which fitted him for fuch an
'^ — ^C**^ important office, atnd difcharged the duties of
'^ ' it with great. fidelity. Under Chicvres, Adrian
of Utrecht afted as preceptor. This prefer-
ment, which opened his way to the higheft dig*
riities an Ecclefiaftic can attain, he owed not to
his birth, for that was extremely mean ; nor to
his intercft, for he was a ftranger to the arts of
a court ; but to the opinion which his country-
men entertained of his learning. He was indeed
no inconfiderable proficient in thofe frivolous fci-
ences, which, during feveral centuries, aflumed
the name of Philofophy, and had publiftied a
commentary, which was highly efteemed, upon
The Book of Sentences^ a famous treatife of Petrus
Lombardus, confidered, at that time, as the
ftandard fyftem of metaphyfical theology. But
whatever admiration thefe procured him in an
illiterate age, it was foon found that a man ac-
cuftomed to the retirement of a college, unac-
qiwinted with the world, and without any
tinfture of tafte or elegance, was by no means
qualified for rendering fcience agreeable to a
young prince. Charles, accordingly, difcovered
/ an early averfion to learning, and an exceflive
fondnefs for thofe violent and martial exercifes,
to excel in which was the chief pride, and almoft
the
the offices which Philip had committed to him. Heat.
ibid. 153. 1 59. That in the beginning of the year i5o8»
the Flemings invited Maximilian to accept of the regency ;
to which he confentedy and appointed his daughter Mar-
garet, together with a council of Flemings, to exercife the
lupreme authority, when he himfelf fhoald, at any time»
be abfent He likewife named Chievres as governor, and
Adnariof Ut I edit as preceptor to his fon. Heut. ibid. 15c.
157. Whoi . j.aetus relates with refpedl to this matter is
confirmed l^t M .ingus in Vita Adriani, apud Analeda
Cafp. l>u!man« • d. Adriano, cap. 10; byBarlandus Chro-
nic. BiiiiMiit. :bid. p. 25 > and by Harseus Annal. Brab.
vol. ii. 520, Sec,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 25
the only ftudy of perfons of rank in that age. Book L
Chievrcs encouraged this tafte, cither from a '~^^"7~^
defire of gaining his pupil by indulgence, or *'' '
from t(^ flight an opinion of the advantages of
literary accomplifliments K He inftruded hinn
however, with great care in the arts of govern-
ment ; he made him ftudy the hiftory not only
of his own kingdoms, but of thofe with which
they were connefted •, he accuftomed him, from
the time of his afluming the government of
Flanders in the year one thoufand five hundred
and fifteen, to attend to bufinefs ; he perfuaded th* firfi
him to perufe all papers relating to public hf/ch'iSc.
affairs ; to be prefent at the deliberations of his '«'•
privy counfellors, and to propofe to them him-
fclf thofe matters, concerning which he required
their opinion \ From fuch an education, Charles
contraded habits of gravity and recoUeftion
which fcarcely fuited his time of life. The firft
openings of his genius did not indicate that fu-
periority which its maturer age difplayed '• He
did not difcover in his youth that impetuofity
of fpirit which commonly ufhers in an aftivc
and enterprizing manhood. Nor did his early
obfequioufncfs to Chievres, and his other favour-
ites, promife that capacious and decifive judg-
ment, which afterwards direded the affairs of
one half of Europe. But his fubjedls, dazzled
with the external accomplifliments of a graceful
figure and manly addrefs, and viewing his cha-
rafter with that partiality which is always fliown
to princes during their youth, entertained fan-
guine hopes of his adding luftre to thofe crowns
which defcended to him by .the death of Fer-
dinand.
The
*^ Jovii Vita Adriani, p. 91. Struvii Corpus^ Hift.
Germ. ii. 967. P. Hcuicr. Rcr. Auftr. lib. vii. c. 3. p. 1 57.
i Memoircs de Bcllay, 8vo. Par. 1 573. p. 11. P. Heater,
lib. viii. c. I. p. 184. ^ P. Martyr, Ep. 569. 655.
N
26 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book 1. The kingdoms of Spain, as is evident from
v-.-^^—i ; the view which I have given of their pcrfiticai
1516. conftitution, were, at that time, in a fituation^
SpVinre- which required an adminiftration, no tefe vigo-
^"rotts ad-' ^"^ ^^^^ prudent. The feudal inftitutions,
Si'niftM*ti- which had been introduced into all its diflfcrcnt
*"• provinces by the Goths, the Suevi, and the Van-
dals, fubfiflrd in great force. The nobles, who
were powerful and warlike^ had long poflefied
all the exorbitant privileges, which thcfe infti-
tutions veiled in their order. The cities in Spaia
were mwe numerous and more confiderable,
than the genius of feudal govemmeiit, naturally
-an enemy to commerce, and to regular police*
feemed to admit. The pcrfonal rights, and po-
litical influence, which the inhabitants of thcfe
cities had acquired, were extenfive. The royal
prerogative, circumfcribed by the privileges of
thie nobility, and by the pretenfions of the peo-
ple, was confined within very narrow limits.
Under fuch a form of government, the pHn-
ciples of difcord were many ; the bond of union
was extremely feeble ; and Spain fek not only
all the inconveniences occafibned by the defeats
in the feudal fyftem, but was expofed to difor-
ders arifing from the peculiarities in its own coi^-*
ftitution.
Duitiuo the long adminiftration of Ftrdi-
nand, no internal conimotion, it is true, had
iSLTtkn in Spain. His fuperior abilities enabled
him to reftrain the turbutetice of the nobles, and
to moderate the jealoufy of* the commons. By
the wifdom of his domeftic government, by the
fagacity with which he condudted his foreign
operations, and by the high opinion that his
(nbjefts eii^ertained of both^ he pr?fcrvc4 among;
them
EMPE^Oft CHARLES V. 27
ttetn a degree of tranquillity, greater than was Book L
natural to a conftitution, in which the feeds of ''^ ^C*^
difcord and diforder were (o copioufly mingled. '^* *
Ifut, bythe death of Ferdinand, thefe reftraints
were at once withdrawn ; and fatftion and dif-
c^ntent, from being long reprefled, wer^ ready
t6 break out with iercer animoGty.
In order t» prevent thofe evils, Ferdinand F«rdintiwi
Ud in his laft will taken a moft prudent pre, ed c2S^^'
caution, by appointing Cardinal Ximenesj arch- ximcne*
bifliop of Toledo, to be fole rcgent of Caftile, ''^'^•
Until the arrival of his grandfon in Spain, The *
fingular charaftet of this man, and the extra-
^dinary qualities wliich marked him out for
that office, at fucih a junfture, merit a particu-
lar defcription. He was defcended of an honour- Hi« rffe ami
JiWe, not of a wealthy family ; and the circum- ^**"*^*'-
ftantes of his parents, as well as his own incli-
nations, having determined him to enter into
the church, he early obtained benefices of great
yal\ie, and which placed him in the way of the
highcft preferment. All thefe, however, he re-
liounard at once ; and after undergoing a very
fcvefe iK)viciate, aflumed the habit of St, Francis
in a monaftery of Obfervantine friars, one of
the iftoft rigid orders in the Romifh Church.
There he foon became eminent for his uncom-
mon aufterity of manners, and for thofe excefles
of fuperftitious 'devotion, which are the proper
charifteriftics of the monaftick life. But not-
withftanding thefe extravagances, to which weak
^d enthufiaftic minds alone are ufually prone,
jvis undcrftanding^ naturally penetrating and de-
cifive, retain^ its full vigour, and acquired
him fuch gre^ authority in his own order;^
as raifed bini to be their provincial. His repu*
tation for fanftity foon procured him the office
of father CQnfcffqr to queen Ifabella, which he
f cceptecl
28 THE REIGN OF THE
Book I. accepted with the utmoft reluftance. Heprc-
— ^^7^' fcrved in a court the fame aufterity of man-
'^' ' ners, which had diftinguiftied him in the c'oifter.
He continued to make all his journies on foot ;
he fubfifted only upon alms ; his adts of morti-
fication were as fevere as ever ; and his pe-
nances as rigorous* Ifabella, pleafed with her
choice, conferred on him, not long after, the
Archbiftioprick of Toledo, which, next to the
Papacy, is the richeft dignity in the church of
Rome. This honour he declined with a firm-
nefs, which nothing but the authoritative injunc-
tion of the Pope was able to overcome. Nor
did this height of promotion change his man-
ners. Though obliged to difplay in '^public
that magnificence which became his flation, he
himfelf retained his monaftick feverity. Under
his pontifical robes he conitantly wore the coarfe
frock of St. Francis, the rents in which he ufed
to patch with his own hands. He at no time
ufed linen; but was commonly clad in hair-
cloth. He flept always in his habit, moft fre-
quently on the ground, or on boards, rarely in
a bed. He did not tafte any of the delicacies
which appeared at his table, but fatisfied him-
felf with that fimple diet which the rule of his
order prefcribed \ Notwithftanding thefe pecu-
liarities, fo oppofite to the manners of the
world, he poffeffed a thorough knowledge of
its affairs ; and no fooner was he called by his
ftation, and by the high opinion which Ferdi-
nand and Ifabella entertained of him, to take
a principal (hare in the adminiftration, than he
difplayed talents for bufinefs, which rendered
the fame of his wifdom equal to that of his
fanAity. Bold and original in all his plans, his
political
' Hiiloire de radminiftration du Card. Ximen. par Mich.
Baudier, 410.1635. p. 13.
I
EMPEROR CHARLES V.
political condudi: flowed from his real charader,
and partook both of its virtues and its defeats. "jg^
His extenfive genius fuggefted to him fchemes,
vaft and magnificent. Confcious of the inte-
grity of his mtentions, he purfued thefe with
unremitting and undaunted firmnefs. Accuf-
tomed from his early youth to mortify his own
paiSons, he fhewed little indulgence towards
thofe of other men. Taught by his fyftem of
religion to check even his moft innocent dcfires,
he was the enemy of every thing to which he
could afiix the name of elegance or pleafure.
Though free from any fufpicion of cruelty, he
difcovered in all his commerce with the world
a fevere inflexibility of mind, and aullcrity of
charafter, peculiar to the monaftick profeffion,
and which can hardly be conceived in a country
where that is unknown.
Such was the man to whom Ferdinand com- cardinal
mitted the regency of Caftilc, and though ^^^J^^*°*p*
Ximcnes was then near fourfcore, and perfectly g^t by '*"
acquainted with the labour and difficulty of the ^htriet.
office, his natural intrepidity of mind, and zeal
for the public good^ prompted him to accept
of it without hefitation. Adrian of Utrecht,
who had been fcnt into Spain a few months
before the death of Ferdinand, produced full
powers from the archduke to aflTume the name
and authority of regent upon the demifc of his
grandfather ^ but fuch was the averfion of the
Spaniards to the government of a flranger, and
fo unequal the abilities of the two competitors,
that Adrian's claim would at once have been
rejcftcd, if Ximenes himfelf, from complaifance
to his new mafler, had not confented to acknow-
ledge him as regent, and to carry on the govern-
ment in conjunftioh with him. By this, how-
ever.
go THE REIGN OFTHE
Book I. cvcr^ Adrian acquired a digr^ity merely nommal*
^'"""^C!^ Ximenes, though he treated him with great de-
xi^nes ccncy^ and even refpeft^ retaimcd the whole
obtains tiie pQwcr in his own haiids ^^
fble direc-
cion of af-
fairs. Thb Cardinars firft care was to obfenre the
Hi8 preciu- o^otiofts pf the Infant Don Ferdinand, who
tionsagainft having bccn flattered with fi> near a profpe6l of
Dott Fcrdi- fuprcme power^ bore the difoppointment of hia
•^* , hopes with greater impatience than could have
been expefted of a prince ib young. Ximenes,
zander pretence of providing more cffeft«ally
for his fofety, removed him from Guadaloupe^
the place in which he had been educated, to
Madrid, where he fixed the refidence of the
court. There he was under the Cardinal's own
eye, and hi6 conduft, with that of his domeftics,
was watched with the utmoft attention \
Thi firft intelligence he received from the
Low Countries, gave greater difquiet to the
Cardinal, and convinced him how difficult a
talk it would be to conduft the affairs of a
young prince, under the influence of counfellors
unacquainted with the laws ani manners of
Spain* No fooner did the account of Ferdi-
nand's death reach Bruflfelsj than Charles, by
the advice of his Flemifh minifters, refdved to
Charles af:. afiumc the title of king. By the laws of Spain,
btteoV^* the fole right to the crowns both of Caftile and^
king. of Aragoft belonged to Joanna ', and though
her infirmities difqualified her from governing,
this incapacity had not been declared by any
publick adi of the Cortes in either kingdom ; fb
that the Spaniards confidered this rcfolution,
not only as a direft violation of their privileges,
but
« Gometiosdc reb. geH. Ximcnii, p. 150. fol. Compl.
1569. n Miniana Contin. Marianae, lib* i. c. 2.
Baudicr, Hifl, de Ximenes, p. 1 8,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. ji
Vot as lUfi unnatural uiurpation in a fbn on the B^ojl L
prerogatives of a mother, towards whom, in her '"""'^C*^
prefent unhappy fituation, he manifefted a lc(s '^' *
delicate r^ard than her fubjeds had always ex-
preiM •. The Flemilh court, however, having
prev^led both on the Pope and on the Emperor
to addrefs letters to Charles as king of Caftile ;
the former of whom, it was pretended, had a
right, as head of the church ; and the latter, as
head of the empire, to confer this title ; inftruc-
tions were ient to Ximenes, to prevail on the
I Spaniards to acknowledge it. Ximenes, though
I he had earneftly remonftrated againft the mea-
fare, as no Ids unpopular than unneceflary,
refolved to exert all his authority and credit in
carrying it into execution, and immediately
ai^l^d fuch of the nobles as were then at
court. What Charles required was laid before
them; and when, inftead of complying with
his (kmands, they began to murmur againft
fach an unprecedented encroachment on their
privileges, and to talk hi^h of the rights of
Joanna, and their oath ot allegiance to her,
Ximenes haftily intcrpofed, and with that firm ^^J''^"*
and decifive tone which was natural to him, told infl^a?oce oi
them, that they were not called now to deli- x»«cn«««
berate, but to obey -, that their fovercign did
not apply to them for advice, but expefted fub-
miffion ; and " this day, added he, Charles fhall April 13.
be proclainEied king of Caftile in Madrid, and
the reft of the cities will follow its example.**
On the fpot he gave orders for that purpofe p ;
and notwithftanding the novelty of the praftice,
and the fecret difcontents of many perfons of
diftinftion, Charles's title was univerfally recog.
nized. In Aragon, where the privileges of the
fubjeft
op. Mart. Ep. 568. P Gometias, p. 152, S^c,
fiaudier Hill* de Ximen. p. 121.
3Z THE REIGN OF THE
Bo6k I. fubje£t were more extenfive, and the abilities as
^'-"^^-**^ well as authority of the archbilhop of Saragoffa, /
'S*o. ^hom Ferdinand had appointed regent, were
far inferior to thofe of Ximenes, the fame obfe-
quioufnefs to the will of Charles did not.appear,
nor was he acknowledged there under any other
charafter but that of prince, until his arrival in
Spain ^.
fo^'^"^**^ Ximenes, though poffeffed only of delegated
in? the pre- power, which, from his advanced age, he could
rogitive. ^qj expcft to cnjoy long, aflumed, together with
the charafter of regent, all the ideas natural to
a monarch, and adopted fchemes for extending
the regal authority, which he purfued with as
much intrepidity and ardour, as if he himfelf
had been to reap the advantages refulting from
their fuccefs. The exorbitant privileges of the
Caftilian nobles circumfcribed the prerogative
of the prince within very narrow limits. Thefe
the cardinal confidered as fo many unjuft ex-
tortions from the crown, and determined to re-
duce them. Dangerous as the attempt was,
there were circumftances in his fituation which
promifcd him greater fuccefs than any king of '
Caftiie could have expefted. His ftri6t and
prudent ceconomy of his archiepifcopal reve-
nues furnifhed him with more ready money
than the crown could at any time command ;
the landtity of his manners, his charity and mu-
nificence, rendered him the idol of the people ;
and the nobles themfelves, not fufpeding any
danger from him, did not obferve his motions
with the fame jealous attention, as they would
have watched thofe of one of their monarchs.
Immediately
q P. Mart. Ep. 572.
£MPER0R CHARLES V. 33
iMvfEDiATELY upon his acccffion to the re- Book I.
gency, feveral of the nobles, fancying that the \^C^
reins of government would of confequence be By depreV-
fomewhat relaxed, began to affemble their vaf-^?j?^^*°^
fals, and to profecute, by force of arms, private
quarrels and pretenfions, which the authority of
Ferdinand had obliged them to diflemble, or to
relinquilh. But Ximenes, who had taken into
pay a good body of troops, oppofed and de-
feated all their defigns with unexpedled vigour
and facility j and though he did not treat the
authors of thefe diforders with any cruelty, he
forced them to afts of fubmiffion, extremely
mortifying to the haughty fpirit of Caftiliari
grandees*
But while the Cardinal^s attacks were con- ]^y forming
fined to individuals, and every aft of rigour *^^j[^
was juftified by the appearance of rieceflity, pcmdiDg oo
founded on the formis of juftice, and tempered '*** '^''*^'*'
with a mixture of lenity, there was Icarcely rooni
for jealoufy or complaint. It was not fo with
his next meafure^ which, by striking at a privi-
lege ellential to the nobility, gave a general
alarm to the whole order. By the feudal con-
ftitution, the military power was lodged in the
hands of the nobles, and men of an ihferio^
condition were called into the field only as their
vaflals, and to follow their banners. A king
with fcanty revenues, and a limited prerogative,
depended on thefc potent barons in all his Ope-
rations. It was with their forces he attacked
his enemies, and with them he defended hiS
own kingdom. While at the head of troops at-
tached warmly to their own lords, and accuftomed
to obey no other commands, his authority was
precarious, and his efforts feeble. From this
ftatc Ximenes refolved to deliver the crown ;
and as mercenary (landing armies were unknown
Vol. II. D under
^4 THERfelGNOJFTHE
Book I. under the /eudal governrtieht, dnd would h^ve
- J "- > ^ Been odiouis to a nlirtial and gehefbus people,
he iffiied a proclarfiatiott, commanding eV«ty
city in Caftile to enrol i certain nutfibei: of its
bufgeflfes, in ordef that thty might be trained
to the ufc of arms oh SUhdays ahd holidays •, he
engaged to provide bffecei's to cbmmihd them
at the publick eipenc^ ; iHd aS ati etlcourage-
m'eht to the private tneri, ptoniifed them aft 6)c-
emption frbhl all takes ihd ittipbfitiohs. The
frequent iricbrliohs of the iMtoofs from Africa,
and the heceltity of having fortie ftytc6 rfcady to
dppofe therh, furiiirtied a plaufifale prttfente for
this innovation. The ebjedt Willy in View >fras
to fecure the king a body of troops indeperideht
of his barons, and which might ferve to coun-
terbalance their po^e'r ''. The Aobles wefe hot
ijghbrant of his iAtaritio'rt, and faW h'bw effeftually
the fcheme which he had adopted Wdtild ac-
complifh his 'eild ; but as a itidafiirfe which hid
fhe bioiis appearanc6 of refilling the progffcfs of
the Infidels was e*trett1ely popiilir, and as any
oppotitioh to it arifihg From their brdfer albni^,
would tiave been impXited t^rhoUy to inte^efted
motives, they endeavbufed to 6kcire the cities
themfelves to refufe obedience, and to femoti-
ftrate againft the prbclamation, as incbnfiftent
with their charters arid privileges. In cbnfe-
tjuehce of their iriftigatioris, Burgbs, Valkdolid,
|i'nd feveral other citifes, tbfe in bp6n mutiny.
Some of the grandees declated themfdves their
prbteftors. Violent fenfioriftrances were pre-
fehted to the king. His FtemifH counfeUors
were alarriied. Xirfieries alone continued fiYtti
and undaunted ; ahd 'partly by terror, p&rtly by
intreaty; by force in foine iriftancts, and by
forbearance in Others, he prefvailed 'on all the
refraftory
> Minianx Continuatio Marians, foL Hag. 17331 p. 3.
)ntrchi
the oo<
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 35
refradory cities to comply •. During his ad- Boo* L
rainiftr^oa, he continued to execute his plan '^""^O^
with vigour, but fooB afoer his death it was ea- ^
tirely dropt.
Hjs fuccefs in this fcheme for reducing t^?^^""*"^
exorbitant power of the nobility, encouraged him o Ao^me^
to attempt a d'uninution of their poflcffions, ^^^^^
which were no lefs exorbitant. During the con- buity.
tefts and diforders inieparaUe from the feudal
government, the nobles, ever attentive to their
own iatereft, and taking advantage of the weak-
nds or diftrefs of their monarchs, had fcized
fome parts of the royal demefnes, obtained grants
of others, and having gradually wrcfted alnK)(t
the whole out of the hands or the prince, had
aonexed them to their own eftates. The rights,
by which moA of the grandees held theie lands,
were extremely defective ; it was from fome fuc-
cefsful ufurpation, which the crown had been
too feeble to difpute, that many derived their
only title to pofleffion. An enquiry carried
back to the origin of thefe encroachments, which
were altnoft co-eval with the feudal fyftem, was
impracticable; and as it would hare ftripped
ev;ery nobleman in Spain of great part of his
lands, it muft have excited a general revolt.
Such a ftep was too bold, even for the enterpriz-
ing genius of Ximenes. He confined himfelf
to the reign of Ferdinand ; and beginning witli
the penfions granted during that time, refufed
to make any farther payment, becaufe all right
to them expired with his life. He then called
to account fuch as had acquired crown lands
under the adminiftration of that monarch, and
at once refumed whatever he had alienated. The
cSeds . of thefe revocations extended to many
D 2 perfons
»
« P. Man. Ep. 556, &c. Gomeiiasy p. 160, &c.
36 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book I. perfons of high rank •, for though Ferdinand
''^'"^C''"^ was a prince of little generofity, yet he and Ifa-
^ * bella having been raifed to the throne of Caftile
by a powerful faftion of the nobles, they were
obliged to reward the zeal of their adherents
with great liberality, and the royal demefnes
were their only fund for that purpofe. The
addition made to the revenue or the crown by
thefe revocations, together with his own frugal
oeconomy, enabled Ximenes not only todifcharge
all the debts which Ferdinand had left, and to
remit confiderable fums to Flanders, but to pay
the officers of his new militia, and to eftablilh
magazines more numerous, and better furnilhed
with artillery, arms, and warlike ftores, than
Spain had ever poffefled in any former age '.
The prudent and difinterefted application of
thefe fums, was a full apology to the people for
the rigour with which they were exacted,
Ip^i^^tlr The nobles, alarmed at thefe repeated at-
meafarcf, tacks, began to think of precautions for the
fafety of their order. Many cabals were form-
ed, loud complaints were uttered, and def-
perate refolutions taken ; but before they pro-
ceeded to extremities, they appointed fome of
their number to examine the powers in confe-
quence of which the Cardinal exercifed afts of
fuch high authority. The admiral of Caftile,
the duke de Infantado, and the conde de Bene-
vento, grandees of the firft rank, were entrufted
with this commiffion. Ximenes received them
^yith cold civility, and in anfwer to their de-
mand, produced the teftament of Ferdinand by
which he was appointed regent, together witn
the ratification of that deed by Charles. To
both thefe they objefted j and he endeavoured
to
t Flcchicr Vic de Ximcn. ii, 600.
i
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 37
to eftablifh their validity. As the converfation Book r.
grew warm, he led them infenfibly towards a ^*^C*^
balcony, from which they had a view of a large but lithont
body of troops under arms, and of a formidable^«"«^*-
train of artillery. "Behold," fays he, pointing
to thefe and railing his voice, " the powers
Which I have received from his Catholick ma-
jelly. With thefe I govern Caftilc -, and with
thefe I will govern it, until the king your matter
and mine takes poffeflion of his kingdom ".*' A
declaration fo bold and haughty filenced them,
and aftonifhed their aflbciates. To take arms
againft a man aware of his danger, and prepared
for his defence, was what defpair alone would
diftate. All thoughts j6f a general confederacy
againft the Cardinal'^ adminiftration were laid
^fide ; and except from fome flight commotions,
excited by the private refentmentof particular
noblemen, the tranquillity of Caftile fufFered no
interruption.
It was not only from the oppofition of the Thwtrtcd
Spanifti nobility that obftacles arofe to the exe- F£(h ^** *
cution of the Cardinal's fchemes; he had a con^ miniftcrs.
ftant ftruggle to maintain with the Flemifli mini-
fters, who, prefuming upon their favour with thq
young king, aimed at direfting the affairs of
Spain, as well as thofe of their own country.
Jealous of his great abilities, and independent
fpirit, they confidered Ximenes rather as a rival
who might circumfcribe their power, than as a
minifter who by his prudence and vigour was
adding to the grandeur and authority of their
matter. Every complaint againft his admini-r
ftration was liAened to with pleafure by the cour-
tiers in the Low Countries. Unneceflary ob-
ftruaions wcr^ thro\yn by their means in the
way
» Flech. U. 551 . Ferreras^ Hift. viii. 433*
/
38 THE REIGN OF THE
Book F. way of all his meafures j and though they could
^^'"'"''^'T^ not either with decency or fafcty deprive him of
* ^ * ' the office of regent, they endeavoured to Icffcn
his authority by dividing it. They foon dif-
covered that Adrian of Utrecht, already joined
with him in office, had neither genius nor fpirit
fufficient to give the leaft check to his profeedr
An additi- ings ; and therefore Charles, by their advice,
ber l°r"' ^^^^^ to the commiffion of rpgency La Chau, a
gents ap- Flemifti gentleman^ and afterwards Amcrftorf,
pointed. ^ pobleman of Holland; the former diftin-
[uifhed for his addrefs, the latter for his firmnefs,
jmenes, though no ftranger to the malevolent
intention of the Flemiffi courtiers, received thefe
new affociates with all the external marks of dif-
tinftion due to the office with which they were
invefted; but when they came to enter upon
bufinefs, he abated nothing of that air of fupc-
riority with which he had treated Adrian, and
ximenes re- ftiil retained the folc dircftion of affairs.- The
IcaJw'o/' Spaniards, more averfe, perhaps, than any other
$ff4ir8. people to thie government of ftrangers, approved
of all his efforts to prefcrve his authority. Even
the nobles, influenced by thi^ national paffioHj^
and forgetting their jealoufics and difcontents,
chofe rather to fee the fupremc power in the
hands of one of their countrymen, whom they
feared, than in thofe of foreigiiers, whom they
hated.
Hisfucccfs- Ximenes, though engaged iri fuch great
Niv^rc '° ^?h^"^cs ^f domeftick policy, and embarraflcd by
the artifices and intrigues of the Flemifti mi-
nifters, had the burden of two foreign wars to
fupport. The one was in Navarre^ invaded by
its unfortunate monarch, John d*Albret. The
death of Ferdinand, the abfence of Charles, the
difcord and difaffedtion which reigned among
' tl^e
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 39
the 8pani(h ijoblcs, fcemcd to prefent him wjtji Book I.
z favourable oppprtijnity of recovering his do- * ^^'jp^
minions. The Cardinars vigilance, hpwcvef, ^^^ '
defeated a nieafure fy well concerted. As he
forcfaw the danger to whi|:h that kingdom mig^t
be expofed^ one of his /irft afts of admini/lra-
tion was to order thither a cppliderable body of
troops. While the king ivas employed with
one part of his army in the fiege'of St. Jean
Pied en Port, Vill^lva, an p/Kcer pf great ex-
perience ^nd cpgri^ge, ^tt^cked the other bv
uirprife^ ao4 cij.t it to pieces. The kinjg in-
ftar^jjy reiDreaie.d witfi precipitation, and an end
was put to the w^r *, JBut a^ Navarre was. filled
at that time with towns and caftles, (lightly
fortified, apd weekly garrifoned, which being
uaabte to refiflt ^n PA^my, fer^red only to furnifh ^
him 5vitjh pj^qes of i;ejtreat ^ /Ximenes, always
boW gad decifiv^e in ]ji? meafi^res, ordered every
4)Ae i)f thefe to bp jdifmanried, ejcccpt Pampe-
l^n^ fj^e fortiftcajipiDS pf which ,he proppfedtp
rpuder yexy ftrong. To this .upcpnvnpn pre-
cmtioj^ 5paio owes t;he ppffefllion ojf Navarrj .
The Frepjcb, fioce th^t pewd, have pften en-
terpd, md havp ^ pften oyer- run the open
coutttry i bA;it while tb^y were expofed to all the
iijconveoiencies pt,tc;D^ing ^n inv^^ing array^ the
Spa^i^ds have ei^CJy drawij Vppps from thp
neighhouring proyJw:es tp ppppfe them ; ^n^
the flench, Jpeiqg dc;ftitMt;e xof ftrpng towns to
which tlfey AOM^lp J*Wrc, h^ye been pbliged to
abandon their cp^jqxie^ with ^ ©ych rapidUy as
they gaii^4 lit.
Thp ay,v vhkh ke .qarriq4 90 in Afriqt, His opertti-
agaipft th? fmoMi? .a^y^QW^r ^Upryc 3?arba.;>;,'VXr
jrp.fl&, w^^9 from a private corfair, raifed him- wtc.
kif^ by his fingular valour and addrcfs, to be
king
? P. Mart. Ep. 570,
40 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book T. king of Algiers and Tunis, was far from being
^^""^^^"^ equally fuccefsful. The ill conduft of the
'5 ' Spanim general, and the rafli valour of his
troops, prefented Barbaroffa with an eafy yiftory.
Many periflied in the battle, more in the retreat,
and the remainder returned into Spain covered
with infamy. The magnanimity, however, with
which the Cardinal bore this difgrace, the only
one he experienced during his adminifiration,
added new luftre to his charafter y. Great com-
pofure of temper under a difappointment, was
not expefted from a man fo remarkable for the
cagernefs and impatience with which he urged
on the execution of all his fchemes.
CorruptTon This difaftcr was foon forgotten ; while the
hlifh mTn^ conduct of the Flemifli court proved the caufe
fters, par- of conftant uncafmcfs, not only to the Cardinal,
Ch^ivrw."*^ but to the whole Spanifli nation. All the great
qualities of Chlevres, the prime minifter and
favourite of the young king, were fullied with
an ignoble and fordid avarice. The acceflion of
Iiis mafter to the crown of Spain, opened a
new and copious fource for the gratification of
this paffion. During the time of Charles's refi-
(ience in Flanders, the whole tribe of pretenders
to offices or to favour reforted thither. They
foon difcovercd that, without the patronage of
Chievres, it was vain to hope for preferment ;
nor did they want fagacity to find out the proper
method of fecuring his proteftion. Vaft fums
of money were drawn out of Spain. Every
thing was venal, and difpofed of to the higheft
bidder. After the exaniple of Chievres, the in-
ferior Flemilh minifters engaged in this traffick,
yvhich became as general and avowed, as it was;
infan>ous.
^ y Gometiusy lib. vi. p. 179.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 41
infamous *. The Spaniards were filled with Book I.
rage when they beheld offices of great import- ^■■"^--^
ance to the welfare of their country, fct to ^^
fale by ftrangers, unconcerned for its honour or
its happinefs. Ximenes, difinterefted in his
whole adminift ration, and a ftranger, from his
iiative grandeur of mind, to the paffion of ava-
rice, inveighed with the utmoft boldnefs againft
the venality of the Flemings. He reprefented
to the King in ftrong terms, the murmurs and
indignation which their behaviour excited among
a free and high fpirited people, and befoughc
him to fet out without lofs of time for Spain,
that, by his prefence, he might diffipate the
clouds which were gathering all over the king-
dom *.
Charles was fully lenfible that he had de- rhnie«per.
layed too long to take poffeffion of his domi-xf^^/^^/t^
nions in Spain. Powerful obftacles, however, viCt Spain,
ftood in his way, and detained him in the Low
Countries. The war which the league of Cam-
bray had kindled in Italy, ftill fubfifted ; though,
during its courfe, the armies of all the parties
engaged in it, had changed their deftination and
their objects. France was now in alliance with
Venice, which it had at firft combined to deftroy.
Maximilian and Ferdinand had for fome years
carried on hoftllities againft France, their origi-
nal ally, to the valobr of whofe troops the con-
federacy had been indebted for all its fuccefs.
Together with his kingdoms, Ferdinand tranf-
niitted this war to his grandfon ; and there was
reafon to expeA that Maximilian, always fond of
new enterprizes, would perfuade the young
monarch to enter into it with ardour. But the
Flemings, who had long pofleflcd an extenfive
qonimerce,
* ^liniana, Contin. 1. 1. c. 2. * P. T^Uru Ep. 576.
42 THEREIGN0FTHE
Book I. commerce, which, during ^he leagyc of Cam-
* ^7^ bray, had grown to > gr^at hpight upon the
*^^ ' ruins of the Venetian trade, dreaded a rupture
with France ; and Chievres, fagaciops to difcern
the true intereft of his country, and not warped
on this Qccafion by his love of wealth, warmly
declared for maintaining peace with the French
nation. Francis I. dijfticijte of allies, and foii-
citous to fecure his late conquers in Italy by a
treaty, liftened with joy to the firft overtyr^s qf
accommodation. Chievres hunfelf conduced
the negociation in name of Charjes. Gou^cr
appeared as plenipoteotiary for Francis. Each
of them had prefided over the education of the
prince whom he reprcfcnted. Tbey had both
adopted the fame pacific fyftem •, and were
equally perfuaded that the union of the two mo-
narchs was the happieflt ey^nt for then^fclves, as
lueil as for their Icingdoms. In A^^h hands the
A fctce negociation did not languifti. A few days after
^"hFrlfnce. Opening thcif conferences a^ Noyo«, thpy con-
-^"g '3> eluded a treaty of co«ifedcracy ^d mutpai d9-
'^* * fence between the two monarchs ; i:l>e chief ar-
ticles in which wicne, thtt Francis feoiiJd giv-^^P
marriage to Charkss his eldcft daughter, tJie ^^-
cck Louile, an infant of a y^ar old, and a« kfiiv
dowry, IhouM floake over to him ^11 hi3 <la*n?is
and pretenfioDs upon the kingdom of Naplf3 ;
chat in ooniideracioQ of Charles's bei0g airegd^
in poi&fllon of Naples, he dEhould, until the ;ac-
compHQuneot of the marriage, pay an hundred
thoufand cnowns a year uo tkc French king ;
ami the half pf that fum anoually, as kmg as
the ptuBceis bad no children ; that when Charles
ifeatt arrive in Spam, dae heirs of the king of
iMavarxe may reprefent to bim dieir right to
that kingdom ; and if he do daoc giv^ tbsm ifa-
^isfaftion, Francis Ihould be at liberty to affift
them
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 43
them with all his forces **, This alliance not Book I.
only united Charles and Francis, but obliged ' '^
Maximilian, xwho was unable alone to * ope with *^' '
the French and Venetians, to enter into a treaty
witii thofc powers, which put a final period to
the bloody and tedious war that the league o£»
Cambray had occafioned, Europe enjoyed a
few years of univerfal tranquillity, and was in-
debted for that blefling to two prince?, whofe
rivallhip and ambition kept it in perpetual dif-
tord and agitation during the remainder of their
reigns.
By the, treaty of Noyon, Charles fecured a The Ficm-
life paffage into Spain. It was not, however, io^chark?t
the intereft of his Flemifli minifters, that he vifinoSpaio
Ihould vifit that kingdom foon. While he re-
(ided in Flanders, the revenues of the Spanifli
crown were fpent there, and they engrofled,
without any competitors, all the cffefts of their
monarch's generofity ; their country became the
(eat of government, and all favours were dif-
penfed by them. Of all thefe advantages, they
run the rifque of feeing themfelves deprived,
from the inoment that tlieir fovereign entered
Spain. The Spaniards would naturally affume
the direction of their own affairs; the Low
Countries would be cpnfidered only as a Pro*
vince of that nnighty monarchy -, and they wIk>
now diftributed the favours of the prince to
others, mull then be content to receive them
from the hands of ftrangcrs. But what Chievres AfrtW of
chkfly wiflied to avoid was, an interview be- ^*'^*'****
tween the king and Ximewes. On the one
hand, the wildom, the integrity, and the mag-
nanimity of that prelate, gave him a wonderful
afcendant over the minds of men ; and it was
extremely
b (^eonar^ Recueil desT^aitez, torn. ii. 69*
THE REIGN OF THE
extremely probable, that thefe great qualities^
added to the reverence due to his age and office^
^ ' would command the refpeft of a young prince,
who, capable of noble and generous fentiments
bimfelf, would, in proportion to his admiration
^f the Cardinal's virtues, leffen his deference
towards perfons of another charafter. Or, on
the other hand, if Charles Ihould allow his
Flemifh favourites to retain all the influence
over his councils which they at prefent pofiefled,
it was eafy to forefee that the Cardinal would
remonftrate loudly againft fuch an indignity to
the Spanifh nation, and vindicate the rights of
his c6untry with the fame intrepidity and fuc-
ccfs, that he had aflerted the prerogatives pf
the crown. For thefe reafons, all his Flemifh
counfellors combined to retard his departure ;
and Charles, unfufpicious^ from want of expe-
rience, and fond of his native country, fufFered
bimfelf to be unnecelTarily detained in the Ne-
therlands a whole year after figning the treaty
of Noyon*
»5»7- The repeated entreaties of Ximenes, the ad-
fcarksfer^vice of his grandfather Maximilian, and the
%•»*' impatient murmurs of his Spanilh fubjedts,. pre-
vailed on him at lad to embark. He was
attended not only by Chievres, his prime mini-
iler, but by a numerous and fplendid train of
the Flemifh nobles, fond of beholding the gran-,
deur, or of fharing in the bounty of their prince.
Sept. IS- After a dangerous voyage, he landed at Villa
Viciofa, in the province of Afturias, and was
received with fuch loud acclamations of joy, as
a new monarch, whofe arrival was fo ardently
dcfircd, had reafon to cxpedt* The Spanifh
nobility reforted to their fovereign from all
j>ar;s of the kingdom, and difplayed a magni-
ficeacQ
\
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 45
ficence which the Flemings were unable to Book L
emulate ^. ^— v— ^
1517-
XiMENES, who confidered the prefence of the Hi<»Fkmiik
king as the greateft blefling to his dominions, ^'° ll'our
was advancing towards the coaft, as faft as the to oreveat
infirm ftate of his health would permit, in order JfcJ^^'jih
to receive him. During his regency, and not- xim»c*.
withftanding his extreme old age, he had abated,
in no degree, the rigour or frequency of his
mortifications ; and to thefe he added fuch la-
borious afliduity in bufinefs, as would have
worn out the mod youthful and vigorous con-
ftitution. Every day he employed feveral hours
in devotion ; he celebrated mafs in perfon ; he
even allotted lome fpace for ftudy. Notwith-
ftanding thefe occupations, he regularly attended
the council; he received and read all papers
prefented to him; he diftated letters and in-
ftrudions; and took under his infpeftion all
bufinefs, civil, ecclefiaftical, or military. Every
moment of his time was filled up with fomc
ferious employment. The only amufement in
which he indulged himfelf by way of relaxation
after bufinefs, was to canvafs, with a few friars
and divines, fome intricate article in fcholaftic
theology. Wafted by fuch a courfe of life, the
infirmities of age daily grew upon him. On
his journey, a violent diforder feized him at Bos
Equillos, attended with uncommon fymptoms ;
which his followers' confidered as the etfed of
poifon % but could not agree whether the crime
ought to be imputed to the hatred of the
Spanifti nobles, or to the malice of the Flemifli
courtiers. This accident obliging him to flop '
fliort, he wrote to Charles, and with his pfual
boldnefs
^ P. Mart. Ep. 599. 601. ^ Miniana, Contiii«
lib. X. c. 3.
4$ THEREIGNOFTHE
Book I. boldnefs advifcd him to difiniis all the ftrangcrs
' — v'"-^ in his train, whofe numbers and credit g^vc
Chl?ic8^in- off^'^ce already to the Spaniards, and would ere
r«titude to long alienate the afFc<5tions of the whok people.
Ximenes. ^^ ^.j^^ f^^^ umt^ he eamcftly dcCred to have
an interview with the king, that he might inform
him of the ftate of the nation, and die temper
of his fubjc&s. To prevent this, not only the
Flcmitigs, but the Spanifti grandees, employed
all their addrefs, and induftrioufly kept Charles
at a drftanoe from Aranda, the place to which
the Cardinal had renK)ved. Through their ft^-
gcftions, every meafure that he recommended
was reje6bed; the utmdft care was uken to
make him feel, and to point out to the whole
nation, that his power was on the decline ; even
in things purely trivial, fuch a choice was always
made, as wfcs deemed moft difagrceabk to him.
Ximenes did not bear this treatment with his
ciiiul fortitude of fpirit. Confcious of his own
integrity and merit, he expcfted a more grateful
-f~ retin*n from a prince, to whom he delivered a
kingdom n-vore fiourrfhing than it had been in
any former age, together with/ authority more
extenfive and better eftablifhed, than the moft
illuftrrious of his anceftors had ever poflefled.
He could not, therefore, on many occafions,
refrain from giving vent w his indignation and
complaints. He lamented the fate of his coun-
try, and foretold the calamities which it would
fuffer from the infblence, the rapacioulrjefs, and
ignorance of ftrangers. While his mind was
agitated by theic paffions, he received a letter
from tl^ king, in which, alfoer a few cold and
formal expreiTions of regard, he was allowed to
retire to his diocefe ; that after a life 4Df fuch
continued labour, he might end his days in
Hisdcaih, tranquillity. This mefTage proved fatal to
Ximenes, his haughty mind, it is probable;,
would
EMt>EROR CHARLES V. 47
would not furvive difgracc ; perhaps his gene- Book I.
rom heart could not bear the profpcft of the '^ ^^^*^
misfortunes ready to fall on his country. Which- '^ '^*
foever of thefe opinions we embrace, certain it
ii that he expired a few hours after reading the Nov. 8.
ktter *. The Variety, the grandeur, and the
fuccefe of his fchemes, during a regency of only
twehty months, leave it doubtful, whether his
fagacity in council, his prudence in conduft, or
his boldnefs in execution, deferve the greateft
ftaife. Mis reputation is ftill high in Spain, not
bnly for wilRlt)fti, but for fanftity -, and he is the
only prime nrtinifter mentioned in hiftory, whom
his contefnpofaties reverenced as a faint ^, and to
whom the people under his government afcribed
the pQWer of working miracles.
Soo^ after the death of Ximencs, Charles 1518.
made his publrtk entry, with great pomp, intofj^vriudt''
Valladolid, whither he had fummoned the Cortes id.
(A Caftite. Though he aflumed on all occafions
the name of king, that title had never been
acknowledged in the Cortes. The Spaniards
tionfidering Joanna as poffeffed of the fole right
to the crown^ and no e^cample of a fon's havrng
^joyed the title of king during the life of his
patents occurring in their hillory, the Cortes
difcovered all that fcrupulotis relpeft for ancient
forms, and that averfion to innovarion, which
iire confpicuous in popular affemblics. The
prcfence, however, of their prince, the addrefs,
the artifices, and the threats of his niinifters,
prevailed on them at laft to proclaim him king, DccUpm
in conjunftion with his mother, whofe name^^y^^*"
they appointed to be placed before that of her
fon
« Marfollier, Vic de Ximencs, p. 447. Gometius, lib.
vli p. ao6, &€. BaiKlier Hift. de Ximcn p. 2c8.
^ f kchier» Vic de Ximen. ii. 746.
I-
"» .-
48 THEREIGNOFTHE
BookI. fon in all publick afts. But, when they made
^'— "v— — 'this conceffion, they declared that, if at any
*^' * future period Joanna fhould recover the exer-
cife of reafon,' the whole authority fhould
return into her hands. At the fame time, they
voted a free gift of fix hundred thoufand ducats
to be paid in three years, a fum more confider-
able than had ever been granted to any former
monarch &.
Difcontient NOTWITHSTANDING thls obfcqUlOufnefs of
ttiians^, ^and ^^c Cortes to the will of the king, the moft
the caufe8 violent fymptoms of diflatisfaftion with his go-
vernment began to breakout in the kingdom.
Chievres had acquired over the mind of the
young monarch the afcendant not only of a
tutor, but of a parent. Charles feemed to have
no fentiments but thofe which his minifter in-
fpired, and fcarcely uttered a word but what he
put into his mouth. * He was conftantly fur-
rounded by Flemings j no perfon got accefs to
him without their permiffion ; nor was any ad-
mitted to audience but in their prefence. As
he fpoke the Spanifti language very imperfectly,
his anfwers were always extremely fhort, and
often delivered with hefitation. From all thefe
circumftances, many, of the Spaniards were led
to believe that he was a prince of a flow and
narrow genius. Some pretended to difcover a
ftrong refemblance between him and his mother,
and began to whifper that his capacity for go-
vernment would never be far fuperior to hers ;
and though they who had the beft opportunity
of judging concerning his charadter, maintained,
that notwithftanding fuch unpromifing appear-
ances, he poffelTed a large fund of knowledge
as
& Miniana, Contin. lib. i. c. 3. P. Mart. Ep. 608.
Sandov. p. \z.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 49
as. well as of fagacity ^; yet aU agreed in con^ ik^^ i.
demning his partiality tow»ds his couBtrymen, ^ " '^''' ^ '*
aod his attachtneiK to his £avoi)rkes, as unrea- ^^
fonable and immoderate. Unfortunately for
Charles, thefe favourites were unworthy of his
confidence. To- amafs wealth ieeois to have
been their only aim ; and as they bad res^n to
fear, that either their nu^er's good fenie, of.
the indignation of the Spaniards, might fix>n
abridge their power, they haftened to improve
Uie prefent opportunity, and their avarice was
the more r^acious, becaufe they expe£bed their
authority to be of no long duration. All
honours, offices^ and benefices, were either en*
grofled by the Flemingis, or publickly fold by
them-. Chievres, his wife, and Sauvage, whom
CharleSy on the death of Ximenes^ had impru^
dendf raiied to be chancellor of Caftile, vied
with each other in all the refinements of extor*
tion and venality. Not only the Spamfh hifto*-
rians, who, from refentment, may be fufpefted
of exaggeration, but Peter Martyr Angleria, an
Italian, who refided at that time m the court
of Spain, and who was under noi temptation to
deceive the perfons to whom his letters are
addreiled^ give a deicription which is almoft
incredible, of the iniatiable and ihamekfs covet-
ou&efs of the Flemingjs. According to An«-
CJeria's calculation, which he ztktts to be eXr
tremely moderate, they remitted into the Low
Countries, in the ^ce of ten months, no lefs
a fom than a million and one hundred thoufand
ducats. The nomination of William de Croy,
Chievres' nephew, a young man not of cano-
nical age, to the Archbifhoprick of Toledo,
exafberated the Spaniards more than all thefe
cxadions. They confidered the elevation of a
ftranger to the head of their church,, and to the
richcft benefice in the kingdom, not only as an
Vol. Ih E injury,
b Sandoval^ p. 31. P. Majrt £p« 65 $>
50 THEREIGN OF THE
Book I. injury, but as an infult to the whole nation ;
^' ^ ^'^ both clergy and laity, the former from intereft,
'^ ' ' the latter from indignation, joined in exclaiming
againft it. ^
Charles Charles leaving Caftile thus difgufted with
cortel^'of his adminiftration, fet out for Saragoffa, the
Aragon. capital 6f Aragon, that he might be prefent in
the Cortes of that kingdom. On his way thither,
he took leave of his brother Ferdinand, whom
he fent into Germany on the pretence of vifiting
their grandfather, Maximilian, in his old age.
To this prudent precaution, Charles owed the
prefervation of his Spanifli dominions. During
the violent commotions which arofe there foon
after this period, the Spaniards would infallibly
have offered the crown to a prince, who was
the darling of the whole nation ; nor did Fer-
dinand want ambition, or counfellors, that might
have prompted him to accept of the offer ^.
Jcfemo^r* TftE Aragonefe had not hitherto acknow-
Sotraaabic Icdgcd Charlcs as king, nor would they allow
t?*P,*>* the Cortes to be aflfembled in his name, but in
that of the Juftiza, to whom, durmg an mter-
regnum, this privilege belonged K The oppo-
fition Charles had to ftruggle with in the Cortes
of Aragon, was more violent and obftinate than
that which he had overcome in Caflile ; after
long delays, however, and with much difficulty,
he perfuaded the members to confer on him the
title of king, in conjunftion with his mother.
At the fame time he bound himfelf by that fo-
lemn oath, which the Aragonefe exafted of their
king, never to violate any of their rights or
liberties. When a donative was demanded, the
members
> Sandoval, 28— 31. P. Mart. Ep. 6d8, 611, 613, 614,
622* 623, 639. Miniana, Contin. lib. i. c. 3. p. 8.
^ P. Martyr, Ep 619. Ferreras, viii. 460.
' P. Martyr, Ep.605.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. . 51
members were ftill more intraftable ; many Book I.
months elapfed before they would agree to grant ^'*'*^^T^
Charles two hundred thoufand ducats, and that ^
fum they appropriated fo ftriftly for paying
debts of the crown, which had long been for-
gotten, that a very fmall part of it came into the
king's hands. What had happened in Caf-
tilc, taught them caution, and determined them
rather to fatisfy the claims of their fellow-citi-
zens, how obfolete foever, than to furnifh ftran-
gers the means of enriching themfelves with the
^ils of their country ™.
During thefe proceedings of the Cortes, am-
bafladors arrived at Saragoffa from Francis I.
and the young king of Navarre, demanding the
reftitution of that kingdom in terms of the treaty
of Noyon. But neither Charles, nor the Cafti-
lian nobles whom he confulted on this occafion,
difcovered any inclination to part with this ac-
quifition. A conference held foon after at
Montpelier, in order toT)ring this matter to an
anficable iflue, was altogether fruitlefs; while
the French urged the injuftice of the ufurpation,
the Spaniards were attentive only to its im-
portance ".
From Aragon, Charles proceeded to Cata-
lonia, where he wafted as nnich time, encoun-
tered more difficulties, and gained lefs money.
The Flemings were now become fo odious in
every province of Spain by their exaftions, that
the defire of mortifying them, and of difap-
pointing their avarice, augmented the jealoufy
with which a free people ufually conduft their
deliberations.
E 2 The
«n P. Martyr, Ep. 6i 5— 634. • P. Martyr, Ep. 695.
635. 640.
>5J9.
THE REIGN OF THE
The Caftilians, who had felt moft fcnfibly
the weight and rigour of the oppreffive fchemes
Comblw- carried on by the Flemings, rcfolved no longer
tion of the to fubmit with a tamenefs fatal to themfelves,
a^iift "he ^ttd which rendered them the objefts of fcorn
FJemiOi mi- among the reft of the Spaniards* Segovia,
Toledo, Seville, and feveral other cities of the
firft rank, entered into a confederacy for the de-
fence of their rights and privileges ; and not-
withftanding the filence of the nobility, who, on
this occafion, difcovered neither the public fpi-
rit nor the refolution which became their order,
the confederates laid before the king a full view
of the ftate of the kingdom, and of the mal-
adminiftration of his favourites. The prefer-
ment of ftrangers •, the exportation of the cur-
rent coin, the increafe of taxes, were the griev-
ances of which they chiefly complained -, and of
thefe they demanded redrefs with that boldnefs
which is natural to a free people. Thefe remon-
ftranceSi, prefented at firft at Saragofla, and re-
newed afterward^ at Barcelona,, Charles treated
with great negjedt. The confederacy, however,
of thefe cities at this junfture, was the begin-
ning of that famous union among the com-
mons of Caftile, which not long after threw
the kingdom into fuch violent convulfions as
Ihook the throne, and almoft overturned the
conftitution ^
Death of Soon after Charles's arrival at Barcelona, he
the Empe- • i i r i • i •
rorMaximi- received the account or an event which mte-
lian. ja- rafted him much more than t^e murmurs of the
"^ '** Caftilians, or the fcruples of the Cortes of Cata-
lonia. This was the death of the Emperor
Maximilian ; an occurrence of fmall importance
in itfelf, for he was a prince confpicuous neither
for
o p. Martyr, Ep. 63o« Ferrcras, viii. 464.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 53
for his virtues, nor his power, nor his abilities; Book I.
but rendered by its confequences more memo- ^ -^.■^■j
rable than any that had happened during feve- '^'^'
ral ages. It broke that profound and univerfal
peace which then reigned in the Chriftian world ;
it excited a rivallhip between two princes, which
threw all Europe into agitation, and kindled
wars more general, and of longer duration, than
had hitherto been known in modern times.
The revolutions occafioned by the expedition
of the French king, Charles VIIK into Italy,
had infpired the European princes with new ideas
concerning the importance of the Imperial ^ig
nity. The claims of the empire upon fome of
the Italian ftates were numerous ; its jurifdiftion
over others was ^xtenfive ; and though the for-
mer had been almoft abandoned, and the latter
feldom cxercifed, under princes of flender abi-
lities, and of little influence, it was obvious,
that, in the hands of an Emperor poflefled of
power or genius, they would be employed as
engines for ftretching his dominion over the
greater part of that country. Even Maximi-
lian, feeble and unfteady as his conduft always
was, had availed himfelf of the infinite preten-
fions of the empire, and had reaped advan-
tage from every war and every negotiation in
Italy during his reign. Thefe confiderations,
added to the dignity of the ftation, confefledly
the firft an[K>ng Chriftian princes, and to the
rights inherent in the office, which if exerted
with vigour, were fkr frcfm being inconfidcrable,
rendered the Imperial crown more than ever an
objed of ambition.
. . Maxireilitn
Not long before his death, Maximilian had *»*«* «oj*«»-
difcovered great folicitude to preferve this dig- fec"u7c the
nity in the Auftrian faipily, and to procure the J^PJ^'fij^.,
king grtndfon.
54 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book f. king of Spain to be chofen his lucceflbr. But
^-""^''^ he himfelf having never been crowned by the
*5'9* Pope, a ceremony deemed eflential in that age,
was confidered only as Emperor ele^l. 1'hougK
hiftoriansdid not attend to that diftinftion, nei-
ther the Italian or German chancery beffowed
any other title upon him than that of king of
the Romans •, and no example occurring in hif^
tory of any perfon's being chofen a fucccflor to
a king of the Romans, the Germans, always
tenacious of their forms, and unwilling' tpcon-
' fer upon Charles an office for which their con-
ftitution knew no name, obftinately refufeii to
gratify Maximilian in that point P, '
Charles and By his death, this difficulty was at once re-
fom^^eiitors "^^v?^» and Charles opcnly afpired to that dig-
for the em- hity wHich his grandfather had attempted, with-
***'*• out fuccefs, to fecure for him* At the fame
time, Francis I. a powerful rival, entered the
lifts agjainft him \ and the attention of all Europe
was fixed upon this competition^ ho. lefs illuftri-
ous from the high rank of the candidates, than
from the importance of the prize for which they
contended. Each of them urged his pretcn-
lions with fanguine expeftations, and with no
unpromifing profpeft of fuccefs. Charles con-
and hope"' fidcrcd the Imperial crown as belonging to him
pfChaHes. of right^ from its long continuance in the Au-
ftrian line; he knew that none of the German
princes poflefled power or influence enough to
appear as his antagonift-, he flattered himfelf^
that no confideration Would induce the natives
of Germany to exalt any foreign prince to a
dignity, which during fo many ages had beea
deemed peculiar to their own nation ; and Jeaft
■ of
f V ■ •
P Guicciardini, lib. 13. p. 15. Hiil.Gcncr. d'AUcmagnc,
par P. B^arre, torn. viii. part i; 5/1087. P. Hcuter. Rcr.
Auftr. lib. vii. c. 17. 179. lib. viii. c. 2. p. 183.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 55
of all, that they would confer this honour upon Book I.
Francis I. the fovereign of apeoplc whofc genius ^•^'V^^'
and laws, and manners, difiered fo widely from ''*^*
thofe of the Germans, that it was hardly poflible
to eftablifh any cordial union between them ; he
crufted not a little to the efFeft of Maximilian's
negociations, which, though they did not attain
their end, had prepared the minds of the Ger-
mans for his elevation to the Imperial throne ;
but what he relied on as a chief recommenda^
tion, was the fortunate fituation of his heredi**
tary dominions in Germany, which ferved as a
natural barrier to the empire againft the en-
croachments of the Turkilh power. The con-
quefts, the abilities, and the ambition of Sultan
Selim II. had i'pread over Europe, at that time,
a general and well-founded alarm. By his vic-
tories over the Mamalukes, and the extirpation
of that gallant body of men, he had not only
added Egypt and Syria to his empire, but had
fecured to it fuch a degree of internal tranquil-
lity, that he was ready to turn againft Chriueo-
dom the whole force of his arms, which nothing
hitherto had been able to refift* The moft er-
fedual expedient for flopping: the progrefs of
this torrent, ieemed to be the election of an Em-^
peror, pollefled of extenfive territories in that
country, where'its firfl impreffion would be felt,
and who, befides, could combat this formidable
enemy with all the forces of a powerful monar-
chy, and with all the wealth nirnifhed by the
mines of the new world, or the conmierce of
the Low Countries. Thefe were ihe arguments
by which Charles publickly fupported his claim ;
and to men of int^ity and refledtion, they ap-
peared to he not only plaufible, but convincing.
He did not, however, trufl the fuccefs of hisi
caufe to thff? ^lope. Great fums of money
Wre remivtc4 froqi Spain j ^U th? ^efinen^ents
^n4
^ THE ai€lGN OF THE
B ooic f. and artifice of negoctadon were employed ; and
^^■""^^^■^aconfidcfAble body of troops kept on foot by the
^S^9* ftatscs of the Ciccfc of Suabia^ was fecretly taken
dnto his pay* The venal were gained fcy pre-
sents; the ob}cdions of the more fcrupukms
3i¥ere anfwered or ekided ; fome £eebte princes
•were threatened and tjver-fawed 9.
*
Of Francis. 0^ ^ tJther hand, Prancis fuppotted his
•clakn widi equal eagernefe, and no )c& confix
•deflfce d its beijig wdl fionanded. His enrniTaries
contended that it was now bigh time to convince
-the princes of thefaouie of Auftria that the Inopc-
<rial crown was dediiive, and tiot hereditary ; tliac
fvdiCT peribos .m^t afph'e to an iionour ^fadcfa
.tfaeir arrogiwcjc juad conne to regard as the pro-
-perty of their family •, that it required a fove-
rreign of mature jfudgment, and of approved abili-.
ties, to ihodd the xcins of government in a coun-
itry where ifqdi unknown opinions concerning
^digion had been pubHflied^ .as had thrown the
•minds of: . men : iiarto an iincommon agitation,
which threatened the mo9: violent efiedts ; that a
-young prtnce, without eacperience, and <who had
ibitberto given; no %ecimctis of his genius for
•command, ^wassio equal match for Selim, a mo-
nanch ^wn \old in the art of war, and in the
,cour& of vidiory.-, whereas a king, who in his
early youth .had triumphed over the valour
-and difdplme lof the Swife, till then reckcaied
invincible, wouldbeanantagoniftitotuiiwortliy
the Conqueror of the Eaft j that the iire lajid
.impetuofity of the French cavalry, added to the
•difcipline and flability. of the German infantry,
' wiould form an army fo arefiftahle, that, inftead
trf" waiting the approach of the Ottoman forces,
. . ' . ..; ..... it
q Guic. lib. 13. 159. Sleidan* Hift. of the Rcfoongt. 14.
* Sttuvii Corp. flift. <jerman. ii. 9^1 .Not. zo.
EMPIEHOR CHARLES V. 57
k mi^ cany hdftittties into the hetrt of their Book I.
doRimions ; that the de&ioD of Chtrles would '^— n^"^**-^
be kiconfiftent with a fundamental conftitution, *5»9»
by which the perfon who holds the crown of
Naples, is exciioded from afpiring to the Impe-
lial dignity ; that his elevation to that honour
would foon kindle a war in Italy, on accotmt of
his pretenfions to the duchy of Milan, the eflPe&s
of which could not fail of ceaching the £m[^fe^
and might prove fatal to it^ But while his
ambaffadors enlarged upon thefe and other to-
picks of the fame kind, in all the courts of
Gerimiyy, Francis, ienfible of the prejudices en-*
tertamed againft him as a foreigner, unacquaint-
ed with t^ German language t»r manners, en-
deavoured fo overcome thefe, and to gain the
favour cf the princes by immenfe gifts, and by
infinite promifes. As the expeditious method
of tranfmitting money, and the deceat mode of
conveying a bribe by bills of exchange was then
little Known, the French ambaffadors travelled
with a train of horfes loaded with treafure, an
equipage not ycvy honourable for that prince
by whom they were employed, and infamous for
thofiJ to whom they were feat *.
T«i other European princes could not rc-y**^'*"?
mtm indifferent fpeorators or a conteft, the deci- other a«ce«.
fion of which fo nearly aflfeded them* Their
common intereft ought naturally to have formed
a general combination, in order to diikppoint
bc^ competitors, and to prevent either of them
from obtaining foch a pre-ominmce in power
and digrricy, as might prove dangerous to the
liberties of Europe. But the ideas with re^^ed:
to a proper diftribution and balance of power
were
' Gukc.lib. 13. 160. Sleid. p. 16. Geor.Sabini de cleft.
Car.V.Hiftoriaapud ScardiiScript. Rer.Gerin.vol.ii.p.4*
> Memoirea de Martch* de Fleuranges, p. 296.
58 THEREIGNOFTHE
Booic I. were fo lately introduced into the fyftem of Eu-^
^'""^^"**^ ropean policy, that they were not hitherto ob-
**'^ jefts of fufficient attention. The paffions of
fome princes, the want of forefight in others,
and the fear of giving offence to the candidates,
hindered fuch a falutary union of the powers of
Europe, and rendered them either totally negli-
gent of the publick fafety, or kept them from
exerting themfelves with vigour in its behalf.
^.[^^ The Swifs Cantons, though they dreaded the
elevation of either of the contending monarchs,
^ and though they wiftied to have fcen fQm« prince
whofe dominions were lefs extenfive, and whole
power was more - moderate, feated on the Im-.
perial throne, wer^ prompted, however, by their
hatred of the French nation, to give an open pre-r
ference to the pretenfions of Charles, while they
ufed their utmoft influenge to fruftratQ thofc of
Francis S
oftheVe- Xhk Venetians eafily difcerned, that. it. was
the intereft of their Republick to have both the
rivals fet afide ; but their jealoufy of. die houie
of Auftria, whofe ambition ^nd neighbQurhoocJ
had been fatal to their grandeur, would not per-
mit them to aft up to their own ideas^ j|»d led
them haftily to give the fanftion of their appro-
bacion to the claim of the French king.
Of Henry It was equally the iafiereflr, and moire .in the
vin. power of Hemy VIIl. of England, to prevent
either Francis or Charlesi frcwn acquiring a dig-
nity which would raife them fo far above other
monarchs. But though Henry often boafted,
that he held, t^ie bahpp^ of European hisih.and,
he had neither the fteady attention, the accurate
^jfcernmcnt, nor the difpaflionate temper which.
EMPEROR CHAfeLESV. 59
that delicate funftion required. On this occa-. Boo« ^•
fion it mortified his vanity fo much, to lee him- ^ ^^'^^
felf excluded from that noble competitioa which '^''*
reflefbed fuch honour upon the two antagonifts,
that he took the refolution of fending an am-
baffador into Germany, and of declarmg himfclf
a candidate fpr the Imperial throne. The am*
baffador, though loaded with carcfles by the
German princes and the Pope's nuncio, informed
his raafter, that he could hope for no fuccels in
a claim which he had been fo. late in preferring,
Henry, imputing his difappointment to that cir*
cumftance alone, and ibothed with this oftentati^
ous difplay of his own importance, feems to have
taken no farther part in the matter, either by
contributing to thwart both his rivals, or to pror
mote one of them'',
Leo X. a pontiflF no kfs renowned for hi^ofLeoX.
political abilities, than for his love of the arts,
was the only prince of the age who obferved the ^
motions of the two contending monarchs with a
prudent attention, or who difcovered a proper
folicitude for the public (afety. The Imperial
and Papal jurifdidion interfered in for many
inftance^, the complaints of ufurpation were fa
numerous on both fides, and the territories of
the church owed their fecurity fo Iktlc to their
own force, and fo much to the weakncfs of the
powers around them, that nothing was fo for-
midable to the court of Rome as an emperor
with extenfive dominions, or of enterprizing
genius. Leo trembled at the profpedt of be-
Holding the Imperial crown placed on, the head
of the king pf Spain and of Naples, and the
mailer of the new world ; nor was. he lefs afraid *
of
" Memoires d« f]e»x*l»S^» S'i* H^'^^U Hift. of
Henry VIII.
6o THE REIGN OF THE
Book L of feeing a king of France, who was duke of
-*"v'"""^ Milan and lord of Genoa, exalted to that dig-
*''^* nity. He foretold that the elcftion of either of
them would be fatal to the independence of the
holy fee, to the peace of Italy, and perhaps to
the liberties of Europe. But to oppofe them
with any profpedt of fuccefs, required addrefs
and caution in proportion to the greatnefs of
their power, and their opportunities of taking
revenge. Leo was defeftive in neither. He fc-
cretiy exhorted the German princes to place one
of their own number on the Imperial throne,
which many of them were capable of filling
with honour. He put them in mind of the
conftitution by which the kings df Naples were
for ever excluded from that dignhy \ He
warmly exhorted the French King to perfift in
his claim, not from any defire that he ihould
gain his end, but as he forefaw that the Ger-
mans would be more difpofed to favour the
king of Spain, he hoped that Francis himfelf,
when, he difcovercd his awn chance of fuccefs to
be defperate, would be fHmulated by refent-
ment and the fpirit of rivalftiip, to concur with
all hi^ ^ntereft in raifing fome third perfon to
the head of the Entire ; or on the other hand,
if Francis fhould make unexpe&ed progrefs, he
did not ^oubt but that Charles woiald be in-
duced by iimilar motives to t£t the ikme part ;
and thus by a prudent attention, the mutual
jealoufy of the two rivals might be fo dcxtcrouf-
]y managed as to difappoint both. But this
fcheme, the only one which a prince in Lco'tS
fituatton could adc^t, though concerted with
great wifdom, was executed with little difcre-
tion. The French ambafladors ia Germany fed
their
X Goldafli Conftitationes Imperiales. Francof. 1673.
vol. i. 43j^.
EMPERQR CHARLES V. 6i
their vinafter with vain hopes; the pope's nuncio. Book L
being gained by them, altogether forgot the*— v---^
inftruftions which he had received ; and Francis '^*^*
pcrfevered fo long and with, fuch obftinacy in
urging his own pretenfions, as rendered all Leo's
meafures abortive y.
Such were the hopes of the candidates, and thc diet
the views of the different princes, when thejJ[^™JyVh.
diet was opened according to form at Frankfort.
The right of chufing an Emperor had long
been vetted in feven great princes, diftineuiflied
by the name of Eleftors, the origin of whofe
office, as well as the nature and extent of their
powers, have already been explained, Thefe
were, at that time, Albert or Brandenburgh,
archbilhop of Mentz ; Herman count de Wied,
archbifhop of Cologne; Richard de Greiffen-
klau, archbilhop of Treves -, Lewis,, king of
Boheniia; Lewis, count Palatin of the Rhine v
Frederick, duke of Saxony ; and Joachim I.
marquis of Brandenburgh. Notwithftanding views of the
the artful arguments produced by the ambafla- ^^^°"*
dors of the two kings in favour of their refpec-
tive matters, and in fpite of all their folicitationsy
intrigues, and preients, the Eleftors did noo
forget that maxim on which the liberty of the
German conftitution was thought to be found-
ed. Among the members of the Germanick
body, which is a great republick compofed of
ftates almoft independent, the firft principle
of patriotifm is to deprefs and limit the power
of the Emperor ; and of this idea, fo natu-
ral under fuch a form of government, a Ger-
man politician feldom lofes fight. No prince
of confiderable power, or cxtenfive dominions^
had
7 Guicciar. lib. 13. i6c.
62 THEftElGNOFTHE
Book T. had for fome ages been raifed to the Imperial
^^-"^^^""'^ throne. To this prudent precaution man/ of
^ '' the ^reat families in Germany owed the fplcn-
dour and independence which they had ac-
quired during that period. To cleft either of
the contending monarchs, would have been a
grofs violation of that falutary maxim ; would
have given to the Empire a mafter, inftead
of an head ; and would have reduced them-
felves from the rank of equals, to the condition
of fubjefts.
?I%vt\ Full of thefe ideas, all the eleftors turned
crownto their eyes towards Frederick, duke of Saxony,
six^"^*^°^^ prince of fuch eminent virtue, and abilities,
**°^' as to be diftinguilhed by the name of the SagCj
and with one voice they offered him the Im-
perial crown. He was not dazzled with that
objeft, which monarchs fo far fuperior to hiai
in power courted with fuch eagernefs ; and after
deliberating upon the matter a (hort time, he rc-
jefted it with a magnanimity and difinterefted-
who rejeas ncfs, no Icfs fingular than admirable. Nothing,
*^ he obferved, could be more impolitick, than an
obftinate adherence to a maxim which, though
found and juft in many cafes, . was not applica-
ble to all. In times of tranquillity, faid he,
we wifh for an Emperor who has not power to
invade our liberties ; times of danger demand
one who is able to fecure our fafetv. The
Turkifh armies, led by a gallant and vidorious
monarch, are now aiTcmbling. They are ready
to pour in upon Germany with a violence un-
known in former ages. New conjundures call
for new expedients. The Imperial fceptre muft
be committed to fome hand more powerful than
mine, or that of any other German prince. We
poflcfs neither dominions, npr revenues, nor.
authoricyt
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 63
Authority, which enable us to encounter fuch a Book L
formidable enemy. Recourfe muft be had in ^^"^^"^^
this exigency to one of the rival monarchs. Each *^'^*
of them can bring into the field forces fuflicient
for our defence. But as the king of Spain is
of German extradtion ; as he is a member and
prince of the empire by the territories which
defcend to him from his grandfather ; as his
dominions (Iretch along that frontier which lies
moft expofed to the enemy ; his claim is pre-
ferable, in my opinion, to that of a ftranger to
our language, to our blood, and to our country;
and therefore I give my vote to confer on him
the Imperial crown.
This opinion, diftated by fuch uncommon
generofity, and fupported by arguments fo plau-
fible, made a deep impreflion on the Eleftors.
The king of Spain's ambaffadors, fenfible ofuiArttaff
the important fervice which Frederick had done ""oV*'^'**
their matter, fent him a confiderable lum of chtries*s
money, as the firft token of that prince's grati- J^,.* *"
tude. But he who had greatnefs of mind to re-
fufc a crown, diidained to receive a bribe •, and
upon their entreating that, at leaft, he would
permit them to diftribute part of that fum
among his courtiers, he replied. That he could
not prevent them from accepting what Ihould be
offered, but whoever took a fmglc florin fhould
be difiniffed next morning from his fervice ^.
No
* P. Daniely an hiftorian of confiderable name, feems to
call in queftion the truth of this account of Frederick's be-
haviopr in refufing the imperial crown, becaufe it is not
mentioned by GeorgiusSabinus in his hiftoryof the eledion
and coronation of Charles V. torn. iii. p. 63. But no great
ftrefs ought to be laid on an omiflion in a fuperficial author,
whofe trcatife, though dignified with the name of hiftory,
contatQsonly iuch an account of the ceremoQial of Charles's
eledion.
fl**
64 THE REIGN OF THE
Book L No priRce in Germany cmiid now afpire to a
%^^ y ^,^ digpity, which Frederick had declined foF rea-
Twltf'df^^'^ applicable to them alk It remained to make
liberttions a choicc bctween the two great competitcMrs. But
' twt!**^ *^**^ befides the prejudice in Cbarfcs's favour, ajrifkig
from hi& birth,, a& well a& the fituatioa of his
Gen¥ian dominions, he ow<d not a little to the
abilities of the cardinal de Gtirk, and th« 29eftl
of Erard de la Mark, bifhop of Liege> two of
hi& ambafi^dors, who had coAdu&ed tbeiF T^§p^
ciations with more prudence and addrefs than
thofc entrufted by the French king. The for-
mer, who had long been the minifler aiKl favou*
rite of Maximilian, was well acquainted with the
art of managing the Germans; and the latter
having beefi difappoifited of a cardinal'^ hat by
Francis, employed all the malicious ingenuity
with which the defire of revenge iofpires an ani*>
bitious mind, in thwarting the meafures of that
monarch. The Spanifh party among the £kc-
tors daily gained ground ; and even the Po^'s
iTuncio, being convinced that it was vain to make
any farther oppoikion, endeavoured to acquire
fome merit with the future Emperor,, by o&ring
voluntarily, in the name of his mailer, a difpen«>
fat ion to hold the Imperial crown in conjunction
with that of Naples *.
On
c]c£liorT, a$ is ufually pubUlhcdin Germany on Ilkeocca-
fions. Scard. Rer. Germ. Script, v. z, p. i. The teflimony
of tfrafmus, lib. 13. epill. 4. and that of Sleidan, p. 18. are
exprefs. Seckendorf in his Conrmenurius Hilloricus. &
ApologeticusdeLutheramfinOy p. i2i» i>as exaoiined this
fa^ with his ufbal induilryy and haeeftablifhed its truth by
the moil undoubted evidence. To thefe te(iiraonie« wKick
he has coHe&ed, 1 may add the dcctfive one of cardinal
Cajetan, the popes legate at Fran4&fort, in his letter July
5th, 1519. Epiflres au Princes, &c. recuellies parRuiccUi
traduiSs par Belforreft. Far. 1572. p.6o.
» Freheri Rcr. German. Scriptores, vol. iii. 172. cut.
Strovii Argent. 1717. Gianone Hift. of Naples, 2, 498.
:r I
»
EMPEROR CHARLES V, (^s
On the twenty-eighth of June, five months Book I.
and ten days after the death of Maximilian, this ^ ^^"^^
important conteft, which had held all Europe ^ ^'
in fufpence, was decided. Six of the Eleftors They cbufe
had already declared for the king of Spain ; and peror."*™'
the archbiftiop of Treves, the only firm adhe- ^
rent to the French intereft, having at laft joined
his brethren, Charles was by the unanimous
Voice of the eleftoral college raifed to the impe-
rial throne \
But though the eleftors confented, from
various motives, to promote Charles to that
high ftation, they difcovered at the fame time
great jealoufy of his extraordinary power, and They %x%
endeavoured, with the qtmoft folicitude, to pro- cvro^ThU
vide againft his encroaching on the privileges p^wcr, tod
of the Germanick body. It had long been the ctutioCV
cuftom to demand of every new Emperor a6«infti^
confirmation of thefe privileges, and to require
a promife that he would never violate them in
any inftance. While princes, who were formi-
dable neither from extent of territory, nor of
genius, poffefled the Imperial throne, a general
and verbal engagement to this purpofe was
deemed fufficient fecurity. But under an Em-
peror fo powerful as Charles, other precautions
feemed neceflary, A Capitulation or claim of
rights was formed, in which the privileges and
immunities of the eleftors, of the princes of the
empire, of the cities, and of every other member
of the Germanick body, are enumerated. This
capitulation was immediately figned by Charles's
ambaffadors in the name of their mafter, and
he himfelf at his coronation confirmed it in the
inoft folemn manner. Since that period, the
Vol. II. F Eleftora
} Jac. Aug. Thuai^. Hift. Aii tcipporis. Edit. Bulklcy^
lil>. I. c. 9,
i.-*
66 THEHEIGNOFTHE
Book I. Eleftors have continued to prefcribe the feine
^'"■'"^'' conditions to all his fucceflTors ; and the Capi^
'^*^* tulation or mutual contrad between the Em^
peror and his fubjefts, is considered in Gerniany
as a ftrong barrier againft the progrefs of the
Imperial power, and as the great charter of their
liberties to which they often appeal ^.
The eirai- The important intelligence of his ele^on
?o cS. was conveyed in nine days from Frankfort tq
Barcelona, where Charles was ftill detained by
the obftinacy of the Catalonian Cortes, which
had not hitherto brought to an i0ue any of thq
affairs which came before it. He received the
account with the joy natural to a young and
afpiring mind, on an acceffion of power and
dignity whjch raifed him fo far above the other
princes of Europe. Then it was that thofe vaft
profpefts which allured hinri during his whole ad-
miniftration began to open, and from this aera
we may date the formation, and are able to trace
the gradual progrefs of a grand fyftem of enter-
prizing ambition, which renders the hiftory of
his reign fo worthy of attention.
ifseffea A TRIVIAL circumftancc firft difcovered the
upon him. effcfts of this great elevation upon the mind
of Charles. In all the publick writs which he
iflucd as king of Spain, he affumed the title of
Majeftyj and required it from his fubjc6ls as a
mark of their refpeft. Before that time, all the
monarchs of Europe were fatisfied with the ap-
I pellation of Higbnefsj or Grace ; but the vanity
of other courts foon led them to imitate the ex-
ample of the Spanifh. • The epithet q{ Majefty
is
c PfcfFel Abrcge de rHift. de Droit Publique d'AIIc-
magne, 590. Limnci Capitulat. Imper. Epiftres des
Piinces par Rufcelliy p. 60. . .,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 67
is no Jonger a mark of pre-eminence. The moft Book I.
inconfiderable monarchs in Europe enjoy it, and ^ - -v^ *-
the arrbgance of the greater potentates has in- '^'^
vented no higher denomination ^.
The Spaniards were far from viewing the The sp«nr,
promotion of their king to the Imperial throne J'/y jjjj'jj""
with the fame fatisfaftion which he himfelf felt. «*»»« event.
To be deprived of the prefence of their fove-
reign, and to be fubjefted to the governn^ent
of a viceroy and his council, a fpccies of admi-
niftration often oppreffive, and always difagree-
able, were the immediate and neceffary confe-
quences of this new dignity. To fee the blood
of their countrymen {ned in quarrels wherein
the nation had no concern •, to behold its trea-
fures wafted in fup porting the fplendour of a
foreign title; to oe plunged in the chaos of
Italian and German politics, were effefts of this
event almoft as unavoidable. From all thcfe
confiderations, they concluded, that nothing
could have happened more pernicious to the
Spanilh nation ; and the fortitude and publick
fpirit of their anceftors, who, in the Cortes of
Caftile, prohibited Alphonzo the Wife from
leavm^ the kingdom, in ojder to receive the
Imoenal crown, were often mentioned with the
higheft praife, and pronounced to be extremely
worthy of imitation at this junfture *.
But Charles, without regarding the fcnti-
ments or murmurs of his SpaniOi fubjefts^
accepted of the Imperial dignity which the
count Palatine, at the nead of ^ folemn'embafly,
offered him in the name of the eleftors ; and November*
F 2 declared
^ Minianae Contin. Mar. p. 13. Fcrrcras, viii. 475,
Memoires Hiil. de la HoufTaie, torn. i. p. 53» &c.
^ SandQvalj i p. 32t Miniana, ContiD. p. 14.
68 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book I. declared his intention of fetting out foon for
* ^^"**^ Germany, in order to take pofleflion of it
>5»9' This was the more neceflary, becaufe, according
to the forms of the German conftitution, he
could not, before the ceremony of a publick co-
ronation, exercife any aft of jurifdiftion or au-
thority ^,
Their dif. Their certain knowledge of this refolution
cS/°' augmented fo much the difguft of the Spaniards,
that a fuUen and refraftory fpirit prevailed
among perfons of all ranks. The Pope having
granted the king the tenths of all ecclefiaftical
benefices in Caftile to aflift him ia carrying on
war with greater vigour againft the Turks, a
convocation of the clergy unanimoufly refufed
to levy that fum, upon pretence that it ought
never to be exafted but at thofe times when
Chriftendom was aftually invaded by the tnfi-
dcls-, and though Leo, in order to fupport his
authority, laid the kingdom under an interdi6t,
fo little regard was paid to a cenfure which was
univerfally deemed unjuft, that Charles himfelf
applied to have it taken off. Thus the Spanifli
clergy, befides their merit in oppofing the ufur-
pations of the Pope, and difregarding the influ-
ence of the crown, gained the exemption which
they had claimed s.
Aninfurrec- The commotions which arofe in the kingdom
lencii" ^* ^^ Valencia, annexed to the crown of Aragon,
* ' were more formidable, and produced more dan-
gerous and lafting effefts. A feditious monk
having by his fermons excited the citizens of
Valencia, the capital city, to take arms, and to
punifh certain criminals in a tumultuary man-
ner, the people^ plcafed with this exercife of
power,
f Sabinus. P. Barre, viii. 1085. t P. Martyr,
Ep. 462, Ferrcras, viii. 473.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 69
power, and with fuch a difcovery of their own Book I.
importance, not only refufed to lay down their ^-•*>^^**
arms, but formed themfelves into troops and *^'^*
companies that they might be regularly trained
to martial exercifes. To obtain fomc fecurity
againft the oppreflion of the grandees was the
motive of this aflbciation, and proved a powerful
bond of union •, for as the ariftocratical privi-
leges and independence were more complete in
Valencia than in any other of the Spanifti king-
doms, the nobles, being fcarcely accountable for
their conduct to any fuperior, treated the people
not only as vaflals but as flaves. They were
alarmed, however, at the progrefs of this unex-
pcded infurreftion, as it might encourage the
people to attempt fhaking off the yoke alto-
gether-, but as they could not reprefs them
without taking arms, it becanoe neceflary to
have recourfe to the Emperor, and to dcfire his
permiffion to attack them. At the fame time ijzo.
the people made choice of deputies to reprefent ^^* p^*»«^*^«*
their grievances, and to implore the 'protection
of their fovereign. Happily for the latter, they
arrived at court when Charles was exafperated
to an high degree againft the nobility. As he
wa5 eager/ to vifit Germany, where his prefence
became every day more neceflary, and as his
Flemilh courtiers were ftill more impatient to
return into their native country, that they might
carry thither the fpoils which they had amaffed
in Caftile, it was impoflible for him to hold the
Cortes of Valencia in perfon. He had for that
realbn empowered the Cardinal Adrian to repre-
fent him in that alTembly, and in his name to
receive their oath of allegiance, to confirm their
privileges with the ufual folemnities, and to
demand of them a free gift. But the Valencian
nobles, who confidcred this meafurc as an in-
dignity
^o THEREIGHOFTHE
Book J. dignity to their country, which was no lefs enti-
^^ — /-^^tled, than his other kingdoms, to the honour
'^^^* of their fovefeign's prefence, declared that by
the fundamental laws of the conftitution they
could neither acknowledge as king a perfon who
was abfent, nor grant nim any fubfidy, and
to this declaration they adhered with an haughty
and inflexible obftinacy. Charles, piqued with
their behaviour, decided rn favour or the people,
and rafhly authorized them to continue in arms.
Their deputies rieturned in triumph, and were
received by their fellow-citizens as the deliverers
of their country. The infolenrce of the multi-
tude increallng with their fuccefs, they expelled
all the nobles out*of the city, committed the go-
vernment to magiftrates of then- own cleftion,
and entered into an aflbciation diftinguifhed by
the name of Germanada or Brotherhood^ which
proved the foufce not only of the wildeft dif-
orders, but of the moft fatal calamities in that
kingdom ^.
t ■ '
m
T»»e Cortes MeanWi^ile, the kingdom of Caftilt was
funJJ^ined ^jgitated witH no lefs violence. No fooner was
to meet in the Empcror's ifttcntion to leave Spain madie
Gaiicia. known, than feveral cities of the firft rank re-
folved to remonftrate againft it, and to crave
redrefs once mare of thofe grievances which they
had formerly laid before him. Charles artfully
.avoided admitting their deputies to audience;
apd as he faw from this chrcumftance, how diM-
cutt it would be at this junfture to reftrain the
mutrnous fpirit of the greater cities, he fum*
mon'ed the Cortes of Caftile to meet at Com-
poftella, a town in GaKcia. His only reafon for
calling that aflembly, was the hope ai obtaining
ahother donative -, tor as his treafury had been
exhauftcd
h p. Martyr, Ep. 651. Fcrreras, viii. 476, 485.
EMt^EROR CHARLES V. 71
exhaufted ih the fame proportion that the riches Book I.
of his minifters ihcreafed, he could not, without '^^''"***^
fome additional aid, appear in Germany with '^
fplendour fuited to the Imperial dignity. To
q)point a meeting of the Cortes in U> remote a
province, and to demand a new fubfidy before
the time for paying the former was expired,
\^ere innovations of a moft dangerous tendency ;
and among people not only jealous of iheir liber-
ties, but accuftomed to fupply the Wants of
their fovereigns with a very frugal hand, excited
an nfiiverfal alarm. The magiftrates of Toledo
remonfttated againfl: both thefe meafures in a
very high tone ; the inhabitants of Valladolid,
tehd expefted that the Cones ftiould have been
held ih that city, were fo enraged that they took
arms in a tumultuary manner ; ind if Charles
i^ith his foreign counfellors had not fortunately
toade their efcap^ during a violent temped, they
would have maflacred an the Flemings, and have
f)iwented him from continuing his journey to-
wards Conrrpoftella.
Every city through which they paflcd, peti- The pro-
tioned againft holding a Cortes in Galicia, ^^^hlf7fftm^
point with regard to which Charles was infiex- Wy.
Ale. But though the utmoft influence had been
exerted by the minifters, in order to procure a
choite of reptef^tatives favourable to their de •
figns, fatrh was the temper of the nation, that,
at the opening of the allembly, there appeared April 1.
among many of the members unufual fymptoms
of ill-humour, which threatened a fierce oppo-
teon to all the meafures of the court. I^o
^tprefentitives were fent by Toledo •, for the lot,
accordiftg to which, by ancient cuftom, the
deftion was determined in that city, having
fallen upon two perfons, devoted to the Flemilh
minilters, thcit fellow-citizens refufed to grant
ihcm
72 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book I. them a commiflion in the ufual form, and in
'"^'^'^ ^ their Head made choice of two deputies, whom
*^* ' they empowered to repair to Compoftella, and
to proteft againft the lawfulnefs of the Cortes
Thcdifaf. affembled there. The reprefentatives of Sala-
thf CaftiH- nianca refufed fo take the ufual oath of fidelity,
ans incrcaf- unlcfs Charlcs confcntcd to change the place
*^' of meeting. Thofe of Toro, Madrid, Cor-
dova, and fevreral other places, declared the de-
mand of another donative to be unprecedented,
unconftitutional, and unneceflary. All the arts,
however, which influence popular aflemblies,
bribes, promifes, threats, and even force, were
employed in ordrr to gain members. The no-
bles, foothed by the refpeftful alfiduity with
which Chievres and the other Flemings paid
court to them, or inftigated by a mean jealoufy
of that fpirit of independence which they' faw
rifing among the commons, openly favoured
the pretcnfions of the court, or at the utmoft
did not oppofe them •, and at laft, in contempt
not only of the fentiments of the nation, but
of the ancient forms of the conftitution, a ma-
jority voted to grant the donative for which the
Emperor had applied K Together with this
grant, the Cortes laid before Charles a reprefen-
tation of thofe grievances whereof his people
craved redrefs^ but he, having obtained from
them all that he could expeft, paid no attention
to this ill- timed petition, which it was no longer
dangerous to difregard ^.
Charles ap- As nothing now retarded his embarkation, he
gelltlduHng difclofed his intention with regard to the regency
his tbfence. of Caftilc during his abfence, which he had
hitherto kept fecret, and nominated cardinal
Adrian
» P. Martyr, Ep. 66y Sandoval, p. 32, &c. k San-
doval, p. 84.
I
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 73
Adrian to that office. The viceroyalty of Ara- Book l.
gon he conferred on Don John de Lanuza ; ^'" "^ '
that of Valencia on Don Diego de Mendoza '5*^*
Conde de Melito. The choice of the two latter
was univerfally acceptable j but the advance-
ment of Adrian, though the only Fleming who
had preferved any reputation among the Spa-
niards, animated the Caftilians with new hatred
againft foreigners; andf even the nobles, who
had fo tamely fuffered other inroads upon the
conftitution, felt the iodignity offered to their
own order by his promotion, and remonftrated
againft it as illegal. But Charles's defire of
vificing Germany, ^ we)l as the impatience of
his minifters to leave Spain, were now fo much
increafed, that without regarding the murmurs
of the Caftilians, or even taking time to provide-
any remedy againft an infurreftion in Toledo,
which at that time threatened, and afterwards
produced moft formidable effefts, he failed from ^nd embarks
Corogna on the twenty-fecond of May ; and by cow*JJic»^'
fetting out fo abruptly in queft of a new crown, , .*
he endangered a more important one of which he
was already in poffcffion *.
^ P. Martyr, Ep. 670. Sandov. 86.
THE
T ti E
HISTORY
bP t H E
R E i G N
OP tHE
EMPEROR CHARLES V,
\
iO OK tt.
fcooK IL 1|L Jt AK Y Gonciorring circumftances. not only
^'"*''**'"*^ XyJL called Charles's thoughts towards the ai-
chwies^t ^^^^ ^f Germany, bat rendered his prefchce in
prefence in that country neceffary. The Ele<^ors grew im-
TOcSkS'. P^^*^^*^^ ^f ^o lo"g 2in interregnuhi ; his heredi-
tary dominions were diftarlaed by inteftine com-
motions ; and the new opinions concerning re-
ligion made fuch rapid progrefs, as required the
moft ferious confideration. But above all, the
motions of the French king drew his attention,
and convinced him that it was neceffary to take
meafures for his own defence, with no lefs fpeed
than vigour,
Riie and When Charlcs and Francis entered the lifts
thenvanwp ^^ Candidates for the Imperial dignity, they con-
between dufted their rivalfhip with many profeffions^ of
ttwciir regard for each other, and with repeated decla-
rations that they would not fuSer any tindure
of
I
(
T H E k E I G N, &c. 75
of enmity to mingle itfcif with this honourable Book If.
emulation. " We both court the fame miftrefs,**^ n— v-^
fold Francis, with his ufual vivacity, " each ^^^^'
ought to ur^ his fuitwith all the addrefs of
which he is mafter •, the moft fortunate will pre-
vail, and the other muft reft contented •." But
though two young and high-fpirited Princes,
and each of them animated with the hope
of fuccefs, might be capable of forming fuch
a generous refolution, it was foon found that
they promifed upon a moderation too refined
and difinterefted for human nature. The pre-
ference given to Charles in the fight of all Eu-
fope, mortified Francis to the higheft degree,
and infpired him with all the paflions natural to
difappointed ambition. To this was owing tho»
perfonal jealoufy and rivalfhip which fubfifted*
between the two monarchs during their whole
feign ; and the rancour of thefc, augmented by
a real opppfition of intercft, which gave rife to
ttiany unavoidable caufes of difcord, involved
them in almoft perpetual hoftilities. Charles
had paid no regard to the principal article in
the treaty of Noyon, by rcfufing oftener than
once to do juftice to John d'Albret, the ex-
cluded monarch of Navarre, whom Francis was
bound in honour, and prompted by intereft, to
itftore to his throne. The French king had pre-
tenfions to the crown of Naples, of which Fer-
dinand had deprived his predeceflbr by a moft
unjuftifiable breach of raith. The Emperor
ihight reclaim the dutchy of Milan as a fief of
the empire, which Francis had feized, and ftill
kept in poffeflion, without having received in-
ve&iture. Charles confidered the.dutchy of Bur-
gundy as the patrimonial domain of his anceftors,
wrefted from them by the unjuft policy of Louis
XL
*
' * Guic. lib. 13. p. 159.
76 THEJIEIGNOFTHE
Book II. XL and obferved with the greateft jealoufy the
^^^^- ftridt connexions which Francis had formed with
*^^^* the duke of Gueldres, the hereditary enemy of
his family.
Their deli- When the fourccs of difcord were fo many
^WoTs'to ^"^ various, peace could be of, no long con-
thecom- tinuance, even between princes the moft ex-
^ h'onuities c"^P^ from ambition or emulation. But as the
fhock between two fuch mighty antagonifts
could not fail of being extremely violent, they
both difcovered no fmall folicitude about its
confequences, and took time not only to col-
left and to ponder their own ftrength, and to
compare it with that of their adverfary, but to
Jecure the friendfhip or afliftance of the other
European powers.
They ne?o- . The Fopc had cqual reafon to dr^ad the two
thVp<^c.^ rivals, and faw that he who prevailed, would
become abfolute mailer in Italy. If it had been
in his power to, engage them in hoftilities, with-
out rendering Lombardy the theatre of war, no-
thing would have been more agreeable to him
than to fee them wafte each other's ftreno;th in
cndlefs quarrels. But this was impoffible! Leo
forefaw, that, on the firft rupture between the
two monarchs, the armies of France and Spain
would take the field in the Milanefe •, and while
the fcene of their operations was fo near, and
the fubjeft for ^yhich they contended fo intereft-
ing to him, he could not long remain neuter.
He was obliged, therefore, to adapt his plan of
conduft to his political fituation. He courted
and foothed the Emperor and king of France
with equal induftry and addrefs. Though
warmly folicited by each of them to efpoufe his
caufe, he afTumed all the appearances of entire
impartiality, and attempted to conceal his real
fentiments
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 77
lentiments under that profound diflimulation Book U.
which feems to have been aflPcdted by mod of ""^""^^ '
the Italian politicians in that age, '^^°*
The views and intereft of the Venetians were with the
not different from thofe of the Pope ; nor were ^*"«*'"*-
they left folicitous to prevent Italy from becom-
ing the feat of war, and their own republic from
being involved in the iquarrel. But through
all Leo's artifices, and notwithftanding his high
pretenfions to a perfeft neutrality, it was vifiblc
that he leaned towards the Emperor, from whom
he had both more to fear and more to hope than
from Francis ; and it was equally manifeft, that
if it became neceflary to take a fide, the Vene-
tians would, from motives of the fame nature,
declare for the king of France. No confider-
able affiftance, however, was to be expefted
from the Italian ftates, who were jealous to an
extreme degree of the Tranfalpine powers, and
careful to preferve the balance between them,
unlefs when they were feduced to violate this
favourite maxim of their policy, by the certain
profpeft of fome great advantage to themfelves.
But the chief attention both of Charles and with Henry
of Francis, was employed in ordei' to gain the ^'"*
king of England, from whom e^ch of them ex-
pefted affiftance more effeftual, and afforded
with lefs political caution. Henry VIII. had
^fcended the throne of that kingdom in the year
one thoufand five hundred and nine, with fuch
circumftances of advantage, as pron^ifed a reign
of diftinguiftied felicity ancl fplendour. The The gr^t
union in his perfon of the two contending titles of J^^JJ^^^!
York and Lancafter ; the alacrity and emulation narch.
with which both factions obeyed his commands,
not only enabled him to exert a degree of vigour
and authority in his domeftic government which
npnc
78 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book II. none of his predcceObrs couU have fafely af-
^■"""^^^^^ fumed ; but permitted him to take a (hare in the
'^^°' affairs of the continent, from which the atten-
tion of the Englilh had long been diverted by
their unhappy divifions. The immenfe treafures
which his father had amafled, rendered him the
moft weahhy prince in Europe. The peace
which • had fubfifted under the cautious admini-
ftration of that monarch, was of fufficient length
to recruit the nation after the defolation of the
civil wars, but not fo long as to enervate its Ipi-
rit; and the Englilh, afliamed of having ren-
dered their own country fo long a fcene of dif-
cord and bloodfhed, were eager to difplay their
valour in fome foreign war, and to revive the me-
mory of the vidtorics gained by their ancellors.
His^chartc- Hcnry's own temper perfedlly fuited the ftate of
^' his kingdom, and the difpofition of his fubjedts.
Ambitious, aftive, entcrprizing and accomplifhed
in all the martial exercifes which in that age
formed a chief part in the education of perfon^
of noble birth, and infpired them with an early
love of war, he longed to engage in adtion,
and to fignalize the beginning of his reign by
fome remarkable exploit. An opportunity foon
prefented itfelf •, and the viftory at Guinegate,
together with the fuccefsful fieges of Teroiienne
and Tournay, though of little utility to England,
reflefted great luftre on its monarch, and con-
firmed the idea which foreign princes entertained
of his power and importance. So many con-
curring caufes, added to the happy fituation of
his own dominions, which fecurcd them from fo-
reign invafion j and to the fortunate circum-
ftance of his being in pofTeffion of Calais, which
ferved not only as a key to France, but opened
an eafy pafTage into the Netherlands, rendered
^ the King of England the natural guardian of the
liberties of Europe, and the arbiter between the
Emperor
EM?EROR CHARLES V. 7^
Emperor and Frei^ch mooarch. Henry Him-'^oi^ il-
fclf was fenfible of this fingular advantage) and ' -^v-^-^
convinced, th^t, in order to prefer ve the balance '**^
?ven, it was his oifice to prevent either of the
rivals from acquiring fuch fuperiority of povier
as might be fatal to the other. Or formidable to
the reft of Chriftendom. But he was deftitute
of the penetration, and ftill matt of (he temper
which fuch a delicate fqn^ion required. Influ*
cnced by caprice, by vanity, by refentroent, by
afi*e6tion, he was incapable of forming any regu-*
lar and extenfive fyftem of policy, or of adhering
p it with Aeadineis. His meafures feldopi re*
fulted from attention to the general welfare, or
from a deliberate regard to his own intereft, but
w^re dictated by pai&ons which rendered him
bliiid to both, and prevented his gaining that ai^
cendant in the affairs of Europe, or from reap*
ing fuch advantages to himfelf, as a prince of
reater art, though with inferior talents, might
ive ealily iecured.
All the impoUtick fteps in Henry's admini- And of hit
ftration muft not, however, be imputed to dc- ^joti'
feds in his own charadter ; many of them were Woifey.
owing to the violent paffions and iofatiable am-
bition of his prime minifter and favourite cardi- /
nal Woifey. This man, from one of the k)weft
ranks in life, had rifen to an height of power
and dignity, to whiph no Englilh fubjeft ever
Vrived; and governed the haughty, prefump-
tuous, and untraftable fpirit of Henry with
^folute authority. Great talents, and of very
different kinds, fitted him for the two oppofitc
ftations of minifter, and of favourite. His pro-
foui;Ki judgment, his unwearied induftry, his
thorough acquaintance with the ftate of the
kingdom, his extenfive knowledge of the views
and itrferefts of foreign cowrts, qualijigd hiro for
that
«0 THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. that uncontrouled direftion 6f afFaifs with which
* ^ ' he was intruded. The elegance of his manners,
^^^' the gaiety of his converfation, his infinuating
addrefs, his love of magnificence, and his pro-
ficiency in thofe parts of literature of which
Henry was fond, gained him the afFeftion and
confidence of the young monarch. Wolfey was
far "from employing this vaft and almoft royal
power to promote either the true intereft of the
nation, or the real grandeur of his miafter. Ra-
paciou$ at the fame time, and profufe, he wa$
infatiable in defiring wealth. Of boundlefs am-
bition, he afpired after new honours with an
eagernefs unabated by his former fuccefs -, and
being rendered prefumptuous by his uncommon
elevation, as well as by the afcendant which he
had gained over a prince, who fcarcely brooked
advice from any other perfon, he difcbvercd in
his whole demeanour the moft overbearing haugh-
tmefs and pride. To thefe paflions he himfelf
facrificed every confideration ^ and whoever en-»
deavoured to obtain his favour, or that of his
mafter, found it neceflfary to footh and to gratify
them.
The court As all the ftates of Europe fought Henry's
fe*y*{,jF^': friendfliip at that time, all -courted his minifter
916. with incredible attention and obfequioufnefs, and
ftrov^ by prefents, by promifes, or by flattery
to work upon his avarice, his ambition, or his
pride ^. Francis had, in the year one thoufand
five hundred and eighteen,^ employed Bonniyet,
admiral of P>ance, one of his moft accomplifliedt
and artful courtiers, to gain the haughty prelate.
He himfelf beftowed on him every mark of re-
{pt&: and confidence. He confulted him yf'ith
regard
^ Fiddes's l^h of WoIfey,i66.R)unerVF«dcra, xin. 718.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 8i
regard to his moft important affairs, and re-BobK IL
ceivcd his refponfes with implicit deference. By ' -y* "^
thefe arts, together with the grant of a large '^*^*
penfion, Francis fecured the Cardinal, who per-
fuaded his matter to furrender Tournay to
France, to conclude a treaty of marriage be-
tween his daughter the princefs Mary and the
Dauphin, and to confent to a perfonal interview
with the French king ^ From that time the
moft familiar intercourfe fubfifted between the
two courts ; Francis, fenfible of the great value
of Wolfcy's friendfhip, laboured to fecure the
continuance of it by every poffible expreflion of
regard, bellowing on him in all his letters the
honourable appellation of Father, Tutor, and
Governor.
Charles obferved the progrefs of this union And by
with the utmoft jealoufy and concern. His near '^*^*««*
^Sm\ty to the king of England, gave him fome
title to his friendfhip ; and foon after his accef-
fion to the throne of Caftile, he had attempted to
ingratiate himfelf with Wolfey, by fettling on
him a penfion of three thouland livres. His
chief folicitude at prefent was to prevent the in-
tended interview witl^ Francis, the effefts of which
upon two young pHnces, whofe hearts were no
lefs fufceptible of friendfhip than their manners
were capable df infpiring it, he extremely
dreaded. But after many delays occafioned by
diflSculties about the ceremonial, and by the anxi-»
ous precautions of both courts for the fafety of
their refpeftive fovereigns, the time and place
of meeting were at lafl fixed. Mefiengers had
bci^n f^nt to different courts, inviting all comers,
who were gentlemen, to enter tlie lifts at tilt and
tournament, againft the two monarchs and their
Vol. U. G knights.
« Herbert's Hilh of Hcn*VIIL 30. Rymer, xiii. 624.
I
8 a THEREIGNOFTHE
Book II knights. Both Francis and Henry loved the
u . ->v— - i fplcndour of thefe fpedtacles too well, and were
*^^^* too much delighted with the graceful figure
which they made on fuch occafions, to forego
the pleafure or glory which they expected from
fuch a fingular and brilliant affembly. Nor was
the Cardinal lefs fond of difplaying his magni-
ficence in the prefence of two courts, and of dif-
covering to the two nations the extent of his
influence over both their monarchs. Charles,
finding it impoffible to prevent the interview,
endeavoured to difappoint its efFefts, and to
pre-occupy the favour of the Englifh monarch,
and his minifter, by ao a<5l of complaifance ft ill
chtrics vi. more flattering and more uncommon. Having
May al'th."^ failed from Corunna, as has already been related,
he fteered his courfe direftly towards England,
and relying wholly on Henry's generofity lor his
own fafety, landed at Dover. This unexpefted
vifit furprizcd the nation. Wolfcy, however,
was well acquainted with the Emperor's inten-
tion. A negociation, unknown to the hiftorians
of that age, had been carried on between him
and the court of Spain -, this vifit had been con-
certed; and Charles granted the Cardinal, whom
he calls his moft dear friend^ an additional pen-
fion of feven thoufand ducats ^. Henry, who
Was then at Canterbury, in his way to France,
immediately difpatched Wolfey to Dover, in
order to welcome the Emperor; and being
highly pleafed with an event fo foothing to his
vanity, haftened to receive, with fuitable refpeft,
a gueft who had placed in him fuch unbounded
infinnttes confidence. Charles, to whom time was pre-
ftlTouI'Mh' cious, ftaid only four days in England: But
with the during that Ihort fpace, he had the addrefs not
king tnd i^
Wolfey. ^"V
^ Rymtr, xiii. 714.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. S3
only to giv€ Henry favourable impreflions of Book II.
his charafter and intentions, but to detach Wol- ""TT""^
fey entirely from the intereft of the French king,
AH the grandeur, wealth, and power, which the
Cardinal po0efied, did not fatisfy his ambitious
mind, while there was one ftep higher tx> whiciv
an ecclefiaftlc could afcend. The papal dignity
had for fome time been the objed of his wiQies,.
^nd Francis, as the moft effedtual method of
fecuring his friendlhip, had promifed to favour
his pretentions, on the firft vacancy, with all
his interett. But as the emperor's influence in
the college of cardinals was greatly fupcrior to
.the French king's, Wolfey grafped eagerly at
an offer which that artful prince had made him
of exerting it vigoroufly in bis behalf*, and al-
lured by this profpeft, which under the pontifi-
cate of Leo, ftill in the prime of his life, was a
very diftant one, he entered with warmth into
all the Emperor's fchemes. No treaty, how-
ever, was concluded st that time between the
two monarchs ; but Henry, in return for the
honour which Charles had done him, promifed
to vifit him in fome place of the Low Coun-
tries, immediately after taking leave of the'
French King.
His interview with that prince was in an jane 7th.
open plain between Guifnes and Ardres, where ^etw^iT
the two kings and their attendants, difplayed Henry and
their magnificence with fuch emulation, and^*""^"-
profufc expence, as procured it the name of the
Field of the Cloth of Gold. Feats of chivalry,
parties of gallantry, together with fuch exercifes
and paftimes as were in that age reckoned manly
or elegant, rather than ferious bufinefs, occupied
both courts during eighteen days that they con-
G 2 tinued
84 THfiRElGNOFTHE
Boo It II. tinued together *. Whatever impreffion the en
'"""'^'^^''^ gaging manners of Francis, or the liberal and
'5^°' unTufpicious confidence with which he treated
Henry, made on the mind of that monarch was
foon cfiaced by Wolfey*s artifices, or by an in-
juiy 10. terview he had with the Emperor at Gravelines ;
which was condufted by Charles with lefs pomp
than that near Guifnes, but with greater atten-
tion to his political intereft.
Menry*8 This aflSduity with which the two greateft
ideas of his monarchs in Europe paid court to Henry, ap-
ttocc. peared to him a plam acknowledgment that he
held the balance in his hands, and convinced
him of the juftnefs of the motto which he had
chofen, " That whoever he favoured would
prevail.'* In this opinion he was confirmed by
an offer which Charles made of fubmitting any
difference that might arife between him and
Francis to his fole arbitration. Nothing could
have the appearance of greater candour and
moderation, than the choice of a judge who was
reckoned
« The French and Engliih hiftoiians defcribe the pomp
of this interview, and the varioas fpedlacles, with great
ninciteners. One circumftance mentioned by the marechal
de Fleuranges, who was preient, and which appears fingu-
lar in the prefent age, is commonly omitted. ** After the
tournament," fays he, << the French and Engliih wrefllers
made their appearance, and wreflled in prefence of the
Kings, and the ladies; and as there were many ftout wred-
lers there, it afforded excellent pailime; but as the King
of France had negleded to bring any wreftlers out of Bre>
tagne, the EngliOi gained the prize.— » After this, the
Kingiof France and England retired to a tent, where they
drank together, and the King of England feizing the King
of France by the collar, faid, •* My brother^ I mufl'wrtftTe
nuiib youf*] and endeavoured once or twice to trip up his
heels ; bof the King of France, who is a dextrous wreftler,
twiiled jiim round, and threw him on the earth with pro-
digious violence. The King of England wanted to renew
the combat, but was prevented." Memoircs de Fleuraoges,
iz^, Farii, 1753. p. 329,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. «5
reckoned the common friend of both. But as B<x»^ I^*
the emperor had now attached Wolfey entirely ^^'"T**"'
to his intereft, no propofal could be more infi- ^
dious, nor, as appeared by the fequel, more fa*
tal to the French king ^
Charles, notwithftanding his partial fond- Coronttion
nefs for the Netherlands, the place of his nati- p^*J* ^"'"
vity, made no long ftay there; and after re-
ceiving the homage and congratulations of his
countrymen, haftened to Aix-la-Chapelle, the
place appointed by the golden bull for the coro-
nation of the Emperor, There, in prefence of oaober 13.
an aifembly more numerous and fplendid than
had appeared on any former occalion, the crown
of Charlemagne was placed on his head, with
all the pompous folemnity which the Germans
afied in their publick ceremonies, and which
they deem eflentiai to the dignity of their
Empire*.
Almost at the fame time, Solyman the Mag- Soiymmthe
nificcnt, one of the moft accomplifhed, enter- ^3f the'
prizing, and viftorious of the Turkilh princes, octomw '•
a conftant and formidable rival to the Emperor, '^°***
afccnded the Ottoman throne. It was the pecu-
liar glory of that period to produce the n^oft
illilftrious monarchs, who have ^t any one tin\e
appeared in Europe. Leo, Charles, Francis,
Henry ^d Solyman were ea^h of theni pofleOed
of talents which would have rendered any age
wherein they happened to j^ourifli, confp^uous.^
But fuch a conilellatio^ of great princes fhed
uncommon luftre oi^ ^he fixteenth century. In
every conteft, great power as well as great abili-
ties were fct ii\ oppofition \ the efforts of valovyr
and
^ Herbert, 37. e Hartman. Mauri R^latio Coronajt.
C^r.V.apiGoldaft.Polit. ImpcriaI.Franc.1614. fol. p. 26^,'
«6 THE REIGN OF THE
Booic II. and conduft on one fide, counterbalanced by
^""^ ' an equal exertion of the fame qualities on the
^5*°' other, not only oceafioned fuch a variety of
events as renders theJiiftory ot that period ihte-
refting, but ferved to check the exoriDitant pro-
grefs of any of thofe princes, and to prevent their
attaining fuch pre-eminence in power as would
have been fatal to the liberty and happinefs of
mankind.
Di«t ctiied The firft aft of the Emperor's adminiftration
WwmV* was to appoint a diet of the Empire to be hel4
at Worms on the fixth of January, one thoufand
five hundred and twenty-one. In his circular
letters to the different princes, he informed them,
that he had called this aflembly in order to con-
cert with them the moft proper oneafures for
checking the progrefs of thofe new and dangerous
opinions, jvhich threatened to difturb the peace
of Germany, and to overturn the religion of
their anceftors.
iiMe«f the Charles had in view the opinions which had
Rcfimna* been pri9pagat€d by Luther and his <iifciple§
finc^ the year one thoufand five himdred and
Seventeen. As thefe led to that happy re-
formation in religion which refcued one part of
Europe from the papal yoke, mitigated ks ri-
gour in the other, and produced a revolution in
the feritiments of mankind, the greateft as well
as the moft beneficial that has happened fince the
jHiblication o£ Chriftiahi'ty, not only the events
which at firft gave birth to fuch opinions, but
the caufcs which rendered their progrefs fo rapid
and fuccefsful, dcferve to be coiifidered with mi-
nute attention^
To overturn a fyftem of religious belief,
founded on ancient and deep-rooted prejudices,
fupported
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 87
fiipported by power, and defended with no IcfsBo^* H-
art than indullry ; to eftablifli in its room doc^ '"""TC'*'
trincs of the moft contrary genius and tendency/,
and to acconipliih all this, not by external vio-
lence or the force of arms, are operations which
hiftorians the leaft prone to credulity and fuper-
ftition, muft afcribe to that Divine Provideacc
which, with infinite eafe, can bring about events
which to human fagacity appear impoffible, The
incerpofition of Heaven in favour of the Chriftian
ireltgion at its firft publication, was manifefted
by miracles and prophecies wrought and uttered
in confirmation of it: And though none of the
reformers pofleflcd, or pretended to poflefs,
^ * thefe fupematural gifts, yet that wonderful pre-
^ paration of circumftances which difpofed the
minds of men for receiving their doftrines, that
Angular combination of caufcs which fecured thdr
fuccefs, and enabled men, dcftitute of power
and of policy, to triumph over thofe who emir
ployed both againft them, may be confidered
as no Qight proof thac the fame hand which
planted the Chriftian religion, protcfted the re-
formed faith, and reared it, from beginnings ex-
tremely feeble, to an amazing degree pf ftrength
and maturity,
It was from caufes, fecmingly fortuitous, From in-
and from a fourcc very inconfidcrable, that all bSg[niSL*g^
the mighty eic^s of the Rcipormation flowed,
Leo X. when raifed to the papal throne, found
the revenues of the church exhaulted by the vaft
projedls of his two ambitious prcdcceflbrs, Akx^-
ander VI. and Julius II, His own temper, 4 ^
naturally liberal and enterprizing, rendered him
incapable of that fevere aqd patient ceconomy
which the fituation pf his finances rec^uired. On
the coptrary, his fchemes for aggrandizing the
i^ily qf i^edlci, his Jorc oT ?plcn4our, hia
88 THE REIGN OF THE
Book H. taftc for pleafure, and his magnificence in re-
^"^^'^^"^ warding men of genius, involved him daily in
^ ' newexpences; in order to provide a fund for
which, he tried every device, that the fertile
invention of pricfts had fallen upon, to drain the
Aftieof credulous multitude. Among others, he had
puWiftTed by Tccourfe to a fale of Indulgences, According to
Leo X. the dotlrine of the Romilh church, all the good
works of the Saints, over and above thofe which
were neceflary towards their own juftification,
are depofited, together with the infinite merits
of Jefus Chrift, in one inexhauftible treafury.
The keys of this were committed to St. Peter
and to his fucceffors the Popes, who may open
it at pleafure, and by transferring a portion' of
this fuperabundant merit to any particular per-
^ fon, for a fum of money, may convey to him
either the pardon of his own fins, or a releafe
for any one in whom he is intercfted, from the
pains m purgatory. Such indulgences were firft
invented in the eleventh century by Urban 11.
/^as a irecompence for thofe who went in perfon
upon the meritorious enterprize of conquering
the Holy Land. They were afterwards granted
to thofe who hired a foldier for that purpofe -, and
in procefs of time were bellowed onHfuch as gave
money for accomplilhing any pious work en-
joined by the pope**. Julius II. had beft6we4
Indulgences on all who contributed towards
building the church of St. Peter at Rome -, and
as Leo was carrying on that magnificent and ex-
pcnfive fabrick, his grant was founded on the
.fame pretence '\
fd ^^^^ The right of promulgating of thefe Indul-
gcn*Jiai oi-* gences in Germany, together with a fliare in the
^«^*- ' profits
^ Hiftory of th^ Council of Treqt, by F. Paijl, p. 4,
« ?alavic. Hift.' Cone. Trident, p. 4. *
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 89
profits arifing from the laic of them, was granted Book If.
to Albert, eleftor of Metz and archbimop of '"^'^'' ^
Magdeburg, who, as his chief agent for retail- *^^^*
ing them in Saxony, employed Tetzel, a Domi-
nican friar, of licentious morals, but of an
aftive fpirit, and remarkable for his noify and
popular eloquence. He, affifted by the monks
of his order, executed the commiflion with
great zeal and fuccefs, but with little difcretion
or decency •, and though by magnifying excef-
fivcly the benefit of their Indulgences , and
by
y^ As the form of thefe indulgences, and the benefits
wbicb they were fuppofed to convey, are unknown in pro-
teilant countries, and little underftood, at prefent, in fe-
veral places where the Roman catholic religion is eftablifh-*
ed, I have, for the information of my readers, tran dated
the form of abfolution ufed by Tetzel. ** May our Lord
Jefas Chrift have mercy upon thee, and abfolve thee by the
merits of his mod holy paflion. And I, by his authority,
that of his blefled apoftles Peter and Paul, and of the moll
holy Pope, granted and committed to me in thefe parts, do
abfolve thee, firft from all ecclefiaftical cenfures in whate«
ver manner they have been incurred, and then from all thy
fins, tranfgreflions and excefies, how enormous ibever they
may be, even from fuch as are referved for the cognizance
of the holy fee, and as far as the keys of the ho(y church
extend, I remit^oyou all puni(hment which you deterve in
Purgatbry on their account, and i reftore yoo to the holy
facraments of the church, to the unity of the faithful, and
to that innocence and purity which you poiTeiled at baptifm#
fo that when you die the gates of puniihment (hall be (hut,
and the gates of the paradife of delight (hall be opened ;
and if you (hall not die at prefent, this grace (hall remain
in full force when yoa are at the point of death. In the
Dame of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Hoi/
Ghoft.'* Seckend'. Comment, lib. i. p. 14.
The terms in which Tetzel and his aflbdates de(cribed
the benefits of Indulgences, and the neceffity of pnrcbafing
them, are ib extravagant, that they appear to be almoft in-
credible. If Buy man (faid they) purchaies letters of in-
dulgence, his foul may reft iecure with reused to its falva*
tion. The fouls confined in purgatory, for whole redemp-
^n i^dnlgences are purchaied, as ibpn as the noney tinkles
90 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book II. by difpofing of them at a very low price, th«y
^"""^^ ^ carried on for fotne time an extenfive and lucra-
*S^^* ^jve traffick among the credulous multitude, the
extravagance of their aflcrtions, as well as the
irregularities in their condu<5t, came at laft to
give general offence. The princes and nobles
were irritated at feeing their vaflals drained of
fo much wealth, in order to replenifh the trea-
fury of a profufe pontiff. Men of piety regretted
the delufion of the people, who being taught
to rely for the pardon of their fins on the In-
dulgences which they purchafed, did not thinly
it incumbent on them either to abound in faith,
pr to praftife holinefs. Even the moft unthink-
ing were fhocked at the fcandalous behaviour
of Tetzel and his afTociates, who often fquan-
dered in drunkennefs, gaming, and low debau-
chery, thofe fums which were pioufly beftowed
in hopes of obtaining eternal happinefs •, and all
l)egan to wiih that fome check were giver^
to
so the chefty isftantly efcape from that place of tormeati,
and afcedd into heayen. That the efficacy of Indulgences
was fo great, that the mpA heinous fins, even if one fhoidd
violate (which was impoffibJe) the Mother of God, wouJd
be remitted and expiated by them, and the perfon be freed
Iioth from puniihment and guilt. That this was the lux-
ipeakable gift of God, in order to reconcile mep to him-
ielf. That the crofs ereded by the preachers of Jndalgen-
^esy was at efficacious as the crofs of Cbrift itfelf. X^o !
the heavens are open ; if you enter not now, when wiU yo^
enter ? For twelve- pence you may redeem the foul of your
father out of purgatory ; and are you fo ungrateful, that
you will not refcue you^ parent from torment ? If you had
but one coat, you ought to ftrip yQurielf inftantlyy and fell it,^
In order to purchafe fuch benefits, &c. Thefe, and fnany
fuch extravagant expreffions, are fele£led put of Luther's
works by Chemnitius in his Examen Concilii Tridentini
apud Herm. Vonder. Hardt, Hift. Litpr. Reform, pars iv.
p. 6. The fame aiithor has publiihed feveral of Tetsel'^
Pifcourfes, which prove that thefe expreflioiift werf M^\*
iher lingular nor exaggerated. Ibid* p. 14.
V
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 91
to this commerce, no Icfs detrimental to focicty BookIL
than deftf udive to religion. "^"^^
'^ ^ 1520.
SuGH was the favourable junfturr, and fo fi ft ap-
difpofed were the minds of his countrymen to l*?'.' \.?<[
Jiften to his difcourfes, when Martin Luther firft his ch»'»c.
)}egan to call in queftion the efficacy of Indul- ^''''
gences, and to declaim againft the vicious Jives
and falfe dodrines of the pcrfons employed in
promulgating them. HcwasanativeofEiflcben ^/
in Saxony, and though born of poor parents,
had received a learned education, during the
progrefs of which he gave many indications of
uncommon vigour and acutenefs of genius. As
his mind was naturally fufceptible of ferious
impreffions, and tinftured with fomewhat of
that religious melancholy which delights in the
folitude and devotion of a monaftic life, he
retired into a convent of Auguftinian friars, and
without fuffering the intreaties of his parents to
divert him from what he thought his duty to
God, he affumed the habit of that order. There
he acquired great reputation, not only for plety»
but for his love or knowledge, and unwearied
application toftudy. He • had been taught the
fcholaftic philofophy and theology which were
then in vogue by very aMe matters, and wanted
not penetration to camprehc«d all the niceties
and diftindions with which they abound -, but
his underftanding, naturally found, and fuperior
to every thing frivolous, ifoon bccanfie <lifguftei^
with thefe fubtile and uninftrudive fciences,
and fought for fome more folid foiindation of
knowledge and of piety in the holy fcriptures.
Having found a copy of the Bible, which lay
neglefted in the library of his monaftery, hq
abandoned all other purfvtits, and devoted him-
felf to the ftudy of it, with fuch eagernefs an4
afiiduity, as aftonilhed the monks, who were
* ^ -' little'
92 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IT. little accuftomed to derive their theological
* — ^^"*^ notions from that fource. Thd great prc^rels
*5'^- which he made in this uncommon courfe of
ftudy, augmented fo much the fame both of his
fanftity and of his learning, that Frederick,
Elcftor of Saxony, having founded an univerfity
at Wittemberg on the Elbe, the place of his
refidence, Luther was chofen firft to teach phi-
lofophy, and afterwards theology there ; and
difcharged both offices in fuch a manner, that
he was deemed the chief ornament of that
fociety.
Heoppoftt While Luther was at the height of his repu-
ihefaieof t^tion and authority, Tetzel began to publifh
Indulgences . i*''.,, i_jr tv)-
Indulgences m the neighbourhood or \A/ittem-
berg, and to afcribe to them the fame imaginary
virtues, which had, in other places, impofed on
the credulity of the people. As Saxony was
not more enlightened than the other provinces
t of Germany. Tetzel met with prodigious fuc-
cefs there. It was with the utmofl: concern,
that Luther beheld the artifices of thofe wKo
fold, and the fimplicity of thofe vho bov^ht
Indulgences. The opinions of Thonfias Aquinas
and the other fchoolmen, on which th^ dc^rine
of Indu^ences was founded, had already loft
^much of their authority with, him; and the
Scriptures, which he beg^n to confider ^ the
great ftaodard of theological truth, aflford^d no
countenance to a praftice, equally fubverfive
pf faith aad of morals. His warm and imj>e-
tuous temper did not fuffer him long to con-
ceal fuch important difcoveries, or to continue
a filcnt fpeAator of the delufion of his country-
men. From the pulpit in the great church of
Wittemberg, he inveighed bitterly againft the
^trcgularitics ^4 ^^ces of the monlqs who pub-
*-c
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 93
lifhed Indulgences -, he ventured to examine the Book U.
doftrines which they eaught, and pointed out to ^— > — -*
the people the danger of relying for falvation '^*°*
upon any other means than thofe appointed by
God in his word. The boldnefs and novelty of
thefe opinions drew great attention, and being
recommended by the authority of Luther*s per-
fonal character, and delivered with a popular
and pcrfuafive eloquence, they made a deep im-
preffion on his hearers. Encouraged by the
favourable reception of his dodrines among the
people, he wrote to Albert, eleftor of Mentz
and archbiftiop of Magdeburg, to whofe jurif-
di&ion that part of Saxony was fubjeft, and
renK)nftrated warmly againft the falfe opinions
as well as wicked lives of the preachers of Indul-
gences-, but he found that prelate too deeply
mtcrefted in their fuccefs to corredl their abufes.
His next attempt was to gain the fuffrage of
men of learning. For this purpofe, he pub- S^PPH**^*'
lilhed nmety-nve theles, contaming his fenti-.g»inft
mcnts with regard to Indulgences. Thefe he^^«"*-
propofed, not as points fully cftablifhed, or of
undoubted certainty, but as fubjeds of inquiry
and difputation ; he appointed a day, on which
the learned were invited to impugn them either
in perfon, or by writing ; to the whole he fub-
joined folemn protestations of his high refpedt
for the apoftolick fee, and of his implicit fub-
miffion to its authority. No opponent appeared
at the time prefixed; the thefes fpread over
Germany with aftonilhing rapidity; they were
read with the greateft eagernefs ; and all ad-
mired the boldnefs of the man who had ventured
not only to call in queftion the plenitude of papal
power, but to attack the Dominicans, armed
with all the terrors of inquifitorial authority. ^
The
^ Ltttheri Opera Jense, 1612* vol. i. prefat. 3. p. 2» 66.
Hift. of Counc. «f Tteni by f . Paul, p. 4, Scckcnd. Com.
Apol.p. 16.
94 THEREIGNOFTHE
BookIF. The Friars of St. Auguftine, Lmher's own
^*— v^-— ' order, though addicted with no lefs obfequiouf-
SopJoK^e'd ^^fs than the other monaftic fraternities to tlie
by his own papal fee, gave no check to the publication of
^' thefe uncommon opinions. Luther had, by his
piety and learning, acquired extraordinary au-
thority among his brethren ; he profeffed the
higheft regard for the authority of the Pope;
his profeffions were at that time fihcer^; and as*
a lecret enmity, excited by intercft or emula-
tion, fubfifts among all the monaftick orders i»
the Romilh- church, the Auguftinians wepe
highly pleafed with his inveftives againft the
Dominicans, and hoped to fee them expofed tc
the hatred and fcorn of the people. Nor wasi
his fovereign the Fleftor of Saxony, the wifeft
prince at that time in Germany, diffatisfied with
this obftruftion which Luther threw in the way
of the publication of Indulgences. He fecretly
encouraged the attempt, and flattered himfelf
that this difpute among the ecclefiaftics them-
ielves, might give fome check to the exafl:ion&
of the court of Rome, which the fecular princes
had long, though without fuccefs, been endea-
vouring to oppofe.
d?a7ur"to Many zealous champions immediately arofe
coniuichira. to defend opinions on which the wealth and
power of the church were founded, againft
Luther's .attacks. In oppofition to his thefes,
Tetzel publifhed counter-thefes at Francfort oh
the Oder ; Eccius, a celebrated divine of Aug-
fburg, endeavoured to refute his notions-, and
Prienas, a Dominican friar, matter of the facred
palace and Inquifitor-general, wrote againft him
with all the virulence of a fcholaftic difputant.
But the manner in which they conducted the
controverfy, did little fdvice to their caufe.
Luther
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 95
Luther attempted to combat Indulgences by Book If.
arguments founded in reafon, or derived from "^""^^
fcripturc ; they produced nothing in fupport of ^
them but the fentiments of fchoolmcn, the con-
cliifions of the canon law, and the decrees of
Popes ™. Thedecifion of judges fo partial and
intercfted, did not fatisfy the people, who began
to call in queftion the authority even of thefe
venerable guides, when they found them (land-
ing in diredl oppofition to the dictates of reafon^
and the determination of the divine law ". *
Mban-
» F Paul, p. 6. Scckcnd. p. 40. Palavic. p. 8.
n Seckend. p. 30.
* Guicciardini has afl*erted two things with regard to
the firft promulgation of Indulgences ; i. That Leo bc-
Hoived a gift of the profits arifing from the fale of Indul-
gences in Saxony, and the adjacent provinces of Germany,
upon his (ifter Magdalen, the wife of Francefcetto Cibo»
Guic. lib. 13. 168. 2. That Arcemboldo, a Gcnoefe ec-
clefiaftic, who had been bred a merchant, and ilill retained
all the arts of that profeOion, was appointed by her to col-
led the money which (hould be raifed. F. Paul has fol-
lowed him in both thefe particulars, and adds, that the
Aoguftinians in Saxony had been immemorially employed
in preaching Indulgences ; but that Arcemboldo and his
deputies, hoping to gain more by committing this iruft to
the Dominicans, had made their bargain with Tetzel, and
that Luther was prompted at firft to oppofe Tetzel, and his
alTociates, by a defire of taking revenge for this injury of-
fered to his order. F. Paul, p. 5. Almoft all the hifto-
rians fince their time, popifh as well as proteilant, have,
without examination, admitted thefe afTertions to be true
upon their authority. But notwithftanding the concurring
teftimony of two authors fo eminent both for exadnefs
and veracity, we may obferve,
!• That Felix Contolori, who fearched the pontifical,
archives of purpofe, could not find this pretended grant in
any of thofe regifters where it muft neceflarily have been
recorded. Palav. p. 5. — 2. That the profits arifing from
Indulgences in Saxony and the adjacent countries, had been
granted not to Magdalen, but to Albert archbilhop of
Mentz, who had the right of nominating thofe who pub-
Hfhed them. Seek. p. 12. Luth. Oper. i. prasf. p. i.
Palav. p. 6—3. That Arcemboldo never had concern in the
publication
V
.^
96 THE REIGN OF THfi
Book II. Meanwhile, thefe novelties in Luther's doc-
* '""^ trines which interefted all Germany, excited
Th^ court of ^i^^^ attention and no alarm in the court of
R.meat Romc. Lco, fond of elegant and refined plea-
girded'* fures, intent' upon great fchemes of policy, a
Luther. ftranger to theological controverfies, and apt to
dcfpifc them, regarded with the utmoft indif-
ference the operations of an obfcure Friar, who,
in the heart of Germany, carried on a fcholaftick
dilputation in a barbarous ftyle. Little did he
apprehend, or Luther himfelf dream, that the
effects of this quarrel would be fo fatal to the
papal fee. Leo imputed the whole to monaftick
enmity
pobltcation of Indulgences in Saxony ; his diftrid was
V landers and the Upper and Lower Rhine. Seek. p. 14.
Palav. p. 6. — 4. I'hat Luther and his adherents never
mention this grant of Leo's to his (iHer, though a circum-
fiance of which they could hardly have been ignorant, and
%»hich they would have been careful not to fupprefs. — 5.
I'he publication of Indulgences in Germany, was not ufu-
aliy conrtmitted to the Auguftinians. The proroulgation
of them at three different periods under Julius 11. was
granted to the Francifcans ; the Dominicans had been em-
ployed in the fame office a ihort time before the prefent
period. Palav. p. 46. — 6. The promulgation of thofe In-
dulgences, which £ril excited Luther's indignation, was
entruiled to the archbifhop of Mentz in conjundion with
the guardian of the Francifcans ; but the latter having de-
clined accepting of that truft, the fole right became veiled
in tte archbifliop. Falav. 6. Seek. 16, 17.— 7. Luther
W3S not inftigaced by his fuperiors among the Auj^uilinians
to attack the Dominicans their rivals, or to depreciate in-
dulgences becaule they were promulgated by them; his
oppofition to their opinions and vices proceeded from more
laudable motives >eck. p. 15. 32. Lutheri Opera i.
p. 64. 6 8. A diploma of Indulgences is publilhed by
Herm. Vonder Hardt, from which it appears, that the
name of the guardian of the Francifcans is retained to-
gether with that of the archbi(hop, although the former
cid not aO. The limits of the country to which their com-
miflions extended, viz. the diocefes of Mentz, Magdeburg,
Halberftadt, and the territories of the marquis of Branden-
burgh, are mentioned in that diploma. Hill. Ltterarift
Reioimat. pars iv, p. 14.
^
'%
rv
I
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 97
eamty and emulation, and feemed inclined not Book If.
to interpofe in the conteft, but to allow thc^""*?" ^
Auguftinians and Dominicans to wrangle about '^^^*
the matter with their ufual animofity.
The Iblicitations, however, of Luther's ad-TJ>«pro.
verfaries, exafperated to an high degree by the Sw*i'*4^n1^
boldnefs and leverity with which he animad-ont.
verted on their writmcs, together with the fur-
prizing progrefs which his opinions made in
(Afferent parts of Germany, routed at laft the*
attendon of the court of Rome, and obliged
Leo to take meafures for the fecurity of the
church againil an attack that now appeared too
ferious to be defpifed. For this end, he fum- He ji ram-
moncd Luther to appear at Rome, within fixty J^"^^ ][^
days, before the auditor of the chamber, andkomV/
the fame Prierias who had written againft him, ^^^^ '^''*
whom he empowered to examine his doftrines,
and to decide concerning them. He wrote, at
the fame time, to the eleftor of Saxony,^ be-
feeching him not to proted a man whofe here-
tical and profane tenets were fo fhocking to
pious ears ; and enjoined the Provincial of the
Auguftinians to check by his authority the rafh-
nefs of an arn^ant monk, which brought dif-
grace upon the order of St. Auguftine, and gave
offence and difturbance to the whole church.
From the ftrain of thefe letters, as well as. The Pope
from the nomination of a judge fo prejudiced •rjP^^^^^Jj*
Md partial as Prierias, Luther eafily faw what to try him
fentcnce he might expeft at Rome. He dif- "^""'•"y-
covered, for that reafon, the utmoft folicitude,
to have his caufe tried in Germany, and before
a kfs fufpedted tribunal. The profeflbrs in the
univerfity of Wittemberg, anxious for the fafcty
of a man who did fo much honour to their
fociety, wrote \Q the Pope, and after employing
Vol, IL H feveral
98 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IL fisvcral pretexts to excufe Luther from appear-
^"""^''""^ ing at Rome, increated Leo to commit the cxa-
'^^^ mination of his dodrines to fome perfons o£
learning and authority in Germany. The Elec-
tor requcftcd the fame thing of the Pope's legate
at the diet of Augfburg ; and as Luther mm-
felf, who, at that time, was fo far from having
any intention to dilclaim the papal authority,
that he did not even entertain the fmalleft fuif-
picion concerning its divine original, had written
to Leo a mod fubmiflive letter, promifing an
unreferved compliance with his will^ the Pope
gratified them fo far as to empower his legate
in Germafiy, cardinal Cajetan, a Dominican^
eminent for fcholaflic learning, and paffionately
devoted to die Roman fee, to near and determine
the caufe.
Luther tp- LuTHBRy though he had good reafon to decline
S^?€^te!^ a judge cholen among his avowed adverfaries, did
not ''hefitate about appearing before Cajetan^
and having obtained the Emperor^s fafe-con-
dudt, imniediately repaired to Augiburg. The
Cardinal received him with decent refpeA, and
endeavoured at firft to gain upon him oy gentle
treatment : But thinking it beneath the d^ity
of his (tation to enter mto any formal di^ice
with a perfoiv of fuch inferior raijk, he required
him, by virtue of the apoftolick powers with
which he was clothed, to rctraift the errom which
fie had uttered with regard to Indulgences, and
die nature of fakh; and to abftatn, for the
future^ from the publication of new and dan-
gerous opinions, Luther, fully perfuaded <^
the truth of his own tenets, and confirmed in
the belief of th^m by the approbation which
they had met with among prions confpicuous
both for ih^r learning and piety, was furpri^ed
a^this abrupt mentioii of a recanta^on^ before
any
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 99
tny endeavours were ofed to convince him that Book II.
he was miftaken. He had flattered himfelf, ^ -i^^^J
that in a conference concerning the points in ^^^*
difpute, with a prelate of fuch diftinguifhed
abilitifcs, he would be able to remove many of
thofe imputations with which the ignorance or
malice or his antagonifts had loaded him ; but
the high tone of authority that the Cardinal
affumed, extinguiftied at once all hopes of this
kind, and cut off every profpeft of advantage
from the interview. His native intrepidity of His intrepid
mind, however, did not defert -him. He de- *^***'^'*'-
dared, with the utmoft firmhefs, that he could
not, with a fafe confcience, renounce opinions
which he believed to be true ; nor (hould any
confideration ever induce him to do what would
be fo bafc in itfclf, and fo offenfive to God.
At the fame time, he continued to exprefs no
lefs reverence than formerly for the authority
of the apoftolick fee "* ; he fignified his willing-
Befs to fubmit the whole controverfy to certain
viniverfities which he named, and promifed
neither to write nor to preach concerning Indul-
gences for the future, provided his adverfaries
were Kkewife enjoined to be filent with refpedt
to them P. All thefe offers Cajetan difregardcd
or rejefted, and ftill infifted peremptorily on a
fimple recantation, threatening him with eccle-
fiaftical cenfures, and forbidding him to appear
again in his prefence, unlefs he refolvcd in-
ftantly to comply with what he had required.
This haughty and violent manner of proceed-
ing, as well as other circumftances, gave Lu- .
that's friends fuch ftrong reafons to fufpeft, that
even the Imperial fafe-conduft would not be
able to protetft him from the legate's power and
rcfentment, that they prevailed on him to with-
H % draw
• Luth, Opcr. vrf. I. p. 164. JP Ibid. p. 169.
loo THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. draw fecretly from Augfburg, and to return to
*— ""^^"^his own country. But before his departure,
*^^^ according to a form of which there had been
His tppeai. fome cxamplcs, he prepared a folemn appeal,
oaobcr 1 8. f^^^ ^^^ Pope, ill informed at that time concern-
ing his caufe, to the Pope, when he fhould re-
ceive more full information with refpeft to it ^.
He is fup- Cajetan, cnragcd at Luther's abrupt retreat,
thrEicaor ^"d at the publication of his appeal, wrote to
•f Saxony, the Elcftor of Saxony, complaining of both;
and requiring him as he regarded the peace
of the church, or the authority of its head,
either to fend that feditious monk a prifoner to
Rome, or to banilh him out of his territories.
It was not from theological confiderations that
Frederick had hitherto countenanced Luther;
he feems to have been much a ftranger to con-
troverfies of that kind, and to have been little
interefted in them. His proteftion flowed al-
moft entirely, as hath been already obferved,
from political motives, and was afforded 'with
great fecrecy and caution. He had neither heard
any of Luther's difcourfes, nor read any of his
books ; and though all Germany refounded with
his fame, he had never once admitted him into
his prcfence ^ But upon this demand which the
cardinal made, it became neceflfary to throw
off fomewhat of his former referve. He had
been at great expence, and had beftowed much
attention on founding a new univerfity, an objedt
of confiderable importance to every German
prince; and forefeeing how fatal a blow the
removal of Luther would be to its reputation %
he, under various pretexts, and with many pro-
feffions of efteem for the cardinal, as well as
of reverence for the Pope, not only declined
complying
q Sleid. Hift. of Reform, p. 7. Sccfccnd. p. 45. Luth.
Oper. i. 163. r Seckend. p. 27. Sleid. Hiit. p. iz.
s Seckend. p. 59.
EMPEROR CHARLES V, loi
complying with cither of his requefts, but Book II.
openly difcovered great concern for Luther's^ ^^^
fafcty '.
i$ao.
The inflexible rigour with which Cajetan in- Motivei ©r
lifted on a fimple recantation, gave great offence condul!*''''
to Luther's followers in that age, and hath fince
been cenfured as imprudent, by feveral Popifli
writers. But it was impoffible for the legate to
aft another part. The judges before whom
Luther had been required to appear at Rome,
were fo eager to dilplay their zeal againil his
errors, that, without waiting for the expiration
of the fixty days allowed him in the citation,
they had already condemned him as an here-
tick ». Leo had, in feveral of his brieves and
letters, ftigmatized him as a child of iniquity,
and a man given up to a reprobate fenfe. No-
thing lefs, therefore, than a recantation could
fave the honour of the church, whofc maxim it
is, never to abandon the fmalleft point that it
has eftablifhed, and which is even precluded, by
its pretenfions to infallibility, from having it in
its power to do fo.
Luther's fituation, meanwhile, was fuch as uther't
would have filled any other perfon with the moft ^^a.
difquieting apprehenfions. He could not ex-
peft that a prince fo prudent and cautious as
Frederick, would, on his account, fet at defiance
the thunders of the church, and brave the papal
power, which had crufhed fome of the moft
powerful of the German Emperors. He knew
what veneration was paid, at that time, to eccle--
iiaftical decifions ; what terror ecclefiaftical cen-
fures carried along with them, and how eafily
theie
^ Sleid. Hifi. p. lo. Lath. Oper. i. 172. » Lath.
Opcr. i. 161.
/
102 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book II. thefe might intimidate and ihake a prince, who
^"^""■"^was rather his protcftor from policy, than his
*5^<^' difciple from conviftion. If he ftiould be ob-
liged to quit Saxony, he had no profpcdl of any
other afylum, and muft ftand expofed to what-
ever puniftiment the rage or bigotry of his
enemies could inflift. Though fenfiblc oif hi$
danger, he difcovered no fymptoms of timidity
or remiflfnefs, but continued to vindicate his
own conduft and opinions, and to inveigh againft
ihofe of hi* adverfarics with niore vehemence
than ever ^.
Hc«ppea!t BuT as cvcry ftep taken by the court o(
^J'Ja"®*'*^ Rome, particularly the irregular fcntence by
which he had been fo precipitately declared a
here^ick, convinced Luther that Leo would foon
proceed to the moft violent meafurcs againft
nim, he had recourfa to the only expedient in
his power, in order to prevent the cScGt of. the
|>apal cenfures. He appealed to a genera) coun*
cil, which he affirmed to be the mpreientativo
of the catholic church, and fuperior in powes
to the Pope, who being a fallible man, m^t
err, as St. Peter, the moft perfedt of his predc-^
ceflbrs, had erred 3%
A new bnn It foon appeared, that Luther had wt fotnicd
indulgences ^^ conjo&utcs conceming the intentions of th^
Romiih church. A \m\i, of a date piior to hi$
appeal, was ifiued by the Pope, in which ha
tnagniSes the virtue and efficacy of Indulgences^
in terms as extravagant as any of his preckce^
ibrs had ventured to ufe in the darkeft ages;
and without applying fuch palHatives, or men-
tioning fuch conceffiohS) as the jundhire &eined|
io call for, he required all Chriftians to affcnt
to v(hat he delivere4 as the do^rinc of the
Catholic
X Seckend. p. 59. y Sleid. Hifi, 1 z. Lucb. Open i. 1 79*
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 103
Catholic church, aed fubjcfted thofe who fhould Boax H.
hold or teach any contrary opinion to the hea- --^v-^'^
rkft cccldiaflical eenfurca* ' '*^*
Amono Luther's followers, this boll, which
they confidered as an unjuftifiable effort <^ the
Pope in order to preferv^ that rich branch of his
revenue, which . arofe from Indulgences, pro-
duced little eScA. But, amcHig the reft of his
countrymen, fuch a clear decifion of the foTO-
reign pontiff againft him, and coforccd by fbch
dreadful penalties, muft have been attendea whh
eonfequences very fatal to his caufe ; if thefe
had not been prevented in a great mcajfure by
the death of the Emperor MaxinuHan, whom JJ^^Juii
both his principks and his iniereft prompted to of advutaet
fupport the authority of the ho^ fee. In con- j^i;",'^*^*
^quence of this event, the vicariat of that part >s<9-
of Germany which is governed by the Saxon
laws, devolved to the Ek&or of Saxony ) and
under the flielter of his friendly adminiftration,
Luther no« only ei^oyed tranquillity, bat hk
opinions were fuffered, during the ioter-regnum
which preceded Charles's cleftion, to take root
in diSfercm places^ and to grow up to fame de-
^ee of ftrength and firmnefs. At the iame
time^ as the eliodipn of an Enoperor was a point
more imcreftrng to Leo than a theological con*
trovcrfy, which he did not uoderltarndv and of
wliich he could i|ot forefec the eodequences, he
waa fe eactremely fotidtous not to irritate a Prince
of lud» Gonfiderable mfiuence in the ele^boral
€(A\qffi as Fr^ierick) f hat he difcovered a great
unwittingnefs 10 pronounce the fcntence of estt*
CMUBumcadoiB againft Luther, which his advert
iwiei continually demanded wi4l th* looft cl9*
morons iiq|K)r9ui|kyt
To
I04 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book II. To thefe political views of the Pope, as well
''''"^^'""*^ as to his natural averfion from fevere meafures,
suf^nfom was owiflg the fufpenfion of any further pro-
of ^proceed- ceedings againft Luther for eighteen months,
LmheT*" Perpetual negociations, however, in order to
bring the matter to fome amicable iffue, were
carried on during that fpace. The manner in
which thefe were conducted having given Luther
many opportunities of obferving the corruption
of the court of Rome ; its obftinacy in adher-
ing to eftablifhed errors; and its indifference
about truth, however clearly propofcd, orftrongly
He begins to proved, he began to utter lome doubts with re-
"on tirp^t- g^^^ ^^ ^^^ divine original of the papal authority.
i>tUutho- A public difputation was held upon this impor-
'"^' tant queftion at Leipfick, between Luther and
Eccius, one of his moft learned and formidable
antagonifts ; but it was as fruitlefs and indecifive
as fuch fcholaftick combats ufually prove. Both
parties boafted of having obtained the viftory 5
both were confirmed in their own opinions ; and
no progrefs was made towards deciding the point
in controverfy *.
Reformat;- NoR did this fpirit of mutiny againft the doc-
^^li^J""**" trines and ufurpations of the Romifli church
break out in Saxony alone ; an attack no le^
fierce, and occafioned by the fame caufes, was
made upon them about this time in Switzer-
land. The Francifcans being entrufted with the
promulgation of Indulgences in that country,
executed their commiflion with the fame indifcre-
tion and rapacioufnefs, which had rendered the
Dominicans fo odious in Germany. They pro-
ceeded, neverthelefs, with uninterriipted fuccels
till they arrived at Zurich. There Zuinglius,
a man not inferior to Luther himfelf in zeal
and
» Luih. Opcr. i. 199.
i
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 105
and intrepidity, ventured to oppofe them ; and Booc IL
being animated with a republican boldnefs, and ' ~^^^
free fix)m thofe reftraints which fubjedion to the '^*^
will of a prince impofed on the German refor-
mer, he advanced with more daring and rapid
fleps to overturn the whole fabric of the efta-
bJiihed religion \ The appearance of fuch a
vigorous auxiliary, and the progrefs which he
made, was, at firft, matter or great jov to Lu-
ther. On the other hand, the decrees or the uni-
verfities of G>logne and Louvain, which pro-
nounced his opinions to be erroneous, afforded
great caufe of triumph to his adverfaries.
But the undaunted fpirit of Luther acquired Lmfan^
frefli vigour from every inftance of oppoution ; Si**^Ieft
and pufhing on his inquiries and attacks from
one dodrine to another, he began to (hake the
firmeft foundations on which the wealth or
power of the church were eftabliflied. Leo
came at laft to be convinced, that all hopes of
reclaiming him by forbearance were vain ; feve-
ral prelates of great wifdom exclaimed no lefs
than Luther's perfonal adverfaries againft the
Pope's unprecedented lenity in permitting an
incorrigible heretic, who during three years had
been endeavouring to fubvert every thing fa-
cred and venerable, ftill to remain within the
bofom of the church -, the dignity of the papal
fee rendered the mod vigorous proceedings ne-
ceflaryj the new Emperor, it was hoped, would
fupport its authority ; nor did it feem probable
that the Eleftor of Saxony would fo far forget
lus ufual caution, as to fet himfelf in oppofition
to their united power. The college of Cardi-
nals was often afiembled, in order to prepare the
fentence with due deliberation, and the ableft
canonifts
A Sleid. Hifi. 22. Seckend. 59.
,o6 THEREIGNOPTHE
Book il.canontfts were confulted how it might be ez*-
^"^-"^^ ' preffed with unexceptionable formality. At laft,
BnH^Jfex- ^^ ^^c fifteenth of June, one thouland five hon-
communi- dred and twenty, the bull, fo fatal to the church
iSft^"^of R<^"^> was iflued. Forty-one propofitions,
gaioa him, extraftcd out of Luther's works, are therein con-
demned as heretical, fcandalous, and offenfive
to pious ears ; all perfons are forbidden to read
his writings, upon pain of excomoiunication %
fuch aa had any of them in their cuftody, arc
commanded to commit ^em to the ftames •, he
himielf^ if he did not, within fixty days, pub*
lickly recant his errors, and burn hta books, i$
pronounced an obftinate heretic ; is excommuni^
Cj^ted, and delivered unto Satan for the deftruc-
tipn of his flelh ; and all iiocular princes are n*
quired, under pain of incurring the fame cenfore,
to feize his peribn, that he might be puoifhed as
his cringes defcrvcd \
The eflTeet Thb publication of this bull in Germany, esct
celmwy, ^^^ varipus paffions in different places, JLu*
tber's adver&ries enuked, as if his ps^rty and
opinions had been crufhed at caiice by fi^k a de^
clfive blow. His foUowet », whofe revereocc fbf
|he papa) authority daily dtminifhed, read Leo^s
anathemas with more indignation than terror4
la f(i>Q3e cities, the peopk vkdently obftrude^
the promulgation of the bull; m others, tb9
peffons who attempted to publifh it were m-»
^Ited, and the bu^ itietf tofn in pieces^ an^
trodden under foot % i
tnd upon Thi^ foitence, which he had ^ Ibcne time cs^m
Ji^Ty. P^^» ^id ^^ difconcert or inttmklate Lqther,
^ter renewing his appeal to the ra^eraj coun-i
cil^
* Pal^vic. 27. Luth, Op^r. h 423;. c Sfqkcn^.
EMPEROR CHARLES V, 107
fill, he pubH(bed remarks upon the bull of ex- Book ff,
communication ; and being now perfuadcd that ' -■^■' --^
Leo had been guilty both of impiety and injuf- ^
tice in his proceedings agathft him, he boldly
declared the Pope to be that man of fin, or
Anti'Chrift, whole appearance is foretold in the
New Ttllanicnt ; he declaimed againft his ty-
ranny and ufurpations with greater violence than
ever ; he exhorted all Chnftian princes to (hake
off fuch an ignominious yoke ; and boafted of
his own happinefs in being marked out as the
€t)je6t of ecclefiaftical indignation, becaufe he
had ventured to aflert the liberty of mankind.
Nor did he conBne his exprellions of contempt
for the papal power to words alone ; Leo having^
in execution of the bull, appointed Luther's
boob to be burnt at Rome, he, by way of reta«
iudoo, aQenibled all the profefibrs and ftudents
in the univerfity of Wittemberg, arui with great
pomp, in prefence of a vaft multitude of fpeda-r
lors, caft the volumes of the canpn law, toge-
ther with the bull of excommunication, into the
flames ; and his example was imitated in Icveral
pdes of Germany. The manner in which he
juftified this adion, was dill more ofienfive thaii
the adioa itfelf. Having collected from the ca-
flcinlaw fome of the moft extravagant propofition^
with regard to the plenitude and omnipotence
of the Pope's power, as well as the fubordina-
^n of all fecular jurifdi£tion to his authority,
lie publil^ed theiie with a coonmentary, pointing
out the impiety c^ fuch tenets, and their evid|ent
fendoicy to fubvert all civil government \
SvcH was the progrefe wluch Luther had st$te <»r tti<t
ttadc, and fuch the ftate of his party, when ^.l^'^ll
^barks arrived in Germaay. No fccuhwr prince Chtrie* u^
^ Luth.OpCf, 11.316.
io8 THEREIGNOFTHE
•
Boor II. had hitherto embraced Luther's opinions; no
'^'^~ ~^ change in the eftablilhed forms of worfhip had
^' been introduced; and no encroachments had
been made upon thepofleffionsor jurifdidtion of
the clergy ; neither party had yet proceeded to
aftion ; and the controverfy, though conduced
with great heat and paflion on both fides, was ftill
carried on with its proper weapons, with thefes,
difputations, and replies. A deep impreflion,
however, was made upon the minds of the people ;
their reverence for ancient inftitutions and doc-
trines was fhaken ; and the materials were al-
ready fcattercd which kindled into the combuf-
tion that foon fpread over all Germany. Stu-
dents crowded from every province of the Empire
to Wittemberg ; and under Luther himfelf Me-
landthon, Carlolladius, and other mafters, then
reckoned eminent, imbibed opinions, which, on
their return, they propagated among their coun-
trymen, who liftcned to them with that fond at-
tention, which truth, when accompanied with
novelty, naturally commands %
Refleakms DuRiNG the courfc of thefe tranfaftions, the
c^dna^of court of Rome, though under the direftion of
^*^'*/>^one of its ableft Pontiffs, neither formed its
fchemes with that profound fagacity, nor exe-
cuted them with that fteady perfeverance, which
had long rendered it the mod perfedt model of
e)litical wifdom to the reft of Europe. When
uther began to declaim againft Indulgences^
two different methods of treating him lay before
the Pope ; by adopting one of which the attempt,
it is probable, might have been crufhed, and bj
the other it might have been rendered innocent.
If Luther's firft departure from the dodrines of
the church had inftantly drawn upon him the
weight
€ Seckend. 59.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. tog
weight of its ccnfures, the dread of thefe might Book II.
have reftraincd the Eledor of Saxony from pro- ^--"^^*^^
tcfting him, might have deterred the people trom ' S*^^
liftening to his difcourfes, or even might have
overawed Luther himfelf ; and his name, like
that of many good men before his time, would
now have hctn known to the world only for his
honeft but ill-timed effort to corrcft the cor-
ruptions of the Romifli church. On the other
hand, if the Pope had early teftificd fome dif-
pleafure with the vices and excefies of the friars
who had been employed in publilhing Indul-
gences ; if he had forbidden the mentioning of
controverted points in difcourfes addreffed to the
people; if he had enjoined the difputants on
both fides to be filent ; if he had been careful
not to rifque the credit of the church by defin-
ing articles which had hitherto been left unde-
termined, Luther would, probably, have ftopt
fliort at his firft difcoveries : He would not have
been forced in fclf-defence to venture upon new
ground, and the whole controverfy might pofil-
bly have died away infenfiblv j or being confined
entirely to the fchools, might have been carried
on with as little detriment to the peace and unity
of the Romifh church, as that which the Fran-
cifcans maintain with the Dominicans, concern*
ing the immaculate conception, or that between
the Janfenifts and Jefuits concerning the ope-
rations of grace. But Leo, By fludtuating be-
tween thefe oppofite fyftems, and by embracing
them alternately, defeated the effcfts of both.
By an improper exertion of authority, Luther
was exafperated, but not reftrained. By a mif-
taken excrcife of lenity, time was given for his
opinions to fpread, but no progrefs made to-
wards reconciling him to the church ; and even
the fentence of excommunication, which at ano-
ther junfture might have been decifive, was de-
layed
r
no THE REIGN OF THE !
Book II. layed fo long^ that it became at laft fcarcely an
^""""^"^ ^ objeft of terror.
1520. "^
•nd upon Such a ferics of errors in the meafurcs of a
•£*Liuher. court, fcldooi Chargeable with miftaklng its own
true intcrcft, is not more aftoniftiing than the
wifdom which appeared in Luther's conduft.
Though a pcrfed ftranger to the maxims d
human prudence, and incapable, from the im*
petuofity of his temper, o£ obferving tkem, hd
was led naturally by the method in which h«
made his difcoveries, to carry on his operations
in a manner which contributed more to their fuc-^
cefs, than if every ftep be took had been pre-
fer! bed by the moft artful policy. At the time
when he fct himfelf to oppofe Tetzel, he was
far from intending that reformation which he
afterwards effeded; and would have trembkd
, with horror at the thoughts of what at iaft
he gloried in accomplifliing. The knowledge
of truth was not poured into his mind, all at
once, by any fpecial revelation ; he acquired it
by induftry and meditation, and his progrefs, of
confcquence, was gradual. The ooftrines €>f
Popery are lb clofely connected, that the expof-
ing of one error conduded him naturally to the
deteftion of others ; and all the parts of that
artificial fabrick were fo linked together, that the
pulling down of one loofened the foundation
of the reft, and rendered it more eafy to over-
turn them. In confuting the extravagant tenets
concerning Indulgences, he was obliged to in-
quire into the true caufe o( our juttification and
acceptance with God. The knowledge of that,
difcoyered to him by degrees the inutility of
pilgrimages and penances ; the vanity of rely-
ing on the interceffion cf faints j the impiety of
worfhipptog them ; the abufes of auricular con-
fefiion •, aod the imaginary exiftence of purga^
tory.
^;
EMPEROR CHARLES V. m
1017. The detedioa of fo many errors, led him Book If.
of courfe to confidcr the charaftcr of the clergy '^--v**-^
who taught them ; and their exorbitant wealth, '^*^*
the ievere injundion of celibacy, together with
the intolerable rigour of nK>naftick vows, ap-
peared to him the great ibprces o£ their corruption*
from thence, it was but one Hep to call in quef*
tion the divine original of the papal power,
which authorized and fupported iuch a fyftem
of errors. As the unavoidable refult c£ the
whole, he difclaimed the infallibility of the Pope,
the decifions of fchoolmen, or any other human
authority, and appealed to the word of God as
the only ftandard a£ theological truth. To this
gradual progreis Luther owed his fuccefs. His
hearers were not (hocked at firft by any propo-*
fition too repugnant to their ancient prejudices,
or too remote rrom eftablifhed opinions. They
were conducted infenfibly from one dodrine to
another. Their faith and convidion were able
to keep pace with his difcoveries. To the fame
caufe was owing the inattention, and even indif*
ierence, with which Leo viewed Luther's firft
proceedings. A dired: or violent attack upon
the authority of the church, would at once have
drawn upon Luther the whole weight of its ven-
geance *, but as this was far from his thoughts,
u he continued long to profefs great refped for
the Pope, and made repeated offers of iubmif-
fion to his decifions, there feemed to be no
leafon for apprdiencUng that he would prove
the author of any defp^ate revolt y and he was
foffcred to proceied ftcp by ftep, in undermin-
ing the conftitution of the church, until the
remedy applied at laft came too late to produce
anyeffedt.
But whatever advantages Luther's caufe de«
Wed ather from the miftakes of his adverfaries,
or
112 THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. or from his own good condud, the fuddcn pro-
^"^"^^'"'^ grefs and firm eftabliihment of his dodtrincs,
Anm^itj niuit not be afcribed to thele alone. The fame
"**^**»« corruptions in the church of Rome which he
mtrib!!ted condemned, had been attacked long before his
^ ft* rib ^PP^'^^w^ce. The fame, opinions which he now
Simatioir propagated, had been publiflied in different
places, and were fupported by the fame argu-
ments. Waldus in the twelfth century, Wick-
liff* in the fourteenth, and Hufs.in the fifteenth,
had inveighed againft the errors of Popery with
great boldnefs, and confuted them with more
yl ingenuity and learning than could have been
expedted in thofe illiterate ages in which they
flourifhed. But all thefe premature attempts
towards a reformation proved abortive. Such
feeble lights, incapable of difpelling the dark-
nefs which then covered the church, were foon
extinguiflied ; and though the doftrines of thefe
pious men produced fome effeds, and left feme
traces in the countries where they taught, they
were neither extenfive nor confiderable. Many
powerful caufes contributed to facilitate Lu-
ther*s progrefs, which either did not exift, or
did not operate with full force in their days ;
and at the critical and mature jun£ture when
he appeared, circumftances of every kind con-
curred in rendering each ftep that he took fuc-
cefsful.
The loot The long and fcandalous fchifm which di-
ihi*^Su" vided the church, during the latter part of the
iMAthcen- fourteenth, and the beginning of the fifteenth
**^' centuries, bad a great effed in diminifliing the
veneration with which the world had been ac-
cuftomed to view the papal dignity. . Two or
three contending Pontiffs roaming about Europe
at a time i fawning on the Princes whom they
wanted
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 113
wanted to gain; fqucczing the countries which Booc 11.
acknowledged their authority ; excommunicat- ^^'****'
ing their rivals, and curfing thofe who adhered '^^^'
to them, difcredited their pretenfions to infal-
libility, and expofed both their perfons and their
office to contempt. The laity, to whom all
parties appealed, came to learn that fome right
of private judgment belonged to them, and ac- ^
quired the excrcife of it fo far as to chufe,
among thefe infallible guides, whom they would
pleafe to follow. The proceedings of the coun-
cils of Conftance and Bafil, fpread this dif-
refped for the Romifh fee ftill wider, and by
their bold exertion of authority in depofing and
cleAing Popes, taught the world that there was
in the church a jurifdiftion fuperior ev^jn to the
papal power, which they had long believed to be
iiipreme.
The wound given on that occafion to the The pomifi-
papal authority was fcarcely healed up, when ^f^^'^°^^^
the pontificates of Alexander VI. and Julius II. vi. and ot
both able princes, but deteftable ecclefiafticks, J"''"^*'*
raifcd new fcandal in Chriftendom. The pro- ^ ^
fligate morals of the former in private life •, the
fraud, the injuftice and cruelty of his publick
adminiflrarion, place him on a level with thofe
tyrants, whofe deeds are the greateft reproach
to human nature. The latter, though a ftranger
to the odious paffions which prompted his pre-
deceflbr to commit fo many unnatural crimes,
was under the dominion of a reftlefs and ungo-
vernable ambition, which fcorned all confidcra-
tions of gratitude, of decency, or of jurtice,
when they obftrufted the execution of his
fchemcs. It was hardly poflible, to be firmly
pcrfuadcd that the infallible knowledge of a
religion, whofe chief precepts are purity and
humility, was depofited in the breafts ot the
Vol. II, I impious
114 THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. impious Alexander, or the overbearing Julius,
^^ ^/-— ^ Tj^g opinion of thofe who exalted the authority
»5^o* Qf a council above that of the Pope, fpread
wonderfully under their pontificates: And as
the Emperor and French Kings, who were alter-
nately engaged in hoftilities with thofe a6tive Pon-
tiffs, pernaitted and even encouraged their fub-
jedls to expofe their vices with all the violence of
invedive, and all the petulance of ridicule,
men's ears being accuftomed to thefe, were not
fhocked with the bold or ludicrous difcourfes of
Luther and his followers concerning the papal
dignity.
The immo- NoR wetc fuch exccfTes confined to the head
thecIeV/. ^f ^he church alone. Many of the dignified
clergy, fecular as well as regular, being the
younger fons of noble families, who had affumed
the ecclefiaftical charafter for no other reafon
but that they found in the church ftations of
great dignity and affluence, were accuftortied
totally to negleft the duties of their office, and
indulged themfelves without referve in all the
vices to which great wealth and idlenefs natu-
rally give birth. Though the inferior clergy
' were prevented by their poverty from imitating
the cxpenfive luxury of their fuperiors, yet grofs
ignorance and low debauchery rendered them
as contemptible as the other were odious ^. The
fevere
f The corrupt flate of the church prior to the Reforma-
tion, is acknowledged by an author, who was both abun-
dantly able to judge concerning this matter, and who was
not overforward to confefs it. •* For fome years (fays
Bellarmine) before the Lutheran and Calviniftick herefies
were publiihed, there was not (as contemporary authors
tcfiify) any feverity in ecclefiaftical judicatories, any dif-
cipline with regard to rhorals, any knowledge of facred
literature, any reverence for divine things, there was not
almoll any religion remaining." Bellarmin. Concio. xxviii.
Oper.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 115
fevere and unnatural law of celibacy, to which Book IL
both were equally fubjedV, occafioned fuch irre- ^-—v^-^
gularities, that in feveral parts of Europe the '^**^'
concubinage of priefts was not only permitted,
but enjoined. The employing of a remedy fo
contrary to the genius of the Chriftian religion,
is the ftrongeft proof that the crimes it was
intended to prevent were both numerous and
flagrant. Long before the fixteenth century,
many authors of great name and authority give
fuch defcriptions of the diffolute morals of the
clergy, as feem almoft incredible in the prefent
age K The voluptuous lives of ecclefiafticks
I 2 occafioned
Oper. torn. vi. col. 296, edit Colon. 1617. apud Gerdcfii
Hill. Evan. Renovatiy vol. i. p. 25.
S Centom Gravaminfi Nationif. German, in Fafciculo
Rer. Expetend. & Fugiendarum, per OrtuinumGratium»
^1. i. 361. See innumerable paiTages to the f.me pur-
pofe in the appendix, or fecond volume, publiflied by Edw.
Brown. See alfo Herm.Vonder Hardl, Hift. Lit. Reform,
pars iii. and the vai! coltettions of Walchius in his four
volumes of Monumenta medii aevi. Gotting. 1757.
The authors 1 have quoted enumerate the vices of the
clergy. When they ventured upon actions manifellly cri-
minaJ, we may conclude that they would be lefs fcrupuloua .^
with re/peft to the decorum of behaviour. Accordingly
their negledl of the decent conduft fui table to their pro-
feffion, leems to have given great offence. In order to il-
loftrate this, I fhall tranfcribe one paiTage, becaufe it is
taken not from any author whofe profelTed purpofe it wa»
to defcribe the improper condudt of the clergy ; and who,
from prejudice or artifice, may be fuppofed to aggravate
the charge againft them. The Emperor Charles IV. in a
letter to the archbilhop of Mentz, A. D. 1359. exhorting
him to reform the diforders of the clergy, thus expreffcs
himfelf : ** De ChrilH patrimonio, ludos, haftiludia & tor-
neamenta exercent ; habitum militarem cum prastextis au-
reis & argenteis geftant, 8c calceos militares ; comam 8c
barbam nutriunt, 8c nihil quod ad vitam 8c ordinem eccle*
fiailicum fpe£lat, oilendunt. Militaribus fe duntaxat 8c
fecularibus a^tibus, vita 8c moribus, in fuse falutis difpen-
diom, & generale populi fcandalum, immifcent/' Codex
Diplomaticus Anecdotorum> per Val. Ferd. Gudenum,
4to. vol, iii. p. 438.
ii6 THEREIGN OFT HE
Book UvOccafioned great fcandal, not only becaufe their
^ — "^ ' manners were inconliftent with their facred cha-
'5^^' rafter •, biut tlj^e laity being accuftomed to fee fe-
veral of them raifed from the loweft ftations to
the greateft affluence, did not Ihew the fame in-
dulgence to their excefles, as to thofe of perfons
pofieiTed of Vre;ditary wealth or grandeur ; and
vie.wix^ their condition with more envy, they
cenfured their crimes with greater feverity. No-
thing, therefore, could be more acceptable to
Luther's hearers, than the violence with which
he exclaimed againfl: the immoralities of church-
men, and every perfon in his audience could,
from his own oblervation, confirm the truth of
his inveftives.
The facility The fcandal of thcfe crimes was greatly in-
theivimmol creafed by the facility with which fuch as com-
raiiric«wcre mitted them, obtained pardon. In all the Eu-
pirdoned. j-^pg^^ kingdoHis, the impotence of the civil
magiftrate, under forms of government ex-
tremely irregular and turbulent, made it necef-
fary to relax the rigour of juftice, and upon
payment of a certain fine or compofition prc-
tcribed by law, judges were accuftomed to remit
farther punifhment, even of the moft atrocious
crimes. The court of Rome, always attentive
to the means of augmenting its revenues, imi-
tated . this praftice, and by a prepoftcrous ac-
commodation of it to religious concerns, granted
its pardons to fuch tranfgreflbrs as gave a fum
of money in order to purchafe them. As the
idea of a compofition for crimes was then fami-
liar, this ftrange traffick was fo far from Ihock-
ing mankind, that it foon became general ; and
in order to prevent any impofition in carrying
it on, the officers of the Roman chancery pub-
lilhed a book, containing the precife fum to be
exafted
I
EMPEROR CHARLES V. ir;
cxafted for the pardon of every particular fin. Book II.
A deacon guilty of murder was abfolved for •^'^''"•^
twenty crowns. A biftiop or abbot might aflaf. '^'^*
finate for three hundred livres. Any ecclefiaftick
might violate his vows of chaftity, even with
the moft aggravating circumftances, for the
third part of that fum. Even fuch fhocking
crimes, as occur feldom in human life, and per-
haps exift only in the impure imagination of a
cafuift, were taxed at a very moderate rate.
When a more regular and perfeft mode of dif-
pcnfing juftice came to be introduced into civil
courts, the praftice of paying a compofition for
crimes went gradually into difufe ; and mankind
having acquired more accurate notions concern-
ing religion and morality, the conditions on
which the court of Rome beftowed its pardons
appeared impious, and were confidered as one
great fource of ecclefiaftical corruption K
This degeneracy of manners among the The exorbi-
clcrgy might have been tolerated perhaps, with o" ^e ~*'*^
greater indulgence, if their OKorbitant riches and church,
power had not enabled them^ at the fame time,
to opprefs all other orders of men. It is the
genius of fuperftition, fond of whatever is pom-
pous or grand, tofet no bounds to its liberality
towards perfons whom it efteems facred, and to
think its exprcffions of regard defeftive unlefs
it hath raifed them to the heighth of wealth
and authority. Hence flowed the extenfive re-
venues and jurifdidtion pofTefled by the church
in every country of Europe, and which were
become intolerable to the laity from whofe un-
difceming bounty they were at firft derived.
The
*» FafcicoK Rer. Expet. & Fug. i. 355. J. G. Schelhor-
nil Amaenit. Literar. Francof. 1725, vol. 11. 369. Didion.
dc Bayle, Artie. Banck & Tuppius. Taxa Cancellar. Ro-
manae. Edit. Francof. i6;i. paflim.
ii8 THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. The burden, hov/ever, of ecclefiaftical op-
^■"'"^^''^ preffion had fallen with fuch peculiar weight on
particularly thc Germans, as rendered them, thoiigh natu-
\n Germany rally excmpt from levity, and tenacious of their
ancient cuftoms, more inclinable than any people
in Europe to Irften to thofe who called on them
to affert their liberty. During the long contefts
between the Popes and Emperors concerning
the right of inveftiture, and the wars which
thefe occafioned, moft of the confiderable Ger-
man ecclefiafticks joined the papal faftion ; and
while engaged in rebellion againft the head of
the Empire, they feized the Imperial revenues,
and ufurped the Imperial jurifdiftion within
their own diocefes. Upon the re-eftablilhment
of tranquillity, they ftill retained thefe ufurpa-
tions, as if by the length of an unjuft poffeflion
they had acquired a legal right to them. The
Emperors, too feeble to wreft them out of their
hands, were obliged to grant the clergy fiefs of
thofe vaft territories, and they enjoyed all the
. immunities as well as honours which belonged to
feudal barons. By means of thefe, many bifliops
and abbots in Germany were not only eccle*
fiafticks, but princes, and their charafter and
manners partook more of the licence, too fre-
quent among the latter, than of the fanftity
which became the former *•
where the The unfettled ftate of government in Ger-
fl?p1:d r tnany, and the frequent wars to which that
grrat pa t Qountry was expofed, contributed in another
of the pro- '. j*" ,. . i r n* i
perty. manner towards aggrandizmg eccktialticks.
The only property, during thofe times of anar-
chy, which enjoyed fccurity from the oppreflion
of the great, or the ravages of war, was that
which belonged to the church. This was owing, *
not
» F. Paul, Hiftory of Ecclefiaft. Benefices, p. 107.
■
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 119
not only to the great reverence for the facredBooic If.
char^after prevalent in thofe ages, but to a fuper- ^ — v-— *^
ftitious dread of the fentence of excommuni- '^^'^'
cation, which the clergy were ready to denounce
againft all who invaded their poffeflions. Many
obferving this, made a furrender of their lands
to ecclefiafticks, and confenting to hold them in
fee of the church, obtained as its vaflals a* de-
gree of fafety, which without this device they
were unable to procure. By fuch an increale
of the number of their vaflals, the power of
ecclefiafticks received a real and permanent aug-
mentation ; and as lands, held in fee by the
limited tenures common in thofe ages, often re-
turned to the perfons on whom the fief depended,
confiderable additions were made in this way to
the property of the clergy ^.
The folicitude of the clergy in providing for The vafi
the fafety of their own perfons, was ftill greater ^^^nUies'Tf
than that which they difplayed in fecuring their ecciefiaf-
poffeflions; and their eflTorts to attain it were^*'^'*
ftill more fuccefsful. As they were confecrated
to the prieftly ofiice with much outward folem-
nity ; were diftinguiflied from the reft of man-
kind by a peculiar garb and manner of life ;
and arrogated to their order many privileges
which do not belong to other Chriftians, they
naturally became the objefts of exceflive vene-
ration. As a fuperftitious fpirit fpread, they
were regarded as beings of a fuperior fpecies to
the proiane laity, whom it would be impious to
try by the fame laws, or to fubjedt to the fame
punifhments. This exemption from civil jurif-
didion, granted at firft to ecclefiafticks, as a
mark of refpeft, they foon claimed as a point
of
k F. Paul, Hift. of Ecclef. Bencf. p. 66. Boulainvilliers,
E tat. de France, torn. i. 169. Lend. 1737.
120 THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. of right. This valuable immunity of the prieft*
^'"'^^^"^*^ hood is aflerted, not only in the decrees of
*52o- Popes and councils, but was confirmed in the
moft ample form by many of the greateft Em-
perors . As long as the clerical charaftcr re-
mained, the perfon of an ecclefiaftick was facred;
and unlefs he were degraded from his office,
the unhallowed hand of the civil judge durft
not touch him. But as the power of degra-
dation was lodged in the fpiritual courts, the
difficulty and expence of obtaining fuch a fen-
tence, too often fecured abfolute impunity to
offenders. Many affumed the clerical charadtcr
for no other reafon, than that it might fcreen
them from the puniffiment which their a£tions
deferved °™, The German nobles complained
loudly, that thefe anointed malefaftors, as they
call them ", feldom fuffered capitally, even for
the moft atrocious crimes; and theif indepen-
dence on the civil magiftrate is often mentioned
in the remonftrances of the diets, as a privilege
equally pernicious to fociety, and to the morals
of the clergy.
Their en- While the clcrgy aflcrtcd the privileges of
onfhcTuHf-^^^^i'' own order with fo much zeal, they made
diaion of continual encroachments upo» thofe of the laity.
t e aity. ^j ^^^^f^^ rclativc to matrimony, to teftaments,
to ufury, to legitimacy of birth, as well as thofe
which concerned ecclefiaftical revenues, were
thought to be fo conneftcd with religion, that
they could be tried only in the fpiritual courts.
Not fatisfied with this ample jurifdiftion, which
extended to one half of the fubjcfts which give
rife to litigation among men, the clergy, with
wonderful
* GoldaHi Conftitut. Imperial. Francof. 1675. vol. ii.
92, 107. m Rymcr's Foedcra, vol. xxxiii. 532.
n Centum Gravam. § 31.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. lu
veonderful induftry, and by a thoufand invcn-Booic If.
tions, endeavoured to draw al] other caufcs into "^ — ^ '
their own courts**. As they had engroffcd the '^^^'
whole learning known in the dark ages, the
Ipiritual judges were commonly fo far fuperior
in knowledge and abilities to thofe employed in
the fecular courts, that the people at firft fa-
voured any ftretch that was made to bring their
affairs under the cognizance of a judicature, on
the decifions of which they could rely with
more pcrfeft confidence. Thus the intcreft of
the church, and the inclination of the people,
concurring to elude the jurifdidion of the lay-
magiftrate, foon reduced it almoft to nothing K
By means of this, vaft power accrued to ecclefi-
ailicks, and no inconfiderable addition was made
to their revenue by the fums paid in thofe ages
to fuch as adminiftered juftice.
The penalty by which the fpiritual courts Ti.e dreid-
enforced' their fentences, added great weight and of VpinJild
terror to their jurifdiftion. The cenfure of ex- ceafurc*.
communication was inftituted originally for pre-
fcrving the purity of the church; that obftinate
offenders, whofe impious tenets or profane lives
were a reproach to Chriftianity, might be cut
offfrom the fociety of the faithful : This, eccle-
fiafticks did not fcruple to convert into an engine
for promoting their own power, and inflided
it on the moft frivolous occafions. Whoever
defpifed any of their decifions, evert concerning
civil matters, immediately incurred this dreadful
cenfure, which not only excluded them from all
the privileges of a Chriftian, but deprived them
of their rights as nfien and citizens ^ j and the
dread
« Giannonc Hift. of Naples, book xix. § 3. P Cen-
tum Gravasn. § 9, 56, 64. H Ibid. § 34,
122 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book II dread of this rendered even the moft fierce and
^ — ^^"""^ turbulent fpirits obfequious to the authority of
'^'°- the church.
The devices NoR did the clerjgy negleft the proper me-
ticks to^fe-' thods of preferving the wealth and power which
cure their ^hejT had acquircd with fuch induftry and ad-
*"'^**°°''drefs. The poffeffions of the church, being
confecrated to God, were declared to be unalien-
able ; fo that the funds of a fociety which was
daily gaining, and could never lofe, grew to
be immenfe. In Germany, it was computed
that the ecclefiafticks had got into their hands
more than one half of the national property ^.
In other countries, the proportion varied j but
the (hare belonging to the church was every
where prodigious. Thefe vaft poffeffions were
not fubjedb to the burdens impofed on the lands
of the laity. The German clergy were exempted
by law from all taxes ^ ; and if, on any extraor-
dinary emergence, ecclefiafticks were pleafed to
grant fome aid towards fupplying^ the publick
exigencies, this was confidered as a free gift flow-
^ ing from their own generofity, which the civil
magiftrate had no title to demand, far lefs to ex-
ad. In confequence of this ftrange folecifm in
government, the laity in Germany had the mor-
tification to find themfelves loaded with exceffive
impofitions, becaufe fuch as poffeffed the greateft
property were freed from any obligation to fup*
port, or to defend the ft ate.
TheGerman Grievous, howevcr, as the exorbitant wealth
"cksmJftiy^'^d numerous privileges of the clerical order
foieigaers. were tQ the other menibers of the Germanick
body,
r Centum Gravam. § 28. « Ibid. Goldafti Conft.
Imper. ii. 79. io8. PfeflFel Hift. du Droit Publ. 350. 374.
_j
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 123
body, they would have reckoned it fome miti-BooK If.
gation of the evil, if thefe had been poflcfled^-* ' v **^
only by ecclefiafticks refiding among themfflvcs, *^*^*
who would have been lefs api to make an im-
proper ufe of their riches, or to exercife their
rights with unbecoming rigour. But the bifliops
of Rome having early put in a claim, the boldeft
that ever human ambition fuggefted, of being
fupreme and infallible heads of the Chrlftian
church ; they, by their profound policy and
unwearied perfeverance, by their addrefs in avail-
ing themfelves of every circumftance which
occurred, by taking advantage of the fuperfti-
tion of fome Princes, of the neceflities of others^
and of the credulity of the people, at length
eftabliftitd their pretenfions, in oppofition both
to the intereft and common fenfe of mankind,
Germany was the country which thefe eccle-
fiaftical fovereigns governed with moft abfolutc
authority. They excommunicated and depofed
fome of its moft illuftrious Emperors, and ex-
cited their fubjedls, their minifters, and even their
children, to take arms- againft them. Amidft
thefe coivefts, the Popes continually extended
their own immunities, fpoiling the fecular
Princes gradually of their moft valuable prero-
gatives, and the German church felt all the
rigour of that opprcffion which flows from fub-
j^ftion to foreign dominion, and foreign ex-
aftions.
The right of conferring benefices, which the Nominated
Popes ufurped during that period of confufion,^^'*'*^^''^'
was an acquifition of great importance, and
exalted the ecclefiaftical power upon the ruins
of the temporal. The Emperors and other
princes of Germany had long been in pofleflion
of this right, which ferved to increafe both their
authority and their revenue. But by wrefting
it
,24 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book II. it out of thcir hands, the Popes were enabled
"^ — ^^^*-^to fill the Empire with their own creatures;
'5*°* they accuftomed a great body of every prince's
fubjefts to depend not upon him but upon the
Roman fee ; they bellowed upon ftrangers the
richeft benefices in every country, and drained
their wealth to fupply the luxury of a foreign
court. Even the patience of the moft fuperftiti-
ous ages mutinied under fuch oppreflion •, and fo
loud and frequent were the complaints arid mur-
murs of the Germans, that the Popes, afraid of
irritating them too far, confented, contrary to
their ufual praftice, to abate fomewhat of their
pretenfions, and to reft fatisfied with the right
of nomination to fuch benefices as happened to
fall vacant during fix months in the year, leav-
ing the difpofal of the remainder to the princes
and other legal patrons ^
Theexpedi- BuT the court of Rome eafily found expedi-
ftrlinUigthis^"^^ for eluding an agreement which put fuch
powerofthercftraints on its power. The praftice of refer-
ftftuai.*"*^' ving certain benefices in every country to the
Pope's immediate nomination, which had been
long known, and often complained of, was ex-
tended far beyond its ancient bounds. All the
benefices poflefled by Cardinals, or any of the
numerous officers in the Roman court; thofe
held by perfons who happened to die at Rome,
or within forty miles of that city on their journey
to or from it •, thofe which became vacant by
tranflation, with many others, were included in
the number of referved benefices ; Julius II. and
Leo, ftretching the matter to the utmoft, often
collated to benefices where the right of referva-
tion had not been declared, on pretence of hav-
ing
t F. Paul, Hift. of Ecdcf. Bcnef. 204. Gold. Conftit.
Im^tT, i. 408.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 125
iflg mentally refervcd this privilege to them- Book ir.
fclves. The right of refervation, however, ev en ' ^^"^"^^
with this extcnfion, had certain limits, as it '^^^
could be exercifed only where the benefice was
aftually vacant ; and therefore, in order to ren-
der the exertion of papal power unbounded,
expeStative graces^ or mandates nominating a
perfon to fucceed to a benefice upon thenrft
vacancy that (hould happen, were brought into
ufe. By means of thefe, Germany was filled
with perfons depending on the court of Rome,
from which they received fuch reverfionary
grants ; princes were defrauded, in a great de-
gree, of their prerogatives ; the rights of lay-pa*
trons were pre- occupied, and rendered almolt en-
tirely vain ».
The manner in which thefe extraordinary venantj of
powers were exercifed, rendered them ftill more ^^l^^^^ ^^
odious and intolerable. The avarice and ex-
tortion of the court of Rome, were become ex-
ceffive almoft to a proverb. The fale of bene-
fices was fo notorious, that no pains were taken
to conceal, or to difguife it. Companies of
merchants openly purchafed the benefices of
different diftrifts in Germany from the Pope's
minifters, and retailed them at an advanced
price *• Pious men beheld with deep regret
thefe fimoniacal tranfadions, fo unworthy the
minifters of a Chriftian church •, while politicians
complained of the lofs fuftained by the ex-
portation of io much wealth in that irreligious
trafiick.
The
« Centam Gravam. f ti. Fafcic. Rcr. Expet. &c. 334.
Gold. Coiift. Impcr. i. 391, 404, 405. F. Paul, Hift. of
Eol. Bcnff. ifyj^ 199. ^ Fafcic. Rcr. Expct. i, 359.
116 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book II. The fums, indeed, which the court of Rome
" '^ drew by its dated and legal impofitions from all
u dwned the countrics acknowledging its authority, were
•*^'^^°"°-fo confiderable, that it is not ftrange that
^«t)th, ^'"^ Princes, as well as their fubjedts, murmured at
the fmalleft addition made to them by unnecef-
fary or illicit means. Every ecclefiaftical perfon,
upon his admiflion to his benefice, paid annats^
or one year's rent of his living, to the Pope ;
and as that tax was exafted with great rigour,
its amount was prodigious. To this muft be
added, the frequent demands made by the Popes
of free gifts from the clergy, together with the
extraordinary levies of tenths upon ecclefiaftical
benefices, on pretence of expeditions againft the
Turks, feldon) intended, or carried into execu-
tion •, and from the whole, the vaft proportion
of the revenues of the church, which flowed conr
tinually to Rome, may be eftimated.
TK« united SucH were the diflblute manners, the exor-
^d"f cattfcs. bitant wealth, the vaft power and privileges of
the clergy before the Reformation ; fuch the op-
preffive rigour of that dominion which the Popes
had eftabliflied over the Chriftian world; and
fuch the fentiments concerning them that pre-
vailed in Germany at the beginning of the fix-
teenth century. Nor has this fketch been copied
from the controverfial writers of that age, who,
in the heat of difputation, may be fufpedted of
having exaggerated the errors, or of having mif-
reprefented the condudt of that church which they
laboured to overturn ; it is formed upon more au-
thentic evidence, upon the memorials and re-
monftrances of the Imperial diets, coolly enume-
rating the grievances under which the Empire
;rQaned, in order to obtain the redrefs of them.
Uflatisfaftion muft have rifen to a great height
among the people, when thefe grave aflemblies
cxprefled
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 127
exprefled themfelves with fuch acrimony •, and if Book IF.
they demanded the abolition of thofe cnorihities " ""^"^
with fo much vehemence, the people, we may be *^^^*
affured, uttered their fentiments and deiires in
bolder and more virulent language.
To men thus prepared for fhaking off the ^^en pre-
yoke, Luther addreffed himfelf with certainty ofZ^tn!^'
fuccefs. As they had long felt its weight, and 'her*s opi-
had borne it with impatience, they liftened with°'^°**
joy to the firftpropofal for procuring deliver-
ance. Hence proceeded the fond and eager
reception that his dodrines met with, and the
rapidity with which they fpread over all the pro-
vinces of Germany. Even the impetuofity and tnd to toie-
fiercenefs of Luther*s . fpirit, his confidence in fl^^^^* ^'
aflerting his own opinions, and the arrogance as
well as contempt wherewith he treated all who
differed from him, .which, in ages of greater
moderation and refinement, have been reckoned
defeats in the charadter of that reformer, did not
appear exceflive.to his contemporaries, whofc
minds were ftrongly: agitated by thofe interefting
controverfies which he carried on, and who had
themfelves endured the rigour of papal tyranny,
and feen the corruptions in the church againft
which he exclaimed.
Nor were they offended at that grofs fcurr
rility with which his polemical writings are
filled, or at the low buffoonery which he fome-
times introduces into his graveft difcourfes. No
difpute was managed in thofe rude times with-
out a large portion of the former -, and the lat-
ter was common, even on the moft folemn oc-
cafions, and in treating the moft facred fubjefts.
So far were either of thefe from doing hurt to
his caufe, that inveftive and ridicule had. fomc
cffed, as well as more laudable arguments, in
expofing
■f
/
128 THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. cKpofing the errors of popay, and in determining
* — ^'^^^ mankind to abandon them,
1520.
Theeffeft Beside all thcfc caufes of Lutlier's rapid
^onof prrn°t" P^ogrcfs, arifing from the nature <rf his enter*
ing ©n the prizc, and the junfture at which he undertook
the^Refo?- it> he reaped advantage from fomc foreign and
mation : advcntitious circumftances, the beneficial influ-
ence of which none of his forerunners in the fame
courfe had enjoyed. Among thefe may be rec-
koned the invention of the art of printing,
about half a century before his time. By this
fortunate difcovery, the facility of acquiring and
of propagating knowledge was wonderfully in*
creafcd, and Luther*s books, which muft other-
wife have made their way flowly and with un-
certainty into diftant countries, fpread at once
all over Europe. Nor were they read on\y by
the rich and the learned, who alone had accefs
to books before that invention*, they got into
the hands of the pec^le, who, upon this appeal to
them as judges, ventured to examine and to re-
ject many doftrines, which they had fomicrly
been required to believe, without being taught
to underftand them.
And of the The revival of learning at the fame period,
iMrnfig!^ was a circumftance extremely friendly to the
Reformation. The ftudy of the ancient Greek
and Roman authors, and the difcovery of that
liberal and found knowledge which they contain,
rouzed the human mind from the profound
lethargy in which it had been funk during feve-
ral centuries. Mankind fcem, at that period, to
have recovered the powers of inquiring and of
thinking, faculties of which they had long loft
the ufe ; and fond of the acquifition, they exer-
cifed them with great boldnefs upon all fubjefts.
They were not now afraid of entering an un-
common
n
EMPEROR CHARLES V, 129
common path, or of embracing a new opinion. BookII,
Novelty appears rather to have been a recom- ^- ■^■■*^
mendation of a doftrine; and inftead of being *^*^*
ftarded when the daring hand of Luther drew
afide, or tore the veil which covered eftablilhed
errors, the genius' of the age applauded and
aided the attempt. Luther, though a ftrariger
to elegance in tafte or compofition, zealoufly
promoted the cultivation of ancient literature ;
and fenfible of its being neccflary in ftudying
the fcriptures, he himfelf had acquired confi-
dcrable knowledge both in the Hebrew and
Greek tongues. Melanfthon, and fome other
of his difciples, were eminent proficients in the
polite arts ; and as the fame barbarous monks,
who oppofed the introduftion of learning into
Germany, fet themfelves with equal fierceneft
againft Luther's opinions, and declared the good
reception of the latter to be the effeft of the
progrefs which the former had made, the caufe
of learning and of the Reformation came to be
confidered as clofely connefted, and, in every
country, had the fame friends and the fame ene-
mies. This enabled the reformers to carry on
the conteft at firft with great fuperiority. Eru-
dition, induftry, accuracy of fentiment, purity
of compofition, even wit and raillery, were wholly
on their fide, and triumphed with eafe over illi-
terate monks, whofe rude arguments, expreflcd
in a perplexed and barbarous ftyle, were found
infufficient for the defence of a fyftem, the er-
rors of which, all the art and ingenuity of its
later and more learned advocates have not been
able to palliate.
That bold fpirit of inquiry, which the revi- Luther aid-
val of learning excited in Europe, was fo favour- fots VhT
able to the Reformation, that Luther was aided did not wifb
in his progrefs, and mankind were prepared to ^'* ^""*^**
Vol. n. K embrace
I30 THEREIGN OF^HE
Book II. embrace his doftrines, by perfons Who did not
^""'"^^""**^ wifh fuccefs to his undertaking. The greater
' ^^ ' part of the in genious men who applied to the
ftudy of ancient literature, towards the clofe of
the fifteenth century, and the beginning of the
fixteenth, though they had no intention, and
perhaps no wifh, to overturn the eilabliihed
fyftem of religion, had difcovered the abfurdity
of many tenets and practices authorized by the
church, and perceived the futility of thofe argu-
ments, by which illiterate monks endeavoured
to defend them. Their contempt of thefe advo-
cates for the received errors, led them frequently
to expofe the opinions which they fupported,
and to ridicule their ignorance with great free-
dom and feverity. By this, men were pre-
pared for the more ferious attacks made upon
them by Luther, and their reverence both for
the dodrines and perfons againft whom he in-
veighed, was confiderably abated. This was
particularly the cafe in Germany. When the
firft attempts were made to revive a taftc for
ancient learning in that country, the Ecclefiafticks
there, who were ftill more ignorant than . their
brethren on the other fide of the Alps, fet them-
felves to oppofe its progrefs with more adtive
zeal ; and the patrons of the new ftudies, in re-
turn, Attacked them with greater violence. In
the writings of Reiichlin, Hutten, and the other
revivers or learning in Germany, the corruptions
of the church of Rome are cenfured with an
acrimony of ftyle, little inferior to that of Lu-
ther himfelf y.
Particularly From thc fame caufe proceeded the frequent
Erafmus. ftrift^res of Erafmus upon the errors or the
church
9
y Gerdefius Hift. Evang. Renov. vol. i. p. 141. 157.
Seckend. lib. i. p. 103. Vonder Hardt. Hift. Ucerar. Re-
form . pars ii. " .
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 131
church, as well as upon the ignorance and vices Book IL
of the clei^. His reputation and authority ^^ — ^^"*^
were fo high in Europe at the beginning of the '^**'
fixtcenth century, and his works were read with
fuch univerfal admiration, that the efFed of thefe
deferves to be mentioned as one of the circum-
ftances which contributed moft confiderably to-
wards Luther's fuccefs. Erafmus, having been h
deftined for the church, and trained up in the
knowledge of Ecclefiaftical literature, applied
lumfclf more to theological inquiries than any
of the revivers of learning in that age. His
acute judgment and vaft erudition enabled him
to difcover many errors, both in the doftrinc
and worlhip of the Romifh church. Some of
thcfe he confuted with great folidity of reafon-
ing, and force of eloquence. Others he treated
as objcfts of ridicule, and turned againft them
that irrefiftible torrent of popular and fatirical
mt, of which he had the command. There was
fcarcely any opinion or pradtice of the Romifh
church which Luther endeavoured to reform,
but what had been previoufly animadverted upon
by Erafmus, and had afforded him fubjeft either
of cenfure or of raillery. When Luther firft be-
gan his attack upon the church, Erafmus feemed
to applaud his conduft ; he courted thefriendfhip
of feveral of his difciples and patrons, and con-
demned the behaviour and fpirit of his adver-
iaries ''. He conciirred openly with him in in-
veighing againft the fchool divines, as the teach-
ers of a fyftem equally unedifying and obfcure.
He joined him in endeavouring to turn the at-
tention of men to the ftudy of the holy fcrip-
tures, as the only ftandard of religious truth *.
K 2 Various
* Seckend. lib. i. p. 40. 96. » Vender Hardt.
Hiftor. Literar. Reform, parsi. Gerdef. Hift. Evang. Re*
nov. i. 147.
THE REIGN OF THE
Various circumftances, however, prevented
Erafmus from holding the fame courfe with
*52o. Luther. The natural timidity of his temper;
his want of that force of mind which alone can
prompt a man v to affume the charafter of a re-
former ^ ; his exceflive deference for perfons in
high ftation ; his dread of lofing the penlions
and other emoluments which their liberality
had conferred upon him; his extreme love of
peace, and hopes of reforming abufes gradually,
and by gentle methods -, all concurred in deter-
mining him not only to reprefs and to moderate
the zeal, with which he had once been animated
againft the errors of the church \ but to aflume
the charafter of a mediator between Luther
and his opponents. But though Erafmus foon
began to cenfure Luther as too daring and im-
petuous, and was at laft prevailed upon to
write againft him, he muft, neverthekfs, be
confidered as his forerunner and auxiliary in
this war upon the church. He firft fcattered
the feeds, which Luther cherifhed and brought
to maturity. His raillery and oblique cenfures
prepared the way for Luther's insreftives and
more direft attacks. In this light Erafmus ap-
peared to the zealous defenders of the Romifh
church in his own times ^ In this light he
myft be confidered by every perfon convcrfant
in the hiftory of that period.
In
* Erafmus himfelf is candid enough to acknowledge this :
*« JLucher," fays he, *« has given us many a wholefome
doctrine, and many a good counfel. I wiHi he had not
defeated the ^fieA of them by intolerable faults. But if he
had written every thing in the moft unexceptionable man-
ner, I had no inclination to die for the fake of truth.
Every man hath not the courage requifite to make a mar-
tyr ; and I am afraid, that if I were put to the trial, £
Ihould imitate St. Peter.*' Epift. Eraftni in Jortin's Life
of Erafm. vol. i. p. 273.
c Jortin's Life of Erafmus, vol. i. p. 258.
^ Vonder Hardt. Hid. Liierar. Reform, pars i. p. 2.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 133
In this long enumeration of the circumftances Book IL
which combined in favouring the progrefs of ''^*'*'^'"*^
Luther's opinions, or in weakening the refiftance '5*o-
of his adverfaries, I have avoided entering into
any difcuffion of the theological doftrbes of
popery, and have not attempted to Ihew how
repugnant they are to the fpirit of Chriftianity,
and how deftitute of any roundation in reafon,
in the word of God, or in the praftice of the
primitive church, leaving thefe topics entirely
to ecclefiaftical hiftorians, to whofe province
they peculiarly ' belong. But when we add the
effedt of thefe religious confiderations to the
influence of political caufes, it is obvious that |
the united operation of both on the human
mind, mud have been fudden and irrefiflible.
Though, to Luther's contemporaries, who were
too near perhaps to the fcene, or too deeply
interefted in it, to trace caufes with accuracy,
or to examine them with coolnefs, the rapidity
with which his opinions fpread, appeared to be
fo unaccountable, that fome of them imputed
it to a certain uncommon and malignant pofition
of the ftars, which fcattered the fpirit of gid-
dinefs and innovation over the world *. It is
evident, that the fuccefs of the Reformation was
the natural effeft of many powerful caufes pre-
pared by peculiar providence, and happily con-
fpu'ing to that end. This attempt to inveftigate
thefe caufes, and to throw light on an event fo.
lingular and important, will not, perhaps, be
deemed an unnecelTary digreffion.— — I return
from it to the courfe of the hiftory.
The Diet at Worms condufted its delibera-lP'oceedings
dons with that flow formality peculiar to fuch»[wom8.
aflemblies. Much time was fpent in eftablifli- "$*«•
ing
« Jovii Hiftoria, Lut. 1553. fol. p. 134.
134 THEREIGNOFtHE
Book U. ing fome regulations with regard to the internal
L- ■y^-i-i police of the Empire. The jurifdidtion of the
*^*'* Imperial chamber was confirmed, and the forms
of its proceeding rendered more fixed and.
regular. A council of regency was appointed
to affift Ferdinand in the government of the
Empire during his brother*s abfence; which,
from the extent of the Emperor's dominions,
as well as the multiplicity of his afi^airs, was an
event that might be frequently expefted ^. The
ftate of religion was then taken into confide-
The Empe- ration. There were not wanting fome plaufible
with re*g«d rcafons which might have induced Charles to
to Lui|er. havc declared himfelf the protedor of Luther's
caufe, or at leaft to have connived at its pro-
grels. If he had poflefled no other dominions
but thofe which belonged to him in Germany,
and no other crown befides the Imperial, he
might have been difpofed perhaps to favour a
man, who aflerted fo boldly the privileges and
immunities for which the Empire had ftruggled
fo long with the Popes. But the vaft and dan-
gerous fchemes which Francis I. was forming
againft Charles, made it neceffary for him to
regulate his conduft by views more extenfive
than thofe which would have fuited a German
prince ; and it being of the utmoft importance
to fecure^the Pope's friendfliip^ this determined
him to treat Luther with gredt feverity, as the
moft eflfeftuit' method of Toothing Leo into a
concurrence with his* meafures. His eaeernefs
to accomplifh this, tendered him not unwilling
to gratify the. papal legates in Germany, who
infifted that, without any delay or formal deli-
beration, the diet ought^ to condemn a man
whom the Pope had already excommunicated
- ■ ' . ..... ■ ' as
f Pont. Heuter. Rer. Auftr. lib. viii. c. ii. p. 195.'
PfeiFel Abregf5€hro«nol. p. 598. ' '
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 135
as an incorrigibk herctick. Such an abrupt B^ook IF.
manner of proceeding, however, being deemed ^"'^^^''^^
unprecedented and unjuft by the members of ^
the diet, they made a point of Luther's appear- hc is fum-
ing in perfon, and declaring whether he adhered ^p^t^/**
or not to thole opinions, which had drawn upon
him the cenfures of the church^. Not only
the Emperor, but all the princes through whofe
territories he had to pafs, granted him a fafe-
conduft ; and Charles wrote to him at the fame Mtrch 6.
time, requiring his immediate attendance on the
diet, and renewing his promifes of protedtion
from any injury or violence ^. Luther did not
hefitate one nK>ment about yielding obedience,
and fet out for Worms, attended by the herald
who had brought the Emperor's letter and fafe-
conduft. While on his journey, many of hi*
friends, whom the fate of Hufs, under fimilar
circumftances, and notwithftanding the fame
fecurity of an Imperial fafe-condud, filled with
folicitude, advifed and intreated him not to rulh
wantonly into the midft of danger. But Lu- "j*^^^
ther, fuperior to fuch terrors, filenced themfp^J.
with this reply, ** I am lawfully called,** faid
he, " to appear in that city, and thither will I
go in the name of the Lord, though as many
devils as there are tiles on the boufes, were there
combined againft me '."
The reception which he met at Worms, ^J*^;**^*?'*'-
was fuch as he might have reckoned a fullwormt.
reward of all his labours, if vanity and the love
of applaufe had been the principles by which
he was influenced. Greater crowds aflembled
to behold him, than had appeared at the Em-
peror's public entry ; his apartments were daily
filled with princes and perfonages of the higheft
rank,
g P. Mart. E p. 722. ^ Luth. Opcr. ii. 41 1.
^ i Luth. Oper. ii. 412.
136 THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. rank ^, and he was treated with all the refpeft
^•*'"^^'**^ paid to thofe who poilefs the power of dire&ing
'^^*' the underftanding and fentiments of other men ;
an homage, more fincere, as well as more flat-
tering, than any which preeminence in birth
The manner or condition Can command. At his appearance
^arwce. before the diet, he behaved with great decency,
and with equal firmnefs. He readily acknow-
ledged an excefs of vehemence and acrimony in
his controverfial writings, but refufed to retraft
J his opinions unlefs he were convinced of their
falfehood •, or to confent to their being tried by
any other rule than the word of God. When
neither threats nor intreaties could prevail on
him to depart from this refolution, fome of the
ecclefiafticks propofed to imitate, the example
of the council of Conftance, and by puniihing
the author of this peftilcnt herefy, who was
now in their power, to deliver the church at
once from fuch an evil. But the members of
the diet refufing to expofc the German integrity
to frefti reproach by a fecond violation of pub-
lick faith ; and Charles being no lefe unwilling
to bring a ftain upon the beginning of his admi-
niftration by fuch an ignominious afbion, Lu-
Aprii a6. ther was permitted to depart in fafety '. A
Maagiinftfe^ days after he left the city, a fevere cdift
was publifhed in the Emperor's name, and by
authority of the diet, depriving him, as an ob-
ftinate and excommunicated criminal, of all the
.privileges which he enjoyed as a fubjedl of the
Empire^ forbidding any prince to harbour or
proteft him, and requiring all to concur in feizing
his perfon as foon as the term Ipecified in his
lafenconduft was expired "".
But
k Scckend. 156. Lath, Open ii.414. J F. Paul.
Hiil. of Counc. p. 13. Seckend. i6o. ni Gold.
Conft. Imperial it. 468.
I
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 137
But this rigorous decree had no conliderable Boor If.
ciFedt, the execution of it being prevented' — ^^**^
partly by the multiplicity of occupations which He^i^iVed
the commotions in Spain^ together with the«ndconcciU
wars in Italy and the Low Countries, created blrg^. ^*'^"
to the Emperor •, and partly by a prudent pre-
caution employed by the Eledor of Saxony,
Luther's faithful patron. As Luther, on his
return from Worms, was pafling near Alten-
ftein in Thuringia, a number of horfemen in
mafks ruihed fuddenly out of a wood, where
the Eledor had appointed them to lie in wait
for him, and furrounding his company, carried >^
him, after difmifling all his attendants, to Wart-
burg, a ftrong cattle not far diftant. There
the Eledor ordered him to be fupplied with
every thmg neceflary or agreeable ; but the place
of his retreat was carefully concealed, until
the fury of the prefent ftorm againft him began
to abate, upon a change in the political fitua-
tion of Europe. In this folitude, where he re-
mained nine months, and which he frequently
called his Patmos, after the name of that ifland
to which the apoftle John was baniihed, he
exerted his ufual vigour and induftry in defence
of his do&rines, or in confutation of his adver-
iaries, publiOiing feveral treatifes, which revived
the ipirit of his followers, aftonifhed to a great
degree, and difheartened at the fudden difap-
pearance of their leader.
During his confinement, his opinions con- p^gr^f, ,^f
tinued to gain ground, acquiring the afcendantWc opinion.
in almott every city of Saxony. At this time,
the Auguftinians of Wittemberg, with the ap-
probation of the univerfity, and the connivance
of the Eleftor, ventured upon the firft ftep
towards an alteration in the eftabliflied forms of
public worlhip, by aboliihing the celebration
of
,38 THE REIGN OF THE
* •
Book II. of private mafles, and by giving the cup as well
' — '^"^ as the bread to the laity in adminiftcring the fa-
*5^*' crament of the Lord's fupper.
Decree of WHATEVER confolation the couragc and fuc-
^^ifvlris ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ difciples, or the progrefs of his doc-
coJd'cronYng trincs in his own country, afforded Luther in his
tLem. retreat, he there received information of two
events, which confiderably damped his joy, as
they feemed to lay infuperable obftacks in the
way of propagating his principles in the two
moft powerful kingdoms of Europe. One was,
a folemn decree, condemning his opinions, pub-
lilhed by the univerfity of Paris, the moft
ancient and at that time the moft refpedtable
of the learned focieties in Europe. The other
was, the anfwer written to his book concerning
Henry vriL the Babylonifli captivity by Henry VIII. of
^aina England. That young monarch, having been
tfeeni' educated under the eye of a fufpicious father,
who, in order to prevent his attending to bufi-
nefs, kept him occupied in the ftudy of litera-
ture, ftill retained a greater love of learning,
and ftronger habits of application to it, than
are comnron among Princes of fo aftive a dif-
polition, and fuch violent paffions. Being am-
bitious of acquiring glory of every kind, as well
as zealoufly attached to the Romifh church, and
highly exafperated againft Luther, who had
treated Thomas Aquinas, his favourite author,
with great contempt, Henry did not think, it
enough to exert his royal authority in oppofing
the opinions of the reformer, but refolved lilce-
wife to combat them with fcholaftic weapons.
With this view he publifhed his treatife on tne
Seven Sacraments, which, though forgotten at
prefent, as books of controveify always are,
when the occafion that produced them is paft,
is not deftitute of polemical ingenuity and acute-
nefs.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 139
ncfs, and was repfefented by the flattery of his Book 11.
courtiers to be a work of fuch wonderful fciencc '^ '''"**^
and learning, as exalted him no lefs above other ^
authors in merit, than he was diftinguifhed
among them by his i'ank. The Pope, to whom
it was prefented with the greateft formality in
full iconfiftory, fpoke of it in fuch terms, as if
it had been dldtated by immediate infpiration ;
and as a teftimony of the gratitude of the church
for his extraordinary zeal, conferred on him the
title of Defender of the Faith^ an appellation
which Henry foon forfeited in the opinion of
thofe from whom he derived it, and which is
ftill retained by his fucceflbrs, though the avowed
enemies of thofe opinions, by contending for
which he merited that honourable diftindtion.
Luther, who was not overawed either by theLuther't
authority of the Univerfity, or the dignity of b^flj ^**
the monarch, foon publiflied his animadverfions
on both in a ftyle no lefs vehement and fevere,
than he would have ufed in confuting his
meaneft antagonift. This indecent boldnefs,
inftead of fhocking his contemporaries, was
confidered by them as a new proof of his un-
daunted fpirit. A controverfy managed by dif-
putants fo illuftrious, drew more general atten-
tion ; and fuch was the contagion of the fpirit
of innovation, diffufed through Europe in that
age, and ib powerful the evidence Which accom-
panied the dodtrines of the reformers on their,
firft publication, thatj in fpite both of the civil
and ecclefiaftical powers combined againfl: them,
they daily gained converts both in France and
in England.
How defirous Ibever the Emperor might be sute of af.
to put a ftop to Luther's progrefs, he was^often [j^^n *'
obliged, during the diet at Worms, to turn his chiries and
thoughts ^'"*'"-
I40 THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. thoughts to matters ftill more interefting, and
^"""^ — ' which demanded more immediate attention. A
'5**- war was ready to break out between him and
Francis in Navarre, in the Low Countries, and
in Italy ; and it required either great addrefs to
avert the danger, or timely and wife precautions
to refill it. Every circumftance, at that junc-
ture, inclined Charles to prefer the former mea-
fure. Spain was torn with inteftine commo-
tions. In Italy, he had not hitherto fecured
the affiftance of any one ally. In the Low-
Countries, his fubjefts trembled at the thoughts
of a rupture with France, the fatal effefts of
which on their commerce they had often experi-
enced. From thefe confiderations, as well as
from the folicitude of Chievres, during his whole
adminiftration, to maintain peace between the
two monarchs, proceeded the Emperor's back-
wardnefs to commence hoftilities. But Francis
and his minifters did not breathe the fame
pacific fpirit. He eafily forefaw that concord
could not long fubfift, where intereft, emula-*
tion, and ambition confpired to difTolve it ; and
he poffeffed feveral advantages which flattered
him with the hopes of furprifing his rival, and
of overpowering him before he could put him-
felf in a pofture of defence. The French
King's dominions, from, their compaft fituation,
from their fubjeftion to the royal authprity, from
the genius of the people, fond of war, and
attached to their fovereign by every tie of duty
and afFeftion, were tnore capable of a great or
fudden cflfort, than the larger but difunited ter-
ritories of the Emperor, in one part of which
the people were in arms againft his minifters,
and in all his prerogative was piore limited thjan
that of his rival
The
.
EMPERORCHARLESV. 141
The only princes, in whofe power it was to Book II.
have kept down, or to have extinguifhed this^ — ^ '
flame on its firft appearance, either neglefted to Hen^^viii.
exert themfelves, or were aftive in kindling and favours the*
fpreading it. Henry VIII. though he affcfted ^"^'"'•
to aflTume the name of mediator, and both par-
ties made frequent appeals to him, had laid
afide the impartiality which fuited that charadter.
Wolfey, by his artifices, had eftranged him fo
entirely from the French King, that he fecrctly
fomented the difcord which he ought to have
compofed, and waited only for fome decent
pretext to join his arms to the Emperor's "• -
Leo*s endeavours to excite difcord between ^^^^^
the Emperor and Francis were more avowed, cween the
and had greater influence. Not only his duty, "^»*'*
as the common father of Chriftendom, but his
interefts as an Italian potentate, called upon the
Pope to aft as the guardian of the public tran-
quillity, and to avoid any meafure that might
overturn the fyfl:em, which after much blood-
Died, and many negociations, was now efta-
bliflied in Italy. Accordingly Leo, who infl:ant-
Jy difcerned the propriety of this conduft, had
formed a fcheme, upon Charles's promotion to
the Imperial dignity, of rendering himfelf the
umpire between the rivals, by foothing them
alternately, while he entered into no clofc con-
federacy with either ; and a pontiff Icfs am-
bitious and cnterprizing, might have faved Eu- .
rope from many calamities by adhering to this
plan. But this high-foirited prelate, who was
ftill in the prime of lifc^ longed paflionately to
diftinguifh. his pontificate by fome fplendid
aftion. He was impatient to wafl:i away the
infamy of having lofl: Parma and Placentia, the
acquifition
■ Herbert. Fiddcs's Life of Wolfey, 258.
142 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book II. acquifition of which reflcdcd io much luftre on
^ ^^"""^ the adminiftration of his predeceffor Julius. He
*^^'' beheld, with the indignation natural to Italians
in that age, the dominion which . the TranfaU
pine, or as they, in imitation of the Roman arro-
gance, denominated them, the barbarous nations,
had attained in Italy. He flattered himfclf,
, that after affifting the one monarch to ftrip the
other of his pofleflions in that country, he
might find means of driving out the viftor in
his turn, and acquire the glory of reftoring
Italy to the liberty and happinefs which it en-
joyed before the invafipn of Charles VIII. when
every ftate was governed by its native princes,
or its own laws, and unacquainted with a fo-
reign yoke. JExtravagant and chimerical as this
projed may fecm, it was the favourite objefl:
of almoft every Italian eminent for genius <m*
enterprize during great part of the fixteenth
century. They vainly hoped, that by fuperior
fkiU in the artifices and refinements of negocia-
tion, they Ihould be able to baffle the eflbrts
of nations, ruder indeed than themfelves, but
much more powerful and warlike. So alluring
was the profpeft of this to Leo, that notwith-
ftanding the gentlenefs of his difpofition, and
his fondnefs for the pleafures of a refined and
luxurious eafe, he haftened to difturb the peace
of Europe, and to plunge himfelf in a danger-
ous war, with an impetuofity fcarcely inferior
to that of the turbulent and martial Julius ^
It was in Leo's power, however, to chufe
which of the monarchs he .would take for his
confederate againft the other. Both of them
courted his friendftiip; he wavered for fomc
time between them, and at firft concluded an
alliance with Francis. The objeft of this treaty
was
" Guic. lib. XIV. p. 173^
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 143
was the conquefl: of Naples, which the confedc- Book !!•
rates agreed to divide between them. The Pope, ^— v— -^
it 1s probable, flattered himfelf, that the brilk '5^*'
and adive fpirit of Francis, feconded by the
fame qualities in his fubjedts, would get the ftart
of the flow and wary councils of the Emperor,
and that they might over-run with eafe this de-
tached portion of his dominions, ill provided
for defence, and always the prey of every in-
vader. But whether the French King, by dif-
covering too openly his fufpicions of Leo's fin-
cerity, difappointcd thefe hopes; whether the
treaty was only an artifice of the Pope's, to cover
the more ferious negociations which he was car-
rying on with Charles; whether he was en-
ticed by the profpedl of reaping greater advan-
tages from an union with that prince ; or whe-
ther he was foothed by the zeal which Charles
had manifefl:ed for the honour of the church in
condemning Luther ; certain it is, that he foon Concludes*
deferted his new ally, and made overtures ofj^^*^^^*
friendfliip, though with great fecrecy, to the
Emperor r. Don John Manuel, the fame man
who had been the favourite of Philip, and whofc
addrefs had difconcerted all Ferdinand's fchemes,
having been delivered, upon the death of that
monarch, from the prifon to which he had been
confined, was now the Imperial ambaflador at
Rome, and fully capable of improving this fa-
vourable difpofition in the Pope to his matter's
advantage 9. To him the conduft of this nego-
ciation was entirely committed ; and being care-
fully concealed from Chievres, whofc averfion
from a war with France would have prompted
him to retard or defeat it, an alliance between
the Pope and Emperor was quickly con-Miyt.
eluded
P Guic. lib. xiv. p. 175. Mem. deBellay* Par. 1573. p. 24.
^ Jovii Vita Leonis, lib. iv. p. 89
144 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book H. eluded ^ The chief articles in this treaty, which
^^ — "^""^^ proved the foundation of Charles's grandeur in
'^^*' Italy, were, that the Pope and Emperor fliould
join their forces to expel the French out of the
MiJanefe, the pofleflion of which fhould be
granted to Francis Sforza, a fon of Ludovico
the Moor, who had refided at Trent fince the
time his brother Maximilian had been difpof-
fefled of his dominions by the French King ;
that Parma and Placentia fhould be reftored to
the church ; that the Emperor fhould aflifl the
Pope in conquering Ferrara-, that the annual
tribute paid by the kingdom of Naples to the
Holy See fhould be increafed ; that the Emperor
fhould take the family of Medici under his pro-
tection ; that he fhould grant to the Cardinal of
that name a penfion of ten thoufand ducats upon
the archbifhoprick of Toledo ; and fettle lands
in the kingdom of Naples to the fame value
upon Alexander the natural fon of Lorenzo de
Medici.
Detthof 'j'jjg tranfading an affair of fuch moment
Chievres, .it- . P . i ^i •
the Empe- without his participation, appeared to Chievres
hJ'lnSmT*^ decifivc a proof of his having lofl the afcen-
Hitler. dant which he had hitherto maintained over the
mind of his pupil, that his chagrin on this ac-
count, added to the melancholy with which he
was overwhelmed on taking a view of the many
and unavoidable calamities attending a war
againfl France, is faid to have fhortened his
days •. But though this, perhaps, may be only
the conjecture of hiftorians, fond of attributing
every thing that befals illuftrious perfonages to
extraordinary caufes, and of afcribing even their
difeafes
r Guic. l.xiv. i8i. Mem. dc Bellay, p. 24. DuMont.
Corps Diplom. torn. iv. fnppi. p. 96. « Bclcarii Com-
ment. de reb. Gallic. 483.
EMPEROR <?HA|ILES V. 145
^iieafep and de^ tf> the e£k& of political paUJ- ^°o^ I'-
fifi^t wbid? jje more apt to tlifturb the enjoymc;Dt " '
thap jto abridge the period of life, it is certain '^'''
ihjt his ic?^ ?f tifis
^uin^Qd ail hc^$ of a
fr^ncc '. T^ij event,
^ofP i tninifte^, -to whc
^cvA:Qm<^ from his inf
j^^icit deference, as cl
j^iiifr 31^4 fetjt.ii;ied hiii
uabc£(;vi?i>7^ hff yiC^rs at
jeftraitit being renioved, the native powers of
his ,mind were permitted to unfold themfelves,
^A^ he j^g^a to difplay fuch great talents, bot|i
jn C9VW^ ^d in eKCCUti9n, as ejcceeded the
hopes qf his t^optempor^ies ", and command the
li^miraypn .of pc^erity.
^HiL? tjhe p^c and ^mperor were pre- coramtMt-
fju^g, ^n <jpnfeqiieoce ,of their fccrct alliance, |^i;,"';'l„'"''^
XO fi,tiC^k ,Mi^^., hoflilitie^ cociunencq^ in ano-N>*urc.
A^r q«?jler. J'i},e children of John d'Albret,
^jfi^ (if N^v^re, hjtving 9ftcn demanded the
r^iti^ic^ipf th?ir /hereditary dpnynifln^ in terms
pf lihij: wgiity <^ N^ypri, And Ch?r)es having as
^i^n el^^^d their reyi^fls upon very frivolous
prcte^, Francis ;thoug|HthiiTire^autJ;iorized by
that ijreaijy ;t9 ^fljft jhc exileij family. The
')!l/^l^&\}fS ^pp«ar<efi,eiKtreniely favourable for fiich
an jefl^erprize. Charles was at a diftance from
th^ pafi of t:)i5 dominions ; the troops ufually
g^tioiwd -there, :h^ iiccn called away to quell
t^ cpm^otions in Sp^ifi^ tlie Spanifh male<
t^<^af^af^ V^riply .fqlicited him to invade Na-
varre ", in which aconfidcrable faftion was ready
to declare for the defcendants of their ancient
iQCui^a^chs. i^ut in or^r to avoid, as much as
Vo^'ll ' ' h poffible,
■ P. Heater. Rer. AuAriac, lib. viii, c. n. p, 197.
" F. Man. Ep. 735. * P. M^in.Ep. 711.
146 THE REIGN OF THE
•Book H. poffible, giving offencc to the Emperor, or
^"'■'"'' ^ King of England, Francis direfted forces to be
'5^^' levied, and the war to be carried on, not in his
own name, but in that of Henry d* Albret. The
conduft of thefe troops was committed to An-
drew de Foix, de I'Efparre, a young nobleman,
whom his near alliance to the unfortunate king
whofe battles he was to fight, and what was ftill
more powerful, the intereft of his fifter, madame
de Chateaubriand, Francis's favourite miftrefs,
recommended to that important trufl:, for which
progref.of hc had neither talents nor experience. But as
the French. ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^y, '^^ ^(^g g^jj ^^ Oppofc him,
he became mafter, in a few days, of the whole
kingdom of Navarre, without meeting with any
obftrudion but from the citadel of Pampeluna.
The additional works to this fortrefs, begun by
• Ximenes, were ftill unfinifhed; nor would its
flight refiftance have deferved notice, if Ignatio
Loyola, a Bifcayan gentleman, had not been
dangeroufly wounded in its defence. During
the progrefs of a lingering cure^ Loyola hap-
pened to have no other amufement than what
he found in reading the lives of the faints :
The efFeft of this on his mind, naturally enthu-
fiaftic, but ambitious and daring, was to infpire
him with fuch a defire of emulating the glory of
thefe fabulous worthies of the Romilh church,
as led him into the wildeft and moft extravagant
adventures, which terminated at laft in inftitut-
ing the fociety of Jefuits, the moft political and
bcft regulated of all the monaftick orders, and
from which mankind have derived more advan-
tages, and received greater hurt, than from any
other of thefe religious fraternities.
They enter If, upon the rcduction of Pampeluna, L'Ef-
^'^'^^' parre had been fatisfied with taking proper pre-
cautions
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 147
cautions for fecuring his conqueft, the kingdom Book n.
of Navarre might ftill have remained annexed ' — -v-*-^
to the crown of France, in reality, as well as in '^*'*
tide. But, pu(hed on by youthful ardour, and
encouraged by Francis, who was too apt to be
dazzled with fuccefs, he ventured to pafs the
confines of Navarre, and to lay fiege to Lo-
grogno, a fmall town in Caftile. This rouzed
the Caftilians, who had hitherto beheld the rapid
progrcfs of his arms with great unconcern, and
the diflenfions in that kingdom being almofl:
compofed, both parties exerted themfelves with
emulation in defence of their country ; the one,
that it might efface the memory of paft mifcon-
duft by its prefent zeal ; the other, that it might
add to the merit of having fubdued the Empe-
ror's rebellious fubje6b, that of repulfing his
foreign enemies. The fudden advance of their
troops, together with the gallant defence made
by the inhabitants of Logrogno, obliged the
French general to abandon his ralh enterprize.
The Spanifh army, which increafcd every day,
haraflSng him during his retreat, he, inftead of
taking fhelter under the cannon of Pampeluna,
or waiting the arrival of fome troops which were
marching to join him, attacked the Spaniards, They «re
though far fuperior to him in number, with great ^nd^'dHvin
impetuofity, but with fo little conduft, that his o«t ^f Na^
forces were totally routed, he himfclf, together
with his principal officers, was taken prifoner,
and Spain recovered pofleffion of Navarre in ftill
Ihorter time than the French had fpent in the
conqueft of it y.
virrc.
While Francis endeavoured to juftify hisHoftiiitics
invafion of Navarre, by carrying it on in the|hfL"ow
name of Henry D*Albret, he had recourfe to an countries.
L 2 artifice
7 Mem. de Pellay, p. 21. P. Mart. Ep. 726.
148 THE REIGN OF THE
Book FI. artifice much of the fame kind, in attacking ano-
""^ thcr part of the Emperor's territories. Robert
'^*'' de la Mark lord of the fmall but independent
territory of Bouillon, fituated on the frontiers
of Luxembourg and Champagne, having aban-
doned Charles's fervice on account of an en-
croachment which the Aulick council had made
on his jurifdidioo^ and having thrown htmfelf
upon France for protcftion, was ea£ly perfuaded,
in the heat of his refcntment, to fend a herald to
Worms, and to declare war againft the Emperor
in form. Such extravagant infolence in a petty
prince furprized Charles, and appeared to him
a certain proof of his having received promifes
of powerful fupport from the French king.
The juftnefs of this conclusion ibon became
evident. Robert entered Luxembourg with
troops levied in France, by the King's conni-
vance, though feemin^y in contradiftion to his
orders, and after ravaging the open country,
laid ficge to Vireton. Of this Charles com-
plained loudly, as a direfl violation of the peace
fubfifting between the two crowns, and lum-
nroned Henry VHI. in terms of the treaty c^i-
cluded at London in the year cane thousand five
hundred and eighteen, to turn his arms againft
Francis as the fiiift aggreflbr. Francis pretonfed
that he was not anfwerable for Robert's conduA,
whofe army fought under his owniland^pds, ^nd
in his own quarrel ; and affirmed, that, contrary
to an exprcfs prohibition, he had fcduccd fame
fubjefts of Fxance into , his fervice ; but Heniy
paid fo little regard to this evafion, that the
French iCing, rather than irritate a prince whom
he ft ill hoped to gain, comnianded deiaMark
to difband his troops *.
The
^ Mem. de Bcllay, p. 22, &c. Mem. de Fleuranges,
p. 335, &c.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 149
Ths Emperor, mean while, was aflembling Book 1L
ao army to chaftife Robert's infokrK^. Twenty ^-'">^**-^
thoufand men, under the count of Nnf&u, in- ^^^''
vaded his little territories, and in a few days
became mafters of every place in them but Sedak.
After making him feel 10 fenfibly the weight of
his mafter's indignation, Nafiau advanced to-
wards the frontiers of France ; and Charles know-
\ttg that he might prefume (o far on Henry's
partiality in his favour, as not to be over-awed
by the fame fears which had rcftrained Francis,
Ofdered his general to befiege Moufon. The
cowardice of the garrifon having obliged the go*
vernor to furrender almoft without refiftance,
Nafiau invefted Mezieres, a place at that time siege of
of no confideraUe ftrength, but fb advantage- b/dlH^
oufly fituaiied, that by getting pofieffion of it, p«i*iiiit
the Imperial army might have penetrated into
the heart of Champagne, in which there was
hardly any other town capabfe of obftrtiAing its
progreis. Happily for France, its monarch,
ien&ble of the importance of this fortrefs, and
oi the danger to which it was expofed, com-
mitted the defence of it to the chevalier Bayard,
diftinguiihed stwong his contemporaries by the
appdilation of ?*/frf Knigbi wiib(mi ftar^ md wM- ^
out nfTHicb \ This man, whofe proweis in com-
bat, whofe pun&ilious honour and foonal gal-
lafitry, bear a nearer refemblance, than any thing
reeofded in hiftory, to the charafter aicribed to
the heroes of chivalry, poflefibd all the talents
whkh form a great general Tbefe he had
many occa&ons of exerting in the defence of
&^kres 5 partly by his valour, partly by his
cQftdudk, he protrafied the ficge to a great length,
and in the end obliged the Imperialifts to ni&
it,
• Oeuvres de Brantome, torn. vi. 114*
150 THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. it, with infamy and lofs ^. Francis, at the head
^ — ^ ^ of a numerous army, foon retook Moufon, and
rtifedf'' entering the Low Countries, made feveral con-
quers of fmall importance. In the neighbour-
hood of Valenciennes, through an excefs of cau-
tion, an error with which he cannot be often
charged, he loft an opportunity of cutting off
the whole Imperial army ^ •, and what was ftill
of more confcquence, he difgufted the conftable
Bourbon, by giving the command of the van to
the duke D*Alenfon, though this poft of ho-
nour belonged to Bourbon, as a prerogative of
his office.
Aaenft. DuRiNG thefc Operations in the field, a cpn-
cTz\^\n' g^^f^ ^^s held at Calais under the mediation of
dcr tnc me- Henry VIII. in order to bring all difierences to
EngUadf ^" amicable iflbe ; and if the intentions of the
mediator had correfponded in any degree to his
profeflions, it could hardly have failed of pro-
ducing fome good cfkGt. Henry committed the
fole management of the negociation, with unli-
mited powers, to Wolfey ; and this choice alone
was fufficient to have rendered it abortive. That
prelate, bent on attaining the papal crown, the
great obje<5t of his ambition, and ready to facri-
fice every thing in order to gain the Emperor's
intereft, was fo little able to conceal his par-
tiality, that, if Francis had not been well ac-
quainted with his haughty and vindidtive tem-
per, he would have declined his mediation.
Much time was fpent in inquiring who had be-
gun hoftilities, which Wolfey afFefted to repre-
fent as the principal point ; and by throwing the
blame of that on Francis, he hoped to juftify,
by the treaty of Lx)ndon, any alliance into which
^ ^ his
«> Mem. dc Bellay, p. 25, &c, c p. Mart. Ep.
747. Mem. de Bellay, 35.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. xsr
his mafter fhould enter with Charles. The con* Book il.
ditions on which hoftilities might be terminated, ^•'''^' '
came next to be confidered ; but with regard withl!/lny
to thefe, the Emperor's propofals were fuch as effca.
difcovercd either that he was utterly averfe to
peace, or that he knew Wolfey would approve
of whatever terms fhould be offered in his name.
He demanded the reflitution of the dutchy of
Burgundy, a province, the pofTefrion of which
would have given him accefs into the heart of
the kingdom ; and required a difcharge of the
homage due to the crown of France for the
counties of Flanders and Artois, which none of
his anceflors had ever refufed, and which he
had bound himfelf by the treaty of Noyon to
renew. Thefe terms, to which an high-fpirited
prince would fcarcely have liflened, after the
difaflers of the mofl unfortunate war, Francis
rejeAed with great difdain ; and Charles fhew-
ing no inclination to comply with the more
equal and moderate propofitions of the French
monarch, that he fhould reflore Navarre to its
lawful prince, and withdraw his troops from the
fiege of Tournay, the congrefs broke up without
any other efFcft, than that which attends unfuc-
cefsful negociations, the exafperating of the par-
ties, whom it was intended to reconcile ^
During the continuance of the congrefs, Letgue
Wolfey, on pretence that the Emperor himfelf f?1o°cc be-
would be more willing to make reafonable con- tj»c«o the
cef&ons than his miniflers, made an excurfion ao'd Henry
to Bruges, to meet that monarch. He was
received by Charles, who knew his vanity, with
as much refpefk and magnificence as if he had
been king of England. But inflead of advan-
cing the treaty of peace by this interview,
Wolfey,
d p. Mart. Ep. 739. Herbert.
tgz THE REION OF THE
Book It. Wolfcy, in his maftcr's name, conchided d
'"~''*'''''*^ league with the Emperor a^inft Francis v ih
'5*'* Vvhich it was ftipulated, that Charles flbcmld iw-
vadc France oh the fide of Spain, and Henry
in Picardy, each with an army of forty thotifeiid
men •, and that, in order to ftrengthen their vmioir^
Charles fhotild efpoufe the Princefe Marjr^
Henry's only child, and the apparent ben* of bis
dominions *. Henry produced no better tti*
fons for this meafute, equally urijuft and bh^
litick, than the article in the treaty of Loiidori^
by which he pretended that he was bound td
take arms againft tht French King ^ the firft
aggrfeflbr; and the injury ^hich he alkged
Francis had done him, in pei-rfihtihg the dirkd
6f Albany, the head of a fa&ion in Scothaid
which oppofed his intef-eft, to rtturn into that
kingdom. He was influenced; however, by
other confiderations. The advantages which
accrued to his fubjefts fnom maintaining an
exaft rieotrality, or the honour that rfcftilted to
himfelf from afting as fche Arbiter bctwieen the
contending princes, appeared to his yotithful
imagination lb iftcdnfiderable, when compared
with the glory which Charles and Francis reaped
from leading armies or conquering provinces,
that he determined to remain no longcfr in a
ftate of inaftivity. Having once taken this re-
folution, his inducements to prefer an alliirice
^ith Charks werfe obviods. He bad no claim
upon any part of that Prince's dominions, m«fk
of i^hich were fo fituated; that he could ndt
attack them withom grfeat difficirlty and dif-
aflvantJ^; whereas festal nrirhirile prbvinccs
df Frince had bceh long In th^ bands of the
Englifh iRo^wntbs, ^hofe prbtenfions, cvin to
the cTDWii of that kmgdom, were not as vet
altogetner
e Rymcr, Fdbdif. xiff. Hirhnt.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 153
srttD^her forgottefl ; and the pafleflion of Ca- ^0% !i.
kis noi only gave him eafy accefs into (otm of^ — ^ — ■
tkftr provifices, but in csrfecf ariy difaftcr, rf* *^**'
ferded him a fecwe retreat. While Ckarks at-
laekcd France iipon one frontier, Henry flat-
ted hintfelf thtft he wookl ftnd little refiftancci
Oil the other, and that the glory of fe-aniiexiAg
to the crown of Engliind the ancient inheritance
rf its monarchs on the continent, was referved
for hfe reign, Wolfey artfully encouraged theft
Yain hopes, which led his mafter into fuch mea-
fiifCi ad Were moft firbfervient to his own fecret
fehemes 5 and the Englilh, Whofe hereditary ani-
mofir^ againfl' the French was apt to rekindle on
every occ^on, did not difapprove of the n>artial
fpirit of their fovcreign.
MtAwWuiLE the league between the Pope Hon iiuies
alid Bmperor produced great eflfefts in Italy, *° ^^**^*
and rendered Lombardy the chief theatre of
war. There was, at that time, ftich contrariety
bctweeh the charafter of the French and Ita-
lians^ that the latter fubmitted to the govern-
rticnt of the former with greater innfpatience,
than they expreffed under the dominion of other
foreigners. The phlegm of the Germans and
gravity of the Spaniards^ fuited their jealous
terhper and ceremonious manners better thai^
the French gaiety, too prone to gallantry, and
too little attentiviB to de<»rum. L€wis XIL
however, by the equity and gentlenefs of his
^mtt^lration^ and by granting the Miknefe
more extend ve privileges than tbdfe they bad
enjoyed undbr their natife princes, had ever-
ccrfne, in a great meafure, their prejudiced^ aAd
reomeiied tbem to the French gdvernnfitot.
Francis^ on recov^ing thAt dutc^, did iiot
imitate tkc exitmpte of hi^ prpdecefibr. Though
tw geclenms himMf to op^ft bin p9&pk^ his
boundlefs
154 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book II. boundlefs confidence in his favourites, and his
''■■■''^^'■*^ negligence in examining into the condudt of
'^^'* thofe whom he entrufted with power, embol-
dened them to venture upon many adts of
The Milt- oppreffion. The government of Milan was
efwitif the" committed by him to Odet do Foix, Mare-
French go- chal dc Lautrec, another brother of Madame
Ttrament. j^ Chateau-Briand, an officer of great expe-
rience and reputation, but haughty, imperious,
rapacious, and incapable either of liftening to
advice, or of bearing contradi£Uon. His info-
knee and exaftions totally alienated the affec-
tions of the Milanefe from France, drove many
of the confiderable citizens into banifhment,
and forced others to retire for their own fafety.
Among the laft was Jerome Morone, vice-
chancellor of Milan, a man whofe genius for
intrigue and enterprize diftinguiihed him in an
age and country, where violent factions, as well
as frequent revolutions, affording great fcope
for fuch talents, produced or called them forth
in great abundance. He repaired to Francis
Sforza, whofe brother Maximilian he had be-
trayed j and fufpedting the Pope's intention of
attacking the Milanefe, although his treaty with
the Emperor was not yet made publick, he
propofcd to Leo, in name of Sforza, a fcheme
for furprizing feveral places in that dutchy by
means of * the exiles, who, from hatred to the
French, and from attachment to their former
matters, were ready for any defperate enter-
prize. Leo not only encouraged the attempt,
but advanced a confiderable fum towards the
execution of it ; and when through unforefeen
accidents it failed of fuccefs in every part, he
allowed the exiles, who had affembled in a body,
to retire to Reggio, which belonged at that time
to the church. The Marechal dc Foix, who
commanded at Milan in abfence of his- brother
Lautrec,
/
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 155
Lautrec, who was then in France, tempted with Book H.
the hopes of catching at once, as in a fnare, all ''-*"v*^^
the avowed enemies of his mailer's government jui^*^*
in that country, ventured to march into the
eccleliaftical territories, and to inveft Reggio.
But the vigilance and good conduft of Guic-
ciardini the hiftorian, governor of that place,
obliged the French general to abandon the en-
terprize with difgracc ^. Leo, on receiving this The Pop«
intelligence, with which he was highly pleafed, Jg^l*^
as it furniihed him a decent pretext for a rup- Fmicii.
ture with France, immediately aflembled the
confiftory of Cardinals. After complaining bit-
terly of the hoftile intentions of the French
King, and magnifying the Emperor's zeal for
the church, of which he had given a recent proof
by his proceedings againft Luther, he declared
that he was conftrained in felf-defence, and as
the only expedient for the fecurity of the ecclefi-
aftical date, to join his arms to thofe of that
princt. For this purpofe, he now pretended to
conclude a treaty with Don John Manuel, al-
though it had really been figned fome months be-
fore this time; and he publickly excommu-
nicated De Foix, as an impious invader of St.
Peter's patrimony.
. Leo had already begun preparations for war watid the
by taking into pay a confiderable body of^*^*^^**
Swifs; but the Imperial troops advanced fo
flowly from Naples and Germany, that it was
the middle of autumn before the army took the
field under the command of Profper Colonna,
the molt eminent of the Italian generals, whofe
extreme caution, the cffedt of long experience
in the art of war, were oppofed with great pro-
priety to the impetuoQty of the French. In
the
^ Goic. lib. m. 183, Mem. de Bellay, p. 38^ 5ec.
156 THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. thc mean time, De Foix difpatched courier
^ — ^^ ^ after courier to inform the King of the dangct
*5''* which was approaching. Francis, whojfe forces
were either employed in the Low Cotmtms^ ov
aflembling on the frontiers of Spain, and wbo
did not exped fo fudden an attack in that
quarter, fent ambaffadors to his allies the Swifs,
to procure from them the immediate levy of an
additional body of troops; and commanded
Lautrec to repair forthwith to his government.
That general, who was well acquainted with
the great negle£t of oeconomy in the adminiilrii->
tion of the King's finances, and who knew how
much the troops in the Milanefe had idready
fuffered from the want of their pay, refufed to
fet out, unlefs the fum of three hundred thou^
fand crowns was immediately put into his hands^
But the King, Louife of Savoy, his mother^
and Semblancay, the fuperintendttit of finances,
having promifed, even with an oath^ that ofi
his arrival at Milan he fhould find remittances
for the fum which he demanded; upon the
faith of this^ he depM^. Unt^appilf for
J France, Louife, a WOrnan d^eitful, viftdi^ive,
rapatious, and capable of facrificing any thin|
to the gratification of her paflions, but who had
acquired an abfolute afcendant over her fon by
her ipatcrnal tcndcrncfe, hef care of his e4u-
cation, and her great abilities^ was refolved not
to perform this pfOmife. Lautrec having ift-
curred her dlfpleafure bf his haughtin^s i^
Bcglefting 10 pay court to her, and by the fret-
dam lArith which he had talked cokioerning fome
ef hir adventures in gallantry, (he, in order <o
Sepmt him of the honour which he might hnvc
gained by a fucoe^fui defence of the Milanefey
felzed the rfirae hundred thouftftd crowns def-
tiled for that fervice, and detained them for her
own ufe.
Lautrec,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 157
Lautrec, notwithftanding this cruel difap^ Bo«Klf«
pointmcnt, found tnetns to aflemble a confi- ^— v-— '
derable army, though far inferior in number to Prog^^rl'of
that of the confederates. He adopted the plan the impe-
of defence mofl: fuitable to his fituation, avoids "**'"•'
ing a pitched battle with the greateft care^
while he harafibd the enemy continually with
Us light troops, beat up their quarters, inter-
cepted their convoys, and covered or relieved
every place which they attempted to attack. By
this fMiident condudt, he not only retarded their
progrefs, but would have foon wearied out the
Pope, who had hitherto defrayed almoft the
whole expence of the war, as the Emperor,
whofe revenues in Spain were diflipated during
the commotions in that country, and who was
ob%6d to iupport a numerous army in the
Netl^rlands, could not make any confiderable
rcBiictances into Italy. But an unforefeen acci-
dent diiconcerted all his meafures, and Qcca*>
fioncd a fatal rcverfe in the French aflfairs. A
body of twelve thoufend Swifs fcrvcd in Lau-
titc^ army ucnkr the banners of the republick,
with which France was in alliance. By a law,
no kk political than humane, eftabliflied anK>ng
the eantons, their troops were not hired out by
publick authority to both the contending par*
tics in any war. This law, the love of gain
had fomettmes eluded, and private pcrfons had
been allowed to enlift in what fervice they
pka&d, thov^ not under the publick banners,
but under thde of nheir officers. The Cardinal
of Sioo, who»ftill ptJeferved his intereft anpng
his countrymen, and his enmity to France, hav-
mg prevailed on them to permit a levy of this
kind, twelve thoufond SwUs joined the army of
the confederancs. The cantons, when they faw
fo many of their countrymen marching under hof-
tile
158 THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. tile ftandards, and ready to deftroy each other,
^ -^y — -^ became fo fenfible of the infamy to which thcf
*^*** would be expofcd, a»well as the lofs they might
fuffer, that they difpatched couriers, command-
ing their people to leave both armies, and to
return forthwith into their own country. The
Cardinal of Sion, however, had the addrefs, by
corrupting the meflengers appointed to carry
this order, to prevent it from being delivered
to the Swifs in the fervice of the confederates ;
but being intimated in due form to thofe in
the French army, they, fatigued with the length
of the campaign, and murmuring for want of
pay, inftantly yielded obedience, in Ipite of
Lautrec*s remonftrances and intrcaties.
After the defertion of a body which formed
the ftrength of his army, Lautrec durft no
longer face the confederates. He retired to-
wards Milan, encamped on the banks of the
Adda, and placed his chief hopes of fafety in
preventing the enemy from palfing the river;
Become an expedient for defending a country fo preca-
MiU^!* *^^ rious, that there arc few examples of its being
employed with fuccefs againft any general of
■ experience or abilities. Accordingly Colonna,
notwithftanding Lautrec's vigilance and aftivity,
paffed the Adda with little lofs, and obliged
him to (hut himfelf up within the walls of
Milan, which the confederates were preparing
to beficge when an unknown perfbn, who never
afterwards appeared either to boaft of this fer-
vice, or to claim a reward for it, came from the
city and acquainted Morone, that if the army
would advance that night, the Ghibellinc or
Imperial faftion would put them in pofieflion
of one of the gates. Colonna, though no friend
to rafh cnterprizes, allowed the marquis de
Pcfcara to advance with the Spanifh infantry,
apd
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 159
and he himfelf followed with the reft of his Book IJ.
troops. About the beginning of night, Pefcara ^"" — "^ — '
arriving at the Roman gate in the fuburbs, *5*'*
furpriied the foldiers whom he found there;
thofe pofted in the fortifications adjoining to
it, immediately Bed; the marquis, feizing the
works which they abandoned, and pufliing for-
ward inceffantly, though with no lefs caution
than vigour, became mafter of the city with
little bloodfhed, and almoft without refiftance ;
the viftors being as much aftonifhed as the van-
quiflied at the facility and fuccefs of the attempt.
Lautrec retired precipitately towards the Vene-
tian territories with the remains of his (battered
army j the cities of the Milanefe, following the
fate of the capital, furrendered to the confede-
rates ; Parma and Placentia were united to the
ecclefiaftical ftate, and of all their conquefts in
Lombardy, only the town of Cremona, the caftle
of Milan, and a few inconfiderable forts remained
in the hands of die French ^.
Leo received the accounts of thi? rapid fuc- Death of
ceflion rf profperous events with fuch tranfports ^^ ^'
®f j^> as brought on (if we may believe the
French hiftorians) a flight fever, which' being
neglefted, occafioned his death on the fecond
of December, while he was ftill of a vigorous
age, and at the height of his glory* By this
uncxpefted accident, the fpirit of the confede-
racy was broken, and its operations fufpended.
The Cardinals of Sion and Medici left the
army that they might be prefent in the con-^
clave -, the Swife were recalled by their fuperi-
ors 5 fome other mercenaries dift)anded for want
of
e Guic. I. xiv. 190, &c. Mem. dc Bellay, 42, &c.
Galencii Capella de reb. gefl. pro reftitut. Fran. Sfbrtiae
Comment, ap. Scardimn^ vol. ii. i8o> &c*
i6o THJE RpIGN OW THE
Bo^ H. of p*y 5 mi only lUje SpaiPwrds, and fi few Ger-
^^"""^'^""^ nian« in the Enaperw^ fervice, renw,inc4 to cjc-
*5^*' &q4 tbe Milanefe. B\Hi JL^trec, dcjftitute hioth
of mei> and of njoney, w^ unabk to i^iprpve
thk f^vow^bk -opportunity in the ipwfl^r which
he woqjd have wiftie^. The vigila{3ce qf IN^-
rone, mi the gogd iCpndiH9t of CqIq^A*, 4if^-
poioitcid his feeble attempt^ on the M^l^^^'
1511.7^. Guicci^dioi, by his>a44rcl^ an4 valour, rjepiilfed
9 bojdipr mi m9ir^ ^^w^crg^s 9^0}^ which he
m^dc on P^m^ ^'
Adritn Gr«at dif^ofd prey^^ijed ii) the QQDc^^ye,
•leaedPope ^j^j^ follov€(J Mpofl J^eo's death, ftod *Jl
)the wts ngtgraj to mtt^ grown <?A^ ia in-
trigimie, vfcep contcQi^ng for a prize fp v^lu-
.i^le, ^ft€r^ pra^ifed. W4)4fey'^ njime, /lotjvitli-
^aoding ftll tfce Eniper^r'is ^i^gQ^Qcnt pi:Qrnifes
i;o fjivowr JM^ pretenfion^, ,<^ jwhiob ,t;h^ pl»la«e
di4 W>t fi^il tp re^.in^ i^im, w^3 hardly 0iq^\-
tioned in the conclave. Julip C^rdini^l 4c Me-
dici, Leo's nephew, who was more eminent than
^y pthcr 9ifi9iber,pf ithe fac^^d co^cige for his
^iliticp, his w^Uhj 9^ ki^ ejcperieoce jn tr^f-
S^ing gregt gfifeirs, h^d ^Ir^dy Jfe<:uced fifteen
vpiscs, ^ f>utDl;)er fi;jft<;ieftt, acQpr#;^ tp tjhc
^foKo? of rthp Q9ac|*vc, tp ,t3cclu^ ^py od^r
.cftpdid^e, tbpugh i\pt jto ^^arry his p^p ele^^iqi?.
Ailj vthe pW sai^inai^ ?pmttine4 ^ak^ t^im,
,withput Jpeing iipij»^ in fjivpur ^tany o^^r
j>§rfpo. WhiJp th^fe ^ftftipas ^i^crc ,^^vi>vir-
ing ft) gft>n5 .tp CPC^"upt, or to yfCf^ry put «<ii
xK^fr, Mfldici j^ his ^herent^ iwtcd om
xmmng ;^t th? Xcrptiny, which ^c^rd^iig .to
fytff> w^ mwk e\f€iy .^3 fpr Cardinal A4f ko
^ Utrecht, who at that time governed Spain
in the Emperor's name. This they did merely
to
feMPERGR CHARLES V. i6i
to protraft time. But the adverfe party in-Booic If.
ftantly clofing with them^ to their own amaze- ^^ ^^'"'^
jmcnt and that of all Europe, a ftrangcr to Italy, '^^^*
unknown to the perfons who gave their fufirages
in his favour, and unacquainted With the man-
ners of the people, or the intereft of the ftate,
the government of which they conferred upon
him, was unanimouQy raifed to the papal throne^ jmaary ^.
at a juncture fo delicate and critical, as would
have demanded all the fagacity and experience
of one of the moft able prelates in the facred
college. The Cardinals themfelves, unable to
give a reafon for this ftrange choice, on account
of which, as they marched in proceflion from
the conclave, they were loaded with infults and
curfes by the Roman people, afcribed it to an
immediate impulfe of the Holy Ghoft. It may
be imputed with greater certainty to the infkir
ence of Don John Manuel, the Imperial ambaf-
fador, who by his addrefs and intrigues facility-
ted the eleftion of a perfon devoted to his mailer's
fervice, from gratitude, ftom intereft, and from
inclination '•
Beside the influence which Charles acquired Wtr renew-
by Adrian's promotion, it threw great luftrc on Miunefc.
his adminiftration. To beftow on his preceptor
fuch a noble recompence, and to place on the
papal throne a creature whom he had raifed,
were afts of uncommon magnificence and power.
Francis obferved, with the ftnfibility of a rival,
the pre eminence which he was gaining, and
rcfolved to exert himfclf with frelh vigour, in
order to wreft from him his late conquefts in
Italy. The Swifs, that they might make fome
Vol. Ih M reparation
» Hcrm. Moringi Vita Hadriani sp. Cafp. Burman, in
Analed. de Hadr. p. 52. Conclave Hadi*. Ibid. p.
144, &c
i62 THE REIGN OF THE
Book II. reparation to the French King, for having with-
^--;^—> drawn their troops from his army fo unfeafon-
'5*^' ably, as to occafion the lofs of the Milanefe,
permitted him to levy ten thoufand men in the
republick. Together with this, reinforcement;
Lautrec received from the King a fmall fum of
money, which enabled him once more to take
the field, and after feizing by furprize, or force,
feveral places in the Milanefe, to advance within
a few miles of the capital. The confederate
armv was in no condition to obftrudt his pro-
grels ; for though the inhabitants of Milan, by
the artifices of Morone, and by the popular de-
clamations of a monk whom he employed, were
inflamed with fuch enthufiaftick zeal againft the
French government, that they confcnted to
raife extra6rdinary contributions, Colonna muft
foon have abandoned the advantageous camp
which he had chpfen at Bicocca, and have dii-
mifled his troops for want of pay, if the Swifs in
the French fervice had not once more extricated
him out of his difficulties.
The French The infolcnce or caprice of that people
the^bluie'of^^^^ often no lefs fatal to their friends, than
Bicocca. their valour and difcipline were formidable to
their enemies. Having now ferved fome months
' without pay, of which they complained loudly,
a fum deftined for their ufe was fent from France
under a convoy of horfe; but Morone, whole
vigilant eye nothing efcaped, ported a body of
troops in their way, fo that the party which ef-
corted the money durft not advance. On receiving
intelligence of this, the Swifs loft all patience,
and officers as well as foldiers crowding around
Lautrec, threatened with one voice inftantly to
retire, if he did not either advance the pay
which was due, or promife to lead them next
morning to battle. In vain did Lautrec remon-
ftrate
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 1^3
ftrate ^g^jnfl: thefe demands, rcprcfentjng to Book If.
tlieai the impoIBbility of the fqrmer, and the ^ " ^'^'^
rafliqefs of the Utfter, which muft be attended *^^**
with certain deftru£kion, as the enemy occupie4
a camp naturally of great ftrength, and which
by art they had rendered almoft inacceflible.
The Swifs, deaf to reafon, and perfuaded tjiat
Aeir valour was capable of fucmounting every
obftacle, renewed their demand with greater
ftercenefs, oiFcring themfclves to form the van-
guard, and to begin the attack. Lautrec^
unable to overcome their obftinacy, complied
with their reqyeft, hoping, perhaps, that fome
of thofc unforefeen accidents, which fo often
determine the fate of battles, might crown this
ralh enterprize with undeferved fuccefs; and
conyioced that the eflfefts of a defeat could not
be mpre fatal than th,ofe which would certainly
follow upon the retreat of a body which com-
pofcd one half of his army. Next morning the May.
Swife were early ip . the field, and marched with
the greateft intrepidity againft an enemy deeply
intrenched on every fide, furrounded with artil-
lery, and prepared to receive them. As they
advaaced, they fuftained a furious cannonade
with great firmnefs, and without waiting for
their own artillery, ruflied impetuoufly ^on the
intrenfhments. Bup after incredible eflfbrts of
valour, which were feconded with great Ipirit by
the French, haviiig loft their braveft officers and
beft foldiers, and finding that they could make
no impreflion on the enemy's works, they founded
a retreat j leaving the field of battle, however,
like men repulfed, but not vanquifhed, in clofe
array, and without receiving any moleftation
from the enemy.
Next day, fuch as furvived fct out for their Driven out
own country ; and Lautrec, d^fpairing of being ^^^^^ ^'**"
M z able
i64 TH£ REIGN Of TttE
BodK n. able to make any farther refiftance, retired into
^'''T^ ^ France, after throwing garrifons into Cremona,
^^^' and a few other places ; all which, except the
citadel of Cremona^ Colonna foon obliged to
furrenden
LofeGeflot. Genoa, howcver, and it$ tefritories, remain-
ing fubjeft to France, ftill gave Francis confi-
derable footing in Italy, and made it eafy for
him to execute any fcheme for the recovery of
the Milanefe. But Colonna, rendered enter-
prizing by continual fuccefs, and excited by the
folicitations of the fadtion of the Adorni, the
hereditary enemies of the Frcgofi, who under
the proteftion of France poflefled the chief au-
thority in Genoa, determined to attempt the rc-
duftion of that ftate ; and accompliftied it with
amazing facility. He became matter of Genoa
by an accident as unexpefted as that which had
given him poffeffion of Milan ; and almoft with-
out oppofition or bloodflied, the power of the
Adorni and the authority of the Emperor were
cftabliihed in Genoa ^.
Menry VIII. SucH a cruel fucccffion of misfortunes afFe<5led
^*^**^\inft Francis with deep concern, which was not a
Prance, little augmcntcd by the unexpected arrival of
^*^*^* an EnglTfti herald, who, in the name of his
fovereign, declared war in form againft France.
This ftep was taken in confequence of the treaty
which Wolfey had concluded with the Emperor
at Bruges, and which had hitherto been kept
fecret. Francis, though he had reafon to be
furprized with this denunciation, after having
been at fuch pains to footh Henry and to gain
his minifter, received the herald with great
compofure
k Jovii Vila Fcrdin, Davalii p, 344. Guic, 1. xiv. ^33.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 165
compofure and dignity *•, and without abandon- Book h
ing any of the fchemes which he was forming *— v**-^
againft the Emperor, began vigorous prepara- ^^^'
tions for refilling this new enemy. His trea-
fury, however, being exhauftcd by the efforts
which he had already made, as well as by the
fums he expended on his pleafures, he had re-
courfe to extraordinary expedients for fupplyin]
it, Several new offices were created and expofec
to fale ; the royal demefnes were alienated •, yn-
ufual taxes were impofed -, and the tomb of St,
Martin was dripped of a rail of maflive filver,
with which Loyis XI- in one of his fits of devo-
tion, had encircled it. By means of thefe expe-
dients he was enabled to levy a confiderable army,
and to put the frgntier towns in a good pofture
of defence,
The Emperor, meanwhile, was no lefs foli- chtriai
cjtous to draw as much advantage as poffible J[^* ^°*"
from the acceffion of fuch a powerful ally ; and
the profperous fituation of hh affairs, at this
time, permitting him to fet out for Sp^in, where
his prefence was extremely neceOary, he vifited
the court of Epgland in his way to that coun-r
try. He propqkd by this interview not only
to ftrengthen the bonds of friendlhip whic^
united hini with Henry, and to excite him to
pufli the war againft France with vigour, but
hoped to rempve any difguft or refentmeqt that
Wolfey Height have conceived on accovjnt of the
cruel difappointniept which he had uiet with in
the late conclave, His fuccefs exceeded his
mod fanguine expectations ; and by his artfuii
jj^drefs, during a refidence qf fix weeks i^
^England, he gained not only the ICing and the
Riinifter, but the nation itfelf, Henry,^ whof^
vanity
\ journal d« Louife d^ Sayoie^ p. 199.
i66 THE REIGN OF THE
tooK 1!. vanity was fenfibly flattered by fuch i vifit, as
"""^^"^^ well as by the ftudied refpeft with^ which the
* Emperor treated him on every occafion, entered
warmly into all his fchemes. The Cardinal,
fofefeeing from Adrian's age and infirmities, 4
fudden vacancy in the papal fee, diffembled or
forgot his refentment •, and as Charles, befides
augmenting the penfions which he had already
fettled on him, renewed his pfomife of favour-
ing his pretenfions to the papacy, with all his in-
tereft, he endeavoured to merit the former, and
to fecure the accomplilhment of the latter, by
frefh fer vices. The hatiort, (haring in the glory
of its monarch, and pleafcd with the confidence
which the Emperor placed in the Englifh, by
creating the earl of Surrey his high-admiral, dis-
covered no lefs inclination to commertce hoftili-
tiea than Henry himfelf.
' ;" ■ ; V. •
The Eogii* In order, to give Charles, before he left Eng-
fVwcc ^^^» ^ proof of this general ardour, Surrey
failed ^ith fijich forces as Were ready, arid ra-
vaged the coifts of Normandy. He then madq
'a defcent on'' Bretagne, where he plundered and
bufnt Morlaix, and fottie other placed of lefs
confeqqence. After thefe flight excurfiofts, at-
tended with' greater difhonour than damage to.
Prance, he repaired t6 Calais, and took the com-
mand of the principal army, confifting of fixteen
rhoufand men; with which, having joined the
Flemifii trtjops under the count de Buren, he
advanced into Picardy. The army which Fran-
cis had Mferfibled, was far inferior in number
with little to thel^' united bodies. But during the long
fucccfs. ^^^5 betWeeti the two nations, the French had
difcove^ed the proper method of defending their
country againll the Englilh. They had been
taught by their misfortunes to avoid a pitched
battle with the utmoft c^re, and (6 endeavour,
by
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 167
by throwing garrifons into every place capable Book If.
of refiftance, by watching all the enemy's mo- ^*"~>^"*^
tions, by intercepting their convoys, attacking '^^^'
their advanced pofts, and harafling them conti-
nually with their numerous cavalry, to ruin them
with the length of the war, or to beat them by
piece-meal. This plan the duke of Vendome,
the French general in Picardy, purfued with no
lefs prudence than fuccefs j and not only pre-
vented Surrey from taking any town of impor-
tance, but obliged him to retire with his army
greatly reduced by fatigue, by want of provide
ons, and by the tofs which it had fuitained in fe-
veral unfuccefsful fkirmi(bes.
Thus ended the fecond campaign in a war the Soiymm's
moft general that hitherto had been kindled in R^^f ""^
Europe ; and though Francis, by his mother's
illrtimed refentment, by the difgufting infolence
erf" his general, and the caprice of the mercenary
troops which he employed, l^*d loft his con-
qucfts in Italy, yet all the powers combined
againft him had not been able to make any im-
preffion on his hclteditary dominions ; and wher-
ever they either intended or attempted an attack,
he was well prepared to receive them.
While the Chriftian princes were thus waft-
ing each other's ftrength, Solyman the Magni-
ficent entered Hungary with a numerous army,
^d invefting Belgrade, which was d^med the
dwef barrier of that kingd<?m againft the
Turidlh arms, foon forced it to fi,u:render, En-
-courag^ by this fuccefs, he turned his vifto-
rious arois againft the ifland of Rhodes, the
feat, at that time, ctf the knights of St. John
<of Jerufalem, This finall ftftte he attacked
irith fticl^ a numeroijfSi army, ^s the lords of
i68 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IJ.Afia have been accuftomed in every age to
"^"""^ 'bring into the field. Two hundred thoufand
'^^?* men, and a fleet of" four hundred fail appeared
agaihft a town defended by a garrifon confifting
of five thoufand foldiers, and fix hundred
knights, under the command of Villiers de
L'ifle Adam, the grand matter, whofe wifdoni
and valour rendered him worthy of that ftation
at fuch a dangerous junfture. No fooner did
he begin to fufpeft the deftination of Solyman*s
vaft armaments, than he difpatched meffengers
to all the Chriftian courts, imploring their aid
againft the common enemy. But though every
prince in that age acknowledged Rhodes to be
the great bulwark of Chriftendom in the eaft,
and trufted to the gallantry of its knights as
the bed fecurity againft the progrefs of the
Ottoman arms-, though Adrian, with a zeal
which became the head iand father of the churchy
exhorted the contending powers, to forget their
private quarrels, and by uniting their arms, to
J)revent the Infidels from deftroying a fociety
Vhich did honour to the Chriftian name ; yet fo
violent and implacabl(? was the animofity of
both parties, that, regardlefs of the danger to
which they expofed all Europe, and unmoved
by the intreaties of the grand mafter, or the
admonitions of the Pope, they fuffered Soly*
man to carry on his operations againft Rhodes
without difturbance. The grand mafter, after
incredible eflPorts of courage, of patience, and
of military conduct during a fiege of fix months;
after fuftaining many alTaults, and difputinj
every poft with amazing obftinacy, was obligci
at laft to yield to numbers, and having oh-»
tained an honourable capitulation from thcr
Sultan, \irho admired and refpefted his virtue^
he furtendered th^ town, ^hich was reduced to
^heap
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 1^9
a heap of rubbilh, and deftitute of every re- BQQ' ^ M -
fourcc ™. Charles and Francis, aftiamcd of hav- ,J^
ing occafioned fuch a lofs to Chriftendom by
t(ieir arpbitious ?ontefts, endeavoured to throw
the blame of it on each other, while all Europe,
with greater juftice, imputed it equally to both.
The Emperor, by way of reparation, granted
the Knights of St. Jqhn the fmall iQand of
Malta, in which they fixed their refidence, re-
taining, though with lefs power and fplendour,
their ancient fpirit, and implacable enmity to
the Infidels.
^ Fpntai^os 4^ Bellp Rl^odio ap. S^ard. Script. Rer.
Qetman. Vol. ii. p. 88. P. Barre. Uift. d'Allem. torn.
m. 5;.
the;
T H E
HISTORY
OF THE
REIGN
OF THE
EMPEROR CHARLES^V.
9 o o K III;
BooKlir./^HARLES, having had the fatisfaftion
c, - v - - i^ v^ ^f feeing hoftilities begun between France
Civ1i^**r-n ^"^ England, took leave of Henry, and arrive4
fimic. in Spain on the feventeenth of June. He found
that country juft beginning to recover order ancj
ftrength after the miferies of a civil war to which
it had been expofed during his abfence ; an ac-
count of the rife and progrefs of which, as it was
but little connected with the other events which
happened in Europe, hath been referved to tbi^
place.
ijruneaion >lo fooncr was it known that the Cortes af-
^^ ^' fembled in Galicia had voted the Emperor a
fre^-pfit without obtaining the redrefs of any
one grievance, than it excited univerfal indigna-
May, 1540. tion. The citizens of Toledo, who confidered
themfelves, on account of the great privileges^
which they enjoyed, as guardians of the liberties
of the Caftiliar^^coipLmpns, finding thait no t^-^
THE REIGN, &c. 171
gard was ptiid to the remonftrances of their de- Book III,
puties againft that unconftitutipnal grant, took ''""^
arms with tumultuary violence, and feizing the *^"'
gates of the city which were fortified, attacked
the al-cazar, or caftle, which they foon obliged
the governor to Surrender. Emboldened by this
fuccefs, they deprived of all authority every per-
jbn whom they fufpefted of any attachment to
the court, eftablilhed a popular form of govern-
mentj compofed of deputies froip the fcveral pa-
rifhes in the city, and levied troops in their own
detence. The chief leader of the people in thefe
infuij-eftions was don John de PadiUa, the eldeft
fon of the comniendador of Caftile, a young no-
bleman of a generous temper, of undaunted cou-
rage, and poflefled of the talents as well as of
jlie ambition which, in times of civil difcord,
raife men to power and eminence *.
The refentment of the citizens of Segovia or s^ovU*
produced effedts ftill niore fatal. Tordefillas,
one of their reprefentativcs in the late Cortes,
had voted for the donative ; and being a bold
and haughty man, ventured, upon his return, tq
call together his feilow-citi5:ens in the great
church, that he might give them, according to
ctiftom, an account of his conduft in that al-
fembly. iftut the multitude, unable to bear his
infqlence, in attempting to juftify what they
thought inexcufable, burft open the gates of the
chprch with the utmoft fury, and feizing the
unhappry TprdefiUas^ dragged him through the
ftrects, with a thoufand curies and infults, to-
wards the place of public execution. In vain
did the dean at^d canons come forth in proceffion
with the haly iacranient, in order to appeafe their ^
rage. In vain did the monks of thofe mona-
ftcrics by which they paffed, conjur^ theni on
• their
a Sandoy. p. 77,
172 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book III. their knees to fpare his life, or at leaft to allow
'^■'**^^'*^ him time to confefs, and to receive abfolution
'5^** of his fins. Without liftening to the dilates
either of humanity or religion, they cried out,
*' That the hangman alone could abfolve fuch
a traitor to his country,** they hurried him
along with greater violence ; and perceiving that
he had expired under their hands, they hung
him up with his head downwards on the com-?
mon gibbet ^. The fame fpirit feized the inhabit
tants of Burgos, Zamora, and feveral other ci-
ties; and though their reprefentatives, taking
warning from the fate of Tordefillas, had beca
fo wife as to fave themfelves by a timely flight,
they were burnt in effigy, their houfes razed to
the ground, and their effeds confumed with fire;
and fuch was the horror which the people h^
conceived againft them as betrayers of the pub-,
lick liberty, that not one in thofe licentious mul-
titudes would touch any thing, however valua-*
ble, which had belonged to tpem S
AdrtlT'in^ Adk^ian, at tha? time regent of ^ Spain, had
ord«"i pu- fcarcely fixed the feat of his government at Valla-r
i!I^^ 5^"' dolid, when he was alarmed with an account 'of
i5aio. * thefe infurreftions. He immediately aflembled
the council to deliberate concerning the proper
method of fuppreffing them. The counfeUors;
diflfered in opinion •, Tome inQfting that it was
neceflary to (;heck this audacious fpirit in its in-
fancy by a feyere execution of juf^ice -, others;
adviflng to treat wjth lenity a people who had
fome reafon to be incenfed, and not tq drive them
beyond all the bounds of duty by an ill-time4
rigour. The fentiments of the former being
Y^armly fupjported by the archbiftiop of Granada^
prefident of the qoqncil, a perfoq of great au-
^hority^
»> P, M^t. E|), 671. c Saad. 10^. P, ^art. ?:^ 67^,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 175
thority, but cholerick and impetuous, were ap-BooK III.
proved of by Adrian, whofe zeal to fupport his ^ ^^^^^^
maftePs authority hurried him into a meafure, *^*^'
to which, from his natural caution and timidity,
he would otherwife have been averfe. He com-
manded Ronquillo, one of the King's judges,
to repair inftantly to Segovia, which had fet the
firft example of mutiny, and to proceed againft
the delinquents according to law ; and left the
people fliould be fo outrageous as to refift his
authority, a confiderable body of troops was
appointed to attend him. The Segovians, fore- Hit troops
feeing what they might expeft from .a judge fo g^'P^IJf^** '^
well known for his auftere and unforgiving tem-
per, took arms with one confent, and having
muttered twelve thoufand men, fhut their gates
againft him. Ronquillo, enraged at this infult,
denounced them rebels and outlaws-, and his
troops feizing all the avenues to the town* hoped
that it would foon be obliged to furrender for
want of provifions. The inhabitants, howe-
ver^ defended themfelves with vigour, and hav-
ing received a confiderable reinforcement from
Toledo, under the command of Padilla, at-
.tacked Ronquillo, and forced him to retire,
with the lofs of his baggage and military cheft **.
Upon this Adrian ordered Antonio de Fonfeca, tnd tt mc-
whom the Emperor had appointed commander Ji^JJ^p**
in chief of the forces in taftile, to aflemble an
army, and to befiege Segovia in form. But the
inhabitants of Medina del Campo, where Cardi-
nal Ximenes had eftablilhed a vaft magazine of
military ftores, would not fufFer him to draw
from it a train of battering cannon, or to deftroy
their countrymen with tnofe arms which had
been prepared againft the enemies of the king-
dom.
^ Sandov. 112. P. Mart. Ep. 679. Miniana, Contin,
p. 15.
174 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book III. dom, Fonfeca, who could not execute his orders
^""^ ^ without artillery, determined to feize the m^a-
*^^' zine by force, and the citizens ftanding oa their
Attgttftzi., defence, he aflaulted the town with great briflk-
nefs : But his troops were fo warmly received^
that defpairing of carrying the place, he fet fira
to fome of the houfes, in hopes that the citizens
would abandon the walls, in order to fave their
families and efFefts. Inftead of that, the expedient
to which he had recourfe ferved only to increafc
their fury, and he was repulfed with great in-
famy, while the flames fpreading from ftreet to
ftreer, reduced to afhes almoft the whole town,
one of the moft confiderable at that time ia
Spain, and the great mart for the manufaftures
of Segovia, and feveral other cities* As tlie
warehoufes were then filled with goods for the
approaching fair, the lofs was immenfe, and was
felt univerlally. This, added to the impreffion
which fuch a cruel aftion made on a people long
unaccuftomed to the horrors of civil war^ en-
raged the Caftilians almoft to madncfs. Fonfeca
became the objedt of general indignation, and
was branded with the name of incendiary, and
enemy to his country. Even the citizens of
Valladolid, whom the prefence of the cardinsJ
had hitherto reftrained, declared that they could
no longer remain inactive fpedtators of the fuffer-
ings of their countrymen. Taking arms with
no lefs fury than the other cities, they burnt
Fonfeca's houfe to the ground, elefted new ma-
gi lirates, raifed foldiers, appointed oiHcers to
command them, and guarded their walls with as
much diligence as if an enemy had been ready
to attack them.
Adrian dir- The Cardinal, though virtuous and difinte-
r troVs. *^ refted, and capable of governing the kingdom
with honour in times of tranquillity, poffeflfed
neither
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 17$
neither the courage nor fagacity neceflary at fuchBoox III.
a dangerous jundture. Finding himfclf unable ^^ - y ^
to check thefe outrages committed under his *^*^
own ejre, he attemptai to appeafe the people,
by protefting that Fonieca had exceeded his
orders, and had by his rafh conduA offended
him, as much as he had injured them. This
condefceniion, the eSeA of irrefolution and ti-
midity, rendered the malecontents bolder and
m(>re infolent ; and the Cardinal having foon af-
ter^ recalled Fonfeca, and difmiffed his troops,
whith he could no longer afibrd to pay, as the
treafury, drained by the rapacioufnefs of the
Flemiih minifters, had received no fupply from
the great cities, which were all in arms, the peo-
ple were left at full liberty to aft without con-
troul, and fcarcely any ihadow of power re-
mained in his hands.
Nor were the proceedings of the commons The viewt
the effefts liierely of popular and tumultuary J""^ P'f,?**'
, . < I *• • 1 r r 1 -^ fionsofthe
rage ; they aimed at obtainmg redrefs of their commoni rf
political grievances, and an eftablifhment of^**^*^**
publick liberty on a fecure bafis, objefts worthy
of all the zeal which they difcovered in con-
tending for them. The feudal government in
Spain was at that time in a ftate more favour-
able to liberty than in any other of the great
European kingdoms. This was owing chiefly
to the number of great cities in that country,
a circumftance I have already taken notice of,
and which contributes more than any other to
mitigate the rigour of the feudal inftitutions, and
to introduce a more liberal and equal form of
government. The inhabitants of every city
formed a great corporation, with valuable immu-
nities and privileges •, they were delivered from
a ftate of fubjcftion and vaffalage ; they were
admitted
176 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book III. admitted to a confiderable fhare in the legi(la>i
u — y i-^ ture ; they acquired the arts of induftry, with-
*5*2* out which cities cannot fubfift-, they accumu*
lated wealth, by engaging in commerce; and
being free and independent themfelves, were the
guardians of the publick freedom and indepen-
dence. The genius of the internal government
eftabliihed in cities, which even in countries
^ where defpotick power prevails moft, is democra-
tical and republican, rendered the idea of liberty
familiar and dear to them. Their reprefentatives
in the Cortes were accuftomed, with equal fpirit,
to check the encroachments of the King, and the
oppreflion of the nobles. They endeavoured to
extend the privileges of their own order ; they
laboured to Ihake off the remaining incumbran-
ces, with which the feudal tyranny had burdened
them ; and confcious of being one of the moft
confiderable orders in the ftate, were ambitious
of becoming the moft powerful.
Their con- The prefcnt junfturc appeared favourable for
'^J^^^^J^y puOiing any new claim. Their fovereign was
the Holy ° abfent from his dominions •, by the ill-conduft
juntt. of his minifters he had 16ft the efteem and afFec-
' tion of his fubjefts •, the people exafperated by
many injuries had taken arms, though without
concert, almoft by general confent •, they were
animated with rage capable of carrying them to
the moft violent extremes ; the royal treafury was
cxhaufted; the kingdom deftitute of troops;
and the government comrpitted to a ftranger, of
great virtue indeed,, but of abilities unequal to
fuch a truft. The firft care of Padilla, and the
other popular leaders who obferved and deter-
mined to improve thefe circumftances, was to
cftablifh fome form of union or aflbciation among
the malecontents, that they might a£t with
greater
I
J
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 177
greater regularity, and purfue one common end ; Book ill.
and as the different cities had been prompted ^' — -v^ -^
• ^ I C 2.2
to take arms by the fame motives, and were ^
accuftomed to confider themfelves as a diftin£t
body from the reft of the fubjefts, they did not
find this difficult. A general convention was
appointed to be held at Avila. Deputies ap-
peared there in name of almoft all the cities en-
titled to have reprefentatives in the Cortes, They
all bound themfelves by folemn oath, to live and
die in the fervice of the King, and in defence of
the privileges of their order ; and alTuming the
name of the holy Junta or aflbciation, proceeded
to deliberate concerning the ftate of the nation,
and the proper method of redreffing its griev-
ances. The firft that naturally prefented itfelf. They dif-
was the nomination of a foreigner to be regent ; tu4™uth<^*
this they declared with one voice to be a vio- ^'^^y-
lation of the fundamental laws of the kingdom,
and refolved to fend a deputation of their mem-
bers to Adrian, requiring him in their name to
lay afide all the cnfigns of his office, and to ab-
ftain for the future from the exercife of a jurif-
diftion which they had pronounced illegal \
While they were preparing to execute this bold Get poffcifi-
rcfolution, Padilla accomplilhed an enterprize of ^l^oni***'*
the greateft advantage to the caufe. After reliev-
ing Segovia, he marched fuddenly to Tordefiilas, Auguft 49.
the place where the unhappy Queen Joanna
had rcfided fince the death of her hulband, and
being favoured by the inhabitants, was admitted
into the town, and became mafter of her perfon,
for the fecurity of which Adrian had neglefted
to take proper precautions ^ Padilla waited
immediately upon the Queen, and accofting her
Vol. II, N with
« P. Mart. Ep. 691. ^ Vita deir Impcr. Carl V. da!l
Alf. Uiloa.Vcn. 1509 p. 67. Miniana, Contin. p. 17.
178 THEREiGNOF'tttfi
Booic III. with that profound refpeft, which fhe exafted
^^^^ 'from the few perfons whom fhe deigned to ad- *
IC22 •
^ ' mit into her prefence, acquainted her at large
with the miferable condition of her Caftilian
fubjefts under the government of her fon, who
being deftitute of experience himfelf, permitted
his foreign minifters to treat them with fuch
rigour, as had obliged them to take arms in de-
fence of the liberties of their country. The
Qiieen, as if fhe had been awakened out of a
lethargy, exprefTed great aftonifhment at what
he faid, and told him, that as (he had never
heard, till that moment, of the death of her
father, or known the fufFerings of her people,
no blame could be imputed to her, but that now
fhe would take care to provide a fufficient re-
medy 5 and in the mean time, added fhe, let it
be your concern to do what is necefTary for the
publick welfare. Padilla, too eager in forming a
conclufion agreeable to his wifhes, miflook this
lucid interval of reafon for a perfect return of that
faculty ; and acquainting the Junta with what
had happened, advifed them to remove to Tor-
defillas, and to hold their meetings in that place.
This was inftantly done; but though Joanna
received very gracioufly an addrefs of the Junta,
befeeching her to take upon her the government
of the kingdom, and in token of her compli-
ance, admitted all the deputies to kifs her hand ;
though fhe was prefent at a tournament held on
that occafion, and feemcd highly fatlsfied with
both thefe ceremonies, which were condudbed
with great magnificence in order to pleafe her,
fhe foon relapfed into her former melancholy
and fullennefs, and could never be brought, by
any arguments or intreaties, to fign any one paper
necefTary towards the difpatch of bufinefs s.
The
g Sandov. 164. P. Mart. Ep. 685, 686.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. ,179
The Junta concealing as much as poffibleBook UL
this lad circumftance, carried on all their deli- ""^ "^ *^
berations in her name; and as the Caftilians, ca!ry"n
who idolized the memory of Ifabclla, retained g°^«''o"»«°'
a wonderful attachment to her daughter, no*° ernam«
fooner was it known that fhe had confented to
affume the reins of government, than the people
cxprefled the moft univerfal and immoderate
joy ; and believing her recovery to be compleat,
afcribed it to a miraculous interpofition of heaven^
in order to refcue their country from the oppref-
fion of foreigners. The Junta, confcious of thq tnd deprive
reputation and power which they had acquired iaf power,
by feeming to aft under the royal authority, were
no longer fatisfied with requiring Adrian to refigri
the office of regent ; they detached Padilla to
Valladolid with a confiderable body of troops,
ordering him to feize fuch members of the coun-
cil as were ftill in that city, to conduft them to
TordefiUas, and to bring away the feals of the
kingdom, the publick archives, and treafury
books. Padilla, who was received by the citi-
zens as the deliverer of his country, executed his
commiflion with great exaftnefs-, permitting
Adrian, however, ftill to refide in Valladolid,
though only as a private perfon, and without any
fliadoysr of power K
The Emperor, to whom frequent accounts of The cmper-
thefe tranfaftions were tranfmitted while he was ^^ ^^^^^^^'
ftill in Flanders, was fenfible of his own impru-
dence and that of his minifters, in having de-
fpifed too long the murmurs and remonftrances
of the Caftilians. He beheld, with deep con-
cern, a kingdom, the moft valuable of any he
poffeffpd, and in which lay the ftrength and
fincws of his power, juft ready to difown his
N 2 authority^
^ Sandof. 174; P. Mart. Ep. 791.
i8o THEREIGNOFTHE
Booic HI. authority, and on the point of being plunged in
''^ ^ ^ all the miferies of civil war. But thoush his
^ ' prefence might have averted this calamity, he
could not, at that time, vifit Spain without en-
dangering the Imperial crown, and allowing the
French King full leifure to execute his ambi-
His met- tious fchemcs. The only point now to be deli-
rerca'to** Iterated upon, was whether he (hould attempt
the male- to gain the malecontents by indulgence and con-
contenif. ctflions, or prepare dire£lly to fupprefs them by
force ; and he rcfolved to make trial of the for-
mer, while, at the fame time, if that fhould fail
of fucceis, he prepared for the latter. For this
purpofe, he iflued circular letters to all the
cities of Caftile, exhorting them in moft gentle
terms, and with aflfurances of full pardon, to
lay down their arms ; he promifed fuch cities as
had continued faithful, not to exaft from them
the fubfidy granted in the late Cortes, and of-
fered the fame favour to fuch as returned to
their duty ; he engaged that no office (hould be
conferred for the future upon any but native
Caftilians. On the other hand, he wrote to the
nobles, exciting them to appear with vigoqr in
defence of their own rights, and thofe of the
. crown, againft the exorbitant claims of the com-
mons ; he appointed the high admiral, Don Fa-
drique Enriquez, and the high conftable of Caf-
tile, Don Inigo de Velafco, two noblemen of
great abilities as well as influence, regents of the
kingdom in conjundtion with Adrian -, and he
gave them full power and inftrudions, if theob-
uinacy of the malecontents (hould render it ne-
ceflTary, to vindicate the royal authority by force
of arms *.
Thesb
« P. Hcutcr. Rer. Aullr. lib. viii. c. 6. p. i88.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. i8i
These concefCons, which, at the time of his Book III,
leaving Spain, would have fully fatisfied the peo- "^ ^^"^^
pie, came now too late to produce any effeft. rLSVf^
The Junta, relying on the unanimity with which ""^ra^n-
the nation fubmitted to their authority, elated fh *j?nu
with the fuccefs which hitherto had accompanied concerning
all their undertakings, and feeing no military incJ*.^'*'**
force coUefted to defeat or obftrudt their de-
figns, aimed at a more thorough reformation of
political abufes. They had been employed for
fome time in preparing a remonft ranee, contain-
ing a large enumeration not only of the griev-
ances, of which they craved redrefs, but of fuch
new regulations as they thought neceffary for
the fecurity of their liberties. This remon-
ftrance, which is divided into many articles re-
lating to all the different members of which the
conftitution was compofed, as well as to the
various departments in the adminiftration of
government, furniflies us with more authentick
evidence concerning the intentions of the Junta,
than can be drawn from the teftimony of the
later Spanifti hiftorians, who lived in times when
it became fafliionable and even neceffary to re-
prefent the conduft of the malecontents in the
worft light, and as flowing from the word mo-
tives. After a long preamble concerning the
various calamities under which the nation
groaned, and the errors and corruption in govern-
ment to which thefe were to be imputed, they
take notice of the exemplary patience wherewith
the people had endured them, until felf-pre-
fervation, and the duty which they owed to
their country, had obliged them to affemble, in
order to provide in a legal manner for their own
fafety, and that of the conftitution: For this
purpofe, they demanded that the King would
De pleafed to return to his Spanifh dominions,
and
i82 THE REIGN OF THE
Book III. and refide there, as all their former monarchs
■^ "-''-^ had done •, that he would not marry but witli
,^^. * confent of the Cortes.; that if he fhduld be ob-
liged at any time to leave the kingdom, it fliall
not be lawful to appoint any foreigner to be
regent ; that the prefent nomination of Cardinal
Adrian to that office (hall inftantly be declared
void -, that he woulid- not, at his return, bring
along with him any Flemings or other ftrangers •,
that no foreign troops fliall, on any pretence
Nvhatever, be introduced into the kingdom-,
that none but natives fliall be capable of hold-
ing any office or benefice either in church or
ftate; that no foreigner fliall be naturalized;
that free quarters fliall not be granted to fol-
diers, nor to the members of the King's houfe-
hold, for any longer time than fix days, and that
only when the court is in a progrefs ; that all the
taxes fliall be reduced to the fame ftate .they
were in at the death of Queen Ifabella ; that
^11 alienations of the royal demefnes or revenues
fmce that Queen's death fliall be refumed ; that
all new offices created fince that period fliall be
aboliflied; that the fubfidy granted by the late
Cortes in Galicia fliall not be exafted ; that in
all future Cortes each city fliall fend one repre-
fentative of the clergy; one of the gentry, and
6ne 6f the cotnmons, each to be elefted by his
own Order ; that ihe crown fliall not influence
or diredt any city with regard to the choice of
its reprefentatives ; that no member of the
Cortes fliall receive an office or penfion from
the King, either for himfelf or for any of his
family, under pain of death, and confifcation of
his goods ; that each city or community fliall
j)ay a corripetent falary to its reprefentative fof
his niaintenance during his attendance on the
Cortes; that the Cortes fliall aflemble once ini
three years at leafl:, whether fuxpmoned by tho
King
Vi<i^« ■•» ' •». ' , ■ \ t. <».»>.
EMPEROR CHARLES V.^ 183
King 6t nor, and (hall then enquire into the^ooicnT.
obfervation of the articles now agreed upon, ^"^Jm
and deliberate concerning publick affairs ; that
the rewards which have been given or promifed
to any of the members of the Cortes in Galicia,
fliall be revoked; that no gold, filver, or
jewels, (hall, upon pain of death, be fent out
of the kingdom; that judges (hall have fixed
falaries adigned them, and (hall not receive any
Aare of the fines and forfeitures of perfonjs
condemned by them; that no grant of the
goods of perfons accufed (hall be valid, if given
before fentence was pronounced againft them ;
that all privileges which the nobles have at any
time obtained, fo the prejudice of the commons,
(hall be revoked ; that the government of cities
or townis (hall not be put into the hands of no-
blemen; that the po(rc(rions of the nobility
Aall be fubjeft to all publick taxes in the fame
manner as thole of the commons ; that an en-
quiry be made into the conduft of fuch as have
been entrufted with the management of the
royal patrimony finee the acceffion of Ferdi-
nand; and if the King do not within thirty
days appoint perfons properly qualified for that
fervice, it (hall be lawful for the Cortes to
nominate them ; that Indulgences (hall not be
preached or difperfed in the kingdom until the
caufe of publilhing them be examined and ap-
proved or by the Cortes ; that all the money
irifing from the fale of Indulgences, (hall be
faithfully employed in carrying on war agaiiill
the Infidels ; that fuch prelates as do not refide
in their diocefes fix months in the year, (hall
forfeit their revenues during the time they are
abfent ; that the ecclefiaftical judges and their
officers (hall not exadt greater fe^s than tho(c
which are paid in the. fecular courts ; that the
prcfent archbilhop of Toledo being a foreigner^
'be
i84 THE REIGN OF THE
Book nr. be compelled to refign that dignity, which {hall
^ "^ ' be conferred upon a Caftilian •, that the King
'^^** fhall ratify and hold as good fervice done to
him and to the kingdom, all the proceedings of
« the Junta, and pardon any irregularities which
the cities may have committed from an excels
of zeal in a good caufe : That he (hall protnile
and fwear in the moft folemn manner to obferve
all thefe articles, and on no occafion attempt ei-
ther to elude, or to repeal them ; and that he
fhall never folicit the Pope or any other prelate
to grant him a difpenfation or abfolution from
this oath and promHc ^.
The fpirit SucH wcrc. the chief articles prefented by
whii*it^ the Junta to their fovereign. As the feudal in-
breathed, ftitutions in the feveral kingdoms of Europe
were originally the fame, the genius of thofe
governments which arofe from them bore a
ftrong refemblance to each other, and the regu-
lations which the Caftilians attempted to efta-
blifh on this occafion, differ little from thofe
which other nations have laboured to procure in
their flruggles with their monarchs for liberty.
The grievances complained of, and the reme-
dies propofed by the Englifh commons in their
contefts with the princes of the houfe of Stuart,
particularly refemble thofe upon which the
Junta now inGfted. But the principles of liberty
feem to have been better underftoood at this
period, by the Caftilians, than by any other
people in Europe-, they had acquired more
liberal ideas with refpcd to their own rights and
privileges ; they had formed more bold and ge«
nerous fcntiments concerning government ; and
difcovered an extent of political knowledge to
which the Englifh themfelves did not attain until
more than a century afterwards.
It
k Sandov. 206. P. Mart. Ep. 686.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 185
It is not improbable, however^ that the fpiritBooK III.
of reformation among the Caftilians, hitherto '-^''"■'^
tinreftrained by authority, and emboldened by '^***
fuccefs, became too impetuous, and prompted
the Junta to propofe innovations which, by
alarming the other members of the conftitution,
proved fatal to their caufe. The nobles, who,
inftead of obftru£bing, had favoured or con-
nived at their proceedings, while they confined
their demands of redrefs to fuch grievances as
had been occafioned by the King's want of
experience, and by the imprudence and rapa-r
cioufnefs of his foreign mmiflers, were filled irritates the
with indignation when they began to touch the ^^^^^*'
privileges of their order, and plainly faw that
the meafures of the commons tended no lefs to
break the power of the ariftocracy, than to li-
mit the prerogatives of the crown. The refent-
tnent which they had conceived on account of
Adrian's promotion to the regency, abated con-
fiderably upon the Emperor's raifing the con-
ftable and admiral to joint power with him in
that office ; and as their pride and dignity were
lefs hurt by fuffering the prince to poflcfs an ex-
tenfive prerogative, than by admitting the high
pretentions of the people, they determined to
give their fovereign the alfiftance which he had
demanded of them, and began to aflemble their
vafials for that purpofe.
The Junta, meanwhile, expefted with im-Thedepu-
patience the Emperor's anfwer to their remon- j *'tf ^trt
ftrance, which they had appointed fome of their not prefeot
number to prefent. The members entrufted J^VrVoce.
with this commiifion fct out immediately foroa. »o.
Germany; but having received at difierent places
certain intelligence from court, that they could
not venture to appear there without endanger-
ing their lives, they ftopt fliort in their journey,
and
i86 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IIL and acquainted the Junta of the information
V-— ^-.^ which had been given them \ This excited
'^^^' fuch violent paflions as tranfported the whole
party beyond all bounds of prudence, or of
moderation. That a Caftilian King Ihould deny
his fubjefts accefs into his prefence, or refufe to
liften to their humble petitions, was reprefented
as an aft of tyranny fo unprecedented and in-
tolerable, that nothing now remained but with
arms in their hands to drive away that ravenous
band of foreigners which encompafled the throne,
who after having devoured the wealth of the
kingdom, found it neceflary to prevent the cries
of an injured people from reaching the ears of
their fovereign. Many infifted warmly on ap-
proving a motion which had formerly been
made, for depriving Charles, during the life
vi lent pro- of his mother, of the regal titles and authority
r^j"'^'""* ^^ which had been too rafhly conferred upon him
* ** from a falfe fuppofition of her total inability for
government. Some propofed to provide a pro-
per perfon to aflift her in the adminiftration of
publick affairs, by marrying the Queen to the
Prince of Calabria, the heir of the Aragonefe
Kings of Naples; who had been detained in
prifon fince the time that Ferdinand* had dif-
poffed his anceftors of their crown. All agreed
that, as the hopes of obtaining redrefs and le-
* curity merely by prefenting their requefts to their
fovereign, had kept them too long in a ftatc
of inaftion, and prevented them from taking
advantage of the Unanimity with which the na-
tion declared in their favour, it was now. necef-
fary to colleft their whole force, and to exert
themfelves with vigour, in oppofing this fatal
combination of the King aqd nobles againft tlieir
liberties™.
\ Sandov. 143. n\ P. Mart. Ep. 688.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 187
They foon took the field with twenty thou- Book IIL
fand men. Violent difputes arofe concerning — ^^"^^
the command of this army. Padilla, the dar- TakcIS^
ling of the people and foldiers, was the only per-£ad.
fon whom they thought worthy of this honour.
Bnc Don Pedro de Giron, the eldeft fon of the
Conde de Uruena, a young nobleman of the
firft order, having lately joined the commons out *
of private refcntment againft the Emperor, the
refpeft due to his birth, together with a fecret
defire of difappointing Padilla, of whofe popu-
larity many members of the Junta had become
jealous, procured him the office of general ; November
though he loon gave them a fatal proof that he *^*
poffefled neither the experience, the abilities,
nor the fteadinefs which that important ftation
required.
The regents, meanwhile, appointed Riofeco as J^^^l^^
the place of rendezvous for their troops, which, trm.
though far inferior to thofe of the commons in
number, excelled them greatly in difcipline and
in valour. They had drawn a confiderable body
of regular and veteran infantry out of Navarre.
Their cavalry, which formed the chief ftrength
of their army,' confided moftly of gentlemen ac-
ciiftonried to the military life, and animated with
the martial fpirit peculiar to their order in that
age. The infantry of the Junta was formed en-
tirely of citizens and mechanicks, little acquainted
with the ufc/ of arms. The fmall body of ca-
valry which they had been able to raife, was com-
pofed of perfons of ignoble birth, and perfedt
ftrangers to the fervice into which they entered.
The charadter of the generals difiered no lefs than
that of their troops. The royalifts were com-
manded by the Conde de Haro, the conftable's
•1... . ............. ^YdtQ:
i88 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book III. cldeft fon, an officer of great experience, and of
^'"'^^ ' diftineuilhed abilities.
15x2. o
impnidencc GiRON Hiarched with his army direftly to Rio-
ceft of thJ feco, and feizing the villages and pafles around
^rV** ^ ^^* hoped that the royalifts would be obliged ei-
ther to furrender for want of provifions, or to
fight with difadvantage before all their troops
were affemblcd^ But he had not the abilities,
nor his troops the patience and difcipline necef-
fary for the execution of fuch a fcheme. The
Conde de Haro found little difficulty in condu6t-
ing a confiderable reinforcement through all his
polls into the town; and Giron defpairing of
being able to reduce it, advanced fuddenly to
Villa-panda, a place belonging to the Conftable,
in which the enemy had their chief magazine of
provifions. By this ill-judged motion, he left
TordefiUas open to the royalifts, whom the Condd
Dccemb. 5 dc Haro led thither in the night, with the utmoft
fecrecy and difpatch ; and attacking the town,
in which Giron had left no other garrifon than a
regiment of priefts railed by the bifhop of Za-
mora, he, by break of day, forced his way into
it, after a defperate refiftance, became mafter of
the Queen's perfon, took prifoners many mem-
bers of the Junta, and recovered the great feal,
with the other enfigns of government.
By this fatal blow the Junta loft all the repu-
tation and authority which they derived from
feeming to aft by the Queen's commands j fuch
of the nobles as had hitherto been wavering or
undetermined in their choice, now joined the re-
gents with all their forces ; and an univerfal con-
ftemation feized the partizans of the commons.
This was much increafed by the fufpicions they
began to entertain of Giron, whom they loudly
accufed
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 189
accufed of having betrayed TordefiUas to the Book Iff.
enemy ; and though that charge feems to have ^--'"^''-"*-'
been deftitute of foundation, the fuccefs of the ' ^**'
royalifts being owing to Giron's ill-condu6t ra-
ther than to his treachery, he fo entirely loft cre-
dit with his party, that he refigned his commit
fion, and retired to one of his caftles \
Such members of the Junta as had ^fc^pcd ^Jl*^ ^"**
the enemy's hands at TordefiUas, fled to Valla- their fynem.
dolid ; and as it would have required long time
to fupply the places of thofe who were pnfoners
by a new ele£tion, they made choice among them-
felres of a fmall number of perfons, to whom
they committed the fupreme direftion of affairs.
Their army, which grew ftronger every day by
the anival of troops from difierent parts of the
kingdom, marched likewife to Valladolid ; and
Padilla being appointed commander in chief, the
fpirits of the foldiery revived, and the whole
party forgetting the late misfortune, continued
to exprefs the fame ardent zeal for the liberties
of their country, and the fame implacable ani-
mofity againft their oppreflbrs.
What they ftood moft in need of, was money Jjenw f^
to pay their troops. A great part of the current rtiGng mo-
coin had been carried out of the kingdom by the °*^*
Flemings-, the ftatcd taxes levied in times of
Eeace were inconfidcrable ; commerce of every
ind being interrupted by the war, the fum
which they yielded decreafed daily -, and the Junta
were afraid of difgufting the people by burdening
them with new impofitions, to which, in that age,
they were little accuftomed. But from this dif-
ficulty
° MifcellaDeous TraAs by Dr. Mich. Geddes* vol, L
p. 278.
ipo THEREIGNOFTHE
Book III. ficulty they were extricated by Donpa Maria Pa-
^^ — ^^"^^ checo, Padilla's wife, a woman of noble birth,
*S^** of great abilities, of boundlefs ambition, and
animated with the moft ardent zeal in fupport of
the caufe of the Junta. She, with a boldnefs
fuperior to thofe fu perditions fears which often
influence her fex, propofed to feize all the rich
and magnificent ornaments in the cathedral of
Toledo ; but left that aftion, by its appearance
of impiety, might ofiend the people, Ihe and her
retinue marched to the church in folemn procef-
fion, in mourning habits, with tears in their eyes,
beating their breafts, and falling on their knees,
implored the pardon of the faints whofe fhrines
ftie was about to violate. By this artifice, which
fcreened her from the imputation of facrilege,
and perfuaded the people that neceflity and zeal
for a good caufe had conftrained her, though
with reluftance, to venture upon this aftion, Ihe
procured a confiderable fupply of money for the
Junta **. The regents, no .lefs ^t a lofs how to
maintain their troops, the revenues of the crown
having either been diflipated by the Flemings,
or feized by the comrrtons, were obliged to take
the Queen's jewels, together with the plate be-
longing to the nobility, and apply them to that
purpofe ; and when thefe failed, they obtained
a fmall fum, by way of loan, from the King of
Portugal P.
Lorctimcin The nobility difcovered great unwillingnefs
w1th*thc*no! to proceed to extremities with the Junta. They
wuty. were animated with no lefs hatred than the com-
mons againft the Flemings ; they approved
much of feveral articles in the remonftrancc;
they
o Sandov. p. 308. Dift^ de Bayle, Art. Padilla.
P P. Mart. Ep. 718.
Ill
J
EMPEROR CHARLES V. tpi
they thought the jundu re favourable, not only Book IIL
for redreffing pad grievances, but for rendering ' — ^^^^
the conftitution more perfeft and fecure by new ^^**'
regulations -, they were afraid, that while the two
orders of which the legiflature was compofcd,
wafted each other's ftrength by mutual hoftiliries,
the crown would rife to power on the ruin or
weaknrfs of both, and encroach no lefs on the
independence of the nobles, than on the privi-
leges of the commons. To this difpofition were
owing the frequent overtures of peace which the
regents made to the Junta, andthe continual ne-
gociations they carried on during the progrefs of
their military operations. Nor were the terms
which they offered unreafonable -, for on condi-
tion that the Junta would pafs from a few arti-
cles moft fubverfive of the royal authority, or
inconfiftent with the rights of the nobility, they
engaged to procure the Emperor's confent to
their other demands, which, if he, through, the
influence of evil counfellors, ftiould refuTc, fe-
veral of the nobles promifed to join with them
in order to extort it ^. Such divifions, however,
prevailed among the members of the Junta, as
prevented their deliberating calmly, or judging
with prudence. Several of the cities which had
entered into the confederacy, were filled with
that mean jealoufy and diftruft of each other,
which rivalfhip in commerce or in grandeur is
apt to infpire •, the conftable, by his influence
and promifes, had prevailed on the inhabitants
of Burgos to abandon the Junta, and other no-
blemen had Ihaken thp fidelity of fome of the
lefler cities ; no perlbn had arifen among the
commons of fuch fuperior abilities or elevation
of mind, as to require the direftion of their
aflfairs. Padilla, their general, was a man of
popular
q P. Mart. Ep. 695, 713. Geddcs*s Trafts, i. 261.
192 THE REIGN OF THE
Book III. popular qualities, but diftrufted for that reafon
' — "" ^ by thofe of highcft rank who adhered to the
'5**' Junta; the conduft of Giron led the people to
view with fufpicipn every perfon of noble birth
who joined their party ; fo that the ftrongeft
marks of irrefolution, mutual diftruft, and me-
diocrity of genius, appeared in all their pro-
ceedings at this time. After many confultations
held concerning the terms propcfed by the re-
gents, they fuffered/themfelves to be fo carried
away by refentment againft the nobility, that
rejcfting all thoughts of accommodation, they
threatened to ftrip them of the crown-lands,
which they or their anceftors had ufurped, and
to re-annex thefe to the royal domain. Upon
this prcpofterous fcheme, which would at once
have annihilated all the liberties for which they
had been ftruggling, by rendering the kings of
(J^aftile ablblute and independent on their fub-
jcfts, they were fo intent, that they now ex-
claimed with lefs vehemence againft the exac-
tions of the foreign minifters, than againft the
immenfe power and wealth of the nobles, and
fcemed to hope that they might make peace
with Charles, by offering to enrich him with their
fpoils.
Elated with The fucccfs which PadiUa had met with in
S*fomr*^' feveral fmall encounters, and in reducing fome
fuidi rfn- inconfiderable towns, helped to precipitate the
cowiters. n^^mbcrs of the Junta into this meafure, filling
them with fuch confidence in the valour of their
troops, that they hoped for an eafy viftory over
the royalifts. PadiUa, that his army might not
remain inadtive, while fluftied with good for-
tune, laid fiege to Torrelobaton, a place of
greater ftrength and importance than any that
he had hitherto attacked, and which was de-
fended by a lufHcient garrifon ; and though the
befieged
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 193
bcfieged made a defperate refiftance, and the ad- Book I If,
miral attempted to relieve them, he took the' — -v-— ^
town by ftorm, and gave it up to be plundered March 3,
by his foldiers. If he had marched inftantJy with "5»i.
his viftorious army to TordefiUas, the head-quar-
ters of the royalifts, he could hardly have failed
of making an efFeftual impreflion on their troops,
furprizcd at the briflcnefs of his operations, and
far from being of fufficient ftrength to give him
battle. But the ficklenefs and imprudence of the ^"^pra^Jcn^*
Junta prevented his taking this ftep. Incapa- dua.
ble, like all popular aflbciations, either of carry-
ing on war, or of making peace, they liftened
again to overtures of accommodation, and even
agreed to a fhort fufpenfion of arms. This ne-
gociation terminated in nothing; but while it
was carrying on, many of Padilla's foldiers, un-
acquainted with the reftraints of difcipline, went
oflF with the booty which they had got at Torre-
lobaton ; and others, wearied out by the unufual
length of the campaign, deferted ^ The confta-
ble too had leifure to affemble his forces at Bur-
gos, and to prepare every thing for marching ;
^nd as foon as the truce expired, he efFefted a
junftion with the Conde de Haro, in fpite of all
Padilla*s efforts to prevent it. They advanced
immediately towards Torrelobaton •, and Pad ilia
finding the number of his troops lb diminifhcd
that he durft not . rifle a battle, attempted to re-
treat to Toro, which if he could have accom-
pliflied, the invafion of Navarre at that junfture
by the French, and the nccefltfy which the regents
muft have been under of detaching men to that
kingdom, might have faved him from danger.
But Haro, fenfible how fatal would be the confe- J,^,Vk'Ibe'
quences of fuffcring him to efcape, marched with a. my of the
fuch rapidity at the head of his cavalry, that he^p^''^*'''^
Vol. II. O came
' Sandov. 336.
J94 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book III came up with him near ViliaUir, aad wicKout
^ -y- ^ ^ waiting for his infantry, advanced to the attack*
* 5**' Padilla's army, fatigued and difheartencd by tiycir
precipitant retreat, which they could not diftin-
guiih from a flight, happened at that time io be
paffing over ^ ploughed fields on whi^h {jack a
violent rain had fallen, that the foldiers Au>k al-
moft to the knees at every flep, and ren^ained
CTi^pofed to the fire of fome field- pieces whkh
pid <wrtM the royalifts had brought along with them. AU
'^' thefe circumftances io difconcerted ami iiitimi-
dated raw foldiers, that without facing the enemy,
or making any refiitance, th^ fl^ in the utnu>ft
confufion. Padilla exerted himfelf with extra-
ordinary course and adivity in order co rally
them, tnough in vain ^ fear rendering them deaf
both to his threats and intreaties : Upon
which, finding matters irretrievable, and reviv-
ing not to furvive the di%race of that d^y, and
the ruin of his party, he ru(hed into the thickeft
of the enemy ; but being wounded and dif-
mounted, he was taken prifoner. His princi-
pal officers fhared the fame fate & the common
Ibldiers were allowed to depart unhurt ^ the no-
bles being too generous to kill men who threw
down then: arms \
The refentment of his enemies did not fuffer
Padilla to linger long in expedtation of vthsfi
fliould befal him. Next day he was condemned
to lofe his head, though without any regular
trial, the notoriety of the crime being fuppofed
fufiicient to fuperfede the formality of a legal
procds.
« Sandov. 345, &c. P. Mart. Bp. yzo. Miniana. Contin.
p. 26. Epitome de la vida y Hechos del Emper. Carlos V.
per D. Jtt2(n. Anton, de Vera y Ztiniga, 410. Madr. 1627.
p. 19.
EMPEROR CrtARLES V. 195
proccfe. He was led inftantly to execution, to- Book III.
gethcr with Don John Bravo, and Don Francis ^^^"^
ftfaldonada, tht fortnei commander of the Scgo Ptduuf *
viaos^ and ihe latter of the troops of Salamanca. **»«•' ««»>«•
Padilla viewed the approach of death with calm dea'tS^ ^
but undaunted fortitude ; and when Bravo, his
fcllow-fufferer, expreffed fome indignation at
hiring himfelf proclaimed a traitor, he checked
hi®, by obfcrvmg, *' That yefterday was the
time to have difplayed the fpirit of gentlemen,
this day to die with the meeknefs of Chriftians/*
Being permitted to write to his wife and to the
community of Toledo, the place of his nativity,
he addreflfed the former with a manly and vir-
tuous tendernefs, and the latter with the exul-
tation natural to one who confidered himfelf as
a martyr for the liberties of his country ^ After
this,
^ The (b-aio of tbefe kttcrs is A> eloquent and high-fpi-
r'mdt that I have traniUted the« for the enteriainmeDt of
my If adeis.
^be Utter of Dw John Padilla to his Wife,
Senora»
'* If >our grief did not afflift me more than my own
death, I (hould deem myfelf perfedly happy. For the end
of life being certain to all men, the Almighty confers a
mark of diHinguiihing favour upon that perion, for whom
he appoints a death fuch as mine, which, though lamented
by many, is neverthelefs acceptable unto him. It would
require more time than I now have, to write any thing that
coald afford you confolation. That my enemies will not
grant me, nor do I wi(h to delay the reception of that
crown which I hope to enjoy. You may bewail your own
lofs, but not my death, which, being fo honourable, ought
not to be lamented by any. My foul (for nothing elfe is
left to me) I bequeath to you. You will receive it, as the
thing in this world which you valued mod. I do not write
to my father Pcro Lopez, becaufe I dare not ; for though
I have (hewn myfelf to be his fon in daring to lofe my life,
I have not been the heir of his good fortune. I will not
attempt to fay any thing more, that I may not tire the
executioner, who waits for me, and that I may not excite
O 2 a fufpi-
196 THE REIGN OF THE
Book III. this, he fubmitted quietly to his fate. Moft of
^"'^'^ ^the Spanifh hiftorians, accuftomed to ideas of
^ ^' government, and of regal power, very different
from thofe upon which he afted, have been fo
eager to teftify their difapprobation of the caufe
in which he was engaged, that they have negleft-
ed, or have been afraid to do juftice to his vir-
tues ; and by blackening his memory, have en-
deavoured to deprive him of that pity, which is
feldom denied to illuftrious fufFerers.
The
a fufpicion, that, in order to prolong my life, I lengthen
out my letter. My fervant So^a, an eye-witnefs, and to
whom I have communicated xj^r moft fecret thoughts, will
inform you of what I cannot now write; and thus I reft,
expedting the inftrumenc of your grief, an^ of my deli-
verance."
His Letter to the City of Toledo.
** To ihee, the crown of Spain, and light of the whole
world, free from the time of the mighty Goths ; to thee,
who by ihedding the blood of ftrangers, as well as thy own
blood, haft recovered liberty for thyfelf, and thy neighbour-
ing cities; thy legitimate fon Juan de Padilla gives infor-
mation, how by the blood of his body, thy ancient vidlories
are to be refrelhed. If fate hath not permitted my actions
to be placed among your fuccefsful and celebrated exploits,
the fault hath been in my ill fortune, not in my good will.
This I reqaeft of thee, as of a mother, to accept, iince God
hath given me nothing more to lofe for thy fake, than that
which I am now to relinquifh. I am more folicitous about
thy good opinion than about my own life. The (hiftings
of fortune, which never ftands ftill, are many. But this I
fee with infinite confolation, that I, the leaft of thy chil-
dren, fufFer death for thee; and that thou haft nurfed at
thy breafts fuch as may take vengeance for my wrongs.
Many tongues wUI relate the manner of my death, of which
1 am ftill ignoiant, though I know it to be near. My end
will teftify what was my defire My foul I recommend to
thee, as to the patronefs of Chriftianity. Of my body I fay
nothing, for it is not mine, I can write nothing more, for
at this very moment I feel the knife at my throat with
greater dread of thy difpleafure, than apprehenfion of Oiy
own pain." 6andov. Hift. vol. i. p. 478.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. ip;
The viftory at Villalar proved as decifive as Book \il.
it was compleat. Valladolid, the moft zealous ^-""*^'**^
of all the affociated cities, opened its gates im- Ruin oHhe
mediately to the conquerors, and being treated pany-
with great clemency by the regents, Medina del
Campo, Segovia, and many other towns, followed
its example. This fudden diflblution of a con-
federacy, formed not upon flight difgufts, or
upon trifling motives, into which the whole
body of the people had entered, and which had
been allowed time to acquire fome degree of
order and confiftence by eft:ablifliing a regular
plan of government, is the ftrongeft proof of
the inability of its leaders, or of fome fecrct
difcord reigning among its members. Though
part of the army by which they had been fub-
dued, was obliged, a few days after the battle,
to march towards Navarre, in order to check
the progrefs of the French in that kingdom, no-
thing could prevail on the dejedted commons of
Caftile to take arms again, and to embrace fuch
a favourable opportunity of acquiring thofe
rights and privileges for which they had ap-
peared fo zealous. The city of Toledo alone, Pidiiu's
animated by Donna Maria Pacheco, Padilla's ^^^f,^//;^^^^^^
widow, who, infl:ead of bewailing her huft^and great fpirit.
with a womanifti forrow, prepared to revenge his
death, and to profecute that caufe in defence of
which he had fufFered, muft be excepted. Re-
fpeft for her fex, or admiration of her courage
and abilities, as well as fympathy with her mif-
fortunes, and veneration for the memory of her
hufl)and, fccured her the fame afcendant over
the people which he had poflfefled. .The pru-
dence and vigour with which ftie adted, juftified
that confidence they placed in her. She wrote
to the French general in Navarre, encouraging
him to invade Cafl:ile, by the ofier of powerful
affiftancc. She endeavoured, by her letters and
cmiflaries.
198 THE REIGN OF THE
Book III. (emiflkries, to revive the fpirit and hopes of Other
^ ^''^^^ cities. She raifed foldiers, and exadtcd a great
■ ^^?* funn from the clergy belonging to the cathedral,
to defray the expence of keeping them on foot ".
She employed every artifice that could intereft
or inflame the populace. For this purpofe flie
ordered crucifixes to be ufed by her troops in-
ftead of colours, as if they had been at war
with infidels, and enemies of religion ; (he
marched through the ftreets of Toledo with her
ifon, a young child, clad in deep moiirning, fcated
on a mule, having a ftandard carried before
him, reprefenting the manner of his father*^ exe-
cution ^. By all thefe means (he kept the mind$
of the people in fuch perpetual agitation as
prevented their paflions from fubfiding, and ren-
dered them infenfible of the dangers to whkh
they were cxpofed, by (landing alone ift oppo-
fition to the royal authority. While the army
was employed in Navarre, the Regents wcrb
unable to attempt the reduftion of Toledo by
force ; and all their endeavours either to dimi-
hi(h Donna Maria's credit with the people, or
to gain her by large promilcs and the (blici-
tations of her brother the Marquis de Mondciar,
? roved ineffeftual. Upon the e^tpulfion of the
rench out of Navarre, part of^ the army re-
turned into Caftile, and inveflied Toledo. Even
this made no imprefllon on the intrepid and
obftinate courage of Donna Maria. She de-
fended the town with vigour, her troops beat
the Royalifts in feveral fallies, and no progrefs
was made towards reducing the place, until the
clergy, whom (he had highly offended by invad-
ing their property, ceafed to fupport Iw. As
foon as they received information of the death
pf William de Croy archbi(hop of Tolcda,
wbofe
p. Mart. Bp. 727. x Sandov. 375.
EMPEkOR CHARLES V. 199
whofe poflfeflion of that fee wa« their chief gricv- Book ill.
attce^ attd that the Emperor had named a Cafti- ^^"^^^"^
Kafif to fiKcccd him, thejr openly turned againfl: '****
her, and perAiaded the people that (he had ac*
<quiyed fuch infiuence over them by the forc^
Off enchantments ; that ihe was affiftcd by a fa-
miliar demon, whkh attended her in the fbrm
of a Negro-maid ; and that by its fuggeftions
Ihe regulated every part of her conduft ^ The
cmdu^s multitvidc, whom their impatience of a
iMg blockade, and defpa^ of obtaining fM«
cours either from tiie cities formerfy in confe-
deracy with them, or from the F^Kh, rendered
<d«6roiis of peace, took artns againft her, and
living hcp out of the city, furrendercd it to
the Royalifts. She retired to the citadel, which oaober id.
Ae ^fended with amaizmg fortitude four months
longer ; and when reduced to the laft extremi-
ties, fhe made her efcape in difguife, and fled to Fet>- to,
Fortogal, where flie had many relations *, '^***
Upoff hcF ffight, the citadel furrcndered. ^•J*^.«^^«
TranqutHity was re*^aWilhed in Caftile; andww."^*^'
^19 &oId attempt of the commmn, like all un-
fvicceftfal infurrAflions, contributed to confirm
9fld exttftd the power of the crown, which it
was intended to moderate and abridge. The
Coites ftilt' continued to m^ke a part ol the Ca£-
tiKan confllicution, and were^ Annmoned to meet
iAittsc^t t?hc King ftood in need of money j
bm infleadf of adhering to therr ancient and cau-
nous Hofm of examinmg and redrefling pubtici;
ie^^anced^ be^re they proceeded to grant any
ipplf, the ttWre coiKtly cuftom of voting a
ftMHktiye in the firft place was introduced ; and
^hc Sovewign having obtained aH that he wanted,
never
y P. Mart. Ep. 727. « Si^n4ov, 375. f • Mart,
¥f 754. Ferrer, yiii. 565.
200 THE REIGN OF THE
Book III. never allowed them to enter into any inquiry, or
^"•"^ — -* to attempt any reformation injurious to his au-
'5^^* thority. The privileges which the cities had en-
joyed were gradually circumfcribed or abolifh-
ed i their commerce began from this period to
* decline j and becoming lefs wealthy and lefs po-
pulous, they loft that power and influence which
they had acquired in the Cortes.
The pro- While Caftile was expofed to the calamities
grefs of the of civil War, the kingdom of Valencia was torn I
In vlk^cu! by inteft:ine commotions ftill more violent. The I
aflbciation which had been formed in the city of
Valencia in the year one thoufand five hun-
dred and twenty, and which was diftinguifhed
by the name of the Germanada, continued to
fubfift after the Emperor's departure from Spain ;
and the members of it, upon pretexts of defend- |
incr the coalls againft the defcents of the Corfairs
of Barbary, and under fanftion of that permif-
fion, which Charles had rafhly granted them, re-
fufed to lay down their arms. But as the griev-
ances which the Valencians aimed at redrefling,
proceeded from the arrogance and exactions of
the nobilijy, rather than from any unwarrantable
exercife of the royal prerogative, their refent-
ment turned chiefly againft the former. As foon
as they were allowed the ufe of arms, and be-
came confcious of their own ftrength, they grew
impatient to take vengeance of their oppreflbrs.
They drove the nobles out of moft of the cities,
plundered their houfes, wafted their lands, and
aflaulted their caftles. They then proceeded to
eled thirteen perfons, one from each company of
tradefmen ertablifhed in Valencia, and committed
the adminiftration of government to them, under
pretext that they would reform the laws, eftabJifh
one uniform mode of difpenfingjuftice without
partiality
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 201
partiality or regard to the diftinftion of ranks. Book II r.
and thus reftore men to fome degree of their ^— >/-*^
original equality. *5^*'
The nobles were obliged to take arms in felf-
defence. Hoftilities began, and ^Y^re carried
on with all the rancour, with which refentment
at oppreffion infpired the one party, and the
idea of infulted dignity animated the other. As
no perfon of honourable birth or of liberal
education joined the Germanada, the councils
as well as troops of the confederacy were con-
duced by low mechanicks, who acquired the
confidence of an enraged multitude chiefly by
the fiercenefs of their zeal, and the extravagance
of their proceedings. Among fuch men, the
laws introduced in civilized nations, in order to
reftrain or moderate the violence of war, were
unknown or defpifed ; and they committed the
wildeft afts of cruelty and outrage.
The Emperor occupied with fupprefling the
infurredion in Caftile, which more immediately
threatened the fubverfion of his power and pre-
rogative, was unable to give much attention to
the tumults in Valencia, and left the nobility
of that kingdom to fight their own battles.
His viceroy, the Conde de Melito, had the
fupreme command of the forces which the nobles
raifed among their vaflals. The Germanada
carried on the war during the years one thou-
fand five hundred and twenty and twenty- one,
with a more perfevering courage, than could
have been cxpefted from a body fo tumultuary,
under the conduft of fuch leaders. They de-
feated the nobility in feveral aftions, which,
though not confiderable, were extremely fharp.
They repulfed them in their attempts to reduce
different towns. But the nobles, by their fupe-
rior fkill in war, and at the head of troops
more
202 THE REIGN OF THE
Bo oE in. more accuftomed to fcrvice, gained the advan-
^^ — "^ *tagc in moft of the rencounters. At length,
'^**' they were joined by a body of Caftilian cavalry,
which the regents dilpatched towards Valencia,
foon after their viAory over PadiUa at Vilklar,
and by their affiftance they acquired fueh fupe-
ricwity, that they entirely broke and ruined the
Gernunada. The leaders of the party were
put to death, almoft without any formality of
legal trial, and fuffered fuch cruel punifhments,
as the fenfe of recent injuries prompted the
nobles to inflkSfc. The governmem of VaTcncia
was re-eftabli(hed ia its ancient form \
Appearin- In AragOH, vioknt fymptoms of the fame
aft^aLn hi ^P^^^ of difafifeftion and mutiny, which reigned
Aragon. in the other kingdoms of Spain, began Ho ap^
pear -^ bat by the prudent comJuft of the rieeroy,
Don John de Lanufa^ they were ft) far cowr-
pofed, as to prevent their breaking o»t info- any
Formidable open infutreftion. But in the ifland of Ma-
laMzj^cl^ 30tc^ annexed to the crown of Aragon, the
fame caufes which had exci^d tb€^ eommotions
in Valencia^ produced effeft^ no* lefr violent.
The people, impatient of the hardftips which
they cftdwed under the rigid jurifdiflion of the
March 19, nobility, took arms ia a tumultuary njanner ;
*5*'- depofecJ their viceroy, drove him out of the
ifland; and maffacred every gentleman wlio
was fo unfortunate ais to fall into thejr hands.
The obftinacy wich which the people of Ma-
jorca perfifted in their rebeltien, was equal
to the rage with which they began it. Many
and vigorous efforts were requifite in order to
Reduce them to obediences^ and tranquBfky
was
S^t^ *r«.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 203
was re-cftablilhed in every part of Spain be- Book iir.
fore they could be brought to fubmit to their "" ^^"""^
fovcrcign \ *5"-
While the fplrit of difafFeftion was fo general Ciwre,
among the Spaniards, and fo many caufes con- ycaudlh^
currcd in precipitating them into fuch violent union of the
meafures, in order to obtain the redrcfs of their t"*^"*"'
grievances, it may appear ftrangc, that the
malecontents in the different kingdoms ihould
have carried on their operations without any
mutual concert, or even any intercourfc with
each other. By uniting their councils and
arms, they might have aded both with greater
force, and with more effeft. The appearance
of a national confederacy would have rendered
it no lefs refpedtable among the people than
formidable to the crown; and the Emperor,
unable to refift fuch a combination,^ muft have
complied with any terms which the members of
it thought fit to prefcribe. Many things, how-
ever, prevented the Spaniards from forming
thcmfclves into one body, and purfuing com-
mon meafures. The people of the different
kingdoms in Spain, thougn they were become
the fubjcdks of the fame fovereign, retained, in
full force, their national antipathy to each other.
The remembrance of their ancient rivalfhip and
hoftilities was ftill recent, and the fenfe of rcci-
ptocal injuries fo entire, as to be incompatible
with their acting in confidence and concert.
Each nation chofe rather to depend on its own
efibrts and to maintain the ftruggle alone, than
to implore the aid of neighbours, whom they
diftrulled and hated. At the fame time the
forms of g;overnnient in the ^veral kingdoms
of
«
..^ Argcnfoli^ Anales de Aragon, c. 113. Ferrer. Hift,
▼iii. ;4a. Styas Anatet de Aragon, cap. y. 11. 14. 76. Su
Fcrrcrw Hift. d'Efpigac, viii. 579, Sec. 609.
204 THEREIGNOF THE
Book III. of Spain were fo different, and the grievances
^^ — "^ * of which they complained, as well as the altera-
'^^^* tions and amendments which they attempted td
introduce, fo various, that it was not eafy to
bring them to unite in any common plan. To
this difunion Charles was indebted for the pre-
fervation of his Spanifh crowns ; and while each
of the kingdoms followed feparate meafures, all
of them were obliged at laft to conform to the
will of their fovereign.
, The Empe- The arrival of the Emperor in Spain filled
iTni'i'n.'i ge ^is fubjefts who had been in arms againft him
fierousbe- with dcep apprehcnfions, from which he foon
^"^rthc delivered them by an aft of clemency, no lefs
makcon- prudcnt than generous. After a rebellion (o
general, fcarcely twenty perfons, amqng fo many
criminals obnoxious to the law, had been
punifhed capitally in Caftile. Though ftrongly
folicited by his council, Charles refufed to fhed
any more blood by the hands of the execu-
oa.2?. tioner; and publiftied a general pardon, ex-
tending to all crimes committed fince the com-
mencement of the inlurredtions, from which
only fourfcore were excepted* Even thefe he
fcems to have named, rather with an intention
to intimidate others, than from any inclination
to feize them j for when an officious courtier
offered to inform him 'where one of the mofl
confiderable among them was concealed, he
avoided it by a good-natured pleafantry ; " Go,**
fays he, " I have now no reafoa to be afraid of
that man, but he has fome caufe to keep at a
diflance from me; and you would be better
employed in telling him that I am here, than in
acquainting me with the place of his retreat ^.**
By this appearance of magnanimity, as well as
by
c Sandov. 377, &c. Vida deL Emper. Carlos por I>o«
Jnan. Anton, de Vera y Zuniga, p. 30.
I
EMPEROR CHARLES V, 205
by his care to avoid every thing which had Book fir.
difgufted the Caftilians during his former re(i- ^ — ^ ^
dence among them ; by his addrefs in affuming *5^^*
their manners, in fpeaking their language, and
in complying with all their humours andcuf-
toms, he acquired an afcendant over them which
hardly any of their native monarchs had ever
attained, and brought them to fupport him in
all his enterprizes with a zeal and valour to
which he owed much of his fuccefs and gran-
deur •
About the time that Charles landed in Spain ^^^^"'*^°^^'*
Adrian fet out for Italy to take poffeflion of his Rome, tad
new dignity. But though the Roman people ^^^" J"*'
longed extremely for his arrival, they could there,
not, on his firft appearance, conceal their fur-
prize and difappointment. After being accuf-
tomed to the princely magnificence or Julius,
and the elegant fplendour of Leo, they beheld
with contempt an old man of an humble deport-
ment, of auftere manners, an enemy to pomp,
deftitute of taftc in the arts, and unadorned with
any of the external accomplilhments which the
vulgar expeft in thofe raifed to eminent ftations ^
Nor did his political views and maxims feem
lefs ftrange arid aftoniihing to the pontifical
minifters. He acknowledged and bewailed the
corruptions which abounded in the church, as
well as In the court of Rome, and prepared to
reform both; he difcovcred no intention of
aggrandizing his family; he even fcrupled at
retaining fuch territories as fome of his pre-
dcceffors had acquired by violence or fraud,
rather than by any legal title, and for that
reafon he inverted Francefco Maria de Rovere
anew
* d Ulloa Vita de Carlo V. p. 85. « Goic. 1. xv. 238.
Jovii Vita Adriani, 117. Bellcfor. Epitr. dcs Princ. 84.
2o6 THERfiIGN OF THE
Book IU. anew in the duchy of Urbino, of which Lea
^"'^ ^ had ftrippcd him, and furrendcred to the duke
*5**' of Ferrara fcvcral places wrefted from him by
the church ^. To men little habituated to fe«
princes regulate their conduct by the maxims
of morality and the principles of juftice, thefe
actions of the new Pope appeared inconteftablc
proofs of his weaknefs or inexperience, Adrian,
whov was a perfeft ft ranger to the complex
and intricate fyftem of Italian politicks, and
who could place no confidence in perfons whofe
fubtile refinements in bufinefs fuited fo ill with
his natural fimplicity and candour, being often
cmbarraffed and irrefolutc in his deliberations,
the opinion of his incapacity daily increaiS^,
until both his perfon and government became
objects of ridicule among his fubjedts s.
^ur?fo*ri. Adrian, though devoted to the Emperor,
flore peace endeavoured to affume the impartiality which
lo Europe. \y^^^^^ jj^^ common father pf Chriftendom, and
laboured to reconcile the contending princes,
. that they might unite in a league againft Soly-
man, whofe conqueft of Rhodes rendered him
more formidable than ever tq Europe^- But
this was an undertaking far beyond his abilities.
To examine fuch a variety of pretenfions, to
adjuft fuch a number of interfering interefts, to
extinguifh the paflions which ambition, emula*
tion, and mutual injuries had kindled, XQ bring
fo many hoftile powers to purfue the fame
fcheme with unanimity and vigour, required
not only uprightnefs of intention, but a great
fuperiority both of underftanding and addrefs.
Thb
f Guic lib. XV. 240. S Jov. Vita Adr. 118. P.
Mart. Ep. 774. Ruicelli Lettres de Princ. vol. i. 87. 96.
101. t Bellcfor. Epitr. p. 86.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 207
TtiE Italian ftatcs were no kfs defirous of Book III.
peace than the Pope. The Imperial army under ^ — ^ — ^
Colonna was ftill Lept on foot ; but as the Em- *^*^*
peror's revenues in Spain, in Naples, and in
the Low Countries, were either exhaufted, or
applied to feme other purpofe, it depended
entirely for pay and fubfiftence on the Italians.
A great part of it was quartered in the eccle-
fiaftical ftate, and monthly contributions were
levied upon the Florentines, the Milanefe, the
Genoefe, and Lucchefe, by the viceroy of Na-
ples; and though all exclaimed againft fuch
oppreflion, and were impatient to be delivered
from it, the dread of worfe confequences from
the rage of the army, or the refentment of the
Emperor, obliged them to fubmit '.
60 much regard, however, was paid to the^ '513.
Pope's exhortations, and to a bull which heietgul
iffued requiring all Chriftian princes to confent J?^i,°^.^^^''
to a truce for three years, that the Imperial, the King.
French, and Englifh ambafladors at Rome were
empowered to treat of that matter ; but while .
th^ wafted their time in fruitlefs negociations,
their mafters continued their preparations for
war. The Venetians, who had hitherto adhered
with great firmnefs to their alliance with Francis,
being now convinced that his affairs in Italy
were in a defperate fituation, entered into a
league againft him with the Emperor ; to which
Adrian, at the inftigation of his countryman Juncas.
and friend Charles de Lannoy, viceroy of Na-
ples, who perfuaded him that the only obftacles
to peace arofe from the ambition of the French
King, foon after acceded. The other Italian
ftates followed their example; and Francis was
left,
* Guic. l.xv. 238.
2o8 THE REIGN OF THE
Book III. left, without a fingle ally, to refill the eflForts
*— -v-^-'of fo many enemies, whofe armies threatened;
* 5^^' and whofe territories encompaffed, his dominions
on every fide ^.
FrtncU'e The dread of this powerful confederacy, it
m^afures in ^^^ thought, would havc obliged Francis to
oppofiiion keep wholly on the defenfive, or at leafl: have
***''' prevented his entertaining any thoughts of
marching into Italy. But it was the charadler
of that prince, too apt to become remifs, and
even negligent on ordinary occafions, to rouze
at the approach of danger, and not only to
encounter it with fpirit and intrepidity, qualities
which never forfook him, but to provide againft
it with diligence and induftry. Before his ene-
mies were ready to execute any of their fchemes,
Francis had aflembled a numerous army. His
authority over his own fubjefts was far greater
than that which Charles or Henry pofiefied over
theirs. They depended on their diets, their
cortes, and their parliaments for money, which
was ufually granted them in fmall fums, very
flowly, and with much reluftance. The taxes
he could impofe were more confiderable, and
levied with greater difpatch ; fo that on this, as
well as on other occafions, his army was in the
field while they were devifing ways and means
for raifing theirs. Senfible of this advantage,
Francis hoped to difconcert all the Emperor's
fchemes by marching in perfon into the Mila-
nefe ; and this bold meafure, the more formida-
ble, becaufe unexpefted, could fcarcely have
sufpended failed of producing that effedl. The vanguard
dii^ovcr%fOf his army had already reached Lyons, and he
theconfta- himfclf was haflicning after it with the fecond di-
bWs wo- vifion of his troops, when the difcovery of a
¥"<^y- domeftick
k Guic. 1. XV. 241. 248.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 209
domeftick confpiracy which threatened the ruin Book II[«
of the kingdom, obliged him to ftop fhort, and ' ^ '
to alter his meafures. ' ^^^*
The author of this dangerous plot was Charles J^J* <^^»"^-
duke of Bourbon, lord high conftable, whofe .
noble birth, vaft fortune, and hi^h office, raifed
him to be the moft powerful fubjedb in France,
as his great talents, equally fuited to the field
or the council, and nis fignal fervices to the
crown, rendered him the moft illuftrious and
defer ving. The near refemblance between the
King and him in many of their qualities, both
being fond of war, and ambitious to excel in
manly exercifes, as well as their equality in age,
and their proximity of blood, ought naturally
to have fecured him a confiderable fliare in that
Monarch's favour. But unhappily Louife, ^he jJ:J"'*.*^*^
King's mother, had contracted a violent aver- tion.' * *^
fion to the houfe of Bourbon,^ for no better
reafon than becaufe Anne of Bretagne, the
Queen of Louis the Twelfth, with whom fhe
lived in perpetual enmity, difcovered a peculiar
attachment to that branch of the royal family ;
and (he had taught her fon, who was too fuf-
ceptible of any impreffion which fhe gave him,
to view all the conftable's aftions with a mean
and unbecoming jealoufy. His diftinguiOied
merit at the battle of Marignano had not been
fufficiently rewarded; he had been recalled
from the government of Milan upon very frivo-
lous pretences, and had met with a cold recep-
tion, which his prudent conduft in that difficult
ftation did not deferye; the payment of his
penfions had been fufpended without any good
caufe ; and during the campaign of one thou-
fand five hundred and twenty-one, the King, as
has already been related, had affronted him in
prefence of the whole army, by giving the com-
VoL. I^ P mand
no THE REIGN OF THE
Book III. mand of the van to the duke of Alen^on. The
^**-v— ' conftable, at firft, bore thefe indignities with
'5*^* greater moderation than could have been cx-
pcfted from an high-fpirited Prince, confcious
of what was due to his rank, and to his fervices.
Such a multiplicity of injuries, however, ex-
haulled his patience ; and infpiring him with
thoughts of revenge, he retired from court, and
began to hold a fecret correfppndence with fome
of the Emperor's minifters.
About that time the dutchefs of Bourbon
happened to die without leaving any children.
Louife, of a difpofition no lefs amorous than
vindidive, and flill fufceptible of the tender
paflions at the age of forty-fix, began to view
the Conftable, a Prince as amiable as he was
accompliftied, with other eyes; and notwith-
ftanding the great difparity of their years, (he
formed the fcheme of marrying him. Bourbon,
who might have expefted every thing to which
an ambitious mind can afpire, fnom the doting
fondnefs of a woman who governed her fon and
the kingdom, being incapable either of imitating
the Queen in her fudden tranfition from hatred
to love, or of diflembling fo meanly as to pre-
tend affcdion for one who had perfecuted him
fo long with unprovoked malice, not only re-
jefted the match, but embittered his refufal by
fom^ fevere raillery on Louife's perfon and cha-
rafter. She finding lierfelf not only contemned,
but infulted, her difappointed love turned into
hatred, and fincc fhe could not marry, (he re-
folved to ruin Bourbon.
For this purpofe (he confultcd with the chan-
cellor Du Prat, a man, who, by a bafe profti-
tution of great talents and of fuperior (kill in
his profeflTion, had rifcn to that high office.
By
^^
EMPEROR CHARLES V. an
By his advice a law-fuit was comimnced againft Book III.
the Conftable, for the whole eftate belonging to * — >^'**^
the houfe of Bourbon. Part of it was claimed '^*^*
in the King's name, as having fallen to the
crown*, part in that of Louife, as the nearefl:
heir in blood of the deceafed Dutchefs. Both
thcfe claims were equally deftitute of any foun-
dation in juftice •, but Louife, by her folicita-
tions and authority, and Du Prat, by employ-
in| all the artifices and chicanery of Uw, pre-
vailed on the judges to order the eftate to be
fequcftered. This unj uft decilion drove the Con- ^^* ^««^5'
ftable to defpair, and to meafures which defpair ^fSr******
alone could have diftated. He renewed his in-^"*P«^-
trigues in the Imperial court, and flattering
himfelf that the injuries which he had fufiered
would juftify his having recourfe to any means
in order to obtain revenge, he offered to transfer
his allegiance from his natural fovereign to the
Emperor, and to aflift him in the conqueft of
France. Charles, as well as the King of Eng-
land, to whom the fecr^t was communicated ',
expeding prodigious advantages from this revolt,
were ready to receive him with open arms, and
fpared neither promifes nor allurements which
might help to confirm him in his refolution.
The Emperor offered him in marriage his fitter
Eleanor, the widow of the King of Portugal,
with a vaft portion. He was included as a prin-
cioal in the treaty between Charles and Henry.
The counties of Provence and Dauphine were
to be fettled on him, with the title of King«
The Emperor engaged to enter France by ^hc
Pyrenees, and Henry, fupported by the Flem-
ings, to invade Picardy ; while twelve thoufand
Germans, levied at their common charge, were
to penetrate into Burgundy, and to ad in con-*
P 2 cert
' Rymcr's Fader, xiii. 794.
212 THE REIGN OF THE
Book III. cert with Bourbon, who undertook to raife fix
^""^■"■■ ^ thoufand men among his friends and vaffals in
^^^^' the heart of the kingdom. The execution of
this deep laid and dangerous plot was fufpended,
until the King fhould crofs the Alps with the
only army capable of defending his dominions ;
and as he was far advanced on his march for
that purpofe, France flood on the brink of de-
ftruftion ™.
difcovercd. Happily for that kingdom, a negociation
which had now been carrying on for feveral
months, though condufted with the moft pro-
found fecrecy, and communicated only to a
few chofen confidents, could not altogether
efcape the obfervation of the reft of the Con-
ftable's numerous retainers, rendered more in-
quifitive by finding that they were diftrufted.
Two of thefe gave the King fome intimation of
a myfterious correfpondence betwen their matter
and the Count de Roeux, a Flemifh nobleman
of great confidence with the Emperor. Francis,
who could not bring himfelf to fufpeft that the
firft prince of the blood would be fo bafe as to
betray the kingdom to its enemies, immediately
repaired to Moulins, where the Conftable was
in bed, feigning indifpofition, that he might not
be obliged to accompany the King into Italy,
/ and acquainted him of the intelligence which he
had received. Bourbon, with great folemnity,
and the moft impofing afFeftation of ingenuity
and candour, aflerted his own innocence ; and
. as his health, he faid, was now more confirmed,
he promifed to join the army within a few days.
Francis, open and candid himfelf, and too apt
to be deceived by the appearance of thofe vir-
tues
m Thuani Hift. lib. i. c. lo. Heutcr. Rer. Auftr. lib.
viii. c. 1 8. p. toy.
EMPEROR CHARLES. V. 213
tues in others, gave fuch credit to what he faid,BooK III.
that he refufed to arreft him, although advifed ^ -y* ^
to take that precaution by his wifeft counfellors ; *^^^'
and as if the danger had been over, he con-
tinued his march towards Lyons. The Con- September,
ftable fet out foon after, feemingly with an in-
tention to follow him ; but turning fuddenly to Flies to
the left he crofled the Rhone, and after infinite '^"'y*
fatigues and perils, efcaped all the parties which
the King, fenfible too late of his credulity, fent
out to intercept him, and reached Italy in
fafety °.
Francis took every poflible precaution to
prevent the bad effefts of the irreparable error
which he had committed. He put garrifons
in all the places of ftrength in the Confta-
ble's territories. He feized all the gentlemen
whom he could fufpedt of being his ailbciates ;
and as he had not hitherto difcovered the whole
extent of the confpirator's fchemes, nor knew
how far the infeftion had fpread among his fub-
jefts, he was afraid that his abfence might en-
courage them to make fome defperate attempt,
and for that reafon relinquiflied nis intention of
leading his army in perfon into Italy.
He did not, however, abandon his defign on French in,
the Milanefe -, but appointed admiral IJonnivet JJIJ^Jj^,
to take the fupreme command in his (lead, and
to march into that country with an army thirty
thoufand ftrong. Bonnivet did not owe this
preferment to his abilities as a general ; for of
all the talepts requifite to form a great com-
mander, he poflefled only perfonal courage, the
lowed and the mod common. But he was the
moil accompliihed gentleman in the French
court,
^ Mem. de Bellay, p. 64, &c. Pai^uier Recherches de
|a France, p. i^Si.
ti4 THEREIGNOF. THE
Book III. court, of agreeable manners, an infinuating
"^^ ^ addrefsy ^ and a fprightly converfation ; and Fran-
^* cis, who lived in great fanniliarity with his cour-
tiers, was fo charmed with thefe qualities, that
he honoured him, on all occafions, with the mod
partial and diftinguilhing marks of his favour.
He was, befides, the implacable enemy of Bour-
bon ; and as the King hardly knew whom to truft
at that junfture, he thought the chief command
could be lodged no where fo fafely as in his
hands.
^^^d^a Colon N A, who was cntrufted with the de-
fence of the Milanefe, his own conqueft, was in
• no condition to refift fuch a formidable army.
He was deftitute of money fufficient to pay his
troops, which were reduced to a fmall number by
ficknefs or defertion, and had, for that reafon,
been obliged to neglcft every precaution necef-
fary for the fecurity of the country. The only
plan which he formed was to defend the paflage
of the river Teffino againft the French ; and as
if he had forgotten how eafily he himfelf had
difconcerted a fimilar fcheme formed by Lautrcc,
he promifed with great confidence on its being
cfFedtual. But in fpite of all his caution, it fuc-
ceeded no better with him than with Lautrec.
Bonnivet paflcd the river without lofs, at a ford
which had been neglected, and the Imperialifts
retired to Milan, preparing to abandon the town
as foon as the French fhould appear before it.
By an unaccountable negligence, which Guic-
ciardini imputes to infatuation % Bonnivet did
not advance for three or four days, and loft thfe
opportunity with which his good fortune pre-
fented him. The citizens recovered from their
confternation ; Colonna, ftill aftive at the age
of fourfcore, and Morone, whole enmity to France
was
o Guic. lib. XV. 254,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 215
was indefatigable, were employed night and day Book llf.
in repairing the fortifications, in amafling provi- ^— "v"*^
fions, in coUcfting troops from every quarter; *^*^*
and by the time the French approached, had
gut the city in a condition to ftand a fiege,
onnivet, after fome fruitlefs attempts on the
town, which haraffed his own troops more than
the enemy, was obliged, by the inclemency of
the feafon, to retire into wipter quarters.
During thefc tranfadions Pope Adrian died i ^}^ ^
an event fo much to the fatisfaftion of the ""*
Roman people, whofe hatred or contempt of
him augmented every day, that the night after
bis deceafe, they adorned the door of nis chief
phyfician's houfe with garlands, adding this in-
(cription, TO THE DELIVERER OF
HIS COUNTRY?. The Cardinal de Medici
initantly renewed his pretentions to the papal
dignity, and entered the conclave with high ex-
pedations on his own part, and a general opU
nion of the people that they would be fuccefsfuK
But though fupportcd by the Imperial fadtion,
poflefled of great perfonal intereft, and capable
of all the artifices, refinements, and corruption,
which reign in thofe aflcmblies, the obftinacy
and intirigues of his rivals protrafted the con-
clave to th^ unufual length of fifty days. The Ej«^'oo o£
addrefs and perfcverance of the cardinal at laft vilT*"'
furmounted every obftacle^ He was raifed to ^^"^^ *'•
the head of the church, and aflumed the go-
Yernmcnt <^ it by the name of Clement VII. ^
The choice was univerf^Uy approved of. High
expe6l;atipns were conceived of a Pope, whofe,
jreat talents, and long es^perience in bufinefs^
.bemed to qualify hi^ n.Q. lefs for defending thq.
^iritu^l interefts of the church, expof^d to im-
iDinent
Pjpviiyit. Adr. 127*
2i6 THE REIGN OF THE
Book lll.minent danger by the progrefs of Luther's opi-
*■ — ^^-^^nions, than for condudling its political opera-
*^^^' tions with the prudence requiiite at fuch a diffi-
cult jundture ; and who, befidcs thefe advan-
tages, rendered the ecclefiaftical ftate more
refpedable, by having in his hands the govern-
ment of Florence, together with the wealth of
the family of Medici ^.
v/oifeydif. CARDINAL WoLSEY, not difhcartened by the
andfjicri difappointment of his ambitious views at the
with reient- former elcdion, had entertained more fanguinc
"^*" hopes of fuccefs on this occafion. Henry wrote
to the Emperor, reminding him of his engage-
ments to Iccond the pretenfions of his minifter.
Wolfey beftlrred himfelf with aftivity fuitable
to the importance of the prize for which he
contended, and inftrufted his agents at Rome
to fpare neither promifes nor bribes in order to
gain his end. But Charles had either amufed
him with vain hopes which he never intended
to gratify, or he judged it impolitick to oppofe
a candidate who had fuch a profpedt of fucceed-
ing as Medici ; or perhaps the cardinals durft
not venture to provoke the people of Rome,
while their indignation ao;ainft Adrian's memory
was ftill frefh, by placing another Uhra-mon-
tane in the papal throne. Wolfey, after all his
expeftations and endeavours, had the morti-
fication to fee a Pope eieded, of fuch an age,
and of fo vigorous a conftitution, that he could
not comfort himfelf much with the chance of
furviving him. This fecond proof fully con-
vinced Wolfey of the Emperor's infincerity, and
it excited in him all the refentment which an
haughty mind feels on being at once difap-
pointed and deceived -, and though Clement en-
deavoured to foothe his vindiftive nature by
granting
<3 Guic. 1. XV. 263.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 217
granting him a commiffion to be legate in Eng- Book Iif,
land during life,- with fuch ample powers as ' — ^~*-'
veftcd in him almoft the whole papal jurifdic- '^^^"
tion in that kingdom, the injury he had received
entirely diffolved the tie which had united him
to Charles, and from that moment he meditated
revenge. It was neceflury, however, to conceal
his intention from his mafter, and to fufpend
the execution of it, until, by a dexterous im-
provement of the incidents which might occur,
he (hould be able gradually to alienate the King's
afifeftions from the Emperor. For this rcafon,
he was fo far from exprefling any uneafinefs on
account of the repulfe which he had met with,
that he abounded on every occafion, private as
well as publick, in declarations of his high fatif-
fadion with Clement's promotion \
Henry had, during the campaign, fulfilled Henry's
with great fincerity whatever he was bound top^rtncc!'"*"
perform by the league againft France, though
more flowly than he could have wilhed. His
thoughtlefs profufion, and total negled: of oeco-
nomy, reduced him often to great ftraits for
money. The operations of war were now car-
ried on in Europe in a manner very different
from that which had long prevailed. Inftead of
armies fuddenly aflembled, which under diftindt
chieftains followed their prince into the field
for a (hort fpace, and ferved at their own cofl,
troops were now levied at great charge, and
received regularly confiderable pay. Inllead of
impatience on both fides to bring every quarrel
to the iffue of a battle, which commonly de- ^
cided the fate of open and defencelefs countries,
and allowed the barons, together with their vaf-
fals, to return to their ordinary occupations^
town I
r Fiddes's Life of Wolfcy, 294, &c. Herbert.
2i8 THE REIGN OF THE
Book III. towns were fortified with great art, and defended
^^^'^ ' with much obftinacy ; war, from a very fimple,
'^*^* became a very intricate fcience ; and campaigns
grew of courfe to be more tedious, and lefs
decifive. The expence which thefe alterations
in the military fyftem neceflarily created, ap-
peared intolerable to nations hitherto unaccuf-
tomed to the burden of heavy taxes. Hence
proceeded the frugal, and even parfimonious
fpirit of the Englifti parliaments in that age,
which Henry, with all his authority, was feldom
able to overcome. The commons, having re-
fufed at this time to grant him the fupplies which
he demanded, he had recourfe to the ample and
almoft unlimited prerogative which the Kings
of England then poffeffed, and by a violent
and unufual exertion of it, raifed the money he
Sq[»t. %7. wanted. This, however, wafted fo much time,
that it was late in the feafon before his army,
under the duke of Suffolk, could take the field.
Being joined by a confiderable body of Flemings,
UufFolk marched into Picardy, and Francis, from
his extravagant eagernefs to recover the Mila-
nefe, having left that frontier almoft unguarded,
he penetrated as far as the banks of the river
Oyfe, within eleven leagues of Paris, filling that
capital with confternation. But the arrival of
fome troops detached by the King, who was ftill
at Lyons ; the aftive gallantry of the French*
officers, who allowed the allies no refpite night
or day -, the rigour of a moft unnatural feafon„
together with fcarcijty of provifions, compelled
NoTcmber. Suffolk to retire ; andLa Tremoiiille, who com-*
manded in thofe parts, had the glory of having,,
with an handfpl of men, checked the progrefs of
a formidable army, and of driving them with ig-
nominy out of the French territories \
» Herbert. Mem. de Beltay, 73, &c.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 219
The Emperor's attempts upon Burgundy and Book IIL
Guicnne were not more fortunate, though in "" ^ ^
both thefe provinces Francis was equally ill pre- AndA^ofe
pared to refift them. The conduft and valour ^^ ^^ ^•^-
of his generals fupplied his want of forefight ; sjlllil^
the Germans who made an irruption into one
of thefe provinces, and the Spaniards who
attacked the other, were rcpulfcd with great dif-
grace.
Thus ended the year 1523, during Which Eod of the
Francis's good fortune and fuccefs had been ^^*°*^'*^
fuch as gave all Europe an high idea of his
power and refources. He had difcovered and
difconcerted a dangerous confpiracy, the author
of which he had driven into exile, almoft without
an attendant ; he had rendered abortive all the
fchemes of the powerful confederacy formed
againft him; he had protefted his dominions
when attacked on three different fides; and
though his army in the Milanefe had not made
fuch progrefs as might have been expefted from
its fuperiority to the enemy in number, he had
recovered and ftill kept pofTeflion of one half of
that dutchy.
The enfuing year opened with events more «$*4.
difaftrous to France. Fontarabia was loft by ff^thT!""*
the cowardice or treachery of its governor. In p^«-
Italy, the allies refolved on an early and vigo- *'*^
rous effort in order to difpoflefs Bonnivet of
that part of the Milanefe which lies beyond the
Tefino. Clement, who, under the pontificates
of Leo and Adrian, had difcovered an impla*
cable enmity to France, began now to view the
power which the Emperor was daily acquiring
in Italy, with fo much jealoufy, that he refufed
to accede, as his prcdeceflTors had done, to the
league againft Francis, and forgetting private
pal&ons
atw
220 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book lil. paffions and animofities, laboured with the zeal
^— V — -» which became his character, to bring about a
'^^^' reconciliation among the contending parties.
Imperial ar-Bgt all his cttdeavours wcrc incffcdual ; a nu-
ukeThe^ ^" mcrous army, to which each of the allies fur-
fieid early, nifhed their contingent of troops, was affembicd
at Milan by the beginning of March. Lannoy,
viceroy of Naples, took the command of it
upon Colonna's death, though the chief direc-
tion of military operations was committed to
Bourbon, and the marquis de Pefcara-, the
latter the ablcft and molt enterprifing of the
Imperial generals -, the former infpired by his
refentment with new adtivity and invention, and
acquainted fo thoroughly with the charafters
of the French commanders, the genius of their
troops, and the ftrength as well as weaknefs of
their armies, as to be of infinite fervicc to the
party which he had joined. But all thefe ad-
vantages were nearly loft through the Emperor's
inability to raife money fulHcient for executing
the various and extenfive plans which he had
Retarded by formed. When his troops were commanded to
ihrtroops?* niarch, they mutinied againft their leaders, de-
manding the pay which was due to them for
fome months; and difregarding both the me-
naces and intreaties of their officers, threatened
to pillage the city of Milan, if they did not in-
ftantly receive fatisfadion. Out of this difficulty
the generals of the allies were extricated by Mot
rone, who prevailing on his countrymen, over
whom his influence was prodigious, to advance
the fum that was requifite, the army took the
field'.
The French BoNNivET was deftitute of troops to oppofe
abandon the ^his army, and ftill more of the talent5 which
MJlancfe. CQUlc^
^ Guic. 1. XV. 267. Capella, 190.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 221
could render him an equal match for its leaders. Book IIL
Aifter various movements and encounters, de-'"^^"'^
fcribed with great accuracy by the contemporary
hiftorians, a detail of which, at this diftance of
time, would be equally unintercfting and un-
inttrudtive, he was forced to abandon the ftrong
camp in which he had intrenched himfclf at
Biagrafla. Soon after, partly by his own mif-
conduft, partly by the activity of the enemy,
who haraffed and ruined his army by continual
Ikirmiflies, while they carefully declined a battle
which he often offered them; and partly by
the caprice of 6000 Swifs, who refufed to join
his army, though within a day's march of it 5 he
was reduced to the neceflity of attempting a
retreat into France through the valley of Aoft.
Juft as he arrived on the banks of the Seflia,
and began to pafs that river, Bourbon and Pef-
cara appeared with the vanguard of the allies,
and attacked his rear with great fury. At the
beginning of the charge, Bonnivet, while exert-
ing himfelf with much valour, was wounded
fo dangeroufly as obliged him to quit the field ;
and the conduft of the rear was committed to
the chevalier Bayard, who, though lb much a
ftranger to the arts of a court that he never rofe
to the chief command, was always called, in
times of real danger, to the pofts of greateft
difficulty and importance. He put himfelf at
the head of the men at arms, and animating
them by his prefence and example to fuftain
the whole (hock of the enemy's troops, he
gained time for the reft of his countrymen to
make good their retreat. But in this fervice Death of
he received a wound which he immediately per-?!** ^*^*^'^*',
ceived to be mortal, and being unable to con- md ruin of'
tinue any longer on horfeback, he ordered one ^^^ ^''*^"^^
of his attendants to place him under a tree, with
his face towards the enemy 5 then fixing his
eyes
22Z THEREIGNOF THE
Book III. cycs on the guard of his fword, which he held
"^-^"^^^"^ up inftead of a crofs, he addrcfled his prayers
' ^'^^ to God, and in this pofture, which became his
charafber both as a foldier and as a Chriftian,
he calmly waited the approach of death. Bour-
bon, who led the foremoft of the enemy's
troops, found him in this fituation, and ex-
prefled regret and pity at the fight. *' Pity not
•* me,'* cried the high-fpirited chevalier, ** I die
«^ as a man of honour ought, in the difcharge.
•* of my duty: They indeed arc obje£ts of
pity, who fight againil their King, their
country, and their oath.'* The marquis dc
Fefcara, pafiing foon after, manifefted his admi-
ration of Bayard's virtues, as well as his forrow
for his fate, with the generofity of a gallant
enemy ; and finding that he could not be re-
moved with fafety from that fpot, ordered a tent
to be pitched there, and appointed proper per-
fons to attend him. He died, notwithftanding
their care, as his anceftors for feveral generati-
ons had done, in the field of battle. Pefcara
ordered his body to be embalmed, and fent to
his relations ; and fuch was the refpeft paid to
military merit in that age, that" the duke of Sa-
voy commanded it to be received with royal ho-
nours in all the cities of his donnnions ; in Dau-
phine, Bayard's native country, the people of
all ranks came out in a folemn procefiion to
meet it «.
BoNNiVET led back the fliattered' remains of
his army 'into France ; and in one fhort cam-
paign, Francis was (tripped of all he had pof-
fefled in Italy, and left without one ally in that
country.
While
« Bellefor. Epitr. p. 75. Mem.de Bellay^ 75. Oeuv.
ie Brant, torn. vi. 108, &c» Pafquier Recherches, p. 526.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. iij
While the war kindled by the emulation of Book HI,
Charles and Francis fpread over fo many coun- ' ^^ '
tries of Europe, Germany enjoyed a profound prog^reft'of
tranquillity, extremely favourable to the refor- ^^e refor-
mation, which continued to make progrefs cJImM^.
daily. During Luther's confinement in his
retreat at Wartburg, Carloftadius, one of his
difciples, animated with the fame zeal, but pof-
feffed of lefs prudence and nioderation than his
.mailer, began to propagate wild and dangerous
' opinions, chiefly among the lower people. En-
couraged by his exhortations, they rofe in fe-
veral villages of Saxony, broke into the churches
with tumultuary violence, and threw down and
deftroyed the images with which they were,
adorned. Thefe irregular and outrageous pror'
cccdings were fo repugnant to all the Elcftor'i
cautious maxims, that, if they had not received
a timely check, they could hardly have failed
of alienating from the reformers a prince, no
lefs jealous of his own authority, than afraid
of giving offence to the Emperor, and other
patrons of the ancient opinions. Luther, {en-
able of the danger, immediately quitted his re-
treaty without waiting for Frederick's permif-
fion, and returned to Wittemberg. Happily for ^^^^ ^•
the reformation, the veneration for his perfon '^**'
and authority were ftill fo great, that his appear-
ance alone fuppreffed that fpirit of extravagance
which began -to feize his party. Carloftadius
and his fanatical followers, ftruck dumb by his
rebukes, declared that they heard the voice of
an angel, not of a man ^.
Before Luther left his retreat, he had begun L"*^*'
to tranflate the Bible intp the German tongue, Ihe^B^we.
an undertaking of no lefs difficulty than im-
portance,
K Sleid. Hift. 5 1 . Seckend. 19;.
224 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book III. portance, of which he was extremely fond, and
' ^ ' tor which he was well qualified : He had a
^^ *' competent knowledge in the original languages;'
a thorough acquaintance with the ft yle and fenti-
ments ot the infpired writers ; and though his
co4Tipofitions in Latin were rude and barbarous,
he was reckoned a great mafter of the purity
of his mother tongue, and could exprefs himfelf
with all the elegance of which it is capable.
By his own afliduous application, together with
the afliftance of Melandhon and feveral other of
his difciples, he finiflied part of the New Tefta-
ment in the year 1 522 ; and the publication of
it proved more fatal to the church of Rome,
than that of all his own works. It was read
with wonderful avidity and attention by perfons
of every rank. They were aftonilhed at dif-
covering how contrary the precepts of the
Author of our religion are, to the inventions of
thofe priefts who pretended to be his vicege-
rents ; and having now in their hand the rule
of faith, they thought themfelves qualified, by
applying it, to judge of the eftablifhed opinions,
and to pronounce when they were conformable
to the ftandard, or when they departed from it.
The great advantages arifing from Luther's
tranflation of the Bible, encouraged the advo-
cates for reformation, in the other countries of
Europe, to imitate his example, and to publifh
verfions of the Scriptures in their refpeftive lan-
guages.
«
Several CI- About this time, Nuremberg, Francfort,
Ihe nu''of Hamburdi, and feveral other cities in Germany
the Popifh of the firft rank, openly embraced the reformed
church. religion, and by the authority of their magi-
ftrates abolifhed tlie mafs, and the other fuper-
ilitious
tr t-
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 225
ftitious rites of Popery J. The eleftor of Book III.
Brandenburgh, the Dukes of Brunfwick and * ^^"*^*^
Lunenburgh, and prince of Anhalt, became ^*^*
avowed patrons of Luther's opinions, and coun-
tenanced the preaching of them among their
fubjcfts.
The court of Rome beheld this growing de- Metfures
feftion with great concern; and Adrian's firftt^AdJun
care, after his arrival in Italy, had been to de- in order to
liberate with the Cardinals, concerning the pj'ogl^^fj^
proper means of putting a ftop to it. This <»»« Re^r-
Pope was profoundly fkilled in fcholaftick theo- "*^*''°*
logy, and having been early taken notice of on
that account, he ftill retained fuch an exceffive
admiration of the fcience to which he owed his
reputation and fuccefs in life, that he confidered
Luther's inveftives againft the fchoolmen, par-
ticularly JThomas Aquinas, as little lefs than
blafphemy. All the tenets of that do6lor ap-
peared to him fo clear and irrefragable, that he
fuppofed every perfon who called in queftion
or contradifted them, to be either blinded by
ignorance, or to be ading in oppolition to the
convidtion of his own mind: Of courfe, no
Pope was ever more bigotted or inflexible with
regard to points of dodtrine than Adrian •, he
not only maintained them as Leo had done,
becauie they were ancient, or becaufe it was
dangerous for tlie church to allow of innova-
tions, but he adhered to them with the zeal of
a theologian, and with the tenacioufnefs of a
difputant. At the fame time his own manners
being extremely limple, and uninfefted with
any of the vices which reigned in the court of
Rome, he was as fenfible of its corruptions as
the reformers themfelves, and viewed them with
Vol. II. Q^ no
y Seckend. 241. Chytrasi Contm. Kraiitzii, 205.
226 THEREIGN OF THE
Book IU. no lefs indignation. The brief which he ad-
''"'^ ^ drefled to the diet of the Empire affembled at
Nov?^sa*- Nuremberg) and the inftrudtions he gave Chc-
regato, the nuncio whom he fent hither, were
framed agreeably to thefe views. On the one
hand, he condemned Luther's opinions with
more afperity and rancour of cxpreflion than
Leo had ever ufed ^ he feverely cenfured the
Princes of Germany for fufFering him to fpread
his pernicious tenets, by their neglefting to
execute the edift of the diet at Worms, and
required them, if Luther did not inftantly re-
traft his errors, to deftroy him with fire as a
gangrened and incurable member, in like man-
ner as Dathan and Abiram had been cut off by
Mofes, Ananias and Sapphira by the apoftles,
and John Hufs and Jerome of Prague by their
anceftors *. On the other hand, he, with great
candour, and in the moft explicit terms, ac-
knowledged the corruptions of the Roman court
to be the fource from which had flowed moft of
the evils the church now felt or dreaded; he
promifed to exert all his authority towards re-
forming thefe abufes, with as much difpatch as
the nature and inveteracy of the diforders would
admit ; and he requefted of them to give him
their advice with regard to the moft efFeftual
means of fupprefling that new herefy which had
fprung up among them *•
Diet of Nu- The members of the Diet, aftpr praifing the
ptoj^fe^a Pope's pious. and laudable intentions, excufed
general thcmfdves for not executing the edi(5t of Worms,
thrp^rojTc'r by alleging that the prodigious incrcafe of
remedy. Luther's followcrs, as well as the averfion to
the court of Rome among their other fubjedts
on
* Fafcic. Rcr. Expet. & Fugiend. 34a. » Ibid. p. 545*
EMPEROR CHARLELS V. 227
on account of its innumerable exadtions, ren-BooKlif.
dered fuch an attempt not only dangerous, but ' ^^^^^^
impoffible. They affirmed that the grievances ^^^*
of Germany, which did not arife from imaginary
injuries, but from impofitions no lefs real than
intolerable, as his Holinefs would learn from a
catalogue of them, which they intended to lay
before him, called now for fome new and effica-
cious remedy; and in their opinion, the only
remedy adequate to the difeafe, or which afforded
them any hopes of feeing the church reftored to
foundnefs and vigour, was a General Council.
Such a council, therefore, they advifed him,
after obtaining the Emperor's confent, to aflem-
ble without delay, in one of the great cities of
Germany, that all who had right to be prefent
Blight deliberate with freedom, and propofe
their opinions with fuch boldnefs, as the dan-
gerous fituation of religion at this jundture re-
quired \
The nuncio, more artful than his matter, and Artifices of
better acquainted with the political views and ^Vudelt,
interefts of the Roman court, was ft ar tied at
the propofition of a council ; and eafily forefaw
how dangerous fuch an aflembly might prove
at a time when many openly denied the papal
authority, and the reverence and fubmiffion
yielded to it vifibly declined among all. For
that reafon he employed his utmoft addrefs, in
order to prevail on the members of the Diet to
proceed themfelves with greater feverity againft
the Lutheran herefy, and to relinquiih their
propofal concerning a general council to be
held in Germany. They, perceiving the nuncio
to be more folicitous about the interefts of the
Roman court, than the tranquillity of the Em-
Q^ 2 pire,
^? Fafcic. Rcr. Exp«t. & Fugicnd. p. 346.
zzt THEREIGNOFTHE
Book Ul.pirc, or purity of the church, remained in-
^"*'^' ^ flexible, and continued to prepare the catalogue
*^^^" of their grievances to be prefentcd to the Pope ^
The nuncio, that he might not be the bearer of
a remonftrance fo difagreeable to his court, left
Nuremberg abruptly, without taking leave of
the Diet ^.
The -Diet The fecular Princes accordingly, for the
of*tn*hun^^ eccleliafticks, although they gave no oppofition,
dred griev- did not think it decent to join with them, drew
ancestothc ^j^^ |j{j. ^f^ famous in the German annals)
of an hundred grievances, which the Empire
imputed to the iniquitous dominion of the papal
fee. This lift contained grievances much of
the fame nature with that prepared under the
reign of Maximilian. It would be tedious to
enumerate each of them; they complained of
the fums exafted for difpenfations, abfolutions,
and indulgences*, of the expence arifing from
the law-fuits carried to Rome; of the innu-
merable abufes occafioned by refervations, com-
mendams, and annates ; of the exempdon from
civil jurifdiftion which the clergy had obtained ;
of the arts by which they brought all fecular
caufes under the cognizance of the ecclefiaftical
judges; of the indecent and profligate lives
which not a few of the clergy led; and of
various other particulars, many of which have
already been mentioned among the circum-
ftances which contributed to the favourable
reception, or to the quick progrefs of Luther's
doftrines. In the end they concluded, that if
the holy fee did not Ipeedily deliver them from
thofe intolerable burdens, they had determined
to endure them no longer, and would employ
the
« Fafclc. Rcr.Expet. 8c Fugiend. J49, ^ Ibid. 376.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 229
the power and authority with which God had en- Book HI.
trufted them, in order to procure relief *. '^■*'^' ^
Instead of fuch feverities againft Luther and The recefs
his followers as the nuncio had recommended, ^J^^ ^'*^*
the recefs or cdi£t of the Diet contained only a >s»3*
general injunftion to all ranks of men to wait
with patience for the determinations of the
council which was to be aflembled, and in the
mean time not to publifh any new opinions
contrary to the eftablifhed doctrines of the
church; together with an admonition to all
preachers to abftain from matters of controverfy
in their difcourfes to the people, and to confine
themfelves to the plain and inftruftive truths of
religion ^.
The reformers derived great advantage from Thi« diet of
the tranfaftions of this diet, as they afforded f^'^h^lTe.^'
them the fuUeft and moft authentick evidence fonnAtion.
that grofs corruptions prevailed in the court of
Rome, and that the Empire was loaded by the
clergy with infupportable burdens. With re-
gard to the former, they had now the teftimony
of the Pope himfelf, that their inveftives and
accufations were not malicious or ill-founded.
As ^o the latter, the reprefentatives of the Ger-
manick body, in an aflcmbly where the patrons
of the new opinions were far from being the
moft numerous or powerful, had pointed out,
as the chief grievances of the Empire, thofe
very pradices of the Romifh church againft
which Luther and his difciples were accuftomed
to declaim. Accordingly, in all their contro-
verfial writings after this period, they often
appealed to Adrian's declaration, and to the
hundred
e Fafcic. Rcr. Expct. & Fugicnd. 354, ^ Ibid. 348-
230 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book III. hundred grievances, in confirmation of what-
^""P^*"*^ ever they advanced concerning the diflblute
manners, or infatiable ambition and rapaciouf-
nefs of the papal court.
A^iritn'f At Rome, Adrian's conduct was confidered
ccnfurtd at ^ a proof of the moft- childifh fimplicity and
Rome. imprudence. Men trained up amidft the arti-
fices and corruptions of the papal court, and
accuftomed to judge of adkions not by what
was juft, but by what was uleful, were afto-
nifhed at a PontifFj who, departing from the
wife maxims of his predeceflbfs, acknowledged
difordcrs which he ought to have concealed;
ahd forgetting his own dignity, afked advice of
thofe, to whom he was entitled to prefcribe. By
fiich an excefs of impolitick fincerity, they were
afraid that, inftead of reclaiming, he would
render the enemies of the church more pre-
fumptuous, and inftead of extinguifhing herefy,
would weaken the foundations of the papal
power, or ftop the chief fources from which
wealth flowed into the church •. For this reafon
they induftrioufly oppofed all his fchemes of
reformation, and by throwing objeftions and
difficulties in his way, endeavoured to retard or
to defeat the execution of them. Adrian, ama-
zed on the one hand, at the obftinacy of the
Lutherans, difgufted on the other, with the
manners and maxims of the Italians, and finding
himfelf unable to corfeft either the one or the
other, often lamented his own fituation, and
often looked back with pleafure on that period
of his life when he was only dean of Lou vain, a
more humble but happier ftation, in which little
was expeded from him, and there w^s nothing
to' froftrate his good intentions h/
•. ^- ■ * •• ' "• • pLEMENT
'v.
8 F. Paul. Hill, of Counc. p. 28. Palavic. Hjft. 58.
b Jovii Vit. Adf. p. 'ii8. •• ^^
r
EM PEROR CHARLES V. 231
Clement VII. his fucccflbr, excelled Adrian Book III.
as much in the arts of government, as he was '" "^""^
inferior to him in purity of life, or uprightnefs cici^em'«
of intention. He was animated not only with "*^*{^* •"
the averfion which all Popes naturally bear to fhcr, tndhis
a council, but having gained his own eleftion ''^^^^^j^ *
by mesLns very uncanonical, he was afraid of an louncii
aflembky that might fubjedt it to a fcrutiny
which it could not ftand. He determined,
therefore, by every poflible means to elude the
dcniands of the Germans, both with refpeft to
the calling of a council, and reforming abufes
in the papal court, which the rafhncfs and in-
capacity of his predeceflbr had brought upon
him. For this purpofe he made choice of car-
dinal Campeggio, an artful man, often cntrufted
by the Popes with negotiations of importance,
as his nuncio to the diet of the Empire aflem-
bkd again at Nuremberg.
Campbggio, without taking any notice of Febmiry.
what had paffed in the laft meeting, exhorted .tio*nr<?hlt
the diet in a long difcourfe, to execute the edift j?.""^^ j"^*
of Worms with vigour, as the only efFeftual trNarem^
means of fuppreffing Luther's doftrines. The ***'8*
diet, in return, defired to know the Pope's in-
tentions concerning the council, and the redreft
of the hundred grievances. The former, the
i^uncio endeavoured to elude by general and
unmeaning declarations of the Pope's refqlution
to purfue flich meafures as would be for the
greateft good of the church. With regard to
the latter, as the catalogue of grievances did
not reach Rome till after Adrian's death, and
pf confequence had not been regularly laid
before the prefent Pope, Campeggio took ad-
vantage of this circumftance to decline making
{iny definitive anfwer to them in Clement's
namei
"5j?
232 T H E R E I G N, &c.
Book III. name ; though, at the fame time, he obfer^ed
^""'^]^^"^*' that their catalogue of grievances contained
'5*^' niany particulars extremely indecent and un-
dutiful, and that the publifhing it by their own
authority was highly difrefpeftful to the Roman
fee. In the end, he renewed his demand of
their proceeding with vigour againft Luther
tttcnded and his adherents. But though an ambaifador
^c^!^^ from the Emperor, who was at that time very
felicitous to gain the Pope, warmly feconded
the nuncio, with many proieflions of his mailer's
zeal for the honour and dignity of the papal fee,
April 18. the recefs of the diet was conceived in terms of
almoft the fame import with the former, without
enjoining any additional feverity againft Luther
and his party *.
Before he left Germany, Campeggio, in
order to amufe and foothe the people, publilhed
certain articles for the amendment of fome difor-
ders and abufes which prevailed among the infe-
rior clergy ; but this partial reformation, which
fell fo far fhort of the expedtations of the Luther-
ans, and of the demands of the diet, gave no fa-
tisfaftion, and produced little efFedt. The nun-
cio,., with a cautious hand, tenderly lopped a
few branches -, the Germans aimed a deeper blow,
and by ftriking at the root wifhed to exterminate
the evil ^,
i Seckend. 286. Sleid. Hill. 66. k Seckend. 292.
THE
k
THE
HISTORY
O F T H E
REIGN
O F TH E
EMPEROR CHARLES V.
BOOK IV.
TH E expulfion of the French, both out of Book IV^
the Milanefe, and the rcpubhck of Genoa, ^— ^/--->
was confidercd by the Italians as the conclufion yj^'Jf jjp
of the war between Charles and Francis ; and as the itaiim
they began immediately to be apprchenfive of j^Jj**'^^^**
the Emperor, when they faw no power remain- charie« and
ing in Italy capable either to conrroul or oppofe ^""^^'•*
him, they longed ardently for the re-cftabli(h-
ment of peace. Having procured the reftora-
tion of Sforza to his paternal dominions, which
had been their chief motive for entering into
confederacy with Charles, they plainly difcovered
their intention to contribute no longer towards
increafing the Emperor's fuperiority over his
rival, which was already the objeft of their jea-
loufy. The Pope efpecially, whofe natural
timidity increafed his fufpicions of Charles's de-
figns, endeavoured by his remonftrances to in-
fpirc
234 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IV. fpirc him with moderation, and incline him t6
"^""^ ' peace.
1524.
cka^iesre. BuT thc^Emperof, intoxicated with fuccefs,
vtieFrau'c"'. ^^^ ufgcd on by hJs own ambition, no lefs than
by Bourbon's defire of revenge, contemned Cle-
ment's admonitions, and declared his refolution
of ordering his army to pafs the Alps, and to
invade Provence, a part of his rival's dominions,
where, as he leaft dreaded an attack, he was leaft
prepared to refift it. His moft experienced
minifters difTuaded him from undertaking fuch
an enterprize with a feeble army, and an ex-
haufted treafury : But he relied fo much on
paving obtained the concurrence of the King of
England, and on the hopes which Bourbon,
with the confidence and credulity natural to
fcxiles, entertained of being joined by a nume-
rous body of his partifans as foon as the Impe-
rial troops fhould enter France, that he perfifted
pbftinately in the meafure. Henry undertook
to fumifti an hundred thoufand dp(^ts towards
defraying the expence of the expfn^ition during
the firft month, and had it in his choice either
to continue the payment of that fum monthly,
or to invade Picardy before the end of July with
a powerful army. The Emperor engaged to
attack Guienne at the fame time with a con-
fiderable body of men ; and if thefe enterprizes
proved fuccefsful, they agreed, that Bourbon,
befides the territories which he had loft, fhould
be put in pofleffion of Provence, with the title
of King, and (houtd do homage to Henry as
the lawful King of France, for his new domi-
nions. Of all the parts of this extenfiye but
extravagant projeft, the invafion of Provence
was the only one which was executed. For al-
though Bourbon, witlji a fcrupubus delicacy,
altogether
b^ « >^ t
r
f
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 235
altogether uncxpefted afrer the part which hcBooK IV.
had afted, pofitively refufed to acknowledge ' "-'"*-'
Henry -s title to the crown of France, and thereby '^*^
abfolved him from any obligation to promote
the enterprize, Charles's eagcrnefs to carry his
own plan into execution did not in any degree
abate. The army he employed for that purpofc
amounted only to eighteen thoufand nien ; the
fupreme command of which was given to the
Marquis de Pefcara, with inibudions to pay the
greatefl: deference to Bourbon's advice in ail his
operations. Pefcara pafled the Alps without "Hwio^pc-
oppofition, and entering Provence, laid fi^ to Pn^J^
Marfeilles. Bourbon had advifed him rather to ^t^ «»
march towards Lyons, in the neighbourhood of
which city his territories were (ituated, and where
of courfe his influence was moft extenfive : But
the Emperor was fo defirous to get polleflion of
a port, which would, at all times, fecuir him
cafy accefs into France, that by his authority he
over-ruled the Conftable's opinion, ^id dircAed
Pefcara to make the reduflion of MarfdUes his
chief objedt \^*^ '
Francis, who forefaw, but was unable toFm^oft
prevent this attempt, took the moft proper pre- T**"^ ^
cautions to defeat it. He laid wade the adja-
cent country, in order to render it more difficult
for the enemy to fubfift their army ; he razec|
the fuburbs of the city, ftrengthened its fortifica-
tions, and threw into it a numerous garrifoa
under the command of brave and experienced
officers. To thefe, nine thoufand of the citi-
zens, whom their dread of the Spanifli yoke in-
fpired with contempt of danger, jomed diem-
felves; by their united courage and indoftry,
all the efforts of Pefcara's military fkill, and of
Bourb(ni''s
« Quic. 1. XV. 273f &c. Mem. de Belhy, p. io.
T
236 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IV.Bourbou's adivity and revenge, were rendered
^''"^^"■^^ abortive- Francis, meanwhile, had Icifure to
'^^^* aflemble a powerful aroiy under the walls of
Avignon, and no fooner began to advance to-
wards Marfeilles, than the Imperial troops, ex-
haufted by the fatigues of a fiege which had
imperuiifts laftcd forty days, weakened by difeafes, and al-
letfcat.** moft deftitute of provifions, retired with prcci-
8«pt. i> pitation towards Italy **.
If, during thcfe operations of the army in
Provence, cither Charles or Henry had attacked
France in the manner which they had projefted,
that kingdom muft have been expofed to the
moft imminent danger. But on this, as well as
on many other occafions, the Emperor found
that the extent of his revenues was not adequate
to the greatntfs of his power, or the ardour of
his ambition, and the want of money obliged
him, though with much reluftance, to circum-
fcribe his plan, and to leave part of it unexe-
cuted, Henry, difgufted at Bourbon's refufing
to recognize his right to the crown of France ;
alarmed at the motions of the Scots, whom the
felicitations of the French King had perfuaded to
march towards the borders of England; and
no longer incited by his minifter, who was be-
come extremely cool with regard to all the Em-
peror's interefts, took no meafures to fupport an
cnterprize, of which, as of all new undertakings,
he had been at firft exceflively fond ^.
Fr<BCK e- Ip thc King of France had been fatisfied with
kii&cctfs. having delivered his fubjedts from this formi-
dable invafion, if he had thought it enough to
fliew all Europe the facility with which the in-
ternal
^ Guic. 1. \v. 277. Ulloa Vita dell Carlo V. p. 93.
« Fiddcs's Life of Wolfcy. Append. N^. 70, 71, 72.^
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 237
ternal ftrength of his dominions enabled him to Book IV.
refift the impreflion of a foreign enemy, even **— v — -^
when fcconded by the abilities and pov;crful cf- '^^^
forts of a rebellious fubjeft, the campaign, not-
withftanding the lofs of the Milanefc, would have
been far from ending inglorioufly. But Francis,
animated with courage more becoming a foldier
than a general ; pufhed on by ambition, enter-
prizing rather than confiderate ; and too apt to
be elated with fuccefs -, was fond of every under-
taking that feemed bold and adventurous. Such
an undertaking the fituation of his affairs, at
that jundhire, naturally prefented to his view. Refoire* u
He had under his command one of the moft •"T***^ ^*^
powerful and beft appointed armies France had ' *°* ^
ever brought into the field, which he could not
think of diftanding without having employed
it in any fervice. The Imperial troops had been
obliged to retire, almoft ruined by hard duty,
and diflieartened with ill fuccefs ; the Milanefe
had been left altogether without defence •, it was
not impoffible to reach that country before Pef-
cara, with his fhattered forces, could arrive there;
or if fear (hould add fpeed to their retreat, they
were in no condition to make head againft his
frefli and numerous troops 5 and Milan would
now, as in former inftances, fubmit without
rcfiftance to a bold invader. Thefe confidera-
tions, which were not deftitute of plaufibility,
appeared to his fanguine temper to be of the
utmoft weight. In vain did his wifeft minifters
and generals reprefent to him the danger of
taking the field at a feafon fo far advanced, with
an army compofed chiefly of Swifs and Germans,
to whole caprices he would be fubjeft in all his
operations, and on whofe fidelity his fafcty muft
abfolutely depend. In vain did Louife of Savoy
advance by hafty journies towards Provence,
that
\
}
23* THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. that Ihc might exert all her authority in diffuad-
^^"^"X"^^ ing her fon from fuch a rafti enterprize. Francis
•$*4* diiregarded the remonftrances of his fubjedts ; and
that he might fave himfelf the pain of an interview
with his mother, whofe councils he had deter-
> mined to reje<5t, he began his march before herar-
Appoinuiiit rival; appointing her, however, byway of atonc-
^ntLlIi^ ment for that negle6t, to be regent of the king-
li^abftBce. dom during his abfence. Bonnivet by his per-
fuafions, contributed not a little to confirm
Francis in this refolution. That favourite, who
ftrongly refembled his matter in all the defeftive
parts of his charafter, was led, by his natural im-
pctuofity, warmly to approve of fuch an enter-
prize ; and being prompted befides by his im-
patience to revifit a Milanefe lady, of whom he
had been deeply enamoured during his late expe-
dition, he is faid, by his flattering defcriptions (^
her beauty and accomplifhments, to have infpired,
I Francis, who was extremely fufceptible of fuch
h paflions, with an equal defire of feeing her \
I
operttioot The French pafled the Alps at Mount Cenls^
l^^^^iJ^and as their fuccefs depended on difpatch, they
advanced with the greateft diligence. Pefcara,
who had been obliged to take a longer and more
difficult rout by Monaco and Final, was foon
I informed of their intention ; and being fenfible
that nothing but the prefence of his troops could
fave the Milanefe, marched with fuch rapidity,
that he reached Alva on the fame day that the
French army arrived at Varcelli. Francis, in-
ftru£ted by Bonnivet's error in the former cam-
paign, advanced dired\ly towards Milan, where
the unexpefted approach of an eneipy fo power-
ful, occafioned fuch confternation and diforder,
that although Pefcara entered the city with feme
of
d Oeav. de Brant, torn. ?i. 253,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 239
of his beft troops, he found that the defence of Book IV.
Jt could not be undertaken with any probability ^ ^ y -^
of fuccefs ; and having thrown a garrifon into the *^'^^'
citadel, retired through one gate, while the
French were admitted at another ^.
These brilk motions of the French Monarch EmUmf-
difconcerted all the fchemes of defence which Ihei^JJj^u
the Imperialifts had formed. Never, indeed, »i»^'-
did generals attempt to oppofe a formidable in-
vafion under fuch circumftances of difadvantage.
Though Charles pofleffed dominions more ex-
tenfive than any other Prince in Europe, and
had, at this time, no other army but that which
was employed in Lombardy, which did not
amount to fixteen thoufand men, his prerogative
in all his different dates was fo limited, and his
fubjefts, without whoieconfent he could raifeno
taxes, difcovered fuch unwillingnefs to burden
themfelves with new or extraordinary impofitions,
that even this fmall body of troops was in want
of pay, of ammunition, of provifions, and of
clothing. In fuch a fituation, it required all
the wifdom of Lannoy, the intrepidity of 5ef-
-cara, and the implacable refentment of Bourbon,
to pfeferve them from finking under defpair,
^nd to infpire them with refolu;ion to attempt,
or fagacity to difcover, what was cflential to
their fafety: To the efforts of their genius, and
the aftivity of their zeal, the Emperor was more
indebted for the prefcrvation of his Italian do-
minions than to his own power. Lannoy^ by
mortgaging the revenues of Naples, procured
fomq money, which was immediately applied to-
wards providing the army with whatever was
xnoft neceflary^ Pefcara, beloved and almoll
adored
« Mfm. deBcllay, p. 8;- Guic. }. xv. 278. f Guic.
1. XV. 280.
240 THERE^GNOFTHE
Book IV. adored by the Spanifti troops, exhorted them to
^^^^^ — ^ Ihew the world, by their engaging to ferve the
*5*4- Emperor, in that dangerous exigency, without
making any immediate demand of pay, that they
were animated with fentiments of honour very
different from thofe of mercenary foldiers; to
which proposition, that gallant body of men,
with an unexampled generofity, gave their con-
fent s. Bourbon having raifed a confiderable
fum, by pawning his jewels, fet out for Gerniany,
where his influence was great, that by his pre-
fence he might haften the levying of troops for
the Imperial fervice K
Francis be- Francis, by a fatal error, allowed the Em-
fiege*p*via.peror*s gcncrals time to derive advantage from
all thefe operations. Inftead of purfuing the
enemy, who retired to Lodi on the Adda, an
untenable poll, which Pefcara had refolved to
abandon on his approach, he, in compliance,
with the opinion of Bonnivet, though contrary
oaober a8. to that of his other generals, laid fiege to Pavia
on the Tefino ; a town, indeed, of great impor-
tance, the poflfeflion of which would have opened
to him all the fertile country lying on the banks
of that river. But the fortifications of the place
were ftrong ; it was dangerous to undertake a
difficult fiege, at fo late a feafon ; and the Im-
perial generals, fenfible of its confequence, had
thrown into the town a garrifon compofed of fix
thoufand veterans, under the commiand of An-
tonio de Leyva, an officer of high rank ; of
great experience ; of a patient, but enterprizing
courage ; fertile in refources -, ambitious of dif-
tinguifhing
g Jovii Vit. Davali» lib. v. p. 386. Sandov. vol. t.
621. Ulloa Vita dell Carlo V, p. 94, &c. Vita dell
• £mper. Carlos V. per Vera y Zuniga, p. 36. *» Mem.
<ic Bellay, p. 83.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 241
tinguifhing himfelf ; and capable, for that rca- BookJV>
fon, as well as from his having been long ac- ^^^"^
cuftomed both to obey and to command, of fuf- ' '***
fcring or performing any thing in order to pro*
curefuccefs.
Francis profecuted the fiege with obftinacyHitvigproiis
equal to the rafhnefs with which he had under- •^°'^**
taken it. During three months, every thing
known to the engineers of that age, or that
could be effbi^ed by the valour of his troops,
was attempted in order to reduCe the place;
while Lannoy and Pefcara, unable to obftrud):
his operations, were obliged to remain in fuch
an ignominious ftate of inadion, that a Pafqui-
nade was publifhed at Rome, offering a reward
to any perion who could find the Imperial army,
loft in the month of Odtober in the mountains
between France and Lombardy, and which had
not been heard of fince that time ' *
Leyva, well acquainted with the difficulties The tovim
under which his countrymen laboured, and the ^^^^[^ ^
impolfibility of their facing, in the field, fuch
a powerful army as formed the fiege of Pavia,
plac^ his only hopes of fafety in his own vigilance
and valour. The efforts of both were extraor-
dinary, and in proportion to the importance of
the place, with the defence of which he was en-
trufted. He interrupted the approaches of the
French by frequent and furious (allies. Behind
the breaches made by their artillery, he eredtcd
new works, which appeared to be fcarcely in-
ferior in ftrength to the original fortifications.
He repulfed the beficgers in all their affaults ;
and by bis own example, brought not only the
garrifon, but the inhabitants, to bear the moft
Vol. II. R intolerable
1 Sandov. i. 608.
V
Ha TttE kEIGK OF Tttfi
Bod^ i\r. intolerable fatigufes^ and to eh€diinter the git&t^
'""p' — ' eft dahgtrt without murtnuriftgv The figpur rf
*^^** the feafon conrpii^ irMi hb tghdeavours in «*
tafding the t>r6grers c^ the French. Frauds
attempting to Kcome mafter of thfe Wiih^ ^
diverting the courfe of the Tefino, which is its
Mhtitt bn 6he i3d«^, a fuddM ihUtld^^sMi of the
rivet defltoyed) m one day^ the IftbMi- ttf mafif
weeks, ^ aiid fw^ away all titt mtttinds which his
ant^y had t*tfed With iilfiftfitt Sdil^ is Well U lil
great txfjencfe K
The Pope ^ Not^itHstAWiJiim tftft fld# |)t0gl«6 crf thC
utAtfof^ befifc^ers, afid the gl9ty which Lcyva iic^iiiftd
oeutrtiity. by his pliant defem*, it wai Mt ddubttd bat
that the tOWn Would M hft b» dMiged tt> fufi*
itnder. The Pope, Who ilitfedy (itmfldeiCd thft
^ttttdx atms a^ hiperibr ih Italy^ bMranM im-
)pzdent to difen^tge hiAifelf fr^M hb e^iUiec^
cions with the EWipttbr^ bf Wboft ddfigte hi
was extremely jealous, and to enter into terms
fef fMehdttiip With Frahcis. As CletneUt^ timid
ttid cautious xttctptr renda^ Miti ihc^bte l^
foUowiirig the boU pkn whtth Leo had (ortMii,
, ttf delivering ttaly frbm 13* yokfc of both the -
rivah, he retutned to d^ ^^fiore bbfidM and
Sr^rcable fchemc of empteyin^ the power «f
le one to bakittce and to itftraih thiit ^f the
Other. For this reafon, he ^d not di0teible his
fetisfaftion at feeing the Fuehdi Kihg retotfcfe'
Mihti, as he hoped thiat the dmA Si tuch Ibl
iteighbour wouW be feme cheek upon the Em-
peror's ambitibrt. Which no power tftJttly W»
How aWe to tontrouL He kboumi hard l»
i)ring about a peace that would fecurej^nci^lk
|;)oflraion of his tiew conquefts 5 and as Charley.
, who was dways iaflexit>le in the profeett^n «f
his
k Gttic. 1. XV. z2o. UHoa Vita tKOrlo V. p. 95-
EMFEROR CHARLES V. ^4^
hfs fchemes, reje£t«d the propofition with difdaio. Book iv<
ami ^ith bitter exclamations againfl: the Pope, ^-■"»'-^
1^ whoie perfuafions, while Cardinal de Mc^ *^^^'
did, be had been induced to invade the Mila-
neici Clement immediately concluded a treaty
of neutrali]^ with die King of France, in which
the rqmldick <^ Florence was incltided K
Fravcis having, by this tranra£Hon5 deprived Pr«Acii la-
the Enuieror of has two mod powerful allies, pj^* ^*'
and at the lam^ time having fecured a pa0ag«
ibr his own troops throu^ their terntpries^
formed a fcheme of attadcmg the kingdom of
Napka, hoping either to over-run that country,
«rbK:h was left altogether without defence, or
that at leaft fuch an une3q>e£ted invalion would
Qb%e the viceroy to recal part of the Imperial
army out of the Milanefe. For this purpofe he
ordered fix thousand men to march under the
command of John Stuart duke of Albany* But
Fefcara, foreleeing that the cStGt of this diverfion
would depend entirely upon the operations of
the arnues in the Milanefe, perfuadra Lannoy to
difi?^ard Albany's motbns % and to bend his
'Wiko£ force againft the King himfelf ^ fo that
Francis not only weakened his army very unfea^*
ibnably by this greai: detachment, but incurred
the reproach of engaging too ralhly in chimeri-
cal a^d extravagant projeds«
By this time the garrifon of Pavia was re* Effbrti of
docod to extremity ; meir ammunition and pro- ^i,7b *n."^
yiOaQs bepan to fail ; the Germans, o£ whom
it was chiefly compofed, having received no
pay for feven months ", threatened to deliver
the town into the enemy's hands, and could
hardly be reftrained from mutiny by all ^cy va*s
R 2 addrefs /
1 Goic. h XV. 282. 285. « Guic. 1. XV. 285. « Gold.
Wit, Imperial. 875,
i ^
244 THE REIGN OF THE
Boor IV. addrcfs and authority. ' The Imperial generals,
^"'"'^^T*^ who were no ftrangers to his fituation, faw the
'^*^* neceffity of marching without lofs of time p
his relief. This they had now in their power :
Twelve thouland Germans, whom the zeal and
aftivity of Bourbon taught to move with un-
ufual rapidity, had entered Lombardy under
his command, and rendered the Imperial army
nearly equal to that of the French, greatly
diminiflied by the abfence of the body under
Albany, as well as by the fatigues of the ficgc,
and the rigour of the feafon. But the more
their troops increafed in number, the more fen-
fibly did they feel the diftrefs arifing from want
of money. Far from having funds for paying
a powerful army, they had fcarcely what was
fufficient for defraying the charges of conduft-
ing their artillery, and of carrying their ammu-
nition and provisions. The abilities of the gene-
rals, however, fupplied every defeft. By their
own example, as well as by magnificent promifes
in name of the Emperor, they prevailed on the
troops of all the different nations which com-
pofed their army, to take the field without pay ;
they engaged to lead them direftly towards the
enemy ; and flattered them with the certain prof-
peft of viftory, which would at once enrich them
with fuch royal fpoils as would be an ample re-
ward for all their fervices. The foldiers fenfible
that, . by quitting the army, they would forfeit
the vaft arrears due to them, and eager to get
poflfefTion of the promifed treafures, demanded a
battle with all the impatience of adventurers who
fight only for plunder ^
The
• ••
o Eryci Peuteani Hift. Cifalpina ap. Graevii Thcf. An-
tiquit. (tal. iii- p. 1170. 1179^
,<*
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 245
Thb Imperial generals, without fuffering the Book IV.
ardour of their troops to pool, advance^ im-'' "^ ^
mediately towards the French camp. On th^CThiymVrch
firft intelligence of their approach, Francis called j^*"«ckthf
a council of war, to deliberate wh^t courfe he pjlruiry 3.
ought to take. All his officers of greateft ex-
perience were unanimous in advifing him to
retire, and to decline a battle with ai) enemy
who courted it from defpair. The leaders of
the Imperialifts, they obferved, would either
be obliged in a few weeks to difband an army^
which they were unable to pay, and which they
kept together only by the hope of pillage, or
the foldiers enraged at the non-performance of
the promifes to which they had trufted, would
rife in fome furious mutiny which would allow
them to think of nothing but their own fafety :
That, meanwhile, he mi^ht encamp in fome
ftrong poft, and waiting m fafety the arrival
'^ of frefti troops from France and Switzerland,
might, before the end of fpring, take poiTefliop
of all the Milanefe, without danger or blood«
ihed. But in oppofition to them, Bonnivet,
whofe deftiny it was to give counfels fttal to
.France during the whole campaign, reprefcnted
the ignominy that it would reflcft on their fovc-
reign, if he fhould abandon a fiege which be
had profecuted fo long, or turn his back befoce
. an enemy to whom he was (till fuperior in nun)-
^r; and infilled on the neceflity of fighting
die Imperialifts rather than relinquifh an under-
taking, on the fuccefs of which the King's fu-
ture fame depended. Unfortunately, Francis's
notions of honour were delicate to an excels that
bordered on what was romantick. Having of-
ten faid that he would take Pavia, or perifti in
the attempt, he thought himfelf bound not tp
depart from that refolution ^ and rather than ex-
pofe himfelf to the flighteft imputation, he chofe
^ to
44« THE REIGN OF THE
Boo* IV- to forego all the advantages which were the ccr-
'^■'"^^T^^^'tam confcqucnccs of a recreat, and determined
^^*** to wait for the Impcrialifts before the waUs of
Pavia^
B»tt!e of Thb Imperid generals found the Frendi fo
^*^'** ftrongly entrenched, tfiat notwithftandtng the
powerful motives which iirged them on, they
tiefitated long before they ventured to attack
them ; but at laft the neceflities of tiic befiegcd,
and the mturmur s <rf their own Ibidiers, oWjged
Teb. 14. them to put every thing to hazard. Never did
atmies engage with greater ardour, or with an
higher opmion of the importance of the battle
which they were going to fight; never were
troops more ftrongty animated with ^mubtion,
national antipathy, mutual tefentment, and aU
the paflions which inlpire obftinate bravery.
On the one hand, a gallant young M(Uiarch,
feconded by a generous nobiHty, and followed
by fubjeflrs to whofe natural impetuofity, indig-
nation at the tjppofition which they had encoun-
tered, added new force, trontended for viftory
and honour. On the other fide, troops more
tompletdy tSifciplined, and condiifted by gene-
rals of greater abilities, fought from neoelSty,
ivith couraRe heightened by defpair. The Im-
^rirdifts, however, were tinaibie to refift the
fiifl: efforts of the French valour, ar^d th«r
firmeft battalions began to dveway. Cift the
fortune of the day was quickly changed. The
Swifs in the fervicc of Fraiwre, unnrindftri «f
the reputation of their cotmtfy for fidelity and
'martiail glmy, abandoned ilieir j^ctA m a cow-i
ardly manner. Ley va, whh hts garrifon, TaWied
but iind aWacfced the rear t>f i9ie French, tiuring
the heat of the aftion, with luch ftny as threw
!» 'Guicl.xv. z^u
u
r
\
EM?f RQR QH A»LES V. ^7
it ijitQ WHiftj^oni 9p^ Pcfpv? falling OR thcJr?ao^ ly.
tavftlryt ^|h ihg frpppr^l horf?, ^rnopa whpci^ TczT^
i^9 ^^ 9fu4cn(ly inurminglo} ^ cpn(^lerab|9 ^^*
number of Spaniih foot, armed with the h^vy
mulkets then in ufe, broke this formidable
bo^y by m I»yfu9l meiM of ^pt^lc, agjtinft
wfokb they wpr? wholly unjprQvicJed. The ropt The French
meft uvery JWfc bo$ whew thp King was in ppr-
^ wbp foyg)»|: ni^Wt not for faine or vi&ory,
but for f^f^fV* Though woun4ed in iever|l
^9Pt^ WV) tmQW^ frpni his hprfe, which W9S
ttn4^r ]^n}, Fr$u|c}s defended himielf pn
fim wi^ ftp twrptck f:o!;(r^. Many of t)js
Ivay^ Olipers g«fe«riog roup4 hifn, ?nd cn-
(iewouring to ^e l)i$ life gt the expence pf
th^ (Hm, fell At bi? ffet. Am^qg th^e W4s
Bomivett tbs awh/wr pf rfus grca? calamity,
who alone died unlamented. The King e^-
faaufted with fatigue, and fcarcely capable of
fyr^m ijefiflwif ^ w*9 left M«floft ?lppp, p»ppfed
(0 tbe fury pf jl^m^ Spiinifl) foldiers, ftrangjsrs
to kk rwk, im4 ^fftg^ 9t his pbfti^iacy. At
tb»t HHmfnj; (;a):qe wo Poajperanf, A French
gemJeman, wfeo k^ entered tp^ether wi*h
B^u^'bm int» the jE^peror's ferv^ce, ^nd placing
hmifii ^ lb» Ac^K pf tlje monarch ggainft
whom be h«# »b4l?d> pflift.^ In prptc^ipg
km fmn tfee yjplwce pf th^ fpJ/iieF* 5 at the
(anse tioie befe^cbilig km to forrcn/der fp Bmir-
fcon, whft 9|irw ftot f»r 4iftai?t. Jm^aiflieiH: ys
riwB ^nger wu vfhkh mv fonpwdcd Fr^cifi
hfi rf^&pi wisb iftdiffi^tipn tim fiamght& pf an
Bi^m wbkh mik^d kdve aferjied fych nia^r
I9if triumph to his traitorous fubjed *, and calling Frtocitttk-
for Lannoy, who happened likewUe to be near *" p^°"*
at hand, gave up liis Iword tp him ; which he,
fcneding to kils fiie jCir^'^ h^, reeeivcd with
profound refped, ar)4 jaK^qg l^ia pw.n fwqrd
froAi
248 THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. from his fide, prefentcd it to him, faying. That
'^""■^^'^^ it did not become fo great a Monarch to remain
?^^^* difarmed in the prefence of one of the Emperor^s
fubjedts %
Ten thoufand men fell on this day, one of
the moft fatal France had ever feen. Among
thefe were many noblemen of the higheft dif
tinftion, who chofe rather to perifti than to turn
their backs with diflionour. Not a few were
. taken prifoners, of whom the moft illuftrious
^ was Henry D'Albret, the unfortunate king of
Navarre, A fmall body of the rear guard made
its efcape under the command of the duke
Alenfon j the feeble garrifon of Milan, on the
firft news of the defeat, retired without being
purfucd, by another road; and in two weeks
after the battle, not a Frenchman remained m
Italy.
Lannoy, though he treated Francis with all
the outward marks of honour due to his rank
and charafter, guarded him with the utmoft
attention. He was (olicitous, not only to pre-
vent any poffibility of his efcaping, but afraid
that his own troops might feize his perfon, and
detain it as the beft fecurity for the payment
of their arrears. In order to provide againft
both thefe dangers, he condudled Francis, the
day after the battle, to the ftrong caftle of
Pizzichitone near Cremona, committing him to
the cuftody of Don Ferdinand Alarcon, general
of the Spanifli infantry, an officer of great bra-
very, and of ftria honour, but remarkable for
that
q Guic. }. xy. 292. Oeuv. de Brant, vi. 355. M«»-
de fellay, p. 90. Sandov. Hift. i. 638, Sec, P. Matt.
Ep. SocJ 810. Rufcelli Lettere de Principi, ii. p. 70.
IMIoaVitodcliCarloV. p.08/ ^ ^ '
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 249
that fevcre and fcrupulous vigilance which fuch Book IV,
a truft required. ^"cic
Francis, who formed a judgment of the
Emperor's difpofitions by his own, was ex-
tremely defirous that Charles fhould be in«
formed of his fituation, fondly hoping that,
from his gcneroGty or fympathy, he fhould
obtain ipeedy relief. The Imperial generals
were no lefs impatient to give their fovereign
an early account of the decifivc viftory which
they had gained, and to receive his inftrudions
with regard to their future conduft. As the
moft certain and expeditious method of con-
veying intelligence to Spain, at that feafon of
the year, was by land, Francis gave the Com-
mendador Pennalofa, who was charged with
Lannoy's difpatches, a paflport to travel through
France.
Charles received the account of this fignal ^^,
«r
and unexpe&ed fuccefs that had crowned hisMChaiiSl
arms, with a moderation, which, if it had been ^"<* '^
real, would have done him more honour than
the greateft viftory. "Without uttering one
word expreffive of exultation, or of intemperate
joy, he retired immediately into his chapel, and
having fpent an hour in offering up his thankf-
givings to heaven, returned to the prefence*
chamber, which by that time was filled with
grandees and foreign ambafiadors, afTembled in
order to congratulate him. He accepted of
their compliments with a modeft deportment;
he lamented the misfortune of the captive King,
as a ftriking example of the fad reverfe of
fortune, to which the moft powerful Monarchs
are fubje£t ; he forbad any public rgoicings, as
indecent in a war carried on among Chriftians,
referving them until he Ihould obtain a vi£bory
equally
250 THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. equally illuftriou3 over the Infidels i and feemed
^^^^y*^^ to take pleafure in the advantage which he had
'^'*' gained, only as it would prove the occafion of
reftoring peace to Chrifteadom %
Tiie Charles, however, hdd already l^effun t6
btf^U*** f^^^ fchcmes in his own mind, which litdc
form. fuked fuch external appearances. Ambidon,
not generofity, was the ruling paflipn ia his
mind ; and the vuElory at Pavia opeoad fuch
new and unbounded profpe&s of gratiiying it,
as allured him with irrefiftible force : But it
being no eafy matter to execute the v^ defigas
which he meditated, he thought it neceflary,
while proper meafures were taking 6}r th^t pur*
pofe, to afieft the greateft moderauon, Kopiag
under that veil to coaceal his real intentioas from
the other Princes of Europe.
The Rene- Meanwhile Francc was filled with confter*
TiiSr!^' nation. The King him&lf had eaiiy tranf-
Frtoce. fitted an account of the rout at Pavia, in a
letter to his mother, delivered by Punfuda^
which contained only thefe words, ^^ Madand, all
is loft, except our honour*^' The oHicers who
made their efcape, when they arrived from Italy,
fan>ughc fuch a oaelaocholy detail of pamcplars
as made all raoks of men feofibiy fod th^ great-
nefs and extent of the calamity. France with-
out its fovereign, without money in hqr in?a£iiry,
witfaouc aA army, wkhout mfierak tt> commaiid
it, and encompailed oa aU fides by a viftoiious
and aftive enemy, fkemai lo he on the i^ry
The pni. j^ink of 4eftmAi&a. &ur ^m that loosafim ^^
doa ^"""be gi^t abilities s£ Louife the regi^nt fared the
tcseot. kingdom, whidi the vioteKe i^ her pai&aiis hfld
mgiie tkm oooe ^ppiied lo the g^ejitoft danger*
lAOead
t SandcY. Hift. L 65 1. UUoaViu dell Carlo V. p. i io»
1-
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 251
InAcad of giykig herfdf up to fuch lamenu- Book IV.
ttons as were natural to a woman fo remarkable ^— "v^^
fiw her maternal tendemefs, (hedBcovered all ^^***
the forefight, and exerted all the aftivity, of a
confummate politician. She aflembled tt^ no-
bles at Lions, and animated chem by her ex-
ample, no lefs than by her words, with fuch zeal
in defence of their country, as its pieieot (itua-
tion itauired. She colleoed the remains of the
army tmich had ferved in Itidy, ranlbmed the
prifoners, paid dieir arrears, and put them in a
condition to take the field. She levied new
troops, provided for the Security of the fnm-
tkrs, and nufed fums fufficienc for defraying
thefe extraordinary ezpences. Her chief care,
h o we v e r, was to appeafe the refentment, or to
gain the friendlhip of the King of England ;
and from that quarter, the firft ray of comfort
fer^e in upon the French affairs.
Thouoh Ifcmy, in entering into alliances ^ff«^« o^
with Charles or Francis, fcldom followed anyttVIlfi^SL
legular or concerted plan of policy, but was **"nr viii.
timuenced chiefly by me caprice or temporary
paffions, fuch occurrences often happened as
recalled his attention towards that equal balance
of power which it was neceffary to keep be-
tween the two contending potentates, the pre-
servation of which he always boafted to be his
peculiar office. He hadexpeftcd that his union
Wfrti i3ie Emperor mi^ afford him an oppor-
tunity »of recovering fome part -ol thofe terricories
m France w*hich had belonged to his anccftors •,
and <for the fake of fuch an acquifition he did
m>t Icruple to give his al&ftance towards rai^g
Chaxies to ^ confiderable pre-eminence alsove
Francis. He bad never dreamrt, however, c(f
lany event fo dccifive and fo fatal as Ae viftoiy
m ravia, jfAAdi feemed not^only to have ^oken,
- - but
252 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IV. but to have annihilated the power of one of
'^""'^ the rivals ; fo that the profpedl of the fudden
*^^^' and entire revolution which this would occafion
in the political fyftem, filled him with the moft
difquieting apprehenfions. He faw all Europe
in danger of being over-run by an ambitious
prince, to whofe power there now remained no
counterpoife ; and though he himfelf might at
firft be admitted, in quality of an ally, to fome
fhare in the fpoils of the captive monarch, it
was eafy to difcern that with regard to the man-
ner of making^^the- partition,' as well as his
fecurity for keeping poffeflion of what (hould
be allotted him, he muft abfolutely depend upon
the will of a confederate, to whofe forces his
own bore no proportion. He was fenfible that
if Charles were permitted to add any confider-
^ble part of France to the vaft dominions of
which he was already mafter, his neighbourhood
would be much more formidable to England
than that of the ancient French Kings ; while,
?t the fame time, the proper balance on the
continent, to which England owed both its
fafety and importance, would be entirely loft.
Concern for the fituation of the unhappy mor
narch co-operated with thofe political confider-
ations ; his gallant ^haviour in t^e battle of
Pavia had excited an high degree of admiration,
which nev?r fails of augmenting fympathy ; and
Jienry, naturally fufceptible of generous fenti-
ments, was fond of appearjng as the 4eliyerer
of a vanquilhed enemy from a ftate of captivity.
The paffions of the Englifli minifter fecond<^
the inclinations of the Monarch. Wolfey, who
had (lot forgotten the difappointment qf (lis
hopes in two fucceffive conclaves, which he inv-
puted chiefly to the Emperor, thought this a
proper opportunity of taking revenge; and
]Louif^9 $:ourtin^ the friendihip of England with
fucK
E M P E R O R C H A.R L E S V. 253-
fach flattering fubmiffions as were no kfs agree- Book IV.
able to the King than to the Cardinal, Henry ^— ^r-*w
gave her fccret aflurances that he would not '^*5*
lend his aid towards opprefling France, in its
prefent helplefs ftate, and obliged her to pro-
mife that (he would not confent to difmember
the' kingdom, even in order to procure her fon's
liberty*.
But as Henry's connexions with the Emper-
or made it neceflary to adt in fuch a manner
as to fave appearances, he ordered publick re-
joicings to be made in his dominions for the
fuccefs of the Imperial arms *, and as if he had
been eager to feize the prefent opportunity of
ruining the French monarchy, he tent ambaifa-
dors to Madrid, to congratulate with Charles
upon his viftory ; to put him in mind, that he,
as his ally, engaged in one common caufe, was
entitled tO' partake in the fruits of it ; and to
require that, in compliance with the terms of
their confederacy, he would invade Guienne
with a powerful army, in order to give him pof-
feffion of that province. At the (ame time, he
offered to fend the princefs Mary into Spain or
the Low Countries, that (he might be educated
under the Emperor's dire&ion, until the conclu-
fion of the marriage agreed on between them ;
ancl in return for that mark of his confidence,
he infifted that Francis fhould be delivered to
him, in confequence of that article in the treaty
of Bruges, whereby each of the contrafting
parties was bound to furrender all ufurpers to
him whofc rights they had invaded. It was
impoffible that Henry could expedl that the
Emperor would liften to thefe extravagant de-
mands, which it was neither his intereil, nor in
his
« Mem. de Bdlay^ 94. Gnic 1. zvl. 318. Herbert.
254 THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. his power to grant. They appear evtdeody to
'^ — """""^ have been made with no other intention iYaok
"^*5* to furnifh him with a decent pretext for enter-
ing into fuch ei^agements with France as the
jundure required K
oo the itt- It was among the Itdian ftates^ howtvor, that
liwpowcjt. ^g vidtory at Pavia occafioned the greateft alana
and terror. That balance of power on which
they relied for their iecurity, and wliicfa it had
been the conftant dbjdSt o£ ail their nejEOCiationft
and refinements to maintain, was deftroyed in
a moment. They were expokd by their fitua-
tion to feel the firft eflfe£b of the uncontrookd
authority which Charles had acquired. They
obferred many fympcoms of a boundle& am-»
bition in that young prince, and were ienfible
that, as Emptrw^ or King of Naples, he could
either fbrni dangerous pretenfions upon eadi of
their terriiories, or kirade them with great
advantaoe. They deliberated, therefione, wkh
much midtude cooceminff the means of raifing
Aich a force as might (diftruft his pmgteb ^
But their confukations, conduced widi Iktlc
vaioo, and executed widi lefs vigour, had no
cBk£L Clement, inftead of purfumg the mea^
iwes which he had concerted with the Venetians
for fecuring the libnty of Italy, was (b intimi-
dated by Lannoy's threats, or overcome by Us
^prii I. i^'omifes, that he entered imo a feparate treaty,
binding himfeif to advance a conuderable fum
in return for certain emoluments whkfa he was
to receive. The money was inftantly paidi
Charles afterwards ref ufed to ratify the treaty ;
and the Pope remained ocpofed at once to in-
famy and to ridicule ; to the former, becau&
he
« Herbert, p. 6^. » Guic. 1. xvi. 300. Ruf-
celli Lett«re 4e PriflC* ii, 74. 76^ icQ. ThMfki Htft. lib.
i. c. zi.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 255
he had defeited the public caufe for4iis private Book iv.
intereft \ to the latter, becauie he had been a " '
Irfcr hj that unworthy a&ion «. *5*5-
How difhonourable foever the artifice might Matioy in
be which was employed in order to defraud the iJ^'^^"^
Pk^ of this fttm, it came very feafonably into
the viceroy's haiids, and put it in his power to
extricate faimfelf out of an imminent danger.
Soon after the defeat of the French army, the
Qtrman troops, which had defended Pavia with
fuch meritorious coura« and perfeverance,
growing infoknt upon the fan^ that they had
acquired^ and impatient of relying any longer
on fruittefe promifes with which they had b^n
S> often amuted, rendered themfelves mafters of
the town^ with a refdution to keep pofledion
of it as a fecurity for the payment of their ar*
itars; and the reft of the army difcovered a
much fltonger tnclinatioti to aflift, than to puniih
the mutineers/ By dividing among them the
money exaded from the Pope, Lannoy quieted
die tumultuous Germans; but though this fatis-
fied 'their prefent demands^ he had 10 little pro-
feed of being able to pay them or his other
rorces nceularly for the future, and was under
fuch continual apprehenfions of their feizing the
peribn of the captive King, that, not long after,
he was obliged to difmifs all the Germans and
Italians in the Imperial iervice y. Thus, from
a circumftance that now appears very fmgUlar^
but atifing naturally from the conftitution of
moft European governments in the (ixteenth
century, while Charles was fufpeftcd by all his
neighbours of aiming at univerfal monarchy,
and
« Guic. lib. xvi. 305. Ma^iroceni Hiftor. Vcnct. arp»
Iftoricfoi dell cofe Vekiez. V. 131. 136. 7 Guic.
I. xvik p, 30*,
256 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IV. and while he was really forming vaft prcjefti
^"'"^^ ^ of this kind, his revenues were fo limited, that
*■* he could not keep on foot his vi£borious army,
though it did not exceed twenty-four thoufand
men.
Tbe empe- DuRiNG thcfc tranfaftions, Charles^ whofe
J^^^*J^'^^" pretenfions to moderation and difiiitereftednefe
cerningj ,ihe were foon forgottcn, deliberated, with the utmoft
!^pro^iii°g folicitude, how he might derive the greateft ad-
h\» viaory. vantages from the misfortune of his adverfary.
Some of his counfellors advifed him to treat
Francis with the magnanimity that became a
victorious prince, and inftead of taking advan-
tage of his fituation to impofe rigorous con-
ations, to difmifs him on fuch equal tern!s, as
would bind him for ever to his intereft by the
ties of gratitude and affeftion, more forcible as
well as more permanent than any which could
be formed by extorted oaths and involuntary
fiipulations. Such an exertion of generofity is
not, perhaps, to be expefted in the conduft of
political affairs, and it was far too refined for
that Prince to whom it was propofed. The
more obvious, but lefs fplendid, fcheme of en-
deavouring to.make the utmoft of Francis's ca-
lamity, had a greater number in the council to
recommend it, and fuited better with the Em^
peror's genius. But though Charles ad(^ted
this plan, he did not execute it in a proper
manner. Inftead of making one great effort to
pe,nctrate into France with aU the forces of Spain
and the Low-Countries *, inftead of crufliing the
Italian- ftates before they recovered from the
confternation which the fuccefs of his arms had
pccafioned, he had recourfe to the artifices of
intrigue and negociation. This proceeded partly
from neccflity, partly from the natural dilpo-
fition of his mind. The fituation of his
4 finances.
^MP£ROR Charles V. 457
finances, at that time, rendered it extremely dif- Boot IV.
ficult to cariy on any extraordinary armament ; - - ^
and he himfeli having never appeared at the head * ^^^ *
of his armies, the command of which he had
hitherto committed to his generah, was averfe
to bold and martial counfels, and trufted mor^
to the arts with which he was acquainted. He
laid, befides, too much ftrefs upon the victory of
Pavia, as if by that event the ftrength of France
had been annihilated, its refoufces exhaufted, and
the kingdom itfelf, no lefs than the perfon of its
Monarch, had been fubjefted to his powen
Full of this opinion, he determined to let the J^* (^f^^
higheft price upon Francises freedom ; and having he propofe*
ordered the Count de Roeux to vifit the captive ^*^ *'»°^"-
King in his name, he inflrufted him to propofe
the following articles, as the conditions on wnich
he would grant him his liberty : That he (hould
reftore Burgundy to the Emperor, from whofe
anceftors it had been unjuftly wrefted % that he
(hould furrender Provence arid Dauphind, that ^
they might be erefted into an independent king-
dom for the Conftable Bourbon y that he (hould
make full fatisfadion to the King of England
for all his claims, and finally renounce the pre*
tenfions of France to Naples, Milan, or any
other territory in Italy. When Francis, who had
hitherto flattered himfelf that he (hould be
treated by the Emperor with the gcnerofity be-
coming one great Prince towards another, heard
the(c rigorous conditions, he was fo trartfported
with indignatian, that dfatving his dagger hafti-
ly, he cried out, •' 'Twere better that a King ,
(hould die thus/' Alarcon, alarmed at his ve- ^
hemence, laid hold on his handi ; but though he
foon recovered greater compofure, he ftill declar*
cd, in the molk folemn manner, that he would
YoL. \l S rather
258 THEREIGNOF THE
Book IV. Father remain a prifoner during Ufc, than purchaib
^^"'^y^y^ liberty by fuch ignominious conceflions *•
riST rifowr '^"^^ mortifying difcovcry of the Emperor's
to Sf»IlnT' intentions, gready augmented Francis's chagrin
and impatience under his confinement^ and mud:
have driven him to abiblute defpair, if he had
not laid hold of the only thing which could ftill
adminifter any comfort to him. He perfuaded
himfelf that the conditions which Roeux had
propofed, did not flow originally from Charles
himfelf, but were didated by the rigorous policy
of his Spaniih council, and that therefore he
might hope, in one perfonal interview with him,
to do more towards haftening his own deliver^
ance, than could be eSeded by long negocia-
tions pafling through the fubordinate hands of
his minifters. Relying on this fuppofition, which
proceeded from too favourable an opinion of
the Emperor's character, he offered to vifit him
in Spain, and was willing to be carried thither
as a fpe£|acle to that haughty nation. Lannoy
employed all his addrefs to confirm him in thefe
fentiments; and concerted with him in fecret
the manner of executing this refolution. Francis
was fo eager on a fcheme which fcemed to open
fome profpeft of liberty, that he furniflied the
gallies necefTary for the voyage,. Charles being
at that time unable to fet any fleet to fea. The
viceroy, without communicating his intention
cither to Bourbon or Pefcara, conduced his pri-
foner towards Genoa, under pretence of tranfr
porting him by fea to Naples ; though fbon after
they fet fail, he ordered the pilots to fteer di-
redly for Spain; but the wind happening to
carry them near; the French coaft,, the unfortu-.
nate Monarch had a full profpeA of his own
dominions,
2 Mem. de Bellay, 94. Ferreras, Hift. ix. 43.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 259
domirtions, towards which he caft many a for- Book IV.
rowful and defiring look. They landed, how- ^^— v*— '
ever, in a few days at Barcelona ; and foon after ^*^'
Francis was lodged, by the Emperor's command,
in the Alcazar of Madrid, under the care of the Augoft 24,
vigilant Alarcon, who guarded him with as much
circumipedtion as eyer *.
A FEW days after Francis's arrival at Ma- Henry viir.
drid, and when he began to be fenfible of his u«ty with*
having relied without foundation on the Empe- ^'*°^*» •'*
ror*s generofity, Henry VIII. concluded a treaty procur J hit
with the Regent of France, which afforded him '«'"'«•
fome hope of liberty from another quarter.
Henry's extravagant demands had been received
at Madrid with that negledt which they deferved,
and which he probably expefted. Charles, in-
toxicated with profperity, no longer courted him
in that refpeftful and fubmiffive manner which
E leafed his haughty temper. Wolfey, no Icfs
aughty than his mafter, was highly irritated at
,the Emperor's difcontinuing his wonted carefles
and profcffions of friendfhip to himfelf. Thefe
flight offences, added to the weighty confide-
rations formerly mentioned, induced Henry to-'
enter into a defenfive alliance with Louife, ih
which all the differences between him and her
fon were adjufted ; at the fame time he engaged
that he would employ his beft offices in order to
procure the deliverance of his new ally from a
ftate of captivity ^
While the open defedion of fuch a pk^werful ^^^ron^'s
^, ^^*;,-^, - -ii intrigues, m
confederate affefted Charles with deep concern, order to
a fecret confpiracy was carrying on in Italy, ^^^^^^'^^l'^
which threatened him with conlcquences flill ror's power
more fatal. The reftlels and intriguing genius '" ^'**y-
S 2 of
» Mem. deBellay, 95. P. Mart. Ep. ult. Gu|c. lib.
xvi, 323. b Herbert. Fiddes's Life of Wolfey, 337.
26o THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. of Morond, chancellor of Milan, gave rife to
''■'*'^'^*^ this. His revenge had been amply gratified by
'^*^' the expulfion of the French out (h Italy ^ and
his vanity no lefs foothed by the re-eftabltfli-
ment of Sfor2a, to whofe intereft he had at-
tached himfelf, in the dutchy of Milan. The
delays, however, and evafions of the Imperial
court in granting Sforza the invelliture of his
new-acquired territories, had long alarmed Mo-
rond; thefe were repeated fo often, and with
fuch apparent artifice, as became a full proof to
his fulpicious mind diat the Emperor mtended
to ftrip his mafter of that rich country which he
had conquered in his name. Though Charles,
in order to quiet the Pope and Venetians^ no
lefs jealous of his defigns than Morond, g^ve
Sforza, at laft, the inveiliture which had been
fo l(Hig defired \ the charter was clogged wish,
fo many refervations^ and fubjedted him tp fuch
grievous burdens, as rendered the duke of Milan
a dependant on the Emperor, rather than a vaf-
fal of the Empire, and afforded him hardly any
other fecurity for his poflelfions, than the good
pleafure of an ambitious fuperior. Such an ac*
celfion of power as would have accrued fron^
the addition of the Milanefe to the kingdom of
Naples^ was confidered by Morone as fatal to
the liberties of Italy, no lefs than to his own
power and importance. Full of this idea> he
began to revolve in his mind the poflibility of
reicuing Italy from the yoke of foreigners^ the
darling fcheme, as has been already obferved^
o( the Italian polkitiatis in that age^ and which it
was the great obje£b of their ambition to accocn.-
plifli. If to the glory of having been the chief
inftrument in driving the French out of Milan»
he could add that of delivering Naples from the
dominion of the Spaniards, he thought that no-
thing would be wanting to complete his fame.
His
■',
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 261
His fertile genius foon fuggefled to him a project Book IV.
for that purpofe ; a djfjkulr, indeed, and daring '"~v^*^
one, but, for that very reafop, mofip agreipable to '**^
his bold dn4 en^erprizi^ temper^
Bourbon and Pefeara were equall/ enraged Jj!»^"^*«^'
at Lannoy*s carrying the French King into Spain Vdklt!
without their knowledge. The former, being
afraid that the two Monarchs might, in his ab*
fence, conclude fome treaty in which his interefls
would be entirely facrificed, haftened to Madrid,
in order to guard ^againft that danger. The
latter^ on whom the command of the army now
devolved, was obliged to remain in Italy *, bur,
in every company, he gave vent to his indigna*
tion againft the vicer(^, in expreflions full of
r^cour and con^mpt •, he acculed him, in a let-
ter to the Emperor, of cowardice in the time of
ganger, and of Iniblence after a victory, toward^
the obtaining of which he had contributed no«>
thing either by his valour or his condudt ; nor
did he abftain from bitter complaints againft
the Emperor himfelf, who had not difcovered,
as he imagined, a fufficient fenfe of his merit^
nor beftowed any adequate reward oa hi^ fer-
vices. It was on this difguft of P^^ar^, that
Morond founded his whol^ lyftem. He knew
the boundlefs ambitiop of hi§ nature, the vaf}:
extent of his abil^ic; in peace as wdl as war,
and the iijtrepidi^ of his mind^ capable alike of
undemjcing and qf e;fcecuting th(^ mpftdefpp-
^fte d^Qgns. The c^tonmeiKt of the Spaniii>
tfoops on the frontier of tl^e Mflay^efe, gavp oc-
cgfiop to many interv^ws petween him and ^0-
rpne, in which the latter took q^vp fce^uently
to turn the conyerfation to the ti:anfa£tioi)s fub*
iequent (o the battle of ^avia, a fubjeft upon
which t(>e inarquis a|way^ ep^ered willingly, and
with paJQiqn 5 ^4 Moi'one obferving his refent-
ment
26z THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. mcnt to bc uniformly violent, artfully pointed
* — ^''"■^out and aggravated every drcumftance that
*5^5- could incrcafe its fury. He painted, in the
ftrongeft colours, the Emperor's want of dif-
cernment, as well as of gratitude, in preferring
Lannoy to him, and in allowing that prefump-
tuous Fkming to difpofe of the captive King,
without confulting the man to whole bravery
and wifdom Charles was indebted for the glory
q{ having him in his power. Having warmed
him by fuch difcourfcs, he then began to infinu-
ate, that now was the time to be avenged for
thefe infults, and to acquire immortal renown as
the deliverer of his country from the oppref-
fion of ftrangers ; that the ftates of Italy, weary
of the ignominious and intolerable dominion of
barbarians, were at laft ready to combine in
order to vindicate their own independence •, that
their eyes were fixed on him, as the only leader
wbofe genius and good fortune could enfure the
happy fuccefe of that noble enterprize ; that the
attempt was ho lefs pradkicable than glorious, it
being in his power fo to difperfe the Spanifli in-
fantrfs <he only body of the Emperor's troops
in Italy, through the villages of the Milanefe,
that, in one night, they might be deftrbyed by
the people, who, having fuffered much fronri
their exad^idf^ and infolence, would gladly un-
dertake this fervice ; that he might then, with-
out oppofitlor), take poflefliOn of the thfone of
Napl^, thd ftatioh deftined for him, and a re-
ward o6t'uhworthy the reftbrer of liberty to
Italy ; thiat the Pope, of whom that kingdom
held,' kd t^feofe pfed^efibr^ had difpofed of it
on ffi^liy fbrmei' occafibns, would willingly grant
him the right of invcftfture; that the Venetians^
the Flotentine^i the duke of Milan, to whom he
bad codimunicated the fcheme, together with the'
French, Would be the guarantees of his right ^
that
EMPEROR CHARLES V, 263
that the Neapolitans would naturally prefer the Book IV.
government of one of their countrymen, whom ^--v-**'
they loved and admired, to that odious domi- '5*^'
nion of ftrangers, to which they had been fo
long fubjeifted ; and that the Emperor, aftonifhed
at a blow fo unexp^ed, would find that he had
neither troops nor money to refift fuch a power-
ful confederacy ^.
«
PtscARA, amazed at the boldnefi and extent B«trijjBd
of the fcheme, liftened attentively to Mor6nd, "ifoner*by
but with the countenance of a man loft in pro- **«f«»«««
found and anxious thought. On the one hand,
the infamy of betraying his fovereign,' under
whom he bore fuch high command, deterred
him from the attempt ; on the other, the pro-
fpeft of obtaining a crown allured him to ven-
ture upon it. After continuing a fhort fpace
in fufpcnce, the leaft commendable motives, as
is ufual after fuch deliberations, prevailed, and
ambition triumphed over honour. In order,
however, to throw a colour of decency on his
conduft, he infifted that fome learned cafuifts
fliould give their opinion, ** Whether it was
lawful for a fubjeft to take arms againft his im-
mediate fovereign, in obedience to the Lord
Paramount of whom the kingdom itfelf was'
held ?'* Such a refolution of the cafe, as he ex-
pefted, was foon obtained from the divines and
civilians both of Rome and Milan ; the nego-
ciation went forward; and meafures feemed to^
^ taking with great fpirit for the fpeedy execd-
tion of the defign.
Dt/RING
^ 6uic. 1. xvi. 325. ' Jovii Vita Davali, p. 417. Oeuv.
«f Brao^omc, iv. 17 li Rufcelli Lcttre dc Princ. ii. 91.
Thuaai Hift. lib. i. c, 11. P. Hcotcr. Rcr. Auftr. Ub,.tt.
^* 3- p. 207*
2$4- THEREIGNOFTHE
BpoK IV. During this interval, Pefcara, either {hocked
^-"^y/^-^ pt the treachery of the aftion that he was going
.M*f' to committ ordefpairing of its fucccfs, began to
entertain thoughts of abandoning the engage-
ments which h^ had come under. The indilpo-^
fition of Sforza, who happened at that time to
be taken ill of a dift^mpcr which was thought
mortal, confirmed this refolution, and deter*
jnined him to make known the whole confpiracy
to the Emperor; deeming it more prudent to
expeft the dutchy of Milan from him, gs th^
t'ewar4 of this dilcovery, than to aim at a king^
dom, to be pyrchafed by a feries of crimes^
This refolytion, however, proved the fourcc of
lidions har41y lef^ crin^inal ^nd ignominious*
The Emperor, who had already receive^ full
information concerning the confpiracy from
pther hands, feemed to be highly pleafed. wicl\
Pefcar?-s fidelity, and comm?^nded him to con-
tinue his intrigues for fome ^im? wi^h the Pop^
and Sforza, both that he might diicoyer their
intentions more fully, and l^e able to convidfc
them of the crime with greater certainty. Pef-r
car^, confcious of guilt, as well as fpnfible how
fgipipiqus his long filence muft have appeared
^t Madrid, durfl: not decline that diflionourable.
office, apd, to his eternal di^race, was oblige4
to a(Jt thp meaneft of all parts, that of feducing
with ^ purpofe to |:)etray* Confidcring the abti-r
litie^ of %hc perfo^s with whom he ha4 ^Q deal,
the part was fcarpely lefs di^ciilt than bale 5
but he afted it with (li^ih ?^ddrefs, ^ to (iec^ive
even the penetrating eye of Morone, who, rely-f
ing with full confidence on his fmcerity, vifited
liini at Novara, in qrder to put the laft hand tq
th^ir machinations, ^^efcara received Jiiitn in
an apartment where Antonio de Ley va was
placed behind the tatoeftry, that he might over-
flew apd bear witnqs to their converfatlon : as
^forQ^6
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 265
Morond was abouc to take leave, that officer Book IV
fuddenly appeared, and, to his aftonifhment, "^ — ""^^^
arrefted him prifoncr in the Emperor's name* '^*5*
He was conducted to the caftle of Pavia *, and
Fcfcara, who had fo lately been his accomplice,
had now the afllirance to interrogate him as his
jud^. At the fame time, the Emperor de-
clared Sforfa to have forfeited all right to the
dutchy of MilaHf by his engaging in a con*
fpir;^y ^ainft the fovereign of whom he held *,
Pefcara, oy his command, feized on every place
jn the Milanefe, except the caftles of Cremona
and Milan» which, the unfortunate duke attempt*
ing to defend, were clofely blockaded by the Im*
pcrial troops ^,
But though this unfuccefsful confpiracy, in-Thc rig©,
dead of ftripping the Emperor of what he al-^^^/^'-
ready pofleifed in Italy, contributed to extend F«n«*» '»«
his dominions in that country, it fhewed him thc^*'*^
neceflity of coming to fome agreement with the
French King, unlefs he would draw on himfelf
a confederacy of all Europe, which the progreis
of his arms, and his ambition, now as undifguifed
as it was boundlefs, filled with general alarm.
Jie had not hitherto treated Francis with the
jenerofity which that monarch expeded, and
igrdly with the decency due to his iiation* In-
ftead of difplaying the fentiments becoming a
great Prince, he Icems to have aftcd with the
mercenary art of a corfair, who, by the rigorous
ufage of his prifoners, endeavours to draw from
them an high price for their ranfom. The cap-
tive King was confined in an old caille, under a
keeper, whofe formal aufterity of manners ren-
dered his vigilance ftill more difguftful. He was
allowed
^ Guic. 1. xvi. 329. JoviiHift. 319* Capella, lib. v.
p. aoo.
2f6 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IV. allowed no excrcife but that of riding on a mule,
^""""^^ — 'furrounded with armed guards on horfeback.
*525- Charles, on pretence of its being neceffary to
attend the Cortes affembled in Toledo, had
gone to refide in that city, and fufFered federal
weeks to elapfe without vifiting Francis, though
he folicited an interview with the moft prefflng
En^mgert and fubmiffive importunity. So many indig-
bu iife. nities made a deep impreflion on an high fpirited
Prince ; he began to lofe all relifli for his ufual
amufements; his natural gaiety of temper for-
fook him •, and after languifhing for fome time,
he was fcized with a dangerous fever, during
the violence of which he complained conftantly
of the unexpefted and unprincely rigour with
which he had been treated, often exclaiming,
that now the Emperor would have the fatis-
faftion of his dying a prifoner in his hands,
without having once deigned to fee his face.
The phyficians, at laft, defpaired of his life, and
inforrtied the Emperor that they faw no hope of
his recovery, unlefs he were gratified with regard
to that point on which he feemed to be fo ftrongly
bent. Charles, felicitous to preferve a life,
with which all his profpefts of farther advantage
from the viftory of Pavia muft have terminated,
immediately confulted his minifters concerning
the courfe to be taken. In vain did the chan-
cellor Gattinara, the moft able among them,
reprefent to him the indecency of his vifiting
Francis, if he did not intend to fet him at
liberty immediately upon equal terms ; in vain
did he point out the infamy to which he would
be expofed, if motives of avarice or ambition
fhould prevail on him to give the captive Mo-
narch this mark of attention and fympathy, for
which humanity and generofity had pleaded fo
long without efFedt. The Emperor, lefs de-
licate, or lefs folicitous about reputation than
his
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 267
his minifter, fct out for Madrid to vifit his pri- Book IV.
forier. The interview was fhort ; Francis being ^ — "^"-^
too weak to bear a long converfation. Charles sep"t? a 1.*
accofted him in terms full o£ afieftion and re- The Empe-
fpcft, and gave him fuch promifcs of fpcedy wm^* ^
deliverance and princely treatment, as would
have reflefted the grcateft honour upon him, if
they had flowed from another fource. Francis
grafped at them with the ea^rnefs natural in
his fituation ; and cheered with this gleam of
hope, began to revive from that moment, re-
covering rapidly his wonted health *.
He had foon the mortification to find, that The confta-
his confidence in the Emperor was not better trti^^i^"
founded than formerly. Charles returned in-W^dnd.
ftantly to Toledo ; all negociations were carried
on by his miniftcrs ; and Francis was kept in
as drift cuftody as ever. A new indignity, and
that very galling, was added to all thofe he
had already fuflfered. Bourbon arriving in
Spain about this time, Charles, who had fo
long refufed to vifit the king, received his re-
bellious fubjeft with the moft ftudied refpeft.
He met him without the gates of Toledo, em- Nov. 15.
braced him with the grcateft aflfeaion, and plac-
ing him on his left hand, conduced him to
his apartment. Thefc marks of honour to him,
were fo many infults to the unfortunate Mo-
narch ; which he felt in a very fenfible manner.
It aflfordcd him fome confolation, however, to
obferve, that the fentiments of the Spaniards,
differed widely from thofe of the fovereign.
That generous people dctefted Bourbon's crime.
Notwithftanding his great talents and impor-
tant fervices, they ftiunned all intercourfe with
him, to fuch a degree, that Charles having de-
fired
e Gulc. 1. zvi. 339. Sandov. Hiil. i. 665.
268 tHE REIGN OF THE
Baoit IV.fired the marquis de Vill^na to permit Bpur-
^^'-^'^^''^^ bon to refide in his palace while the court rc-
'5^5; mained in Toledo, he politely replied, *' That
he could not refufe gratifying the Emperor in
that reaueft ;*' but added with a Caftilian dig-
nity or mind, ^* that he muft not be furprized
if the moment the conflab}^ departed, he fliould
burn to the ground a hoijfe, which, having been
polluted by the piyfeqcje of a traitor, became
an unfit habitation for a map of honoyr ^**
Appointed Charles himfelf, ncverthelcfs, ieemed ta^
fhrirop^. have it much^ at heart to reward Bourbon's fcr-
liti amjy vices in a fignal mannej. But as he infifted, in
^' the firft place, on the accomplilhment of the
Emperor's promife in giving him in marri^e
his filter Eleanora, Queen dowager of Por-
tugal, the honour of which alliance had been
one of his chief inducements to rebel againft
his lawful fovereign; as Francis, in order to
prevent fuch a dangerous union, had offered,
pcfore he left Italy, to marry that Princefs;
and as Eleanora herfelf difcovered an inclination
rather to match with a powerful Monarch, than
with his exiled fubjedt; all thefe interfering
circumftances created great cmbarrafiTment to
Charles, and left him hardly any hope of extri-
December. cating himfblf With dccency. But the death
of Pcfcara, who, at the age of thirty-iix, left
behind him the reputation of being one of the
greateft generals and ableft politicians of that
century, happened opportunely at thi? ju^fture
for his relief. By that event, f he conjm^qd of
the army in Italy became yac^n^, apd Charles,
always fertile in refoqrpe§, pierfuaded Bourbon,
who was in no coi}dipion to difpiate bis will, to
accept the ojSice of general in cjiief fherc, tp^
gether
f Cuic.l.Kvl 335.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 269
gedier with a grant of the ducchy of Milan Book I v«
forfeited by Sforza, and in return for thefe to ^ " -^>^ **^
rdinquiih all hopes of marrying the Q^een of '^^S*
Portugal s.
The chief obftacle that ftood in the way of Negocitti*
Francis's liberty was the Emperor's continuing ^^^rL
to infift fo peremptorily on the reftitution of Bur- IrMBci^f
gundy, as a prehminsuy to that event. Francis *"^'^^'
often declared that he would never confent to
diiii^ember his flate; and that even if he
fhould fo far forget the duties of a Monarch as
to come to fuch a reiblutiojiy the fundamenul
laws of the kingdom would prevent its taking
eSe£t On his part he was willing to nmke an
abfolute ceffion to the Emperor of ^1 his preten-
fions in Italy and the Low-Countries ; he pro-
mifed to rellore Bourbon all his lands which
had been confifcated ; he renewed his propofal
of marrying the Emperor's fitter, the Queen
dowager or Portugal ^ and enga^d to pay a
great fum by way of ranfbm for his own perfon.
But all mutual efteem and confidence between
the two monarchs were now entirely loft ; there
appeared on the one hand, a rapacious ambition
labouring to avail itfelf of every favourable cir-
cumftance i on the other, fufpicion and refent-
ment, ftanding perpetually on their guard ; fo
that the profped): of bringing their negociations
to an imie, feemed to be far diftant* The
dutcheis of Alen(on, the French King*s fitter,
whom Charles permitted to vifit her brother in
his confinement, employed all her addrcfe, in
order to procure his liberty on more reafonable
terms. Henry of England interpofed his good Frand* m
offices to the fame purpofe; but both with fo^p;;\;*-
little fuccefs, that Francis in defpair took fud- rcfigo hi»
denly"*^^"-
g Sandov. Hift. i. 676. Ocuv. de Brant, ir. 249
270 THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV.denly the refolution of refigning his crown irith
^^*'"'^^'*^ all its rights and prerogatives to his fon the
'^^^' Dauphin, determining rather to end his days in
prifon, than to purch^e his freedom by con-
ceffions unworthy of a King. The deed for
this purpofe he figned with legal formaliQr at
Madrid, empowering his fifter to carry it into
France, that it might be regiftered in all the
parliaments of the kingdom ; and at the (ame
time intimating his intention to the Emperor,
be delired him to name the place of his ccmfioe-
ment, and to aflign him a proper number of
attendants during the remainder of his days K
tu^ This refolution of the French King had
great efieft ; Charles began to be fenfible, that
by pufliing rigour to excefs, he might defeat
his own meafures, and inftead of the vaft ad-
vantages which he hoped to draw from ranlbm-
ing a powerful monarch, he might at laft find
in his hands a Prince without dominions or
revenues. About the fanie time, one of the
King of Navarre's domeftics happened by an
extraordinary exertion of fidelity, courage, and
addrefs, to procure his mafter an opportunity
of efcaping from the prifon in which he bad
been confined ever fince the battle of Pavia.
This convinced the Eniperor, that the mod
vigilant attention of his officers might be eluded
by the ingenuity or boldnefs of Francis, or his
attendants, and One unlucky hour might de-
prive him of all the advantages which he had
been fo felicitous to obtain. By thefe coofi-
derations, he was induced to abate fomewbat
of his former demands. On the other band,
Francis's impatience under confinement daily
incre^edi
h This paper is publiihed inMemoires Hiftoriqaes» &c.
par M. I'Abbe Rayi^al, torn. ii. p: 151'.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 571
incfeaied ; and having received certain inteU Book IV.
ligence of a powerful league forming againft his ^-^^v^^
rival in Italy, he grew more compliant with '5^^*
regard to conceffions, trufting, that, if he could
once obtain his liberty, he would foon be in a
conditioQ to refume whatever he had yielded.
As thefe were the views and fentiments o{^^^^^^^^^
the two Monarchs, the treaty which procured Madrid.
Francis his liberty was figned at Madrid on the
fouofieenth of January, one thoufand five hun-
dred and twenty-fix. The article with regard
to Burgundy, which had hitherto created the
greateft difficulty, was compromifed, Francis
^g^ing to rellore that dutcby with all its de-
pendencies in full foverdgnty to the Emperor ;
and Charlesconfenting that this reftitution fliould
not be made until the King was fet at liberty :
in order to fecure the performance of this, as
well as the other conditions in the treaty, Francis
agreed that at the fame inftant he himfelf was
releafed, he would deliver as hoftages to the
Emperor, his eldeft fon the Dauphin, his fecond
fon the duke of Orleans, or in lieu of the latter,
twelve of his principal nobility, to be named by
Charles. The other articles fwelled to a great
number, and though not of fuch importance,
were extremely rigorous. Among thefe the
moft remarkable were, that Francis ftiould re-
nounce all his pretenfions in Italy; that he
ihould difclaim any title which he had to the
fovercignty of Flanders and Artois -, that within
fix. weeks after his releafe, he ftiould reftore to
Bourbon and his adherents, all their goods,
moveable and immoveable, and make them full
reparation for the damages which they had fuf-
tained by the confifcation of them -, that he
fliould ufe his intereft with Henry d'Albret to
relinquifti his pretenfions to the crown of Na-
varre^
474 THERElGNOFTHfi
Book IV. varre, and fliould not for the future aflift bitrt
^ — ^^"""^ in any attempt to recover it ; that there (hould
'5*^ be cftablifhed between the Emperor and Francb
a league of perpetual friendfliip and confe-
deracy, with a promife of mutual afliftance in
every cafe . of neceffity. That in corroboration
of this union, Francis {hould marnr the Em-
peror's filler, the Queen Dowager or Portugal •,
that Francis (hould caufe all the articles of this
treaty to be ratified bv the States, and regiftered
in the parliaments or his kingdom ^ that Upon
the Emperor's receiving this radfidatioi), the
hoftages (hould be fet at liberty ; but in their
place, the duke of Angouleme, the King's third
Ion, (hould be delivered to Charles, that in
order to manifeft, as well a$ to (trengthen the
amity between the two Monarchs, he might be
educated at the Imperial court; and that if
Francis did not, within the time limited, fulfil
the ftipulations in the treaty, he (hould promife,
upon his honour and oath, to return into Spain«
and to furrender himfelf again a pri(bner to the
Emperor K
^fl^entt By this treaty, Charles (!attered himfelf that
widi^cf^ he had not only efiedualiy humbled his rivals
toiL but that he had taken fuch precautions as would
for ever prevent his re-attaining any formidable
degree or power. The opinion, which the wifeft
politicians formed concermng it, was very dif-
ferent ; they could not perfuade themfelves that
Francb, after obtaining his liberty, would exe-^
cute articles againft which he had ftruggled fo
long, and to which, even amidft.the horrors
of captivity, he had confented with fuch reluc-^
tance. Ambition and refentment, they knew,
would
S Recuil d^s Trait, torn. ii. i iz. UHoa Vica dell Caito
V. p. lC2f &c •
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 273
would confpire in prompting him t6 violate the Book IV.
hard conditions to which he had been con- ^"^"^''"'^
ft rained to fubmit; nor would arguments and ^^
cafuiftry be wanting to reprelcnt that which was
fo manifeftly advantageous, to be neccffary and
I'uft. If one part of Francis's conduct had been
:nown, at that time, this opinion might have
been founded, not in conjedure, but in cer-
tainty. A few hours before he figned the treaty 5 Frtndt
he aflcmblcd fuch of his counfellors as were then teft* aga^Mi
at Madrid, and having exafted from them a the validity
folemn oath of fecrecy, he made a long enu-^^*^*
meration in their prefence of the difhonourablc
arts, as well as unprincely rigour^ which the
emperor had employed in order to enfnare or
intimidate him. For that reafon^ he took a
formal proteft in the hands of notaries, that his
confent to the treaty fhould be confidered as an
involuntary deed, and be deemed null and
Void K By this difingenuous artifice, for which
even the treatment that he had met with was
no apology, Francis endeavoured to fatisfy his
honour and conicience in figning the treaty, and
to provide at the fame time a pretext on which
to break it.
Great, meanwhile, were the outward demon-
ftrations of love and confidence between the
two Monarchs; they appeared often together
in public ; they frequently had long conferences
in private j they travelled in the fame litter, and
joined in the fame amufements. But amidft
thefc figns of peace and friendftiip, the Emperor
ftiil harboured fufpicion in his mind. Though
the ceremonies of the marriage between Francis
and the Queen of Portugal were performed
foon after the conclufion ot the treaty, Charles
would not permit him to confummate it until
Vol. II. T the
^ Recuell dw Trait, tom. ii. p. 107.
15*6-
274 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IV. the return of the ratification from France, Even
then Francis was not allowed to be at full
liberty ; his guards were ftill continued ; though
careifed as a brother-in-law, he was (till watched
like a prifoner ^ and it was obvious to attentive
obiervers, that an union, in the very beginning
of which there might be diicerned fuch fymp-
toms of jealoufy and diftruft, could not be
cordial, or of long continuance K
Ratified ia
France.
Francis fet
at liberty.
About a month after the figning of the
treaty, the Regent's ratification of it was brought
from France J and that wife Princefs, prefer-
ring, on this occafion, the publick good to do*
meftick afiedtion, informed her fon, that, inftead
of the twelve noblemen named in the treaty,
flie had ient the duke of Orieans along with
his brother the Dauphin to the frontier, as the
kingdom could fuSer nothing by the abfence
of a child, but muft be left alrnoft incapable of
defence, if deprived of its ableft (tatefmen, and
mod: experienced generals, whom Charles had
artfully included m his nomination. Ac laft
Francis took leave of the Emperor, whofe fuf*
picion of the King's fincerity increallng, as the
time of putting it to the proof approached, he
endeavoured to bind them ftill fader by ext&ing
new promiies^ which» after thofe he had already
made, the French monarch was not flow to
grant. He fet out from Madrid^ a place which
the remembrance of many aiB idling circum-
ftances rendered peculiarly odious to him, with
the joy natural on fuch an occafion, and began
the long-wi(hed for journey towards his own
dominions. He was efcorted by a body of
horfe under the command of Alarcon, who, as
the King drew near the frontiers of France,.
guarded
' Guic. 1. XVI. 353.
r
EMPEROR CMARLES V. 275
guarded him with more fcrupulous exaftnefs Book IV.
than ever. When he arrived at the river An- ^' '^^ Z/ ^
d^jCj which feparates the two kingdoms, Lau- *^
tree appeared on the oppofite bank with a
guard Of horfe equal in number to Alarcgn's*
An empty bark was moored in the middle of
the ftream ; the attendants drew up in order on
the oppofite banks ; at the fame inftant, Lannoy
with eight gentlemen put off from the Spanifh^
and Lautrec with the fame number from the
French fide of the river ; the former had the
King in his boat ; the latt^r^ the Dauphin and
duke of Orleans ; they n^t in the empty vefiel ^
the exchange was made in a moment ; Francis,
after a fiiort embrace to his children, leaped
into Lautrec's boat,, and reached the French
ihore. . He mounted that inftant a Turkifh
horfe, waved his hand over his head, and with
a joyful voice crying aloud fevcral times, *' I
am yet a King,'* galloped full fpeed to St John
de Luz, and from thence to Bayonne. Thi^
event, no lefs impatiently defired by the French
nation than by their Monarch, happened on the
eighteenth of March, a year and twenty* two
days after the fatal battle of Pavia "^^
Soon after the Emperor had taken Jeave of The Empe-
Francis, and permitted him to begin bis journey riage with
towards his own dominions, he fct out for JJ*^«"» j**^
Seville, in order to folemnize his marf iage with °''"^* *
Ifabella, the daughter of Emanuel, the late
King c£ Portugal, and the fifter of John III.
who had fucceedcd him in the throne of that
kingdom. Ifabella was a princefs of uncom-
mon beauty and accomplifhments ; and as the
Cortes both in Caftile and Aragon had warmly
folicited their fovereign to marry, the choice of
T z a wifi?
w Sandov, Hlft. i. 735. Guic. 1. xvi. 355.
276 THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. a wife fo nearly allied to the royal blood of
'^'""'C^ both kingdoms, was extremely acceptable to his
^5^^' fubjefts. The Portuguefe, fond of this new
conneftion with the firft Monarch in Chriften-
dom, granted him an extraordinary dowry with
Ifabella, amounting to nine hundred thoufand
crowns, a fum, which, from the fituation of
his aflfairs at that junfture, was of no fmall con-
March u. fequence to the Emperor, The marriage was
celebrated with that fplendour and gaiety, which
became a great and youthful Prince. Charles
lived with Ifabella in perfedt harmony, and
treated her on all occafions with much diftinc-
tion and regard °.
Affairs of DuRiNG thcfe tranfadions, Charles could
Germany, hardly givc any attention to the affairs of Ger-
many, though it was torn in pieces by commo-
tions, which threatened the mod dangerous con-
fequences. By the feudal inftitutions, which
ftill fubfifted almoft unimpaired in the Empire,
the property of lands was vefted in the Princes,
Gncvances and frcc-barons. Their vaflals held of them by
fantsf^** the ftridcft and moft limited tenures; while
the great body of the people was kept in a
ftate but little removed from abfolute fervitude.
In fome places of Germany, people of the loweft
clafs were fo entirely in the power of their
mafters, as to be fubjeft to perfonal and do-
meftick flavery, the moft rigorous form of that
wretched ftate. In other provinces, particularly
in Bohemia and Lufatia, the peafants were
bound to remain on the lands to which they
belonged, and making part of the eftate, were
transferred like any other property from one
hand
" Ulloa Vitadi Carlo V. p. 106. Belcarius Com. Rer.
Gallic, p. 565. Spalatinin ap. Struv. Corp. Hifl. Germ.
n. 1081.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. '277
hand to another. Even in Suabia, and the Book J V.
countries on the banks of the Rhine, where their ' ^^"^^
condition was moft tolerable, the peafants not '^*
only paid the full rent of their farms to the
landlord ; but if they chofe either to change the
place of their abode, or to follow a new pro-
feffion, they were obliged to purchafc this pri-
vilege at a certain price. Befide this, all grants
of lands to peafants expired at (heir death,
without defcending to their pofterity. Upon
that event, the landlord had a right to the beft
of their cattle, as well as of their furniture ;
and their heirs, in order to obtain a renewal of
the grant, were obliged to pay large fums by
way of fine. Thefe exaftions, though grievous,
were born with patience, becaufe they were cuf-
tomary and ancient : But when the prqgrcls of
elegance and luxury, as well as the: changes in-
troduced into the art of war, came . to increafe
the expence of government, and made it necef-
fary for princes to levy occifional or ftated
taxes on their fubjefts, fuch inipofitions being
new, appeared intolerable-, and in Germany,
thefe duties being laid chiefly upon beer, wine,
and other neceflaries of life, affoSted the com-
mon people in the moft fenfible manner. The
addition of fuch a load to their former burdens,
drove them to defpair. It was to the valow
infpired by refentment againft impofitions of
this kind, that the Swifs owed the acquifition of
their liberty in the fourteenth century. The
fame caufe had excited the peafants in feveral
other provinces of Germany to rebel againft
their fuperiors towards the end of the fifteenth
and beginning of the fixteenth centuries; and
though thefe infurreftions were not attended
with like fuccefs, they could not, however, be
quelled without much difficulty and bloodihcd °.
By
<* Scckend. lib. ii. p. 2. 6.
17$ THEREIGNOFTHE
BookIV^ By thcfe checks, the fpirit of the peafatite
^"'^■"^C^ WIS overawed rather than fubdued ; and their
ThdHnfur* gtievatices mukiplying continually, they ran %q
reaionin ^rms, this year, with the moft frantic rage.
suabia. 'j^hcir firft appearance was near Ukn in Suabia,
The peafants in the adjacent country Socked to
their ftandard with the ardour and impatience
natural to men, who haying groaned long under
6pprefl|oci, beheld at laft fome profpe& of de-
liverance; and the contagion fpreading ffxmi
province to province, reached almoft every part
of Germany. Wherever they came, they plun-
dered the monafteries ; wafted the lands of their
fuperiors ; razed their cafties, and maflacrod
without mercy all pcrfons of noble birth who
were fo unhappy as to fall into their hands p.
Having intimicla^d their oppreflbrs, as tkey
imagined, by the violence of thefe proceedin g s,
they began to confider what would be the moft
proper abd effedual method of Securing them-
fclves for the future from their tyrannical «^
^idns. With this view, they tircw up and
publiibed a nKmorial, contabing all their de-
mands, and declared, that while arms were in
their hands, they would either perfv^de or oblige
the nobles to give them fuU fatisfa6lion widi
, regard to thck^ The chief articles were^ that
they might have liberty to chufe thdr <)wn paf-
tors ; that tbey might be freed from t3x pay-
ment of all tythes except thci^e of com ; diitt
they might no longer be con&lered as the flovts
or boncunen of their fuperiors \ that the liberty
of hunting and fHhmg might be comaion ; that
the great ifibhefts might not be regarded as f^ii-
vace property, but be open for the ufe df aU ;
that they xn^ht be delivered hotn the unufiial
burden
. P Vtit. Crhiittts dft firfb Rxtfticattd, ap. Prckcr. 'Sorifd
fUr, Germ. Argent. 17 17. voL iii. p. 2^j.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 279
burden of taxes under which they laboured ;BooiclV-
that the adminiftration of juftice might be ren- ^ ^7^
dered lefs rigorous and more impartial ^ that *^
the encroachments of the nobks upon meadow$
and commons might be reftrained %
Many of thefe demands were extremely rea* Qndied.
fonable; and being urged by fuch formidable
numbers, might have met with fome redrefs.
But tbofe vaft unwieldy bodies, aflembled in
different places, had neither union, nor condufb,
nor vigour. Being led by perfons of the loweft
rank, without (kill in war, or knowledge of
what was necefTary for accomplifliing their de<-
iigns ^ all their exploits were diftinguifhed onlr
by a brutal and unmeaning fury. To oppole
this, the princes and nobles of Suabia and the
Lower Rhine railed their valTals, and attack-
ing fome of the mutineers with open force, and
others by furprize, cut to pieces or difperfed
all who infefted thofe provinces; fo that the
peafants, after ruining the open country, and
loiing upwards of twenty thoufand of their af-
ibciates in the field, were obliged to return to
their habitations with lefs hope than ever of
rclirf frpm their grievances ^
These commotions happened at firft in pro* Thdr m-
vinces oi Germany where Luther's opinions had TruTingii."*
made little pro^refs *, and being excited wholly
by poiitical caules, had no connexion with the
difputed points in religion. But the frenzy
resK:hing at laft thofe countries in which the Re-
formation was eftabliihed, derived new ftrength
from circtunftances peculiar to them, and rofe
to
q gleid. Hift. p 60. * Seekend. lib. 11. p. 10. Petr,
GttodaH«& de Rumecaeram Tumohii ia Otrmania, ap.
Scatd. Script, vol. ii. p. I3i» &c.
5>8o THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. to a ftill greater pitch of extravagance. The
Reformation, wherever it was received, increafed
that bold and innovating fpirit to which it owed
its birth. Men who had the courage to over-
turn a fyftem fupported by every thing which
can command relpedt or reverence, were not to
be overawed by any authority, how great or
venerable foever. After having been accul*-
tomed to confider themfelves as judges of the
hioft iniportant doftrines in religion, to examine
thefe freely, and to rejeft, without fcruple, what
appeared to them erroneous, it was natural for
themi to turn the fame daring and inquiiitive
eye towards government, and to think of refti-
fying whatever diforders or imperfedtions were
difcoyered there. As religious abufes had been
reformed in feveral places without the pcrmif-
fion of the magiftrate, it was an eafy tranfition
ito attempt the redrefs of political grievances in
the fame manner. ' ^
midibu.'" No fooner, then, did the fpirit of revolt break
out in Thuringia, a province fubjeft to the
Eleftor of Saxony, the inhabitants of which
were moftly converts to Lutheranifm, than it
aflumed a new and more dangerous form. Tho-
mas Muncer, one of Luther's difciples, having
eftublifhed hihifelf in that country, had acquired
a wonderful afcendanr over the minds of the
people. He propagated aniong them the wildeft
and moft enthufiaftick notions, but fuch as tended
manifeftly to infpire them with boldnefs, and
lead them to fedition. ^* Luther, he told them,
had done more hurt than fervice to religion^
Thctr f»ni- Hc had, indeed, refcued the church from the
cicaifpmt. y^j^^ ^£ p^pg^y^ {jyj. j^jg do6trines encouraged,
and his life fet an example of the utmoft licen-
iioufnefs of manners. In order to avoid vice.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 281
fays he, men muft praftife perpetual mortifi-BooK IV,
cation. They muft put on a grave countenance, ^"^"^C^
fpeak little, wear a plain garb, and be ferious *^^ '
in their whole deportment. Such as prepare
their hearts in this manner, may expe<fl that the
Supreme Being will dire£t all their fteps, and
by fome vilible fign difcover his will to them ;
if that illumination be at any time with-held,
we may expoftulate with the Almighty, who,
deals with us fo harlhly, and remind him of his
promifes. This expoftulation and anger will
be highly acceptable to God, and will at laft
prevail on him to guide us with the fame uner-
ring, hand which condufted the patriarchs of -
old. Let us beware, however, of offending him
by our arrogance ; but as all men are equal in
his eye, let them return to that condition of
equality in which he formed them, and having
all things in common, let them live together
like brethren, without any marks of fubordina*
tion or pre-eminence ^'*
Extravagant . as thefe tenets were, they
flattered fo many paflfions in the human heart,
as to make a deep impreffion. To aim at no-
thing more than the abridging the power of the
nobility, was now confidered as a trifling and
partial reformation, not worth the contending
for ; it was propofed to level every diftindlion
among mankind, and by abolifhing property, to
reduce them to their natural ftate of equality,
in which all fhould receive their fubfiftence from
one common ftock. Muncer alTured them, that
the defign was approved of by heaven, and thai:
the Almighty had in a dream afcertained him
of its fuccefs. The peafants fet about the exe-
cutions^ of it, not only with the rage which ani-
^ mate4
f Seckcn4. lib. ii. p. 13. Sleid. Hift. p. 8j.
282 THEREIGNOFTHE
Boor IV. mated thofe of their order in other parts of Ger-
* ^ many, but with the ardour which cnthufiafm in-
'^ fpircs They depofcd the magiftrates in all the
cities of which they were mafters ; feized the
lands of the nobles, and obliged fuch of them
as they eoc into their hands, to put on the drefs
commonly worn by peafants, and inftcad di their
former titles, to be fatisfied with the appelladon
given to people in the loweft clafs of life. Vaft
numbers engaged in this wild undertaking ; but
Muncer, their leader and their prophet, was
deftitute of the abilities neceflary for conducing
it He had all the extravagance, but not the
courage; which enthufiafls ufually pofleis. It
was with difficulty he .could be perfuaded to take
the field V and though he foon drew together
eight thoufand men, he fufFered himfelf to be
furrounded by a body of cavalry under the com*
maitd of the Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave
of Hefle, and Duke of Brunfwick. Thcfc
Princes, unwilling to flied the blood of thdr de-
luded fubjefts, fent a young nobleman to their
camp, with the oflfer of a general pardon, if
ihcy would immediately lay down their arms,
and deliver up the authors of the fedition.
Muncer, alarmed at this, began to harai^ue his
followers with his ufoal vehemence, exhordng
them not to truft: thefe deceitful promifes en
their opprefibrs, nor to defcrt the caufie of God,
and of Cbriftian liberty,
Fetfbnrt BuT the fcnfe of prcfent danger maki^ a
********' dcq)cr impreffion on the peafants than hts elo-
quenccy confufion and terror were vifible in eve-
jy face, whca a rainbow, wiuch was the cm-
bfem tbat the mutineers had painted on their
cofoors^ ksppentog to appear ui the clouds,
Afoncer, with admirable prcfence of mind, laid
bold of that incident, and fuddenly raifing his
eyes
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 28^
eycB and hands towards heaven, ^^ Behold," Book IV.
cried he, with an elevated voice, " the fign^ — ^C*^
*' which God has given. There is the pledge '^
*' of your fefety, and a token that the wicked
•* fliall be deftroyed.'* The fanatical multitude
fet up inftantly a great fhout, as if victory had
been certain ; and palling in a moment from
<me extreme to another, malTacred the unfor-
tunate nobleman who had come with the offer
(^ pardon, and demanded to be led towards the
enemy. The Princes, enraged at this ihocking
vi(4atk>n of the laws of war, advanced with no
lefs impetuofitv, and began the attack ; but the Ma^ l^
behaviour of tne peafants in the combat was not
fuch as might have been expedted either from
their ferocity or confidence of fuccefs ; an un-
difciplined rabble was no equal match for well-
trained troops ; above five thoufand were flain
in the field, almoft without making refiftance ;
the reft fled, and among the foremoft Muncer
their general. He was uken next day ; and be*
ing condemned to fuch puniftiments as his crimes
had deferved, he fufiered them with a poor and
d^ardly fpirit. His <kath put an end to the
infurreftions of the peafants which had filled
Germany with fuch terror ^ ; but the cnthufiaftick
actions which he had fcattered were not extir-
pated» iind produced, not long after, efie£ts more
memorable, as well as more extravagant.
Durin6 thefe commotions, Luther ^cdtmktrU
with exemplary prudence and moderation ; like ^I^^^
a common parent, iblicitous about the welfare coadva.
of both parties, without fparing the faults or
errors of either. On the one hand, he addrelZed
9 fnonitory difcourfe to the nobles, exhorting
them
< Sleid. Hid. p. 84. Seckend. lib. ii. p. 1^. Gziodaliut
TuiniilU Ruftican. 155.
284
THE REIGN OF THE
1526.
Book IV. them to treat their dependants with greater
humanity and indulgence. On the other, he
feverely cenfured the feditious fpirit of the pea-
fants, advifing them not to murmur at hardftiips
infeparable frotp their condition, nor to feek for
redrefs by any but legal means ".
His fnar-
riigc.
Luther's famous marriage with Catharine
a Boria, a nun of a noble family, who, having
thrown off the veil, had fled from the cloifter,
happened this year, and was far from meeting
with the fame approbation. Even his moft de-
voted followers thought this ftep indecent, at a
time when his country was involved in fo many
calamities ; while his enemies never mentioned
it with any fofter appellation than that of in-
ceftuous or profane. Luther himfelf was fen-*
(ible of the impreflicn which it had made to his
difadvantage ; but being fatisfied with his own
conduft, he bore the cenfure of his friends, arid
the reproaches of his adverfaries, with his ufual
fortitude ^.
May 5.
This year the Reformation loft its firft pro-
teftor, Frederick, Ele£lor of Saxony ; but the
blow was the lefs fenfibly felt, as he was fuc-
ceeded by his brother John, a more avowed and
zealous, though lefs able patron of Luther and
his doftrines.
prari« Another event happened about the fame
wtbc time, which, as it occafioned a cortfiderablc
Teuiooick changc in the ftate of Germany, muft be traced
*^ "' back to its fource. "While the frenzy of the
Crufadcs pofleffed all Europe during thl^ twelfth
and thirteenth centuries, feveral orders of reli-
gious knighthood were founded in defence of
the
u Slcid. Hift. p. 87
X Seckend. lib. ii. p. 15.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 285
the Chriftian faith againft Heathens and In- Book IV.
iidels. Among thefe the Teutonick order in' '^C^^
Germany was one of the mod illuftrious, the '^^ *
knights of which diftinguilhed themfclvcs greatly
in all the wild enterprizes carried on in the
Holy Land. Being driven at laft from their
fettlements in the eaft, they were obliged to
return to their native country. Their zeal and
valour were too impetuous to remain long
inaftive. They invaded, on very flight pre-
tences, the province of Pruflia, the inhabitants
0/ which were ftill idolaters ; and having com-
pleated the conqueft of it about the middle of
the thirteenth century, held it many years as a
fief depending on the crown of Poland. Fierce
cOiltefts arofe; during this period, between the
Grand Matters of the order, and the Kings of
Poland ; the former ftruggling for indepen-
dence, while the latter alfcrted their right of
fpvereignty with great firmnefs. Albert, a
Prince of the houfe of Brandenburgh, who vi^s
elefted Grand Matter in the year one thoufand
five hundred and eleven, engaging keenly in
this quarrel, maintained a long war with Sigif-
mund. King of Poland ; but having become
an early convert to Luther's dodtrines, this gra-
dually leflened his zeal for the interetts of his
fraternity, fo that he took the opportunity of
the confufions in the Empire, and the abfence
of the Emperor, to conclude a treaty with
Sigifmund, greatly to his private emolument..
By it, that part of Pruflia which belonged to
the Teutonick order was erefted into a lecular
and hereditary dutchy, and the invettiture of it
granted to Albert, who, in return, bound him-
felf to do homage for it to the Kings of Poland
as their vaflal. Immediately after this, he made
public profeffion of the reformed religion, and
married
586
THE REIGN OF THE
1526.
SooK IV. married a princefs of Denmark. The Teutonick
knights exclainied fo loudly againft the treachery
of their grand mafter^ that he was put undar
the ban of the Empire ; but he ftill kept p(^
feffion of the province which he had ufurpc4
and tranfmitted it to his pofterity. in proceis
of time this rich inheritance fell to the eleftoral
branch of the family, all dependence on the
crown of Poland was fhaken off, and the Mar-
graves of Brandenburgh, having aflumtd die
title of Kings of Pruflia, have not only rifen to
an equality with the firft Princes in Germany,
but take their rank among the great Monarchs
ci Europe y»
rirftroet- Ufoh thc retum of the French King to his
FrcD*ch^ ^^ dominions, the eyes of all the powers in Europe
King upon wcre fixcd upon him, that, by obferving his firft
liis return • i»t/» ^ \ "
to FriDce. Hiotions, thcy might form a judgment concern-
ing his fubfequent conduft. Thcy were not
held long in fufpence. Francis, as foon as he
arrived at Bayonne, wrote to the King of Eng-
land, thanking him for his zealous and affec-
tionate interpc4ition in his favour, to which he
acknowledged that he owed the recovery of his
liberty. Next day the Emperor^s ambafladors
demanded audience, and, in their mailer's name,
required him to iffuc fuch orders as were necef-
fary for carrying thc treaty of Madrid into
immediate and full execution. He coldly an-
fwcred, that though for his own part he deter-
mined religioufly to perform all that he had
promifcd, the treaty contained fo many articles
relative not to himfelf alone, but affe£fcing the
intcrcfts of the French monarchy, that he could
not
T Sleid. Hift. p. 98. PfcfFel Abrego de rhift. de Droit
Psbl. p. 605 > &c^
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 287
not take any farther ftcp without <!onfulting theB«>« IV.
Sutes of his kingdom; and that fome time '"'p^^T^
woukl be neceflary in order to reconcile their '^^ '
minds to the hard conditions which he had
confented to ratify *. This reply was confidered
as no obfcure difcovery of his being refolved
to elude the treaty ; and the compliment paid
to Henry, appeared a very proper ftep towards
lecuring the afliftance of that Monarch in the
war with the Emperor, to which fuch a refo-
lution would certainly give rife. Thefe circum-
ftances, added to the explicit declarations which
Francis made in fecret to the ambafladors from
fevcral of the Italian powers, fully fatisfied
them that their conjedures with regard to his
conduct had been juft, and that innead of in-
tending to execute an unreafonable treaty, he
was eager to feize the firll: opportunity of re-
venging thofe injuries which had compelled him
to ieign an approbation of it. Even the doubts,
and ^ars, and fcruples, which ufed, on other
occafions, to hold Clement in a (late of uncer-
tamty, were diffipated by Francis's feeming im-
patience to break through all his engagements
with the Emperor. The fituation, indeed, of
affairs in Italy at that time, did not allow the
Pope to hefitate long. Sforza was flill belieged
by the Imperialifts in the caftle of Milan. That
feeble Prince, deprived now of Morone's advice,
and unprovided with every thing neceflary for
defence, found means to inform Clement and
the Venetians, that he muft foon furrendcr, if
they did not come to his relief. The Imperial
troops, as they had received no pay iincc the
battle of Pavia, lived at difcretion in the Mi-
laneie) levying fuch exorbitant concributioos ia
tbat
« Mem. dc Bellay, p. 97.
288 THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. that dutchy, as amounted, if we may rely on
Guicciardini's calculation, to no lefs a fum than
five thoufand ducats a day * ; nor was it to be
doubted, but that the foldiers, as foon as the
caftle Ihould fubmit, would chufe to leave a
ruined country which hardly afforded them fub-
fiftence, that they might take pofleflion of more
comfortable quarters in the fertile and un-
touched territories' of the Pope and Venetians.
The afliftance of the French King was the only
thing which could either fave Sfbrza, or enable
them to proteft their own dominions from the
infults of the Imperial troops.
A Tetgne FoR thcfc fcafons, the Pope, the Venetians,-
I^?nft*thc ^^^ ^^^^ of Milan, were equally impatient to
ijni)eror. come to an agreement with Francis, who, on
his part, was no lefs defirous of acquiring fuch
a confiderable acceffion, both of ftrength and
reputation, as fuch a confederacy would bring
along with it. The chief objcfts of this alli-
ance, which was concluded at Cognac on the
twenty- fecond of May, though kept fecret for
fome time, were, to oblige the Emperor to fet
at liberty the French King's fons, upon pay-
ment of a reafonable ranfom •, and to re-eftablifli
Sforza in the quiet poffeflion of the Milanefe*
If Charles fliould refufe either of thefe, the
contrading parties bound themfelves to bring
into the field an army of thirty-five thoufand
men, with which, after driving the Spaniards
out of the Milanefe, they would attack the
kingdom of Naples. The King of England
was declared proteftor of this league, which
they dignified with the name of Holy^ becaufe
the Pope was at the head of it •, and in order
to allure Henry more effedtually, a principality
in
•^ Guic. 1. xvii. 360.^
feMPEROR CHARLES V. 289
in the kingdom of Naples, of thirty thoo&nd ^^ot IV.
ducats yearly revenue, was to be fettled on him ; ^^PC^^
And lands to the value of ten tfaoufatid ducats on ^ '^ *
Woifey iiis fiivourite ^
No iboner was this les^ue cofncluded, than 'The i>ope
Clement, by the plenitude of his papal power^ Frgllh
«lbfi)ived Francis from the oath which he had ^'??» ^«'
liftken to obferve the treaty of Madrid ^. Thl$ fcrVthc^"
/ight, how pernicious foever in its effefts^ and ^^*^J^f
tkflrudtive of riiat integrity which is the baus
of aU tranfaftions among men, was the hatur^l
coTifequence of the powers which the Pepes
wrogated^ as the infallible vicegerents of Chriflb
%ip&n eardi« But as, in virtue of this pretended
pttfogative, tiiey had often difpenfed witfe
^ligations which were held facred, the imereft
of fwnc men, and the credulity of others, kd
tliem tKD imagine^ th^ die decifions of a fovcs
tejgn pontiff authorisscd or juftified aftibns whick
Would, otherwife, have been criminal ind im*
|>i0us>
M-EANWHtLE the difcovery of Francis's kt-^^cEmpe-
tention to dude the treaty of Madrid, fitted tJhe 17. *^^'^^
Eft^peror with a variety of difquieting thoughts^
He had treated an unfortunate Prince wioh the
iDoft ungenerous rigour ; he had difpla^ed an
infatiable ambition in all his negoctations witk
his prifoner : He knew what cenfures the former
bad drawn \ipon him, and what apprehenfibns
thfe latter bad excited in every court of Europe i
m>r had he reaped, from the meafures which he
p^fbtdi any of thofe advantages which poH*
tk:ift#is are apt to confider as an excufe for the
Vox. iL U moft
b Heuter. kcr. Auflr. lib. f*. c. 3. p. ii^. R^ca^il
6es TraTt. ii. 124. c Goldaft. Polit* imperisL
p. 1002. Pallav. Hift. p. 70.
290 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IV. moft criminal condud, and a compenfation for
^ -»'■ ^^ the fevercft reproaches. Francis was now out
'^^ • of his hands ; and not one of all the mighty
. confequenccs which he had expcfted from the
treaty that fet him at liberty, was likely to take
place. His ralhnefs in relying fo far -oa his
own judgment as to truft to the fincerity of the
French King, in oppofiiion to the ientiments of
his wifeft minifters, was now apparent •, and he
^fily conjeftured, that the fame confederacy^
the dread of which had induced him to fet
Francis at liberty, would now be formed againft
him, with that gallant and incenfed Monarch
at its head. Self-condemnation and fliame, on
account of what was pall, with anxious appre-
henfions concerning what might happen^ were
the neceflary refult of thefe refleftions on his
own conduft and fituation, Charles, however,
was naturally firm and inflexible in all his mea-
fures. To have receded fuddenly from any
article in the treaty of Madrid,, Would have been
a plain confeflion of imprudence, and a palpable
fymptom of fear ; he determined, therefore,
that it was moft fuitable to bis dignity, to ihfift,
. whatever might be the coafequences,. on the
ftridl execution of the treaty, and particularly
not to accept of any thing which might be
offered as an equivalent for the rcftiludon of
Burgundy ^. ■
Requires In confcquCnce of this refolution, he ap*
perfo^^^ pointed Lannoy and Alarcon to repair, as his
whathehadambafladors, to the court of France, and for-
ftipuiated. jnaiiy tQ fummon the King either to execute the
treaty with the fincerity that became him, or to
return, according to his Oath, a prifoncr to
Madrid. Inftead of giving them an immediate
anfwer^
^ Guic. 1. xvil 366,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. apt
anfwer, Francis admitted the deputies of the Book IV.
ftates of Burgundy to an audience in their pre-
fence. They humbly reprefented to him, that
he had exceeded the powers vefted in a King of
France, when he confented to alienate their
country from the crown, the domains of which
he was bound by his coronation-oath to prefcrve
entire and unimpaired. Francis, in return,
thanked them for their attachment to his crown,
and intreated them, though very faintly, to
remember the obligations which he lay under
to fulfil his engagements with the Emperor.
The deputies affuming an higher tone, declared
that they would not obey commands which they
confidered as illegal ; and if he fhould abandon
them to the enemies of France, they had re-
folved to defend themfclves to the beft of their
power, with a firm purpofe rather to perifli than
lubmit to a foreign dominion. Upon which, hu mfwen
Francis turning towards the Imperial ambafla-
dors, reprefented to them the impolTibility of
performing what he had undertaken, and offered,
in lieu of Burgundy, to pay the Emperor two
millions of crowns. The Viceroy and Alarcon,
who eafily perceived that the fcene to which
they had been witnefTcs, was concerted between
the King and his fubjefts, in order to iitipofe
upon them, lignified to him their matter's fixed
refolution not to depart, in the fmallefl point,
from the terms of the treaty, and withdrew *.
Before they left the kingdom, they had the
mortification to hear the holy league againft the
Emperor publifhed with great folemnity. June 1 1.
Charles no fooner received an account ofxhcEmpc-
this confederacy, than he exclaimed, in the moft [^jioasX^r**
U 2 publickwar.
- « Belcar. Comment, de Rcb. Gal. 573. Mem. de.BcI*
i^ THEREiGNOFtkfe
Book IV. puBlick mariner, and iri thfc haf fhdft ttrtite. «gJHttffi
Frahcis, a^ a Prince void bf Mh, ah^ M ki^
iibur. He cbmplaified Ati fefir bf ClerfleHt,
whoni he foticited iii V^ih tb aMHdbtt hfe AeW
allies ; he accufed him of irigratitbde ; he taSfc^
him with an ambitibrf bWbfecdfhhl^ his tYvk-
rafter •, he threatened him not dflljr i^ith all tHt!
<rengeance which th6 poWtr of lan firfipCrcrf- cari
Inflia, but, by dppe^lirtff. to a ftfenefal tbtihcll,
called up before him all the te'ritrft atifing fmitf
the authority of thofe iflfettibtei fo formldiibte
to the papal fee. li WiS necelfarjr^ Howfevet,
to oppofe fomelhing elfe thdrt rfeprb^hfes dhfl
threats to the poWefful idrtlbltiatioh fofrfitfrf
againft him j and thfe ErtlptWr, ptorti^tied by fd
many paflidns, did ridt fail to e^ei't himfelf trith
unufual vigour, ih ot-det td fchd filt>blieS Hdt
only of men, but of nionty, whieh tvas raM mdrt
heeded, into Italy.
Feeble ope- Qm the Other hand, th6 e6x>rti of the cbnfed^-
Sc confe. fates bore no proportion to thit ^hittlofity ^g^itaft
derates, the Emp^ror with which fhe^ tcertidd to eritfef
Into the holy league. Francis, it i^as thought,
would haveinfufedfpirit indi^igourihto the Whot^
body. He had his loft hortour to t-epair, tn^ny ihju-
fies to revenge, and the ftatioh amohg the RrincW
of Europe from which hfe had fallen fo t^bVer.
From all thefe powerful irtciterrtents, added td
the natural impetuofity of his tfeihber, a ifit
inore fierce and bloody thah any that hfe had
hitherto made upon his rival, Was iejcpetttd.
But Frahcis had gone through fUch a fcerjfe d
diftrefs ; and the impreffion it had made was
ftill fo frefli in his merbory, that he was become
diffident of himfelf. diftruftful of fofttinc, and
defiroui of tranquillity. To procure the releafe
tif his fcois, and to avoid the reftitution of Bur-
gundf*
#WJdjr, by paying fwc re^fpnaWe e^ijiy^lenf, ^?F ^V*
he woul/d willingly Mp f»c»riftc?4 Sforj^ an4 tfc^
lit)eff(teii <^ |/t4ly tp tiie igqipefor. ^e flattered
iiioifclf tha? ;h^ fir^ qf tl^e cpnfc4eracy whic^
he had iQXff^ WPim14 of ii(((^^ induce Charlra
to liften to what was equitable ; and was ajfraid
oi e{np}pyij[)g aoy ^of^der ^ble force for the re«
lief of the Mijanefe, left I>is allies, whpm h^
lu»d oftep 6>jan4 fio ^ P^orc attentive to their
pwn iatere^j itha^ puiX49:u.^.l in fulfilling theif
f %^(n^F^j 4)pi4d ^b^i^don I^im as fpofi a§ t^e
In^pe^i^Jii^^ vere driven put ^ that country, ao^
4gpriye his qegociajtipns lyith the plnipeior c^
j^%% Wl^i^bt which they derived froip his ^ing
»f tk^ hc^d of % pQwprfHl kagpe. In the mea?
jtim^ i^ (l^e of Mi^n w^s prefled moire clofely
ihAfi^ ,4:ver, mi ^prz^ w^ now re4uced to the
" ^ft /g^f etnity. The Pope ^nd Venetians, trufl;-
IQg to Fraaci^^s .concurrence, commanded thei|r
frpop^ tjp ti^kis |the fi/eld, in order to rel^rve him ^
4^4 jin 4rn)y, mpre th^n fufficient for thajt
Service, wa? fopn formed. The Milanefc, paf-
fipn^fely attached to their unfbrtiinjite dujce,
Jffn^ fU9 lei$ eieafperii^d 4gajnft the Iqiperi^lills^
who had op4)reffed them fo cruelly, were ready
to aid the confederates in all their enterprizes.
fBut tbp dukie d'Urbino, tjia/sir gei^ral, naturally
JSf>W m^ ii^icifiye, and reftrained, befides, by
his AQjciepit (crwity tp thp family pf Medici,
/irom t9kin^ my ftep thgf might aggrandize or
add r^pptatipn tp the Rope \ Ipft fpme ppppr-
tUDitie?, aftd rjcfufed to impripve pth^r?, o^
Slacking the lQiperialift$, and raifing the liege.
Th^fc xiSay$ gaye 6ourboa time to brii?g pp »
jF^ir^^MWi^t pf frcdh t4rpQp§, and 4 &pply of
oioney. He immediately took the command of J^h «4»
the
Ji^lc. A. ?vii* j8»«
294 THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. the army, and pulhed on the fiege with fuch
^ '"^" -^ vigour, as quickly obliged Sforza to furrender,
'^^ * who retiring to Lodi, which the confederates had
furprized, left Bourbon in full poffeffion of the
reft of the dutchy, the inveftiture of which the
Emperor had promifed to grant him &.
Difquietude" The Italians began now to perceive the game
JiM**^'^*" which Francis had played, and to be fenfible
^^^'^' that, notwithftanding all their addrefs, and re-
finements in negociation, which they boafted of
as talents peculiarly their own, they had for
once been over-reached in thofe very arts by a
# tramontane Frincc. Helfed hitherto thrown al-
moft the whole burden of the war upon them,
taking advantage of their, efforts, in order to
enforce the propofals which he often renewed
at the court of Madrid for obtaining the liberty
of his fons. The Tope and Venetians expoftu-
lated and complained ^ ; but as they were not
able to rouze Francis from his iilaftivity^ their
own zeal and vigour gradually abated ; and
Clement, having already gone farther than his
timidity ufually permitted him, began to accufe
himfelf of ramnefs, and to relapfe into his ni»
tural ftate of doubt and uncertainty.
Meaforcsof All the Empcror's motions depending on
the impe- himfelf alone, were more brifk and better con-
•certed. Th6 narrownefs of his revenues, in-
deed, did not allow him to make any fudden or
great effort in the field -, but he abundantly fup-
plied that* defeft by his intrigues and negocia-
tions. The fanrtily of Colonna, the moft power-
ful of all the Roman barons, had adhered uni-
formly to the Ghibeline or Imperial faftion, dur-
•■ ing
g Guic. 1. xvii. 1. 376, &c. h Rufcclli Lettere
-de Principi, ii. 157, &e. 159, 160 — 166.'
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 295
ing thofc fierce contentions between the Popes Book IV<
and Emperors, which, for feveral ages, filled
Italy and Germany with difcord and bloodlhed.
Though the caules which at firft gave birth to
thefe deftruftive faftions exifted no longer, and
the rage with which they had been animated
was in a great meafure fpent, the Colonnas ftill
retained their attachment to the Imperial intereft,
and, by placing themfelves under the proteftion
of the Emperors, fecured the quiet pofleffion of
their own territories and privileges. The Car-
dinal Pompeo Colonna, a man of a turbulent
and ambitious temper, at that time the head of
the family, had long been Clement's rival, to
whofe influence in the lafl: conclave he imputed
the difappointment of ail his fchemes for at-
taining the papal dignity, of which, from his
known conneiftion with the Emperor, he thought
himJclf fecure^ This was too great an injury
to an afpiring mind ever to be forgiven ; and
though he had diflembled his refentment lb far
as to vote for Clement at his eledion, and to ac-
cept of great offices in his court, he waited with
the utmoft impatience for an opportunity of
being revenged. Don Hugo di Moncada, thp
Imperial ambaflador at Rome, who was no
flranger to thefe ientiments, eafily perfuaded
him, that now was the time, while all the papal
troops were employed in Lombardy, to attempt
fomething which would at once avenge his own
wrongs, and be of eflcntial fervice to the Em.-
peror his patron. The Pope, however, whofe
timidity rendered him quick-fightcd, was fo at-
tentive to their operations, and began to be
alarmed fo early^ that he might have drawn to-
gether troops fufficient to have difconcerted all
Colonna's meafures. But Moncada amufed him
fo artfully with negociations, protnifes, and falfe
intelligence,'
2^6 THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. intelligence, that he lulled afleep all his fufpl-
" ^'T^ dions, and prevented his taking any of the pre*
"^ * Cautions neceffary for his fafety; wd to the
internal difgrace of a 'prince poffeffcd of great
power, as well as renowned for political wifdom,
h^olon ^^^^'^"^^ ^^ ^^^ head of three thoufand tnerr,
nasVcoroe fcized ouc of the gates of his capital, while he,
mafters of Imagining hinfifelf to be in perfea fecurity, was
altogether unprepared for relifting fuch a feeble
enemy. The inhabitatits of Rome permitted
Colonna*s troops, from whom they appreheildcd
no injury, to advance without oppofltion : the
Pope's guards were difperfed in a rnoment ; ani
Clement himfelf, terrified at the danger, tafliamcd
of his own credulity, and deferted by almoft
every perfon, fled with precipitation into the
caftle of St. Angelo, which was immediately in-
vefted. The palace of the Vatican, the chunlh
of St. Peter, and the houfes of the Pope's mint-
jders and fervants, were plundered in the mofl:
licentious manner ; the reft of the city was left
unmolefted. Clement, deftitute of every riling
neceOary ei tlier for fubfiftancc or defence, was
Accomrtio. foon obliged to demand a capitulation •, and
twew ^"e Moncada, being admitted into the caftle, pre*
Pope tod Jcribed to him, with all the haughtincfs of a
^ropcror, ^onqucrof, conditions which it was not in hii
power to reject. The chief of thefc was, That
element Ihould not only grant a full pardon to
the Colonnais, but receive them into favour,' and
:imrnediately withdraw all the troops m his pay
from the army of the confederates in Xonip-
Wdy '. .
The Colonnas, who talked of nothing left
xhan of depofing Cement, and of placing rona^
pco^
* Jovii Vita Pomp. Colon. Guic. I, xvii. 407, Rof*
cel)i Lette^e de f^rincipii i. p. 104*
Emperor CHARLES V. 197
»Co, their kinfman, in the vacant chair of St. Book IV.
Peter, exclainied toucjly againft a treaty which ' — "^^""^
left them at the mercy of a PontiflF juftly in^ "5^^'
cenfed againft them. 0ut Moncada, attentive
only to his matter's interest, paid little regard to
their complaints, and, by this fortunate mea-
fure, broke entirely the power o( the confe-
derates.
Whil? the army of the confederates fuffered T^« i^pc-
fuch a confiderable diminution, the Imperialifts "tUih^d.
received two great reinforcements ; one from
Spaing under the command of Lannoy and Alar*
con, which amounted to fix thoufand men ; the
Other was raifed in the Empire by George
Frondfperg, a German nobleman, who having
ferved in luly with great reputation, had ac-^
quired fuch influence and popularity, that mul-
titudes of his countrymen, fond on every occa-^ .
lion of engaging in military enterprizes, and im»
patient at that jundure to efcape from the op*
preffion of their fuperiors in religious as well as
civil matters, crowded to his ftandard ; fo that
without any other gratuity than the payment
of a crown to each man, fourteen thoufand
enlifted in his fervice. To thefe the Archduke
Ferdinand added two thoufand horfe, levied in
the Auftrian dominions. But although the
Emperor had raifed troops, he could not remit
the fums neceflary for their fupport. His or^
(Jinary revenues were exhaufted ; the credit of
princes, during the infancy of commerce, was
not extenfive •, and the Cortes of Caftile, though
every art had been tried to gain them, and fome
innovations had been made in the conftitution,
in order tb fecure their concurrence, peremp^
torily refufed to grant Charles any extraordi-
* . njiry
298 THEREIGN OF THE
Book. IV, nary fupply ^ ; fo that the more his army in-
^' — ^^7^ creafed in number, the more were his generals
Thl^Em- cmbarraffed and diftrefled. Bourbon, in par-
i»eror\fi. ticular, was involved in fuch difHculties, that
£c\€ni *^' he flood in need of all his addrefs and courage
in order to extricate himfelf. Vaft fums were
due to the Spanifh troops already in the Milan-
efe, when Frondfperg arrived with fixteen thou-
fand hungry Germans, deftitute of every thing.
Both made their demands with equal fiercencfs ;
the former claiming their arrears, and the lat-
ter, the pay which had been promifed them on
their entering Lombardy. Bourbon was alto-
gether incapable of giving fatisfaftion to either.
In this fituation he was conftrained to commit
afts of violence extremely fhocking to his own
nature, which was generous and humane. He
fcized the principal citizens of Milan, and by
,. threats, and even by torture, forced from them
a confiderable fum : he rifled the churches of
all their plate and ornaments. The inadequate
fupply which thefe afforded, hediftributed among
the foldiers, with fo many foothing exprefTions
of his fympathy and affeftion, that though it
fell far fhort of the fums due to them, it ap-
peafed their prefent murmurs '.
Bourbon Among Other expedients for raifing money,
^' J J^'^^'®'^^ Bourbon granted his life and liberty to Morone,
* ^' who having been kept in prifon fince his in-
trigue with Pefcara, had been condemned to die
by the Spanifti judges empowered to try him.
For this remifTion he paid twenty thoufand du-
cats ; and fuch were his fingular talents, and the
wonderful afcendant which he always acquired
over the minds of thofc to whom he had accefs,
that
4
fc Saodov. L 8i4r ' Ripamond. Hifl. MedioL
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 299
that in a few days, from being Bourbon's pri-BooK IV.
foner, he became his prime confident, with whom "7^
he confulted in all affairs of importance. To *^^ *
his infinuations muft be imputed the fufpicions
which Bourbon began to entertain, that the Em-
peror had never intended to grant him the in-
veftiture of Milan, but had appointed Leyva,
and the other Spanifh generals, rather to be
^ies on his conduft, than to co-operate heartily
towards the execution of his fchemes. To him
likewife, as he ft ill retained, at the age of four-
fcore, all the enterprizing fpirit of youth, may
be attributed the bold and unexpcftcd meafurc
on which Bourbon foon after ventured °*.
Such, indeed, were the exigencies of the Im- hi? deiibe-
perial troops in the Milanefe, that it became in- refJTca'to^
difpenfably neceffary to take fome immediate w« «not>o'»-
ftep for their relief. The arrears of the foldiers
increafed daily •, the Emperor made no remit-
tances to his generals 5 and the utmoft rigour
of military extortion could draw nothing more
from a country entirely drained and ruined. In
this fituation there was no choice left, but either
to difband the army, or to march for fubfiftence
into the enemy's country. The territories of
the Venetians lay neareft at hand ; but they,
with their ufual forefight and prudence, had
taken fuch precautions as fecured them from
any infult. Nothing, therefore, remained but to
invade the dominions of the church, or of. the
P'lorentines -, and Clement had of late afted fuch
a part, as merited the fevereft vengeance from
the Emperor. No fooner did his troops return
to Rome after the infurreftion of the Colonnas,
than, without paying any regard to the treaty
with Moncada, he degraded the Cardinal Co-
lonna,
^ Guic. 1. xvii. 419.
300 THE REIGN OF The
Booic IV. IpRDa, eicpommunipated fhe reft ol t^e f?r^^,
"^TT^ feized their places of ftrength, and wafted tbpir
5 • land with all the cruelty which th« lm?« pf ^
recent injury naturally excites, iV^ter thi?, hp
turned his ^m$ ?gainft Naples ; aad ^ jij^ Qp^
rations were fccon^ed by ;h,e French flp€t, He
made fome progreft towards t^e cgnqu/eft pf tl^^t
kingdom ; t;he Viceroy being nq left de^itutc
than the other I^iperial geperaU g^ the jriancF
requifue fgr 4 vjgorQVis 4^enic? ^.
1517. Tm%% prpceeijings of the P^pe juftjfie^, |p
bvadeVhf appearance, the meafures whjch |(?uj?bon'$ fitya-
Pope's ter- tion rendered n^ppe^ary ^ and he fct ^bo^t ej^g-
fitones. cuting them under fuch di fad vantages, as furniffi
the ftrongeft proof both of the d^fp^r ^> wJjich
he was redgced, ^nd of che greMflefs <^ hja ^'
Jities, which were able to fyrinoijni: fp jpsny oV-
ftacles. Having committed thie gpvjBfnflf^ent <tf
Milan to Leyva, whom he y^as not vi'^williiig
to leave behind, be bega/i h}$ pi^rch in tjie d^}i
January 3c. of winter, ait ibe hegd of i;w^nty.$v/5 th^vAfld
men, compofed of ng|iQ0$ ^ifferiflg fjrpgi es^ji
other in language and r?i4«n,er^ j lyi^bput mopey,
without magazines, wiihout artiilery, witboiit
carriages ; in ftert, v^i^ho^t apy pf chofe jthings
which are neqeffary to t}ve fifiail^ft party, §^fl
which i^via effential jp the cp^iftenc^ and mp-
' lions of a great arn^y, Iii§ roiu )^y tbrojigji
a country cut by rivers an^ moui^t^ins, \n which
the roads were almoft imprndifi^bie 5 ^s^fl ji^r
dition to his difficukies, the eqenf^y'^ ^rfpy, fy-
pcrior to his owp in number, w^^ ^ lv^f4 «p
watch all his ipQtiqn/s, and tp ioF^prpve fv^y
advantage, B.qt bis tropp§, in^patiiept of ih^ir
prcfent hardlhips, and allured by the jbope^ pf
iojrgfipfc
n Jovii Vita Ponjp, CAq^. Qm. h xviii. 424.
EMt^EROk CHARLES V. ^t
•ittmettfe booty, without confidering how ill Book IV.
pix3ividfed ther Were for i rharth, followed him """^^^ ^
\^ith grtat cWecrfblners. His firft fcheme was '**^'
tb hav6 ftiade himfclf maftel* of Placentia^,
ind to hivt gratified his foldiers with the
iJhinder of that city; but the vigilance of
th6 cdtiffcderao* gencrah rendered the dcfigrt
abortive ; nor had he better fuccefs in hi$ pro--
jfcfl: (bt the fedtrftion bf Bologna, ^hich w^s
ibllbnably fu|iplicd with as many troops is fe-
cured it from the infults of an army which had
neither artillery nor ammunition. Having failed
iii both thefe attempts to become mailer of fotne
gjfait city, ht was tinder a neccffiry of ad-
t^rtcing. But he had now bedntwo months in
the Aeld -, his ttDOps had fufFered every calamity
rfi^t la Ibrtg march, together with th^ Uncom-
mon rigour of the feafoh, could bring upon
itten deftitiite of all nfeceflkry accoitinKxlations
in ah eniemy's country ; the rtiagriificent pro-
mifes to which they trufted, had proved alto-
gether Vain ; they fiw no profpeft of relief ;
wren- patience, tried to the utmoft, failed at laft,
and tftc^ broke out into open mutiny. Sdme Mutiny of
dfl5ctri, who rafhly attempted to rfeftrain them ^ "^"^^
fMl viifHtils to their fury -, Bourbon himfelf, h6t
daririg to appear during the firft tranfportis of
theifr rage, was obliged to fly fccretly from his
^afrters ^ But this fudden ebullition of wrath
bfegan at iaft ro fubfide ; when Bourbon^ who
pblfefltd in a wonderful degree the art of govern-
ittg the iViifrds of fdldiers, renewed his promifes
ijrith rnort confidence than formerly, and affured
fheni, that they would be foon accomplifhed.
He cfndeavdured to render their hardfhipS more
toierabli^, by partaking of them himfelf; hfe
fared no better than the meaneft centinel ; hfe
marched
o Gttlt. I; xviii. 454. Jom ?it. Colon. 163. !
302 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IV. marched along with them on foot -, he joined
"^-"^^ ^them in finging their camp-ballads, in which,
«S27- yf\i)j high praifes of his valour, they mingled
many ftrokes of military raillery on his poverty,
and wherever they came, he allowed them, as a
foretafte of what he had promifed, to plunder
the adjacent villages at difcretion. Encouraged
by all thefe foothing arts, they entirely forgot
their fufFerings and complaints, and followed
him with the fame implicit confidence as for-
merly P.
•ilie Pope's Bourbon, meanwhile, carefully concealed
iiiefointicn hJs intcntions. Rome and Florence, not know-
Tta^^'^^' ing on which ,the blow would fall, were held
in the moft difquieting ftate of fufpence. Cle-
ment, equally felicitous for the farety of both,
fluftuated in more than his ufual uncertainty ^
and while the rapid approach of danger called
for prompt and decifive meafures, he fpent the
time in deliberations which came to no iffue,
or in taking refolutions, which, next day, his
reftlefs mind, more fagacious in difcerning than
in obviating difficulties, overturned, without
being able to fix on what ftiould be fubftituted
in their place. At one time he determined to
unite himfelf more clofely than ever with. his
allies, and to pufh on the war with vigour ; at
another, he inclined to bring all differences to
a final accommodation by a treaty with Lannoy,
who knowing his paffion for negociation, foli-
cited him inceffantly with propofals for that
Mwch 15. purpofe. His timidity at length prevailed, and
JJelt^wlth* *^d him to conclude an agreement with Lan-
the Viceroy noy, of which the following were the chief
I of Naples, ^^j^j^g . xhat a fufpenfion of arms fhould take
j place between the Pontifical and Imperial troops
for
p Oeuvres dc Brant, vol. iv. p. 246, &c.
'1;
r
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 303
for eight months; That Clement (hould ad-B^o^^ 'V*
vance fixty thoufand crowns towards fatisfying -^>^"'*—
the demands of the Imperial army; That the *^*^*
Colonnas (hould be abfolved from cenfure, and
their former dignities and poflcffions be rcftored
to them; That the viceroy (hould come to
Rome, and prevent Bourbon from approaching
nearer to that city, or to Florence ^. On this
hafty treaty, which deprived him of all hopes
of afliftance from his allies, without affording
him any folid foundation of fecurity, Clement
relied fo firmly, that, like a man extricated at
once out of all difficulties, he was at perfed
eafe, and in the fulnefs of his confidence dif-
banded all his troops, except as many as were
fufficient to guard his own perfon. This ama-
zing confidence of Clement's, who on every
other occafion was fearful and fufpicious to
excefs, appeared fo unaccountable to Guicciar-
dini, who being at that time the pontifical com-
miffary-general and refident in the confederate
army, had great opportunity as well as great
abilities for obferving how chimerical all his
hopes ^were, that he imputes the Pope's conduft,
at this junfture, wholly to infatuation, which
thofe who are doomed to ruin cannot avoid ^
Lannoy, it would feem, intended to have *v^'<:**j?o««"^
executed the treaty with great fincerity; andgaJds!'*"
having detached Clement from the confederacy,
wiflied to turn Bourbon's arms againft the Vene-
tians, who, of all the powers at war with the
Emperor, had exerted the greatcft vigour.
With this view he difpatched a courier to Bour-
bon, informing him of the fufpenfion of arms,
which, in the name of their common mafter, he
had concluded with the Pope. Bourbon had
other
q Qttic. !. xviii 436. ' Gulc. lib. xviii. 446*
1
30+ THEREIGNOFTHE
Book IV. othef fchem^s ; and he had profeciMd tbeth
^ — ^^7^ now too far to thifik &f retreatiftg. Td kwft
* *^^^' mentioned a retreat ro his foldiers^ wouM have
been dangerous ; his command wa& ihdepeddeitt
on Ldhftoy ; he was fond of mortifying a nun
wh^m he h^ m^y r^^oi^ th hite z Ibr thelb
reafons, without paying %ke leaft fegird to tte
mef&ge, he continued to tiivage th« fetcleMatfll
territories, and to advance towardi FloraM.
Upon thife, all Clement's terror laid aiMtidty
returning 'yArith neW forc«, he hid reomirfe tb
Lannoyv and intrdite<l and <conjured hioft to put
a ftop 136 Bourbon's ptiogrels. LaMov ^coofth
iflgly fet out for his c«tipj but durft Hot ^
proach it; Bourbon'^ foldiefli h^fhg got^toticfe
^ the truce, r^ed knd th^MK^ied, d4miiMlitig
the ^ctomplifhment of ^c pr^mi^ lo whidi
they had trufted ; their general himftdf touM
hardly reftrain thet^i^ <^t^ pcrfen in RoBik p«N
reived thdt nothing retiiained but «5 prepare for
refiftiiig a ftorm which it Wkt no^ fafip^ffi^te lo
difpel. Ckthent alon^e^ relying an ibme ^mbt^
guous and deceieful prc^ffions ^hkh BmHdM
made of his inclination tdWallis p^iPt^, ^Mit
back into his former fe6:urity \
Advances BouRBON, on his part, was far from being
^^ free ft^m folicitude. AH his attenipis m tiny
place of itopoftan<:e had Wthirtft hi'iMitMi
and Floreht6, towards whii^h he h^ been ^
proaching for fonrt tilnej Was, fey tfcfc *rii^ rf
the duke d^Urbino's ^-myj put in ^ «rn*eoA
to fet his power at tfefianee. As ft no* i^mt
neceflary to ehaftge bis rout^ and ro tfllte itt-
ftandy fbttie new refolutbfr, he ffiBed Without
h^fkatioi^ on one no lets darihg ih i<ftlf^ d)M
it Wa^ rmpiotis according t6 the epiniott ^ fhdt
• Gttici 1. xvfii; 43^,^4. Mem. dc BeMfcj^. lp% ife^.
age.
r
\
EWP5ROR CHARLES V. 305
9ge« This was to nS&Mk and plunder Rome. B00& JV.
m0ny reafony^ howcvo*, pt]Dmiited him to k.^-^"*'
He was {9od of thwarting Lannoy^ who had ^'*
mdertaken fpr the iafety oF that city ; he imo^
&^ thm ^ Emperor would be hmfaly pleafed
19 f$e Clement, thq chief aucfaor of the le^ue
ag^Q: hini» humbled^ he ibcfiered himmf,
^ by gratifying the rapacity of his foldters
with A^ imnmnfe booty, he would auach cbem
Ipt ever f$i his imerdti or (which is ftill more
probable i:haa my cf thefe) he hoped that by
means of the power and fanie, which he wou^d-^
acquire from the conqueft of the firft city in
QUri&OfdCnn^ that be might lay the fbundatbn
c^ao independent power; and that after ihaking
off nU ^osnedion with the Emperor, he might
take pofl^ion of Naples, or of fome of the Ita^
lian ftates in his own name '»
WjiATEVML his motives' wcnc, he executed The pope's
Us refolucion with a rapidity equal to the bold- ^7defelLT
nds with which he had formed it. His foldiers,
mw that they hsd their prey in fuH view, com*
plained neither of fatigue, nor famine, nor
>rant of pay. No fooner did they begin to
move from Tulcany towards Rome, than the
l^pe, feniible at h^ how faUacbus the hopes
hid been on which be repoied, ftarted from his
fecurity. But no time now remained, even for
a bold and deciGve Pontiff, to have taken
proper meafures, or to have formed any effec-
tual plan of defence- Under Clement's feeble
condu6t, all was conikroation, diforder, and
irrefolution. He polledtcd, however, fuch of
his difbanded foldiers as iliU remained in the
city ; he armed the artificers of Rome, and the
footmen and train-bearers of the Cardinals;
Vol. II. X he
t Brant, iv. 271. vi; 189. Bclcarii Comment. 594.
i
306 THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. he repaired the breaches in the walls; he beguw
*''"*'^^'"*^ to ere£t new works- he excommunicated Bour-
*^*^' bon and all his troops, branding the Germans
with the name of Lutherans^ and the Spaniards
with that of Moors »»• Truftii^ ta thefe incf-
feftual military preparations, or to bis fpiritual
arms, which were ftill more defpifed by rapaci- ^
ous foldiers, he feems to have laid afide bis na-
tural timidity, and, contrary to the advice of all
his counfellors, determined to wait the approach
of an enemy whom he might eafily have avoided^
by a timely retreat,
AflTtuitof Bourbon, who faw the neceffity of difpafch,
*'®™®' now that his intentions were known, advanced
with fuch fpeed, that he gained feveral marches
on the duke d'Urbino*s army, and encamped
in the plains of Rome on the evening of the
fifth of May. From thence he (hewed his fol-
diers the palaces and churches of that city, into
which, as the capital of the Chriftian common-
wealthy the riches of all Europe had flowed
during many centuries, without having been
once violated by anv hoftile hand; and com-
manding them to rcfrefli'themfelves that night,
as a preparation for the affault next day, pro-
mifed them, in reward of their toils and valour,
the poflcflion of all the treafures accumulated
ihere^
Early in the morning, Bourbon, who had
determined to diftinguifli that day either by his
death or the fuccefs of his enterprise, appeared
at the head of his troops, clad in complete
armour, above which he wore a veft of white
tiffue, that he might be more confpicuous both
to
u Scckend. lib. ii. 63*
II
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 307
to his friends and to his enemies ; and as all Book IV.
depended on one bold innpreflion, he led thelQ ^"Tc^tT^
inftantly to fcale the walls. Three diftinft bo-
dies, one of Germans, another of l§paniards, ^
and the laft of Italians, the three difierehc
nations of whom the army was compofed, were
^pointed to this fervice ; a feparate attack was
a^ned to each ; and the whole army advanced
to lupport them as occafion fhould require. A
thick mift concealed their approach until they
reached almoft the brink of the ditch which
furrounded the fuburbs : having planted their
ladders in a moment, each brigade rulhed on
to the afiault with an impetuoTity heightened
by national emulation. They were received at
firft with fortitude equal to their own; the
. Swifs in the Pop^^s guards, and the veteran fol-
diers who had been aflembled, fought with a
courage becoming men to whom the defence
of the nobleft city in the world was entrufted. ^
Bourbon's troops, notwithftanding all their
valour, gained no ground, and even began to
give way ; when their leader, perceiving that Bourbon
on this critical moment the fate of the day de-
pended, threw himfelf from his horfe, preffed
to the front, fnatched a fcaling ladder from a
foldier, planted it againft the wall, and began
to mount it, encouraging his men, with his voice
and hand, to follow him. But at that very
inftant, a mufket bullet from the ramparts
pierced his groin with a wound, which he im-
mediately felt to be mortal -, but he j^etained fo
much prefence of mind as to defire thofe who
were near him to cover, his body with a cloak,
that his death might not difhearten his troops -,
and foon after he expired with a courage worthy
of a better caufe, and which would have enti-
tled him to the higheft praifc, if he had thus
X 2 fallen
Cikco*
308 TH^ REIGN OF THE
Book IV. Men in defence oi hU country^ iKX titthe heid
^""""^^^'^ (rf its enemies »•
The citj Xhi6 fttal evtnt could not be conceited £pom
the army 1 the foUiors fixm mifled their gen&
TftU whom they were accuAoteed to fee in every
time of danger } but: inftead of being ds&eait^
ened by thm lo(5» it animated them with new
valour ; the name of Bourbon vefimnded along
the line accompmued with the cry of tkod
and revengitk The veterans who dmndcd the
walls, were ibon Overpowered by aumlders)
the untrained body of city cecnsits fled at tbd
(i^t of danger^ and the cnemyi with irrefiftibk
violence^ ruuied into tiie town*
DvaiNG the combat, dement was en[q)to]i«d
at the altar of St. Peter's to offering up to
Heaven unavailing prayers ibr vtf^ory. No
fooner was he informed that his troops began to
give way, than he fled with precipitation ; and
with an infatuation ftill more amazmg than any
thing already mentioned, infbead of making id^
efcape by the oppofite gate whern there was 90
enemy to oppofe it, he fhut him&Hf up, t(^thcr
with thirteen cardinals, the foreign ambafladors,
and many perfons of diftinftion, in the caftle of
St. Angeio, which, from his late misfortune, he
m^ht have known to be an infecure retreat*
In his way from the Vatican to that fortrefs, he
faw his troops flying befott an enemy who pur*
fued without giving quarter *, he heard the cries
and lamentations of the Roman citizen^, and
beheld the beginning of thofe calamities which
* his
X Mem. de Bcllay, loi. Guic, I rtiSi. p. 4451 ^1^*
Oeuv. de Brants iv. 257, &c.
_j
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 309
his 6wn credulity and iUrOOndttft had bim^ht Book IV.^
upon hh iubqefts ^ *— v-*^
It is knpoffible to defcribe^ or eren to ima- PioadeM.
giae, ti^ intfery and horrw of that fcene which
loUcnired. Whater^ a city taken by ftorm can
dread from military rage unreftrained by difcU
pline; whatever exceffi^s the ferocity of tli^
Oermans, the avarice of the Spaniards, or the
licentioufnds of the Italians could commit,
tfaefe the wretched inhabitanis were obliged to
filler. Churches, palaces, and the bou^s of
private perfons^ were plundered without dif-
tinflMn. No 1^ or chara^r, or fex, was
exempt from Injury. Cardinals, nobles, priefts,
mattxms, virgins, were all the prey of foldiers,
and at the mercy c^ men deaf to the voice of
humanity. Nor did thefe outra^a ceafe, as is
Ufual in towns which are carried by aiSault,
when the firft fury of the ftorm was over ; the
Imperialifts kept pofleflion of Rome feveral
months i And during all that time the infolence
md brutality of the foldiers hardly abated.
Their booty in ready money alone amounted to
a million of ducats *, what they raifed by ran-
foms and exadtions far exceeded that fum*
Rome, though taken feveral difitrent times by
the northern nations, who over^ran the Empire
in the fifth and fixth centuries, was never
treated with fo much cruelty by the barbarous
and heathen Huns, Vandals, or Goths, as now
by the bigOtted fubjc6ts of a catholick Mo-
narch *.
Aft^r
y Jov. Vit. Colon. 165. « Jov. Vit. Colon. 166.
Guk. I. xviii. 440, &c. CommeoV. do capta urbe Romae
a^. ficardium, ii. 230. Ulloa Vita dell. Carlo V. p. no,
&c. Oianonne Hid. of Nap. B. xxxi. c 3. p. $07.
3IO THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. After Bourbon's death, thie command of
'^'*"^^"'*^ the Imperial army devolved on PhUibert dc
*rht?I^ Chalons prince of Orange, ivho, with difficulty,
b«6eged in^ prevailed on as niarty of his foldiers to defift
St Aogeio. from the pillage, as were neceffary to inveft the
cattle of St. Angelo, Clement was immediately
fenfible of his error in having retired into that
Ul-provided and untenable fort. But as the
Imperialifts, fcorning difcipline, and intent only
on plunder, puftied the fiege with little vigour,
he did not defpalr of holding out, until the duke
d'Urbino (hould come to his relief. That ge-
neral advanced at the head of an army com-
pofed of Venetians, Florentines, and Swifs in
the pay of France, of fufficient ftrength to
have delivered Clement from the prefent danger.
But d'Urbino, preferring the indulgence of his
hatred againft the family of Medici to the glory
of delivering the capital of Chriftendom, and
the head of the church, pronounced the enter-
prize to be too hazardous ; and, from an ex-
qUifite refinement in revenge, having marched
forward fo far, that his army being feen from
the ramparts of St. Angelo, flattered the Pope
with the profpeft of certain relief, he imme-
Surrenders diatcly retired*. Clement, deprived of every
himfeif a rcfource, and .reduced to fuch extremity of fa-
June 5. mine as to reed on afles flelh'', was obliged to
capitulate on fuch conditions as the conquerors
were pleafed to prefcribe. He agreed to pay
four hundred thoufand ducats to the army ; to
furrender to the Emperor all the places of
ftrength belonging to the church ; and, befides
giving hoftages, to remain a prifoner himfeif
until the chief articles were performed. He
was committed to the care of Alarcon, who»
by his fevere vigilance in guarding Francis, had
given
* Guic. !• xviii. 450. b Jov. Vit. Colon. 167,
EMIPEROR CHARLES V, 311
given full proof of his being qualified for that ^^^ IV".
office; and thus, by a Angular accident, the^""j7C^
lame man had the cuftody of the two moft illuf-
trious perfonages who had been made prifoners
in Europe during feyeral ages.
The account of this extraordinary and un-The£mpe-
expected event was no lefs furprizing than agree- J?J^*^J^Yhi,
able to the Emperor. But in order to conceal janaore.
bis joy from his fubjeds, who were filled with
horror at the fuccefs. and crimes of their coun-
trymen, and to leficn the indignation of the reft
of Europe, he declared that Rome had been
aflaulted without any order from him. He
wrote to all the princes with whom he was in
alliance, difclaiming his having had any know-
ledge o( Bourbon's intention ^. He put him-
ielr and court into mourning ; commanded the
rdoicings which had been ordered for the birth
of his fon Philip to be ftopped ; and employing
an artifice no lefs hypocritical than grofs, he
appointed prayers and procefllons throughout
all Spain for the recovery of the Pope's liberty,
which by an order to his generals he could have
immediately granted him \
The good fortune of the houfe of Auftriasoiymanin.
was no lefs confpicuous in another part of Eu- gjj"" ""**'
rope* Solyman having invaded Hungary with
an army three hundred thoufand ftrong, Lewis
II. King of that country, and of Bohemia, a
weak and unexperienced prince, advanced raflily
to meet him with a body of men which did not
amount to thirty thoufand. With an impru-
dence ftill more unpardonable, he gave the
command of thefe troops to Paul Tomorri, a
Francifcan
^ Rufcelli Letterjc di Principi, ii. 234. ^ Sleid. 109.
Saodov. i.^ S22. Mauroc. Hift. Veneca. lib. iii. 220.
312 THE REIGN OF THE
Book IV. Fr^nciftao mooik^ archbtfliop of Golocza. This
"^-^"^'-^ awkward gcueral, in the drcis of his order, girt
^^'^' with its cord) marched at the head of thtf
troops ; and hurried oa by hts own pneiump^
tion, as well as by the impetuofity of nobles
who dcfpifed danger, but were impatient of
Aogfift tp. long iibrvice, he ibu^t the fatal bacck of Mo-.
DeUafof ^^^^ ^ which the King, the flower of the
(be Honga- Hungarian nobility^ and upwards of twemy
Hh If^ thoWand men feU the. vkaims of hb foUy and
their Kiog. iU^conduft* Solyman^ ^ter his vidx>ry, feized
and kept po0e0ion of finreral towtis of greateft
ftrength in the foothern provinces of Hungary,
and over«running the reft of rhe country, car-
ried near two hvmdned thoufand p^rkm^ MO
captivity. As Lewis was the )aft male of th^
royal family of Jagellon, the Archdukf Ferdi-
nand chiinoed both his crownsv This claim 'fm
founded on a double title ; the oM derived
from the ancient preten&ons of the houfe of
Auftria to both kingdoms ^ the other from thci
right of his wife, the only filter of the deteafed
j^'wnarch. The feudal inftitutions however fub-
fifted both in Hungary and Bohemia in fuch
vigour, and the nobles po&fied (uch extenfive
fower, that the crowns were ftill elective, and
erdinand's rights, if they had not been powcr^
fully fupported, would have met with littltf
Ferdintod regard. But his own perfonal merit ; the re-
J^f^ ipe& due to the brother of the greatcfl: Monarch
in Chriftendom; the neceflity of chufing a
prince able to afford his fubjefbs fome additional
protcdion againft the Turkifh arms^ which, as
they had recendy felt their power, they greatly
I dreaded i together with the intrigues of his
' fiftpr, who had been married to the late King,
overcame the prejudices which the Hungarians
had conceived againft the Archduke as a £)•
rcigner j
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 313
rAffKti and though a confiderable party voted Book IV.
for the Vaywode of Tranfilvania, at length^— >^-^
ftciircd Ftrdmand the throne of that Kingdom. '^^^*
The (bates of Bohemia imitated the example of
their neighbour kingdom ; but in order to af-
ceruin and (ecure tbeir own privileges, they
obliged Ferdinand, before his coronation, t6
fuUcrifae a deed which they term a Reverfe^
dedaring that he held thac crown not by any
previous right, but by their gratuitous and vo^
lontary eleftion. By fuch a vaft acceflion of ter-
ritories, tke hereditary pofieffion of which they
fecured in procefs or time to their family, the
princes of the houie of Auftria attained that
pre-eminence in power which hath rendered them
fo formidable to the reft of Germany ^.
Tub diflenfions between the Pope and Em* ^f^tu of
peror ptxyved extremely favourable to the pro- muioof °'"
grcfs of Lutheranifm. Charles, exafperated by
Clement's condud, and fully employed in op-
pofing the league which he had formed againft
him, had little inclination and lefs leifure to
take any meafures for fuppreflfrng the new opi-
nions in Germany. In a diet of the Empire, J^e *5-
held at Spires, the ftate of religion came to be *^*^*
confidered, and all that the Emperor required
ef the princes was, that they would wait pati-
ently, and without encouraging innovations,
for the meeting of a general council which he
had demanded of the Pope. They, in return,
acknowledged the convocation of a council to
be the proper and regular ftep towards reform-
ing abufes in the church -, but contended, that
^ national council held in Germany would be
^ more
« Steph. Bk'oderick Procancelarii Hungar. Clades in
caiDfO Mehacz ap. Scardium, ii 218. P, parre Hift. d'Al*
trmag&e^ torn, viii* part i. p. 198.
3f4 T H E R E I G N, &c.
BookIV. rnore cfFeftual for that purpofe than what he
* ^ had propoled. To his advice, concerning the
^ ^* difcouragcment of innovations, they paid fo
little regard, that even during the meeting of
the diet at Spires, the divines whb attended the
Eleftor of Saxony and Landgrave of Heflfe-
Caffel thither, preached publickly, and admi-
niftered the facraments according to the rites
of the Reformed church ^. The Emperor's own
example emboldened the Germans to treat the
Papal authority with little reverence. During
the heat of his refentment againft Clement, he
had publiftied a long reply to an angry brieve
which the Pope had intended as an apology for
his own condudt. In this manifefto, the Em-
peror, after having enumerated many inftances
of that Pontiff's ingratitude, deceit, and ambi-
tion, all which he painted in the ftrongeft and
moft aggravated colours, appealed from him to
a general council. At the fame time, he wrote
to the college of Cardinals, complaining of
Clement's partiality and injuftice; and requiring
them, if he refufed or delayed to call a council,
to manifeft their concern for the peace of the
Chriftian Church, fo fhamefully neglefted by
its chief pallor, by fummoning that aflembly in
their own name&. This manifefto, little infe-
rior in virulence to the inve6tives of Luther him-
felf, was difperfed over Germany with great in-
duftry, and being eagerly read by perfons of
every rank, did much more than counterbalance
the effeft of all Charles's declarations againft the
new opinions.
' SIcid. 103. g Goldaft. Polit. Inoper. p. 984.
THE
THE
HISTORY
O F T H E
REIGN
OF TH E
EMPEROR CHARLES V.
B O O K V.
THE accojant of the cruel manner in BookV.
which the Pope had been treated, filled *— ">^"*~^
all Europe with aftonilhment or horror. To-,'5*7-.
fee a Chriftian Emperor, who, by poffcffingS«,?i'"'
that dignity, ought to have, been the protedor *][5^5i*th^
and advocate of the holy fee, lay violent hands Emperor.
on him who reprcfcnted Chrift on earth, and
detain his facred perfon in a rigorous captivity,
was confidered as an impiety that merited the
fevered vengeance, and which called for the
immediate intcrpofition of every dutiful fon of
the churqh. Francis and Henry, alarmed at the
progrefs of the Imperial arms in Italy, had,
even before the taking of Rome, entered into a
clofcr alliance; and, in order to give fome
check to the Emperor's ambition, had agreed
to make a vigorous diverfion in the Low-
Countries. The forcjs of every motive which
iiad influenced them at that time, was now in-
*' creafed^
3i6 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. creafcd; aod to thde tf^reiladdcd, the defirc of
^"^ ^refcuing the Pope out of, the Emperor's hands,
*5*7* ^ oaeafure no let political,, thaiv^t appeared ta
be pious. Thi9^ however, rendf rpd it fieccffliry
to abandon their defigns on the Low-Countries,
and to make Italy the feat of war, as it was by
vigorous operation's irt that country, they might
promife moft certainty upon delivering Rome,
and fetong Clement at liberty. Francis being
now lenfible, that, in his fyftem With regaW to
the affairs of Italy^ the fpirit of refinement had
carried him too far ; and that, by an excefs of
reniiflhefs, he had allowed Charles to attain ad-
vamages whkh he iflight eafily ha^ pretrehfccL
was eager to niake reparation for an error ot
which he was not often guilty, by an adtivity
mone fuitable to his temper. Henry thought
his mterpofition ncceflary, in order to hinder
the Emperor from beeoming matter of all Italy,
and acquiring by that means fuch fuperiority of
pdwftr, as would toable Htm, for the future, to^
dictate wkhout controul ro the other princes of
Europe. Woiley, whom Francis had tak^ti
care to iccure by fiatt^ty and jprefents, the cer-
tain methods) of gaining his favour,^ negteded
nothing that co^ld inoeme his mafter againft the
Emperor. ' Befides all thefe publick confiderft-
tions, Henry was influenced by one of a more'
private nature; having begun ab6ut this time to
form his great fcbeme of divorcing Catherine c£
Aragon, towards the execution of which he
knew that the fandtion of papal authority woukl
be necefiary, he was defirous to acquire as muchf
merit at polhble with Clement, by appearing to
be the chief inltrument of his deliverance.
Confedefacy The n^ociatiott, bctwccn princes thu« dif-
juTy"'!.*"' P^^^^' T^^ "^^ tedious. Wolfey hinafclf con-
duded it, OA the part of his fovereign, with
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 317
mbin^nded |>owQr9. Francis treated with him Booic v.
iQ perfon at Amiens^ where the Cacdinat ap- ^""'^^ -'
peaMd# aod was received with royal ma^nifi* '5*^-
6Clace» A marriage between the duke of Or*
Imtta rad th< pnncefs Mary was agreed ta as
the bafis of m confederacy •« It was reiblved
that Italy fhould be the theatre of war ; the
ifaffngth of the aiinywliich fhould take the field,
aa well aa the dontiRgent of troe^s tfr of money
which iKach prince fbduld fiimi A, were fettled ;
and tf die £nq>eror did not accept of the pro-
bofiib they were jdntly to m^ke him, they ;
bound tfaeli^hres immediately to declare war,
and to begin hoftiiities. Henry, who took every Augoft is.
refidution with tmpttuofity, entered fo eagerly
ipto ihb new alliance, that in order to give
Francb the flrongefk proof of his friendfhip and
vcSp^&i be forma^y renounced the ancient^ claim
of the Ejnglifh Monarchs to the crotiiirn dt
france^ which had long been the ^mde and ruin
of the nation ^ as a full conlpenfation for which,
he accepted a penfiion of fifty thoqfand drowns,
10 be paid annually to hlmfelf and his Aiccef-
ibra\
Pope, being unable to fulfil the con-ThePiow
of Ms capitulation, ;fliU Femaihed atTthelT
prifbner under the' fevere cvftody of Aiarcon. f^^^^tun.
Tbe Flarendnes no iboner beard of what had
happened at Rome, than they ran to arrhs in a
(umnltiious manner; expelled the Cardinal di
CortOM, who governed their city in the Pope's
nanK; defaced the arms of the Medici ; broke
in paeoes the ftatuos oT Leo and Clett^ent ; atid
declaring therofclvcs a free Hate, re-eftabltfhed
their ancient popular government. The Vcne-
tiiins, taking advantage of the calamity of their
ally
) » Herbert, 83, &c. Rjm^ Feed, 14. 203.
1
3i8 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. ally the Popc, fcizcd Ravenna, anc} other places
*""''^' ' belonging to the church, under pretext of keep-
'5*^* ing them in depofite. The dukes of Urbino-
and Ferrara laid hold likewife on part of the^
fpoils of the unfortunate Pontiff, whom they
confidered as irretrievably ruined K
The impe- Lannoy, on the Other hand, laboured to ^-
i^^ rive fome folid benefit from tfasa' xsaSavekm
event, which gave fuch fplendour and fuperiority
to his mafter's arms. For this purpofe he
mdFched to Rome^ together with Moncada, and
the marquis del Guafio, at the head of all the
troops which they could affemble in the king-
dom of Naples. The arrival of this reinforce-
ment brought new calamities on the unhappy
citizens of Rome; for the foldiers envying the
wealth of their companions, imitated their
licence, and with the utmoft rapacity gathered
the gleanings, which had efcaped the avarice of
the Spaniards and Germans. There was not
now an army in Italy capable of making head
againfl: the Imperialifts ; and nothing more was
requifite to reduce Bologna, and the other towns
in the eccleliaftical date, than to have appeared
before them. But the foldiers having been fo
long accuftomed, under Bourbon, to an entire
relaxation of difcipline, and having tailed the
fweets of living at difcretion in a great city,
almoft without the controul of a fuperior, were
become fo impatient of military fubordinatioir,
^ and fo averfe to fervice, that they refufed to
leave Rome, unlefs all their arrears were paid;
a condition which they knew to be impoffiblc.
At the fame time they declared, that they
would not obey any other perfon than the prince
of Orange, whom the army Iiad chofen general.
Lannoy, finding that it was no longer lafe for
him
b Guic. 1. 1 8. 453.
EMPERORCHARLES V. ^319
hhn to remain among licentious troops, who Book V.
defpifed his dignity, and hated his perfon, re- v-'-v--^
turned to Naples; foon after the marquis del *^^^*
Guafto and Moncada thought it prudent to
quit Rome for the fame reafon. The prince of
Orange^ a ^neral only in name, and by the
moft precarious of all tenures, the good-will of
Ibldiers whom fuccefs and licence had rendered
capricious, was obliged to pay more attention
to their humours, than they did to his commands.
Thus the Emperor, inftead of reaping any of
riic advantages which he might have expedkcd
from the reduction of Rome, had the mortifi-
cation to fee the tno& formidable body of troops
that he had ever brought into the field, conti-
nue in a ftate of ina£tivity from which it was im-
pofllble to rouze them ^.
This gave the King of France and the Vene- The French
tians leifure to form new fchemes, and to enter ^''^^^^ -^
Miio new engagements for delivering the Pope, to uaiy.
and prcferving the liberties of Italy. The
new reftored republick of Florence very im-
prudently joined with them ; and Lautrec, of
whofe abilities the Italians entertained a much
more favourable opinion than his own matter,
was, in order to gratify them, appointed gene-
raliflimo of the league. It ivas with the utmoft
leludtance he undertook that office, being un-
willing to expofe himfclf a fecond time to the
difficulties and difgraces which the negligence
of the King, or the malice of his favourites,
might bring upon him. The bed troops in
France marched under his command ; and the
King of England, though he had not yet de-
clared war agamft the Emperor, advanced a
confiderable fum towards carrying on the exp^
diiion.
' c Gulc. 1. 18. 4^4.
■V
320 THEREIGNOFTHS:
Book V. dition. Lautrec's firft operations ^^yere pnidfnv
^' — ^'"""^^ vigorous, and fuccefsfii}* By the glSSftaoc^ ^i^
Hit ^r». Andrew Doria, the tWcft fea pfiicer ^f th»t 9^
tiont. he rendered himfelf miifterof Geno% and l^c^
eftablifhed ii> thpt repy^ick ^e i^¥M^ 9i the
Fregofi, ti^ether with the dotnioioa o# pron^^
He obliged Alexandria to fijirriender ^er a fhort
fiege, and reduced 4II the CQVintry 00 chut fide
q£ the Tefino. He todc P^ia, whiab hid fii>
long refifted the arm3 of his fo^f ereign^ by a&liU»
and plundered it with that icfu^ky which die
memory of the fatal difkfter that had b^ftlkB:
the French nation before its waU$ ndeuraUy m-
i^ired. All the Milanefe, which Adtpnio de
Leyva drfended with a fm^l body of irtxqpft^
kept together, and fupported by his own addeeft
and induftry, mud have f^on fiibmitMd to hk
power, if he had continued to bend the force
of his arms againft that coi^ry. Biat I^Utrec
durit not compkte a conqueft which wotild
have been fo honourable to hioifelf, Md of fueh
advantage to the league. Francis knew bk
confederates to be more defirous of circunafcrib-
ing the Imperial power in Italy, than erf acquir-
ing new territories for him, and was afraid that
if Sforza were once re-eftablilhcd in Milan, they
would fecond but coldly the attack which he
intended tp make on the kingdom oi K^lics.
For this reaion he inftrufted Lautrec not to pulk
his operation3 with too much vjgow in Lom-^
bardy; and happily the importunities of tl^
Pope, and the (plicitatioos of the Florentines,
the one for relief, and the other for protei^tioD,
were fo ur|;ent as afforded him a deoent pretext
to march ^ward without yielding to the intrea^
ties of the Venetians and Sforza, who ic^fied oa
bis laying fiege to Milan ^.
While
d Guic. !. xviii. 461. Bettay, 107, &c. Mauroc.
Hiil. Venet. lib. iii. 238..
r
EMPEROR CHARLES V. j^i
Whilb Lautrec advanced flowly towards Book V.
Rotne^ the Empctot bad time to deliberate con- ""^^^ ^
ccming the dupofal of the Pope's perfoii, who Th'^j^lmpe-
ftai rtmaitted a prifoncr in the caftlc of St. An- '^^ ^«" «^«
gtlo. Notwithftanding the fpccious veil of b^ny/^
religion with which he ufually eiideaV6ured to
cover his aftions, Charles, in many inftances,
8(ppi»ir$ CO have been but little under the in-
fiuenot of religbua confideratbns, and had fre-
(fuently^ on this oocafion^ expteflcd an inclkiar
tion to cranfport the Pope into Spain, that he
might indul^ his ambition with the ipe^ade of
tke ^wo moft illuftrious perfonages in £iir<^
focceflively priibiiers in his court. But the fear
of Riving new offence to all Chriftendom, and
of HUing his own fubjefts with horror, obliged
kim to fon^ that fatisfa&ion ^. The progrefe
of the confederates made it now neceflary either
to fet the Pope ac liberty, or to remove him to
fome place of confinement more fecure than the
caftfe of St. Angdo. Many confiderations in-
duced him to prefer the former^ particularly his
wanted the mxxiej requifite as well for recruiting
his army, as for paying off the vaft arrears due
to it. In order to obtain this, he had aBembkd
the Cortes of Caftile at VaHadolid about the F«b. n.
begitining of the year, and having laid before
them the ftate of his affairs, and re|)reiented the
ntcellity of making great preparations to refifl:
the enemies, whom envy at the fuccefs which
had crowned his arms would unite againft him,
he demanded a large fupply in the mod preffing
terms ; but the Cortes, as the nation was^ already
^^haufted by extraordinary donatives, refufed
to k)ad it with any new burden, and, in fpice of
all his cf^deavours to gain or to intimidate the
Vol.. II. . y meo^bcrs,
e Cuic. 1. 18. 4S7.
3ZZ THEREIGNOFTHE
Book V. members, perfifted in this rcfolution ^ No re-
^ "^* "^ fource, therefore, remained but the extorting
^ ' ' from Clement, by way of ranfom, a fum fuf-
ficient for discharging what was due to his
troops, without which it was vain to mentioii
to them their leaving Rome.
Nor was the Pope ina£tive on his part, or
his intrigues unfuccefsful, towards haftening fuch
a treaty. By flattery, and the appearance of
unbounded confidence, he difarmed the refcnt-
ment of cardinal Colonna, and wrought upon
his vanity, which made him defirous of (hew-
ing the world, that as his power had at firft
deprefled the Pope, it could now raifc him to
his former dignity. By favours and promifes
he gained Morone, who, by one of thofe whitn-
fical revolutions which occur fo often in his life,
and which fo ftrongly difplay his chara<5ler, had
now recovered his credit and authority with
the Imperialifts. The addrefs and influence of
two fuch men > eafily renrioVed all the obftacles
which retarded an accommodation, and brought
the treaty for Clement's liberty to a conclufion,
upon conditions hard indeed, but not more in-
tolerable than a prince in his fituation had reafon
to expeft. He was obliged to advance, in ready
money, an hundred thoufand crowns for the ufc
of the army •, to pay the fame fum at the diftance
of a fortnight ; and at the end of three months,
iin hundred and fifty thoufand more. He en-
gaged not to take part in the war againfl: Charles,
either in Lombardy or in Naples j he granted
him a cruzado, and the tenth of ecclefiaftical
revenues in Spain •, and he not only gave hoft-
ages, but put the Emperor in poffeffion of
feveral towns, as a fecurity for the performance
moiety
f Sandov. i. p. 814.*
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 323
of thefe articles ^. Having raifcd the firft Book V.
moiety by a fale of ecclefiaftical dignities and '"'""'^^"''^
benefices, and other expedients equally unca- '^^^'
nonical, a day was fixed for delivering him Oeccm. 6.
from imprifonment. But Clement, impatient
to be free, after a tedious confinement of fix
months, as well as full of the fufpicion and dil^
truft natural to the unfortunate, was fo much
afraid that the Imperialifts might ftill throw in
obftacles to put oflr his deliverance, that he dif-
guifed himfelf the preceding night in the habit
of a merchant, and Alarcon haying remitted
fomewhat of his vigilance upon the conclufion
of the treaty, he made his efcape undifcovcred.
He arrived before next morning at Orvieto, with-
out any attendance but a fingle officer; and
from thence wrote a letter of thanks to Lautrec,
as the chief inftrument of procuring him li-
berty K
Overtaresof
During thefe tranfaflions, the ambaflTadors [^^p^„p;:;°'
of France and England repaired to Spain, in wd Henry.
coniequence of the treaty which Wolfey had
concluded with the French King. The Empe-
ror, unwilling to draw on himfelf the united
forces of the two Monarchs, difcovered an in-
clination to relax fomewhat the rigour of the
treaty of Madrid, to which, hitherto, he had
adhered inflexibly. He offered to accept of the
two millions of crowns which Francis had pro-
pofed to pay as an equivalent for the dutchy of
Burgundy, and to fet his fons at liberty, on con-
dition that he would recal his army out of Italy,
and'reftore Genoa, together with the other con-
quefts which he had made in that country.
With regard to Sforza, he infilled that his fate
Y z fhould
g Gaic. 1. 18. 467, &c. *^ Guic. 1. i8. 467,
&c. Jov. Vit. Colon. 169. Mauroc. Hift. Venct. lib.
iii. 2^i»
324 THE REIGN DF TH£
Booic V. fliould be determined by the judges af>pointfed
^-^■ v --** to inquire into his crimes. Thefc pi^pofiliohs
'5*7' |>eing made to Henry, he tranfriiitted them to
his ally the French King, whom it morfe nearly
concerned to examine, and to anfwer them;
and if Francis had been fincerely folicitous cither
to conclude peace, or preferVe cohfiftenfcy in his
bwn conduft, he ought ihftantly t6 have clbfcd
With overtures which differed but little from thfe
propofitions which he himlelf had formerly
hiade *. But hfs views were how niuch chan^ j
his alliance with Henry, l.autfec*s progrds ia
Italy, and the fuperiority of his army ihcit
^ove that of the Emperor, liartfly left him
room to doubt of the fiiccefs of his enterprizc
againft Naples. Full of thbfc fahguinfe hope^
he was at no lofs to find pretexts for reje^ing
dt evading what the Emperor had jpropbfed.
Under the appearance of fympathy with Sforza,
for whofe interefts he had not hitherto difco-
vered much folicitude, he again demanded the
full ^nd unconditional re-eftabliftiment of that
unfortunate prince in his dominions. Under
colour of its being imprudent to rely on thfe
Emperor's fincerity, he infifted that his fons
ihould be fet at liberty before the French troops
Jeft Italy, or furrendered Genoa. The unrea-
fonablenefs of thefe demands, as well as the
i-eproachful infinuation with which they were
accompanied, irritated Charles to fuch a degree,
that he could hardly liften to them with pa-
' tience ; and repenting of his moderation, which
had made fo little impreffion on his enemies,
declared that he would not depart in the fmalleft
article from the conditions which he had now
offered. Upon this the French and Englifli
ambaffadors,
> R^ueil des TraiteZy 2. 249.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 325
ambai&dors, (for H^nry had been drawn unac- Book V.
coimtably to concur with trancis in thefe' — ^^""^
grange propofitions,) demanded and obtained ^^^^'
their audience of leave K .
Nbxt day, t^o heralds, who had accompa- i^is.
nied the ambaijadors of purpofe, though they ^^^^^^ **•
had hitherto concealed their character, having
aflumed the enfigns of their oificb, appeared in
the Emperor's court, and being admitted into
his pretence, they, in the name of their relbeftivc They de-
ipafters, and with all the folemnities cuftomary«^«'»«j<>^*'
on fucb oqcafions, denounced war againft him. Em^ror *
Charles received both with a dignity fuitable to
his own rank *, but fpoke to each in a tone adapt-
ed to the fentiments which he entertained of
their fovereigns. He accepted the defiance of
the Englifh monarch with a firmnefs tempered
by Ipmc degree of decency and rel'pedt. His
reply to the French King abounded with that
acrimony of expreflion, which perfonal rivalfhip,
exafperated by the memory of many injuries
inflided as well as fuffered, naturally fgggefts.
He defired the French herald to acquaint his
fo5?ereign, that he would henceforth confider
him not only as a bafe violator of publick faith,
but as a flranger to the honour and integrity be-
coming a gentleman. Francis,' too high-fpirited
to bear fuch an imputation, had recourfe to an
uncommon expedient in order to vindicate his
charaAer. He inftantly lent back the herald JJ[»nci«
with a €arul of defiance, in which he gave the thcEmpcro^
Emperor the lie in form, challenged him to^«>^8'«
finglc combat, requiring him to name the time ^^
and place of the encounter, and tlie weapons
with which he chofe to fight. Charles, as he
was
k Rym. 14. 2Q0. Herbert, 8$. Guic. }. i8. 471-
326 THEREIGN OFTHE
Book V.' ^as not inferior to his rival iii fpirit or braveiy,
^■"■"^^T^ rpadily accepted the challenge •, but after fevcral
'^ ' meffages concerning the arrangement of all the
circumftances relative to the combat, accom-
panied with rputpal reproaches, bordering on
the mqft indecent fcurrility, all thoughts of this
duel, more becoming the heroes of romance
than the two greateft Mpnarchs of their age,
were entirely laid ^fi4e K
The effeft Xhe example of two perfonages fo illuftriou?
^!^ting drew fuch general attention, and carried with it
**fY"m *" ^^ much authority, that it had confiderable in-
p ue mg. gygj^^g jj^ introducing an important change in
manners all over Europe. Duels, as has already
been obferved, had long been permitted by the
laws of all the European nations, and forming
a part of their jurifprudence, were authorized
by the magiftrate on many occafions, as the moft
proper method of terminating queftions with
regard to property, or of deciding in thofe
which refpefted crimes. But fingle combats
being conlidered as folemn appeals to the omni-
fcience and jufiice of the Supreme Being, they
were allowed only in publick caufes, according
to the prefcription of law, and tarried on in i
judicial form. Men accuftortied to this manner
of decifion in coqrts of juftice, were naturally
led to apply it to perfonal and private quarrek
Duels, which at firft could be appointed by the
civil judge alonp, were fought without the in-
terpofition of his authority, and in cafes to
which the laws did not extend. The tranfaaior\
between Charles and Francis ftrongly counte-
panced this pradtice. Upon every iffrontj or
r • ...-.,. injury
1 Recueil des Trait«z, 2. Mepi. dc BclUy 103, ^C»
S^ndOv. Um. I. 837; . , .
*f • »
.' ' .
r
EMPERORCHARLESV. 327
njury which feemed to touch his honour^ a gen- Book V.
tleman thought himfelf intitled to draw his'
fword, and to call on his adverftry to make re-
paration. Such an opinion, introduced among
men of fierce courage, of high fpirit, and of
rude manners, when offence was often given,
•and revenge was always prompt, produced moft
fatal confequences. Much of the beft blood in
Chriftendom was fhed •, many ufeful lives were
Sacrificed *, and, at fome periods, war itfelf hath
hardly been more dcftruftive than thefe contefts
of honour. So powerful, however, is the do-
Ijiinion of fafliion, that neither the terror of
penal laws, nor reverence for religion, have been
4ble entirely to aboliOi a practice unknown
among the ancients, and not juftifiable by any
principle of reafon ; though at the fame time it
muft be admitted, that, to this abfurd cuflom,
we muft afcribe, in fome degree, the extraordinary
gentlenefs and complaifance of modern manners,
and that relpcdful attention of one man to an-
other, which, at prefcnt, render the focial inter-
courfes of life far more agreeable and decent
than among the moft civilized nations of anti-
quity.
While the two Monarchs feemed fo eager to Rw««t of
terminate their quarrel by a perfonal combat, rj^^iift™^^
Lautrec continued his operations, which pro- Rome.
mifed to be ihore decifive. His apmy, which ' '"*'^*
was now increafed to thirty- five thoufand men,
advanced by great marches towards Naples.
The terror of their approach, as well as the
remonftrances and the intreaties of the prince
of Orange, prevailed at laft on the Imperial
troops, though with difficulty, to quit Rome,
of y^hich they had kept poffeflion during ten
months.
3z8 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. months. But of that flounfhing army whkh
^C*^ had entered the city, fcarcely one half remained 5
*^^ * the reft, cut off by the plague, or wafted by dif-
cafes, the eflfcfts of their inaftivity, intempe-
rance, and debauchery, fell victims to their own
crimes °*. Lautrec made the greateft efforts to
attack them in their retreat towards the Neapo-
Htan territories, which would have fini(hed the
war at one blow. But the prudence of their,
leaders difappointed all his meafures, and con-
du&ed them, with little lofs, to Naples. The
people of that kingdom extremely impatient
to fhake off the Spanilh yoke, received the
French with open arms, wherever they appeared
to take pofleffion 5 and Gaeta and Naples ex-
cepted, hardly any place of importance remained
French be- Jn the hands of the Imperialifts, The prefer-
|j1m! *" vation of the former was owing to the ftrength
of its fortifications, that of the latter to the
prefence of the Imperial army. Lautrec, how-
ever, fat down before Naples •, but finding it
vain to think of reducing a city by force while
defended by fo many troops, he was obliged to
employ the flower, but lefs dangerous method
of blockade; and having taken meafures which
appeared to him effedlual, he confidently aflur-
cd his mafter, that famine would foon compel
the befieged to capitulate. Thefe hopes were
ftrongly confirmed by the defeat of a vigorous
attempt made by the enemy in order to recover
the command of the fea. Thegallies of An-
drew Doria, under the command of his nephew
Philippino, guarded the mouth of the harbour.
Moncada, who had Hicceeded Lannoy in the
vice-royalty, rigged out a number of gallies
fuperior to Doria's, manned them with a chofcn
,body
n» Guic. 1. xviii. 47?,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 329
body of Spanifli reteram, and going on board Bopc v.
himWf, together with the marquia dcf Guafto, ^""""^"T***
attacked PhUipfrino before the arrival (rf* the Vcr ^^
mmn wd French ffeets. But he, by his fupe-
parlor ikiU in naval operations, caGly triumphed
ov^ the valour and number of the Spaniards.
The iriceroy was killed, wo& of his fleet de-
ftfoycd, and Guailo, widi many officers of
diiluKftion, being taken prUbners, were put on
board the captive gallies, and fent by Philippino,
as trophies <^ bis vidtory, to his uncle '>.
NOTWITHSTANDINO this flattering profoeft Cirwm.
of fuccefa, many circumftances concurred to fruf- twch'rc*
trate Lautree's expectations. Clement, though ^«^<* ^^
he always acknowledged his being indebted to Srfi?**
Francis w the recovery of his liberty, and often
complained of the cruel treatment which he had
met with from the Emperor, was not influenced
at this junfture by principles of gratitude, nor,
which is toore eiftraordinary, was he fwayed by
the deiiPe o£ revenge. His paft misfortunes
rendered him more cautious than ever ; and his
recolle&ioo of the errors which he had commit-
ted, increafed the natural irrefolution of his
mind. While he amufed Francis with promiies,
he fecretly negociated with Charles ; and being
folicitous, above all things, to re-eftabli(h his
family in Florence with their ancient authority,
which he could not expeft from Francis, who
had entered into ftrift alliance with the new
republick, he leaned rather to the fide of his
enemy thap tp that of his benefaftor, and gave
Lautrec no afiiftance towards carrying on his
operations. The Venetians, viewing with jea^
loufy the progrefs of the French arms, were
intent only upon recovering fugh maritime
towns
s Gaic, 1. xix. 87. P. Heater, lib. x. c 2. p. 231*
330 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. towns in the Neapolitan dominions as were to
^""'^^"^ be pofleflTed by their republick, while they were
*^* ' altogether carelefs about the reduftion of
Naples, on which the fuccefs of the common
caufe depended °. The King of England, in-
•ftead of being able, as had been projefted, to
embarrafs the Emperor by attacking his terri-
tories in the Low Countries, found his fubjefe
fo averfe to an unneceffary war, which would
iiave ruined the trade of the nation, that in order
to filence their clamours, and put a flop to the
infurredions ready to break out among them,
he was compelled to conclude a truce tor eight
months with the governefsof the Netherlands?.
Francis himfclf, with the fame * unpardonable
inattention of which he had formerly been
guilty, and for which he had fufFered fo fevere-
ly, neglefted to make proper remittances to
Lautrec for the fupport of his army ^.
Rerottof These unexpefted events retarded the pro-
D^^r^iirfVoro grefs of the French, difcouraging both the
France. general and his troops •, but the revolt of An-
drew Doria proved a fatal blow to all their
nieafures. That gallant officer, the citizen of a
republick, and trained up from his infancy in the
lea-fervice, retained the fpirit of independence
natural to the former, together with the plain
liberal manners peculiar to the latter. A pcr-
feft ttranger to the arts of fubmiffion or flattery
neccffary in courts, but confcious at the fame
time of his own merit and importance, he al-
ways offered his advice with freedom, and often
preferred his complaints and remonftrances with
boldnefs. The French minifters, unaccuftomed
to
o Goic. I. xix. 491. p Herbert, 90. Rymer, 14. 258.
^ Guic. 1. xviii. 478.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 331
to fuch liberties, determined to ruin a man who Book V.
treated them with fo little deference ; and ^"^^C^
though Francis himfclf had a juft fenfe of '^^ '
Doria's fervices, as well as an high eftcem for
his charafter, the courtiers, by continually re-
prcfenting him as a man haughty, intraftable,
and more folicitous to aggrandizie himfclf than
to promote the intereft of France, gradually
undermined the foundations of his credit, and
filled the King's mind with fufpicion and dif-
truft. From thence proceeded feveral affronts
and indignities put upon Doria. His appoint-
ments were not regularly paid ; his advice, even
in naval affairs, was often flighted ; an attempt
was made to feizc the prifoners taken by his
nephew in the fea-fight off Naples -, all which
he bore with abundance of ill-humoun But
an injury offered to his country, tranfported him
beyond all bounds of patience. The French
began to fortify Savona, to clear its harbour,
and, removing thither fome branches of trade
carried on at Genoa, plainly fhewed that they
intended to render that town, long the objeft
of jealoufy and hatred to the Genoefe, their
rival iii wealth and commerce. Doria, animated
with a patriotic, zeal for the honour and intereft
of his country, remonftrated againft this in the
higheft tone, not without threats, if the meafure
were not infiantly abandoned. This bold adion,
aggravated by the malice of the courtiers, and
placed in the moft odious light, irritated Francis
to fuch a degree, that he commanded Barbe-
ficux, whom he appointed admiral of the Levant,
to fail diredtly to Genoa with the French fleet,
to arreft Doria, and to feize his gallies. This
ralh order, the execution of which could have
been fecured only by the moft profound fecrecy,
was
332 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book V-was concealed with ib Utile care, th|i( Don^ff^
^ ^C"^ timely intelligence of it, and recited wish ^
^^^ ' his gallics to a place of l^ety. Quafto,. hi;
prifoner, who had long obierved and fopi^eat^
his growing difcont^nt, and had often ^Ui^re^
him by magnificent promife^ to ei^^r mj^ ijn
Emperor's fcrvice, laid hold on this f%vouf^|;>l^
opportunity. While his indignation and refenjE-
mcnt were at their height, he prevailed W km
to difpatch one of his o|5c#fs * to th^ Ij^perijil
court with his overtures ^d ^m^^s. Thfl
negociacion was not lofig *, Charles, fully ^
fible of the importance of fqch ^ ^qui&$io%
granted him whatever tern^ij he reqiMted. D^m
fcnt back his commifliQfl, t^gQther with th^
collar of St. Michael, to Francis, aC|d H^Hfting
the Imperial colours, faikd with aU his g§llic$
towards Naples, not to htock vp the h4r|y)UF
of that unhappy city, as he fa^d forotiefly en-
gaged, but to bring them profe^i^n ^d deli*
verance.
Wretched His arrival opened the c^^^m^rneztif^ with
thrFr?nch ^^ ^^^» ^"^ rettored plenty in Naples,* which
army before was ttow rcduccd to tbc l^ extremity ; ^i the
if»?^c%. j^Yench, having Joft thek fuperipciiy at fca, were
fbon reduced to great ft raits for wa^t of provi-
lions. The prince of Orange, who fgcceeded
the viceroy in the command of tfee la^perial
army, (hewed hitpfelf by hjis prmdpm eopduct
worthy of that honour which his gopd fer^une
and the death of his generals h^ twice acqgired
him. Peloved by the troops, whp retp^p^f rio^
the profperity which tl>ey had |BBJ€>ye4 ^nd/er hi^
command, ferved him with the utpaqft ^i^rity,
he let flip no opportunity c^h^rraffii^i^ the egemy,
and by continual al^r^s or fallies,, latigiK^i an^
weakened
EMt^EROR CHARLES V. 333
Wtakehed them '. As an addition to all thefeBooK V.
misfortunes, the difeafes common in that coun- "^^
try during the fultry months, began to break '^* '
out atnong the French tfoops. The prifoners
communicated t6 them the peftilence which the
Imperial army had brought to Naples from
kome, and it raged with fuch violence, that
few, cither officers or foldiers, efcaped the in-
feftibn. Of the whole army, not four thoufand
men, a number hardly fufficient to defend the
tamp, were capable of doing duty *• ; and being
ftow bcfieged in their turn, they lufFered all the
fhiferies from which the Imperialifts were de-
livercd. Laut^ec, after ftruggling long with
fo many difappointments and calamities, which
preyed on his mind at the fame time that the
peftilence wafted his body, died, lamenting theAog. 15.
negligence of his fovereigrt, and the infidelity
of his allies, to which fo many brave meh had
fallen viftims '. By his death, and the indifpo-
fition of the other generals, the cdrtimand de-
volved On the marquis de Saluces, an officer
altogether unequal to fuch a truft. He, with R^ife the
troops no lefs difpirited than reduced, retreated ^*^^*'
in difordet to Averfa ; which town being in-
verted by the prince of Orange, Saluces was
under the neceffity of confenting, that he him-
felf fhould remain a prifoner of war, that his
troops (hould lay down their arms and colours,
give up their bagggge, and march under • a
guard to the frontiers of France. By this igno-
niinious capitulation, the wretched remains of
the French army were faved ; and the Emperor,
by his own perfeverence and the good condudt
of
«" Jovii Hift. lib. xxxvi. p. 3 1 r &c. Sigonii Vita l^oria,
p. 1139. Bcllay, 114, &c. «BeH«y, nj^ &c»
t P. Heuter. Rerum Auftr. lib. x.c. 2. 231.
334 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book V. of his generals, acquired once more the fupcri-
^"""^ ' ority in Italy **.
The lofs of Genoa followed immediately up-
Gcnoi rcco- on the fuin of the army in Naples. To deliver
^/tyl* **' his country from the dominion of foreigners was
Doria's higheil ambition, and had been his
principal inducement to quit the fervice of
France, and enter into that of the emperor. A
moft favourable opportunity for executing this
honourable enterprize now prefented itfelf. The
city of Genoa, afflifted by the peftilence, was
almoft deferted by its inhabitants j the French
garrifon being neither regularly paid nor r^
cruited, was reduced to an inconfiderable num-
ber ; Doria's emiffaries found that fuch of the
citizens as remained, being weary alike of the
French and Imperial yoke, the rigour of which
they had alternately felt, were ready to welcome
him as their deliverer, and to fecond all his
meafures. Things wearing this promifing afped,
he failed towards the coafl: of Genoa ; on his
approach the French sallies retired ; a fmall
body of men which he landed, furprized one of
the gates of Genoa in the night-time ; Trivulci,
the French governor, with his feeble garrifon,
Sept. iz. ihut himfelf up in the citadel, and Doria took
poffeflion of the town without bloodflied or
refiftance. Want of provifion, quickly obliged
Trivulci to capitulate; the people, eager to
abolilh fuch an odious monument of their fer-
vitude, ran together with a tumultuous violence,
and levelled the citadel with the ground.
Difintereft. Jt was HOW in Doria*s power to have rendered
ofDorla.^ himfclf the fovcrcign of his country, which he
had fo happily delivered from oppreflion. The
fame of his former adlions, the fuccefs of his
prefent
tt Bellay, 1 17, &c. Jovii Hift. lib. xxir, xxvi^
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 335
prdent attempt, the attachment of his friends. Book V.
the gratitude of his countrymen, together with ' ^O"
the fupport of the emperor, all confpired to *^* *
facilitate his attaining the fupreme authority,
and invited him to lay hold of it. JBut with a
magnanimity of which there are few examples,
he lacrificed all thoughts of aggrandizing him-
felf to the virtuous fatisfadion of eftablifhing
liberty m his country, the higheft object at
which ambition can aim. Having afiembled the
whole body of the people in the court before his
palace, he aflured them, that the happinefs of
teeing them oncf more in poflcflion of freedom,
was to him a full reward for all his fer vices i
that, more delighted with the name of citizen
than of fovereign, he claimed no pre-eminence
or power above his equals j but remitted en-
tirely to them the right of fettling what form of
government they would now chuie to be efta-
bliihed among them. The people liftencd to
him with tears of admiration, and of joy.
Twelve perfons were elefted to new-model the
conftitution of the republick. The influence of
Doria's virtue and example communicated itfclf
to his countrymen ; the faftions which had long
torn and ruined the ftate, feemed to be forgot- .
ten -, prudent precautions were taken to prevent
their reviving ; and the fame form of govern-
ment y/hich had fubfifted with little variation
fmce that time in Genoa, was eftablifhed with
yniverfal applaufe. Doria lived to a great
age, beloved, refpefted, and honouifed by his
countrymen', and adhering uniformly to his-
profeflions of moderation, without arrogating .
any thing unbecoming a private citizen, he pre-
fcryed.a great afcendant over the councils of the
republick, which owed its being to his generofity.
The authority which he poflefled was more flat-
tering, a$ well as more fatisfadlory, than that
derived
335 THE ftfitGN 6F tttg
Book V. derived from fbvcreignrf ; ^ doiftifitoh fdtlAM
* C^ in hvt and in gratitude ; and upheld bf VMM*
*^ ' tiort for hisvirtuea, rtot bf the dread of hrs poWff.
Hra memory is ftill reverenced by dv^ G«K^fe|
and he h diftingurfhed in their pubfek moM^
ments, and celebrated in the Worksl ttf thdr his-
torians, by the moft honoursbbleof all a^pditeioM^
THE FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY, AND
THE RESTORER OF ITS UBERTY*.
»s*9- Fr Alters, in order to recever tfie itp\ii«idfi
KMitl-of his arms, difcredked by fo mwiy lo&s, iftwfc
aeic. new efforts in the Milandfe. Btft the X^fttt rf
St. Pol, a ra(h and une3tpc?rienciki dfieir, »
whom he gave the command, was nO m»,ch for
Antonio de Leyva, the ableft of the ImpmA
generals. He, by his fuperlor IkiM h wif,
checked, with a handful of men, tht brttk b«l
ill concerted motions of the Freiaf k •, and iteugb
fo infirm himfelf that he was eafrt^ ^nftftfttljr
in a litter, he furpafled them, when occttfiort in-
quired, no lefs in activity than in priKlertce. By
an uncxpe6ted march he furprissed, defeated,
and took the Count of St. Pol, i^uining the
French army in the Milanefe as entirety as the
prince of Orange had ruined that which b^cgcd
Naples y.
Ncgociati. Amidst thefe vigorous operations in the field,
one between each party difcovercd an impatient defifc of
FrMd8.*°** peace ; and continual negociatiohs wctTe cattifd
on for that purpofe. The French Kiflg dif-
couraged, and almoft exhaufted by fo many
unfuccefsful enterprises, was reduced flow ID
think of obtaining the rcleafe of his foa^ by con-
ceffions, not by the terror of his anm. The
Pope
" Guic. 1. xix. p. 498. Sigooii Vita Doric, p. 1 146.
Jovji Hift. lib. xxvi. p. 36, &c. y Guic. 1. xix. 520. P.
fecicer. Rer.Auftr. lib.x.c.j.p. 233.Mem.deBeUa3r, isi*
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 337
Pope hoped to recover by a treaty whatever he Book V.
had loft in the war. The Emperor, notwith- ^'^^"^
ftanding the advantages which he had gained, *^*^'
had many reafons to make him wifli for an ac-
commodation. Solyman, having over-run Hun-
gary, was ready to break in upon the Auftrian
territories with the whole force of the Eaft.
The Reformation gaining ground daily in Get-
many, the princes who ^voured it had entered
into a confederacy, which Charles thought dan-
gerous to the tranquillity of the Empire. The
Spaniards murmured at a war the weight of
which refted chiefly on them. The variety and
extent of the Emperor's operations far exceeded
what his revenues could fupport; his fuccefs
hitherto had been owing chiefly to his own good
fortune, and to the abilities of his generals ;
nor could he flatter himfelf that they, with
troops deftitute of every thing neceflary, would
always triumph over enemies ftill in a condition
to renew their attacks. All parties, however,
were at equal pains to conceal, or to diflem-
ble their real fentiments. The Emperor, that
his inability to carry on the war might not be
fufpefted, infifted on high terms in the tone
of a conqueror. The Pope, folicitous not to
lofe his prefent allies, before he came to any
agreement with Charles, continued to make a
thoufand proteftations of fidelity to the former,
while he privately negociated with the latter.
Francis, afraid that his confederates might pre-
vent him by treating for themfelves with the
Emperor, had recourfc to many diftionourable
artifices in order to turn their attention from the
meafures which he was taking to adjuft all diff^e-
rences with his rival.
In this fituation of affairs, when all the con-
tending powers wiflied for peace, but durft not
Vol. II. Z venture
338 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. venture too haftily on the fteps neccffary for at-
^^"^^^ ' taining it, two ladies undertook to procure this
^^^' bleffing fo much defired by all Europe. Thefc
w«y. were Margaret of Auftria, dowager of Savoy,
the Empcror^s aunt, and Louife, Francis's mo-
ther. They agreed on an interview at Cam-
bray, and being lodged in two adjoining
houfes, between which a communication was
opened, met together without ceremony or ob-
fervation, and held daily conferences, to which
no perfon whatever was admitted. As both
were profoundly (killed in bufinefs, thoroughly
acquainted with the fecrets of their refpefiivc
courts, and poflefled with perfc6t confidence in
each other, they foon made great progrefs to-
wards a final accommodation ; and the ambafTa-
dors of all the confederates waited in anxious
fufpenfe to know their fate, the determinatioa
of which was entirely in their hands ^.
Separate BuT whatcvcr diligencc they ufed to haften
twel^ thJ forward a general peace, the Pope had the ad-
Popc and drefs and induftry to get the ftart of his allies,
^juoc aio. ^y concluding at Barcelona a particular treaty
for himfelf. The Emperor, impatient to vifit
Italy in his way to Germany ; and defirous of
re-eftablifhing tranquillity in the one country,
before he attempted to compofe the diforders
which abounded in the other, found it neccf-
fary to fecure at leaft one alliance among the
Italian ftates, on which he might, depend. That
with Clement, who courted it with unwearied
importunity, feemed more proper than any
other. Charles being extremely folicitous to
make fome reparation for the infults which he
had offered to the facred charafter of the Pope,
and to redeem paft oflTences by new merit,
granted
z P. Hcuter. Rer. Auftr. lib x. c- 3. p. 133; Mem. de
Bellay, p. 122.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. s^g
granted Clement, notwithftanding all his mif- Book V.
fortunes, terms more favourable than he could "^ ^"^^
have expefted after a continiied feries of fuc- '^^^*
cefs. Among other articles, he engaged to re-
ftore all the territories belonging to the eccleG-
allical ftate ; to re-eftabli(h the dominion of the
Medici in Florence j to give his natural daugh-
ter in marriage to Alexander the head of that
family ; and to put it in the Pope's power to
decide concerning the fate of Sforza, and the
pofleflion of the Milanefe. In return for thefe
ample conceflions, Clement gave the Emperor
the inveftiture of Naples without the referve of
any tribute, but the prefent of a white deed, in
acknowledgment of his fovereignty ; abfolved
all who had been concerned in afiaulting and
plundering Rome ; and permitted Charles and
his brother Ferdinand to levy the fourth of the •
ecckfiaftical revenues throughout their domini-
ons'.
The account of this tranfaftion quickened Augnft^.
the negociations at Cambray, and brought Mar- cimbrty
garet and Louife to an immediate agreement, between
The treaty of Madrid ferved as the bafis of that Fr^*^|,ts. *"*^
which they concluded ; the latter being intend-
ed to mitigate the rigour of the former. The
chief articles were, That the Emperor fhould
not, for the prefent, demand the reftitution of
Burgundy, referving, however, in full force, his
rights and pretenfions to that dutchy: That
Francis fliould pay two millions of crowns as
the ranfom of his fons, and, before they were
fct at liberty, Ihould reftore fuch towns as he
ftill held in the Milanefe : That he (houid refign
the fovereignty of Flanders and Artois : That he
(hould renounce all his pretenfions to Naples,
Z 2 Milan,
* Goic. L xix. 531.
340 THE.REIGNOFTHE
Book V. Milan, Genoa, and every other place beyond
^ '-' -* the Alps ; That he ftiould immediately confum-
'^^^* mate the marriage concluded between him and
the Emperor's filter Eleanora ^.
Advtnttgc- Thus Francis, chiefly from his impatience to
Emperor.* procurc liberty to his fons, facrificed every thing
which had at firft prompted him to take arms,
~ or which had induced him, by continuing hofti-
lities, during nine fucceflive campaigns, to
protraft the war to a length hardly known in
Europe before the eftablifliment of (landing
armies, and the impofition of exorbitant taxes,
became univerfal. The Emperor, by this trea-
ty, was rendered fole arbiter of the fate of Italy,
he delivered his territories in the Netherlands
from an ignominious badge of fubjcftion ; and
after having baffled his rival in the field, he
prefcribed to him the conditions of peace. The
different condu6t and fpirit with which the two
Monarchs carried on the operations of war, led
naturally to fuch an iflue of it, Charles, in-
clined by temper, as well as obliged by his fitu-
ation, concerted all his fchemes with caution,
purfued them with perfeverance, and, obferving
circumftances and events with attention, let
none efcape that could be improved to advan-
tage, Francis, more enterprizing than fteady,
undertook great defigns with warmth, but exe-
cuted them with remiflhefs ; and diverted by his
pleafures, or deceived by his favourites, he
often loft the moft promifing opportunities of
fuccefs. Nor had the charader of the two rieals
themfelves greater influence on the operations
of the war, than the oppofite qualities' of the
generals
b P. Hcutr. Rer. Auftr. lib. x. c. 3. p. 234. Sandov.
Hift. dell Emper. Carl. V. ii. 28.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 341
generals whom they employed. Among the Book V.
Imperialifts, valour tempered with prudence ; ' — ^^""*^
fertility of invention aided by experience; dif- '5^^*
cernment to penetrate the defigns of their ene-
mies ; a provident fagacity in conducing their
own mcafures ; in a word, all the talents which
form great commanders and enfure viftory,
were confpicuous. Among the French, thefe
qualities were either wanting, or the very reverfe
of them abounded ; nor could they boaft of one
man (unlefs we except Lautrec, who was always
unfortunate) that equalled the merit of Pefcara,
Leyva, Guafto, the Prince of Orange, and other
leaders v/hom Charles had to fet in opposition to
them. Bourbon, Morond, Doria, who by their
abilities and condu£t might have been capable
of balancing the fuperiority which the Imperial-
ifts had acquired, were loft through the care-
leflhefs of the King, and the malice or injuftice
of his counfellors ; and the moft fatal blows
given to France during the progrefs of the war,
proceeded from the defpair and refentment of
thefe three perfons, who were forced to abandon
her fervice.
The hard conditions to which Francis was DiOionour.
obliged to fubmit were not the moft afflifting p^/*J|*^
circumftance to him in the treaty of Cambray.
He loft his reputation and the confidence of all
Europe, by abandoning his allies to his rival.
Unwilling to enter into the details neceffary for
adjufting their interefts, or afraid that whatever
he claimed for them muft have been purchafed
by farther concellions on his own part, he gave
them up in a body ; and, without the leaft pro-
vifion in their behalf, left the Venetians, the
Florentines, the duke of Ferrara, together with
fuch of the Neapolitan barons as had joined hisi
army,
342 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book V. army, to the mercy of the Emperor. They ex-
^^-'^^ ' claimed loudly againft this bafe and perfidious
'5^^* aftion, of which Francis himfelf was fo much
afhamed, that in order to avoid the pain of
hearing from their ambafladors the reproaches
which he juftly merited, it was fome time before
he would confent to allow them an audience.
Charles, on the other hand, was attentive to the
intereft of every perfon who had adhered to him;
the rights of fome of his Flemilh fubjedts, who
had eftates or pretenfions in France, were fe-
cured ; one article was inferted, obliging Francis
to reftore the blood and memory of the conftable
Bourbon : and to grant his heirs the pofleflion of
his lands which had been forfeited ; another, by
which indemnification was ftipulated for thofc
French gentlemen who had accompanied Bour-
bon in his exile ^. This conduA, laudable in
itfelf, and placed in the moft ftriking light by a
comparifon with that of Francis, gained Charles
as much efteem as the fuccefs of his arms had
acquired him glory.
lf«Bry tc- Francis did not treat the King of England
quieiccB 10 ^- j^ ^j^^ ^^^^ neglcft as his other allies. He
communicated to him all the fteps of his nc-
gociation at Cambray, and luckily found that
Monarch in a fituation which left him no choice,
but to approve implicitly of his meafures, and
His fcheme to concur With them. Henry had been folicit-
vlrced"from "^g ^^^ ^^P^ ^^^ fomc time, in order to obtain
his Queen, a divorcc from Catharine of Aragon his Queen.
Several motives combined in prompting the
King to urge this fuit. As he was powerfully
influenced at fome feafons by religious confider-
ations,
c Quic. I xix. p. 525. P. Hcutcr. Rcr. Aoftr. lib. 41
c. 4. p. 235,
r
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 343
ations, he entertained many fcruplcs concern- Book V.
ing the legitimacy of his marriage with his bro- '— v— '
therms widow; his afFeftions had long been ^*^*
eftranged from the Queen, who was older than
himfelf, and Jiad loft all the charms which fhe
pofleflcd in the earlier part of her life ; he was
paflionately defirous of having male iflue; Wol-
fey artfully fortified his fcruples, and encouraged
his hopes, that he might widen the breaph be-
tween him and the Emperor, Catharine's ne-
phew ; and, what was more forcible perhaps in
Its operation than all thefe united, the King had
conceived a violent love for the celebrated Anne
Boleyn, a young lady of great beauty, and of
greater accomplilhments, whom, as he found
it impoflible to gain her on other terms, he
determined to raife to the throne. The Papal
authority had often been interpofed to grant
divorces for reafons lefs fpecious than thofe
which Henry produced. When the matter was
firft propofed to Clement, during his imprifon-
ment in the caftle of St. Angelo, as his hopes
of recovering liberty depended entirely on the
King of England, and his ally of France, he
cxprefled the warmeft inclination to gratify him.
But no fooner was he fet free, than he difcover-
ed other fentiments. Charles, who efpoufed the
prote6l:ion of his aunt with zeal inflamed by
refentment, alarmed the Pope on the one hand
with threats, which made a deep imprelEon on
his timid mind ; and allured him on the other
with thofe promifes in favour of his family,
which he afterwards accomplilhed. Upon the
profpeft of thefe, Clement not only forgot all
his obligations to Henry, but ventured to en-
danger the intereft of the Romifli religion in
England, and to run the rifque of alienating that
kingdom for ever from the obedience of the
Papal
344 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. Papal, fee. After amufing Henry during two
^^ ^ ^ years, with all the fubtleties and chicane which
*529* ^j^g court of Rome can fo dexteroufly employ
to protraft or defeat any caufe ; after difplaying
the whole extent of his ambiguous and deceit-
ful policy, the intricacies of which the Englilh
hiftorians, to whom it properly belongs, have
found it no eafy matter to trace and unravel ;
he, at laft, recalled the powers of the delegates
whom he had appointed to judge in the point,
avocated the caufe to Rome, leaving the King
no other hope of obtaining a divorce but from
the perfonal decifion of the Pope himfelf. As
Clement was now in ftrift alliance with the Em-
peror, who had purchafed his friendftiip by fuch
exorbitant conceflions, Henry defpaired of pro-
curing any fentence from the former, but what
was diftated by the latter. His honour, however,
and paffions concurred in preventing him from
relinquilhing his fcheme of a divorce, which he
determined to accomplifh by other means, and
at any rate ; and the continuance of Francises
friendftiip being neceflary to counterbalance the
Emperor's power, he, in order to fecure that,
not only offered no remonftrances againft the to-
tal negled of their allies, in the treaty of Cam-
bray, but made Francis the prefent of a large
fum, as a brotherly contribution towards the
payment of the ranfom for his fohs ^.
Auguft 12. Meanwhile the Emperor landed in Italy
t^or vifit^^*' with a numerous train of the Spanifh nobility,
itiiy. and a confiderable body of troops. He left the
government of Spain during his abfence to the;
Emprefs Ifabella. By his long refidence in that
country, he had acquired fuch thorough know-
ledge of the charafter of the people, that he
* ' ' could
d Herbert. Mem. dc Bellay, p. 122.
r^
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 345
could perfedtly accommodate the maxims of his Book V-
government to their genius. He could even ^"""""^^^
affume, upon fome occafions, fuch popular '^^^'
manners, as gained wonderfully upon the Spa-
niards. A ftriking inftance of his difpofition
to gratify them had occurred a few days before
he embarked for Italy : He was to make his
publick entry into the city of Barcelona ; and
fome doubts having arifen among the inhabit-
ants, whether they fhould receive him as Empe-
ror, or as Count of Barcelona, Charles inflantly
decided in favour of the latter, declaring that
he was more proud of that ancient title, than of
his Imperial crown. Soothed with this flattering
expreffion of his regard, the citizens welcomed
him with acclamations of joy, and the ftates of
the province fwore allegiance to his fon Philip,
as heir of the county of Barcelona. A fimilar
oath had been taken in all the kingdoms of
Spain, with equal fatisfaftion \
Thp Emperor appeared in Italy with the
pomp and power of a conqueror. Ambafladors
from all the princes and ftates of that country
attended his court, waiting to receive his deci-
fion with regard to their fate. At Genoa, where
he firft landed, he was received with the accla-
mations due to the proteftor of their liberties.
Having honoured Doria with many marks of di-
ftin£tion, and beftowed on the republick feveral
pew privileges, he proceeded to Bologna, the
place fixed upon for his interview with the
Pope. He a&fted to unite in his publick entry Nov. $.
into that city the ftate and majefty that fuited
an Emperor, with the humility becoming an
obedient fon of the church ; and while at the
bead of twenty thoufand veteran foldlers, able
' ■•-'-. ^ —to
e Sandov, ii. p. 50, Ferrer, ix. 11 6.
546 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book V. to give law to all Italy, he kneeled down to kifs
^^'""''^''"^ the feet of that very Pope whom he had fo
^*^* lately detained a prifoner. The Italians, after
fufFerin^ fo much from the ferocity and licen-
tioufnefs of his armies, and after having been
long accuftomed to form in their imagination a
pifture of Charles which bore fome refemblancc
to that of the barbarous monarchs of the Goths
or Huns, who had formerly affli6ted their
country with like calamities, were furprized to
fee a prince of a graceful appearance, affable
and courteous in his deportment, of regular
manners, and of exemplary attention to all the
offices of religion ^ They were ftill more afto-
ni(hed when he fettled all the concerns of the
princes and ftates which now depended on him,
with a degree of moderation and equity much
beyond what they had expefted.
His mode- Charles himfclf, when he fet out from Spain,
thl' m'ot*ivt8 f^r ^^^^ intending to give any fuch extraordi-
of «. nary proof of his felf-denial, feems to have been
refolved to avail himfelf to the utmoft of the
fuperidrity which he had acquired in Italy. But
various circumftances concurred in pointing out
the neceffity of purfuing a very different courfe.
The progrefs of the Turkifh Sultan, who after
over-running Hungary, had penetrated into
s«pt. 13- Auftria, and laid fiege to Vienna with an army
of an hundred and fifty thoufand men, loudly
called on him to coUeft his whole force to op-
pofe that torrent \ md though the valour of the
Germans, the prudent condu A of Ferdinand,
oaober 1 5. together with the treachery of the Vizier, foon
obliged Solyman to abandon that enterprize
with infamy and lofs, the religious diforejer^ ftill
growing.
f ftindoy, Hift. del Emp. Carl. V. ii, 50, 53, &c.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 347
growing in Germany made the Emperor*s pre- Book V.
fence highly neceflary there e : The Florentines, ^*'*^^— ^
inffead of giving their confent to the re-cftablifli- '^^*
ment of the Medici, which by the treaty of
Barcelona the Emperor had bound himfelf to
procure, were preparing to defend their liberty
by force of arms -, the vaft preparations for his
journey had involved him in unufual expences ;
and on this, as well as many other occaiions,
the multiplicity of his affairs, together with the
narrownefe of his revenues, obliged him to con-
tract his vaft fchemes of ambition, and to forego
prefent and certain advantages, that he might
guard againft more remote but unavoidable
dangers. Charles, from all thefe confiderations,
finding it necefTary to afTume an air of modera-
tion, afted his part with a good grace. He
admitted Sforza into his prefence, and not only
gave him a full pardon of all paft offences, but
granted him the inveftiture of the dutchy, toge-
ther with his niece, the King of Denmark's
daughter, in marriage. He allowed the duke of
Ferrara to keep pofTefTion of all his dominions,
adjufting the points in difpute between him and
the Pope with an impartiality not very agreeable
to the latter. He came to a final accommoda-
tion with the Venetians, upon the reafonable
condition of their reftoring whatever they had
ufurped during the late war, either in the Nea-
politan or Papal territories. In return for fo
many cqncefTions he exacted confiderable fums
from each of the powers with whom he treated,
which they paid without reluftance, and which
afforded him the means of proceeding on his
journey towards Germany with a magnificence
fyitable to his dignity K
Thesb
s Sleidan, 121. Guic. 1. zx. 550. ^ Sandof. iL
5S» &c.
348 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. These treaties, which reftored tranquillity to
<^^i^^ ^ Italy after a tedious war, the calamities of which
Repeal- had chiefly afi^efted that country, were publifhed
biiihetthe at Bologna with great folemnity on the firft
the MedlcT^d^y of the year one thoufand five hundred and
10 Florence, thirty, amidft the univerfal acclamations of the
people, applauding the Emperor, to whofe mo-
deration and generofity they afcribed the blef-
fings of peace which they had fo long defired.
The Florentines ^lone did not partake of this
general joy. Animated with a zeal for liberty
more laudable than prudent, they determined
to oppofe the reftoration of the Medici. The
Imperial army had already entered their terri-
tories, and formed the fiege of their capital.
But though deferted by all their allies, and left
without any hope of fuccour, they defended
themfelves many months with an obftinate va-
lour worthy of better fuccefs, and even when
they furrendered, they obtained a capitulation
which gave them hopes of fccuring fome remains
of their liberty. But the Emperor, from his
defire to gratify the Pope, fruftrated all their
expe£tations, and abolifhing their ancient form
of government, raifed Alexander di Medici to
the fame abfolute dominion over that ftate which
his family hsve retained to the prefent times.
Philibert de Chalons prince of Orange, the Im-
perial general, was killed during this fiege. His
eftate and titles defcended to his fifter Claude de
Chalons, who was married to Rene count of
NaiTau, and fhe tranfmitted to her poftcrity of
the houfe of Naflfau the title of Princes of
Orange, which they have rendered fo illnf-
trious*/
Afteh
> Guic. 1. XX. p4 5419 Sec, P.JIeuter. Rer. Auftr. lib.*
ih c, 4. p, 236.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 349
After the publication of the peace at Bo- Book V.
logna, and the ceremony of his coronation as' "^ — ^
King of Lombardy and Emperor of the Romans, sta'e ofaf-
which the Pope performed with the acciiftomed f*'". civii
formalities, nothing detained Charles in Italy ^ ; "s [n ccr-
and he began to prepare for his journey to™«ny-
Germany^ His prefence became every day more r4. ' ** *^
neceflary in that country, and was foUcited with
equal importunity by the Catholics and by the
favourers of the new doftrines. During that
long interval of tranquillity which the abfence
of the Emperor, the-contefts between him and
the Pope, and his attention to the war with
France, afforded them, the latter had gained
much ground. Moft of the princes who had
embraced Luther's opinions, had not only efta-
blifhed in their territories that form of worlhip
which he approved, but had entirely fuppreflcd
the rites of the Romilh church. Many of the
free cities had imitated their conduft. Almoft
one half of the Germanick body had revolted
from the Papal fee ; and its dominion, even in
that part which had not hitherto ftiaken off the
yoke, was confiderably weakened by the exam-
ple of the neighbouring Hates, or by the fecrct
progrefs of thofe doftrines which had undermined
it among them. Whatever fatisfaftion the Em-
peror, while he was at open enmity with the fee
of Rome, might have felt in thofe events that
t^pded to mortify and embarrafs the Pope, he
could not help perceiving now, that the religious
divifions in Germany would, in the end, prove
extremely hurtful to the Imperial authority.
The weaknefs of former Emperors had fufFered
the great vaflals of the Empire to make fuch
fuccefsful encroachments upon their power and
prerogative,
k H. Cornel. Agrippa do duplici Coronatione Car. V.
ap. Scard. ii. 266.
350 THE REIGN OFTHE
Book V» prerogative, that during the whole courfe of a
c^-y-»/ ^ar, which had often required the exertion of
''^^* his utmoft ftrength, Charles hardly drew any
eflfedual aid from Germany, and found that
magnificent titles or obfolete pretenfions were
aimoft the only advantages which he had gained
by fwaying the Imperial fceptre. He now be-
came fully fenfible that if he did not recover in
fome degree the prerogatives which his predc-
ceflbrs had loft, and acquire the authority, as
well as poflefs the name, of head of the Empire,
his high dignity would contribute more to ob-
ftruft than to promote his ambitious fchemes.
Nothing, he faw, was more eflential towards
attaining this, than to fupprefs opinions which
might form new bonds of confederacy among
the princes of the Empire, and unite them by
ties ftronger and more facred than any political
conneftion. Nothing fcemed to lead more cer-
tainly to the accomplifhment of his defigns, than
to employ zeal for the eftablifhed religion, of
which he was the natural proteftor, as the in-
ftrument of extending his civil authority.
Tnatx^ngB ACCORDINGLY, a ptofpcdl no fooncf opCncd
•tsp1re«/ ^f coming to an accommodation with the Pope,
»*^ck 15, than, by the Emperor's appointment, a diet of
*^^' the Empire was held at Spires, in order to take
into confideration the ftate of religion. The
decree of the diet aflembled there in the year
^ one thoufand five hundred and twenty-fix, which
was aimoft equivalent to a' toleration of Luther's
opinions, had given great ofience to the reft of
Chriftendom. The greateft delicacy of addrefs,
however, was requifite in proceeding to any dc-
cifion more rigorous. The minds of men kept
in perpetual agitation by a controverfy carried
on during twelve years, without intermiflion of
debate, or abatement of zeal, were now inflamed
to
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 351
to an high degree. They were accuftomed to Book V.
innovations, and faw the boldeft of them fuc- ^'-"'^^"'*-
cefsfuL Having not only aboliftied old rights, '^^^*
but fubftituted new forms in their place, they
were influenced as much by attachment to the
fyftem which they had embraced, as by averfion
to that which they had abandoned. Luther
himfclf, of a fpirit not to be worn out by the
length and obftinacy of the combat, or to be-
come remifs upon fuccefs, continued the attack
with as much vigour as he had begun it. His
difciples, of whom many equalled him in zeal,
and fome furpaflfed him in learning, were no lefs
capable than their matter to condudt the con-
troverfy in the propereft manner. Many of the
laity, fome even of the princes, trained up
amidfl thefe inceflant difputations, and in the
habit of liftening to the arguments of the con*
tending parties who alternately appealed to them
as judges, came to be profoundly ikilled in all
the queftions which were agitated, and, upon
occauon, could fhew themfelves not inexpert in
any of the arts with which thefe theological en-
counters were managed. It was obvious from
all thefe circumttances, that any violent decilion
of the diet mutt have immediately precipitated
matters into confufion, and have kindled in
Germany the flames of a religious war. All,
therefore, that the Archduke, and the other
commiffioners appointed by the Emperor, de-
manded of the diet, was, to enjoin thofe flates
of the Empire which had hitherto obeyed the
decree iflued againft Luther at Worms in the
year one thoufand five hundred and twenty-four,
to perfevere in the obfervation of it, and to pro-
hibit the other ftates from attempting any far-
ther innovation in religion, particularly from
abolifiiing the mafs, before the meeting of a
general council. After much difpute, a decree
to
35Z THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. to that efFe6t was approved of by a majority of
^^"^*^ voices \
1530.
The follow- The Eleftor of Saxony, the marquis of Bran-
Sier^piiuft denburgh, the Landgrave of Heflc, the dukes
•gainft of Lunenburgh, the prince of Anhalt, together
ApHi 19. with the deputies of fourteen Imperial or free
cities ™, entered a folemn proteft againfl this de-
cree, as unjuil and impious. On that account
they were diftinguifhed by the name of PRO-
TESTANTS \ an appellation which hath fince
become better known, and more honourable, by
its being applied indifcriminately to all the fc6b
of whatever denomination which have revolted
from the Roman fee. Not fatisfied with this
declaration of their diflent from the decree of
the diet, the Protcftants fent ambafladors into
Italy to lay their grievances before the Emperor
from whom they met with the moft difcourag-
Deiibenti- ing rcception. Charles was at that time in clcMC
Pol>rtid* union with the Pope, and folicitous to attach
Emperor, him inviolably to his intereft. During their long
refidence at Bologna, they held many confulta-
tions concerning the moft effeftual means of
extirpating the herefies which had fprung up in
Germany. Clement, whofe cautious and timid
mind the propofal of a general council filled
with horror even beyond what Popes, the con-
ftant enemies of fuch aflemblies, ufually feel,
employed every argument to difluade the Em-
peror from confenting to that meafure. He
reprefented general councils as faftious, ungo-
vernable, prefumptuous, formidable to civil
authority, and too flow in their operations to
remedy
1 Skid. Hift. 117. «n The fourleen cities were Strife
bnrghy Narembergh, UIin» CondsQce, Reotlingeiiy Wind-
ihehn, Meinengen^ Lindaw, Kempten, Hailbroiit Ifoay
Weiflemburghy Nordlingenj and St bal. » Sleid. Hift.
119. F.Paul^ Hift. p. 45, Seckend. ii. 127.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 353
tcmedy difordcrs which required an immediate Book V-
cure. Experience, he faid, had now taught both *"-*'>'^^
the Emperor and himfelf, that forbearance and ^'S^^'
lenity exafperated the fpirit of innovation, which
they ought to have mollified ; it was neceflaryj
therefore, to have recourfe to the rigorous me-
thods which fuch a defperate cafe required ; Leo's
fentence of excommunication, together with the
decree of the diet atWorms, fhould be carried into
execution ; and it was incumbent on the Emperor
to employ his whole power, in order to overawe
thofe, on whom the reverence due either to ec-
clefiaAical or civil authority had no longer any
influence. Charles, whofe views were very dif-
ferent from the Pope's, and who became daily
more fenfible how obftinate and deep-rooted thd
evil was, thought of reconciling the Proteftants
by means lefs violent, and confidered the con-
vocation of a council as no improper expedient
for that purpofc; but promifed, if gentler art^
failed of fuccefs, that then he would exert him-
felf with vigour to reduce thofe ftubborn ene-
mies of the Catholic faith ^
Such Were the fentiments with which the Enl- fimperbr
peror fct out for Germany, having already ap- Sf Die * of
pointed a diet of the Empire to be held at Augf- Augfturg.
burg« In his journey towards that city, he had
many opportunities of obferving the difpofition
of tne Germans with regyd to the points in
controverfy, and found their minds every where
fo much irritated and inflamed, as convinced
him that nothing tending to feverity or rigour
ought to be attempted, until all other meafiires
proved ineflTeaual. He made his publick entry
into Augiburg with extraordinary pomp ; and
Vol. II. A a found
o F. Paul,xlvii. Seek. 1. ii. 142. Hift. dcConfeff. d»Aox^
bourg, par D. CbytreaS; 410. Antv7. t^jZi p. 6.
354 THEREIGN OFTHE
Book V. found there fuch a full aflembly of the members
^ — ^^^^ of the diet as was fuitable both to the import-
juM^t* ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ affairs which were to come under
their confideration, and to the honour of an
Emperor, who, after a long abfence, returned
to them crowned with reputation and fuccefs.
His prefence feems to have communicated to all
parties an unufual fpirit of moderation and defire
of peace. The Eleftor of Saxony would not
permit Luther to accompany him to the diet,
left he (hould offend the Emperor by bringing
into his prefence a perfon excommunicated by
the Pope, and the author of all thofe diflenfions
which it now appeared fo difficult to compofe.
At the Emperor's defire, all the Proteftant
princes forbad the divines who accompanied
them to preach in publick during their refidence
at Augfburg. For the fame reafon they em-
ployed Melanfthon, the man of the greateft
learning, as well as of the moft pacifick and gen-
tle fpirit among the reformers, to draw up a con-
feffion of their faith, exprefled in terms as little
offenfive to the Roman Catholics, as a regard
The con- for truth would permit. Melanfthon, who fel-
fcffion of Jqj^ fufFered the rancour of controverfy to en-
venom his ftyle, even m wntmgs purely pole-
mical, executed a tafk fo agreeable to his natu-
ral difpofition with great moderation and fuccefs.
The Creed which he compofed, known by the
name of the Confeffion of Augft)urg, from the
place where it was prefented, was read publickly
m the diet -, fome Popifh divines were appointed
to examine it ; they brought in their animad-
verfions; a difpute enfued between them and
Melandhon, feconded by fome of his brethren;
but though Melanfthon foftened fome articles,
made concefTions with regard to others,^ and put
the leaft exceptionable fenfe upon all ; "though
the
feMPEkOR CHAkLES V. 355
the Emperor Himfelf laboured with great earneft- Book V.
nefs to reconcile the contending part jcs ; fo many ^'^^■~'
marks of diftinftion were now eftabliflied, and * ^^^'
fuch infuperabie Ijarriers placed between the two
churches, that all hopes of bringing about a-
icoalition feemed utterly defperate K
From the divines^ among whom his endea-
vours had been fo unfuccefsful, Charles turned
to the princes their patrons. Nor did he find
them, how defirous foever of accommodation,
or willing to oblige the Emperor, more difpofed
than the former to renounce their opinions. At
that time, zeal for religion took poflefTion of the
minds of nien, to a degree which can fcarcely be
conceived by thofe who live in an age when the
paffions eccited by the firft manifeftation o^
truth, and the firft recovery of liberty, have in a
great meafure ceafed to operate. This zeal was
then of fuch ftrength as to overcome attach-
ment to their political intereft, which is com-
monly the predominant motive among princes.
The Eleftor of Saxony, the Landgrave or Heflei
and other chiefs of the Proteftants, though foli-
cited feparately by the Emperor, and allured by
the promife or profpedt of thofe advantages
which it was known they were moft folicitous to
attain, refufed, with a fortitude highly worth)r
of imitation, to abandon what they deemed the
caufe of God, for the fake of any earthly ac^
quifition %
, . » ■ . • .
Every fchenie in order to gain or difunite ^^^^''^ ^^-^
the Proteftant party proving abortive^ nothing the Prouf-
A a 2 how **"**•
P Seckchd. lib. ii. 159, &c. Abr. JSctiltcti Annalcs
Evangelici ap. Herm. Vender. Hard. Hift. Liter. Reform.
Lipf. 17x7. fol. p. 159. q Sleid. 132. Scaltet;
Annal. ij8«
356 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. now remained for the Emperor but to take feme
^^ "^ ^vigorous meafures towards aflerting the doc-
'^^°* trines and authority of the eftabliflicd church.
Thefe, Campeggio, the papal nuncio, had al-
ways recommended as the only proper and ef-
feftual courfe of dealing with fuch obftinate
Nov. 19. heretics. In compliance with his opinions and
remonftrances, the diet iffued a decree, con-
demning moft of the peculiar tenets held by the
Proteftants -, forbidding any perfon to proteft or
tolerate fuch as taught them; enjoining a
ftrift obfervance of the eftablilhed rites; and
prohibiting any further innovation under fevere
penalties. All orders of men were required to
affift with their perfons and fortunes in carrying
this decree into execution; and fuch as refufed
to obey it, were declared incapable of afting as
judges, or of appearing as parties in the Imperial
chamber, the fupreme court of judicature in the
Empire. To all which was fubjoined a promife,
that an application fhould be made to the Pope,
requiring him to call a general council within fix
months, in order to terminate all controverfics
by its fovereign decifions *■.
UoIi«°T '^"^ feverity of this decree, which they con-
i"Tm?u "^ fidered as a prelude to the moft violent perfe-
kaidc. cution, alarmed the Proteftants, and convinced
them that the Emperor was refolved on their
deftrudtion. The dread of thofe calamities which
were ready to fall on the church, opprefled the
feeble fpirit of Melanfthon -, and as if the caufe
had already been defperate, he gave up himfetf
to melancholy and lamentation. But Luther,
who during the meeting of the diet had endea-
voured to confirm and animate his party by
feveral treatifcs which he addrefled to them, was
not
» Skid. 139.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 357
not difconcerted or difmaycd at the profpedt of Book V.
this new dangen He comforted Mclanfthon '"""'"^^ *
and his other defponding difciples, and exhorted '^^^
the princes not to abandon thofe truths which
they had lately aflerted with fuch laudable bold-
nefs^ His exhortations made the deeper im-
preffion upon them, as they were greatly alarmed
at that time by the account of a combination
among the Popifh princes of the Empire for the
maintenance of the eftabliihed religion, to which
Charles himfelf had acceded '. This convinced
them that it was neceflary to ftand on their
guard J and that their own fafety, as well as the
fuccefs of their caufe, depended on union* Filled
with this dread of the adverfe party, and with
thefe fentiments concerning the conduft proper
for themfelves, they affembled at Smalkalde.
There they concluded a league of mutual de- Dec. z*.
fence againfl: all aggreflbrs", by which they
formed the Proteftant ftates of the Empire into
one regular body, and beginning already to con-
fider themfelves as fuch, they refolved to apply
to the Kings of France and England, and to
implore them to patronize and affift their new
confederacy;
An affair not conne&ed with religion furniflied th^ cmpe-
them with a pretence for courting the aid of[^'^P~P^[«»
foreign princes. Charles, whofe ambitious views brother c-
enlarged in proportion to the increafc of hisl,f\*jf^|jj/
power and grandeur, had formed a fcheme of mans.
continuing the Imperial crown in his family,
by procuring his brother Ferdinand to be elefted
King of the Romans. The prefent junfturc
was favourable for the execution of that defign.
The Emperor's arms bad been every where vic-
torious J
» Seek. ii. igo, Sleid. 140. f Seek. ii. 200.
iii. II. n Sleid. Hift. 142.
358 THEREIGNDFTHE
Book V. torious; he had given law to all Europe at th^
* "^^"^^ late peace ; no rival now remain^ in a condirioii
*^^°* to balance or to controul hini; and theElecr
tors, dazzled with the fplendor of his fuccefs, or
overawed by the grcatnefs of his power, durft
Icarcely difpute the will of a prince, whofe foli-
icitations carried with them the authority of com-
mands. Nor did he want plaufible rcafohs to
enforce the meafure. The affairs of his othe?
kingdoms, he'faid, obliged him to be oftc^
abfent from Germany ; the growing diforders
occafioned by the controverfies about religion,
'as well as the formidable neighbourhood of the
Turks, who continually threatened to break in
with their defolating armies into the heart of the
Empire, required the conllant prefence of i
prince endowed with prudence capable of com-
poChg the former, and with power as weU as
valour fufficient to repel the latter. His bro-
ther Ferdinand pofleffed thefe qualities in an
eminent degree; by refiding long in Germany,
he had acquired a thorough knowledge oif their
conftitution and manners ; having been prefent
almofit from the firft rife of their religious dif»
fenfions, he knew what remedies were moft pro?
per, what they could bear, and how to apply
them; as his own dominions lay on the Turkilh
frontier, he was the natural defender of Germany
againft the invafions of the Infidels, being
prompted byintereft no lefs than he would bi
bound in duty to oppofe thenfi.
TheProtea- These arguments made little impreffion oi^
j^s^^nverfe the JProtcftants. Experience taught them, that
nothing had contributed more to the undifturbed
progrcfe of their opinions^ than the interregnunj
^fter Maximilian's death, the long abfencc of
Charles, arjd the flacknefs iq the reins of go-
vernment S^^hich thefe Occafioftcd ; aftet deriving
, ' • • fuch
' [
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 359
fuch advantages from a ftatc of anarchy, they Book V.
were extremely unwilling to give themfelves a "^ ^"**^
new and ^ fixed matter. They perceived clearly *5^^*
the extent of Charles's ambition, that he aimed
at rendering the Imperial crown hereditary in
his family, and would of courfe eftablifh in the
Empire an abfolute dominion, to which eleftive
princes could not have afpired with equal faci-
lity. They determined, therefore, to oppofe Fer-
dinand's eleftion with the utmoft vigour, and to
roufe their countrymen, by their example and
exhortations, to withftand this encroachment on
their liberties. The Eleftor of Saxony, accord- issi-
ingly, not only refufed to be prefent in the elec- i^^^ «•
toral college, which the Emperor fummoned to
meet at Cologne, but inftruded his eldett fon to
appear there, and to proteft againft the eleftion
as informal, illegal, contrary to the articles of
the golden bull, and fubverfive of the liberties
of the Empire. But the other Electors, whom h« w cho-
Charles had been at great pains to gain, without ^^^
regarding cither his abfence or protett, chofe
Ferdinand King of the Romans j who a few days
after was crowned at Aix-la-Chapell« ^.
When the Proteftants, who were affembled a ^^^^'^' .
fecond time at Smalkalde, received an account protcfttnts^
of this tranfadtion, and heard, at the fame time, withPnince.
that profecutions were commenced, in the Imr
perial chamber, againft fome of their number,
on account of their religious principles, they
thought it neceffary, not only to renew their
former confederacy, but immediately to difpatch
their ambaffadors into France and England.
Francis had obferved, with all the jealoufy of
a rival^ the reputation which the Emperor had
acquired
3f Skid. 1 42. Seek, iii, i • P. Hcpter. Rcr. Auftr. lib.
7. €.6. p. 240.
'^
360 THE REIGN OFTHE
Book V. acquired by his feeming difintereftednefe and
' moderation in fettling the affairs of Italy j and
beheld, with great concern, the fuccefsful ftep
which he had taken towards perpetuating and
extending his authority in Germany by the elec»
tion of a King of the Romans. Nothing, how-
ever, would have been more impolitick than to
precipitate his kingdom into a new war when ex-
haufted by extraordinary efforts, and difcour^^ed
by ill fuccefs, beifore it had got time to recruit
its ftrength, or to forget paft misfortunes. As
no provocation had been given, and har41y i
pretext had been afforded him, he could not
violate a treaty of peace which he himfelf had fo
lately folicited, without forfeiting the efteem of
all Europe, and being detefted as a prince void
of probity and honour. He obferved, with
great joy, powerful fadlions beginning to forni
in the Empire ; he liftened with the utmoft eager-
hefs to the complaints of the Proteftant princes ;
and without feeming to countenance their reli*
gious opinions, determined fecretly to cherilh
thofe fparks of political difcord which might be
iafterwards kindled into a flame. For this pur^
pofe, he fent William de Bellay, one of the
ableft negociators in France, into Germany,
who vifiting the courts of the malccontent
princes, and heightening their ill-humour by va-
rious arts, concluded an aUiance between them
^nd his mafter y, which though concealed at that
time, and produdlive of no immediate efiedts,
laid the foundation of an union fatal on many
occafions to Charles's anjbitious projedsj and
(hewed the difcontented princes of Gernian^
ivhercj for the future, they might find a pro^
teftor no lefs able than willing to undertake
... ^
/ Bellay, 129, a. 130. b. Sec. iii. 14.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 361
their defence againft the encroachment^ of the Book V.
jEmpcron '■ ^^"^
The King of England, highly incenfed againft with Eo^
Charles, in complaifance to whom, the Pope ******"
hvi long retarded, and now openly oppofed his
divorce, was no lefs difpofed than Francis to
ftrengthen a league which might be rendered fo
formidable to the Emperor. But his favourite
prqjeft of the divorce led him into fuch a laby-
rinth of fchemes and negociations, and he was,
at the fame time, fo int^t on aboliihing the pa-
pal jurifdiftion in England, that he had no lei-
furc for foreign affairs. This obliged him to
reft fatisfied with giving general promifes, toge-
ther with a fmall lupply in money, to the confe-
flerates of Smalkalde ""•
Meanwhile, many circumftances convinced chtriet
Charles that this was not a junfture when thcpj^e(u^
extirpation of herefy was to be attempted by
violence and rigour *, that, in compliance with
the Pope's inclinations, he had already proceeded
with imprudent precipitation ; and that it was
more his intereft to confolida^e Germany into
one united and vigorous body, than to divide
and enfeeble it by a civil war. The Proteftants,
already confiderable as well by their numbers
as by their zeal, had acquired additional weight
iand importance by their joining in that confe-
deracy into which the rafh fleps taken at Augf-
burg had forced them. Having now difcovered
their own ftrength, they defpifed the decifions
of the Imperial chamber; and being fecurc of
foreign protection, we^e ready to fet the head of
the Empire at defiance. At the fame time the
t>eace with France was precarious, the friendfhip
i of
362 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book V. of an irrcfolute and interefted pontiff was not
*''''^' ' to be relied on ; and Solyman, in order to re-
'^^ • pair the infamy and lofs which his arms had fuf-
tained in the former campaign, was preparing to
enter Auftria with more numerous forces. On all
thefe accounts, efpecially the laft, a fpeedy ac-
commodation with the malecontent princes, be-
came neceffary, not only for the accomplifliment
of his future fchemes, but for afcertaining his pre-
fent fafety. Negociations were, accordingly, car-
ried on by his diredbion with the Eledbor of Saxony
and his aflbciates ; after many delays occafioned
by their jealoUfy of the Emperor, and of each
other, after innumerable difficulties arifing from
the inflexible nature of religious tenets, which
Grintsthcm cannot admit of being altered, modified, or re-
favourtbie Hnquifhed, in the fame manner as points of poli-
terms. -i* « /• .^.* *,
July 23. tical mtereft, terms of pacification were agreed
Atjgttii3. xipon at Nuremberg, and ratified folemnly in
the Diet at Ratifbon* In this treaty it was fti-
pulated, that univerfal peace be eftablifhed in
Germany, until the meeting of a general council,
the convocation of which within fix nK>ntbs the
Emperor fliall endeavour to procure : That no
perlon be molefted on account of religion : That
a Hop be put to all proceflcs be^un by the Im-
perial chamber againft Proteftants, and the fen-
tcnc^ already pafled to their detriment be de-
clared void* On their part, the Proteftants
engaged to aflift the Emperor with all their
forces in refitting the invafion of the Turks *.
Thus by their firmnefs in adhering to their prin-
ciples, by the unanimity with which thef ui^^
all their claims, and by their dexterity in av^-
ing themfelves of the Emperor's fituation, the
Proteftants obtained terms which amounted al-
moft to a toleration of their religbn ; all the
conceffion^
» Du Mont Corps Diplomatique, tom.if • part ii. 87.89,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 363
fconceilions were made by Charles, none by Book V.
them ; even the favourite point of their approv- * -^^■^■■ ^
ing his brother's eledtion was not mentioned; *^^^*
and the Proteftants of Germany, who had hi-
therto been viewed only as a religious fe6t, came
henceforth to be confidered as a political body
pf np fmall confequeqce K
The intelligence which Charles received of ^*™p*'p»
Solyman's having entered Hungary at the head "* '*"**^*
pf three hundred thoufand men, cut fhort the de*
liberations of the Diet at Rati(bon ; the contin-
gent, both of troops and money, which each
prince wais to furnifli towards the defence of the
Empire, having been already fettled. The Pro*
(eftants, as a teftimony of their gratitude to the
Emperor, exerted themfelves with extraordinary
;zeal, and brought into the field forces which ex-
ceeded in number the quota impofed on them ;
the Catholicks imitating their example, one of
fhc greateft and bed appointed armies that had
ever been levied in Germany, aflembled near
Vienna. Being joined by a body of Spanifli and
Italian veterans, under the marquis del Guafto ;
by fome heavy-armed cavalry from the Low-
Countries ; and by the troops which Ferdinand
had raifed in Bohemia, Auftria, and his other
territories, it amounted in all to ninety thoufand
difciplined foot, and thirty thoufand horfe, be-
Bdes a prodigious fwarm of irregulars. Of this
vaft army, worthy the firft prince in Chriften-
dom, the Emperor took the command in per-
fon ; and mankind waited in fqfpence the iffue
of a decifive battle between the two greateft
Monarchs in the world. But each of them
dreading the other's power and good fortune,
ihey both conduced their operations with fuch
^ ' exceffivc
P Sleid, 149, &c. S^k. iii. igt
364 THE REIGN OF THE
iBooK V. cxccflivc caution, that a campaign, for which
^^■'■v — ' fuch immenfe prq)arations had been made, ended
«53?v without any memorable event. Solyman, find-
mod oao- mg It impoluble to gam ground upon an enemy
^'' always attentive and on his guard, marched
back to Conftantinople towards the end of au-
tumn ^. It is remarkable, that in fuch a martial
age, when every gentleman was a foldier, and
every prince a general, this was the firft time
that Charles, who had already carried on fuch
extenfive wars, and gained fo many viftories,
appeared at the head of his troops. In this firft
eflay of his arms, to have oppofcd fuch a leader
as Solyman, was no fmall honour; to have
obliged him to retreat, merited very confiderablc
praife.
Attgttfti^. About the beginning of this campaign, the
Eleftor of Saxony died, and was fucceeded by his
fon John Frederick. The Reformation rather
gained than loft by that event ; the new Eleftor,
no lefs attached than his predeceffors to the opi-
nions of Luther, occupied the ftation which they
had held at the head of the Proteftant party,
and defended, with the boldnefs and zeal of
youth, that caufe which they had fofteredand
reared with the caution of old age.
TheEmpc- IMMEDIATELY after the rctrcat of the Turks,
y^wwi"' C'^^^^^^j impatient to revifit Spain, fet out on
SeP^e in his Way thithcT, for Italy. As he was extremely
&ail*^ ^^^ defirous of an interview with the Pope, they
met a fecond time at Bologna, with the famt
external demonftrations of irefpeft and fricnd-
Ihip, but with little ot that confidence, which
had fubfifted between them during their late ne-
gociations
#
c Jovii Hift. lib. xxx, p,.ioOj ScQ. Bar re Hift. dc VEm-
pirc, i. 8. 547.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 2^5
gociations there. Clement was much diffatisfied Book V.
with the Emperor's proceedings at Augfburg ; '^— "v"**-^
his conceffions with regard to the fpeedy convo* '53*'
cation of a council, having more than cancelled
all the merit of the fevere decree againft the
dodtrines of the Reformers. The toleration
granted to the Proteftants at Ratifbon, and the
more explicit promife concerning a council, with
which it was accompanied, had irritated him
ftill farther; Charles, however, partly from con- Ncgocitti-
viftion that the meeting of a council would be at- fn^g^**^^
tended with falutarjr effefts, and partly from his "i coundu
defire to pleafe the Germans, having folicited
him by his ambafladors to call that aflembly
without delay, and now urging the fame thing
in perfon, Clement was greatly embarrafled what
reply he (hould make to a requeft, which it was
indecent to refufe, and dangerous to grant. He
endeavoured at firft to divert Charles from the
meafure ; but finding him inflexible, he had re-
courfe to artifices which he knew would delay,
if not intirely defeat, the calling of that aflem-
bly. Under the plauGble pretext of its being
previoufly neceflary to fettle, with all parties
concerned, the place of the council's meeting ; i
the manner of its proceedings ; the right of the
perfons who Ihould be admitted to vote ; and
the authority of their decifions ; he difpatched
a nuncio, accompanied by an ambaflador from
the Emperor to the^Eleftor of Saxony, as head
of the Proteftants.* With regard to each of
thefe articles, inextricable difficulties and con-
lefts arofe. The Proteftants demanded a coun-
cil to be held in Germany ; the Pope infifted
that it fliould meet in Italy: They contended
that all points in difpute ftiould be determined
by the words of holy fcripture alone ; he confi-
dered not only the decrees of the church, but
the opinions of fathers and doftors as of equal
authority :
366 THERElGNOFtHE
Book V. Authority : They required a free council, in whicK
^ ^^'■^ the divines commiffioned by 4ifferent churches
*'^** fhould be allowed a voice ; ht aimed at model*
ling the council in fuch a manner as would ren-
der it entirely dependant on his pleafure. Above
all, the Proteftants thought it unreafonable that
they fhould bind themfelves to fubmit to the de-
crees of a council, before they knew on what
principles thefe decrees were to be founded, by
what perfons they were to be pronounced, and
what forms of proceeding they would obferve,
The Pope maintained it to be altogether unne-
ceflary to call a council, if thofe who demanded
it did not previoufly declare their refolution to
acquiefce in its decrees. In order to adjuftfuch
a variety of points, many expedients were pro-
pofed ; and the negociations fpun out to fuch a
length, as efFeftually anfwered Clement's purpofe
of putting off the meeting of a council, without
drawing on himfelf the whole infamy of obftruft-
ing a meafure which all Europe deemed fo efieo'
tial to the good of the church ^.
Mdfbr|)rc. ToGETHifi. with this negociation about call*
trlnquiiiity i^g a council, thc Empcror carried on another,
©f luiy. which he had ftill more at heart, for fecuring
the peace eftabliftied in Italy, As Francis had
renounced his pretenfions in that country with
great reludance, Charles made no doubt but
that he would lay hold on the firft pretext af-
forded him, or embrace the firft opportunity
which prelented itfelf of recovering what he had
loft. It became neceffary, on this account, to
take meafures for affembling an army able to
oppofe him. As his treafury, drained by a loi^
war, could not fupply the fums requifite for
keeping fuch a body conftantly on foot, he at-
tempted
^ F. Paul, Hift. 6u Seckend. iii. 73.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 367
tempted to throw that burden on his allies, and Book V.
to provide for the fafety of his own dominions '"'p^ ^
at their expence, by propofing that the Italian ^^*'
ftates fliould enter into a league of defence
againft all invaders -, that, on the firft appear-
ance of danger, an army fhould be raifed and
maintained at the common charge; and that
Antonio de Leyva fhould be appointed the ge-
neraliffimo. Nor was the propofal unacceptable
to Clement, though for a reafon very different
from that which induced the Emperor to make
it. He hoped, by this expedient, to deliver 1533.
Italy from the German and Spanifli veterans,
which had fo long filled all the powers in that
country with terror, and ftill kept them in fub-
jeftion to the Imperial yoke. A league was Feb. 44.
accordingly concluded ; all the Italian ftates,
the Venetians excepted, acceded to it ; the fum
which each of the contrafting parties fhould
furaifli towards maintaining the army wa^ fixed ;
the Emperor agreed to withdraw the troops
which gave fo much umbrage to his allies, and
which he was unable any longer to fupport.
Having difbanded part of them, and removed the
reft to Sicily and Spain, he embarked t)n board
Doria's gallies, and arrived at Barcelona ^. April it.
Notwithstanding all his precautions for ^^«^8?*^*°^
iecuring the peace of Germany, and maintain- ons of the
ing that fyftem which he had eftablifhed in Italy, fg'^f^^^ f^*^
the Emperor became every day more and more Emperor;
apprehenfive that both would be foon difturbed
by the intrigues or arms of the French King.
His apprehenfions were well founded, as nothing
but the defperate fituation of his affairs could
have brought Francis to give his confent to a
treaty fo di0ionourable and difadvantageous as
that
^ Guic, 1. XX. 551* FerreraSf ix. 149.
368 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. that of Cambray : He, at the very time of rati-
^"^""^""^ fying it, had formed a refolution to obferve it
*^^^* no longer than neceffity compelled him, and took
a folcmn proteft, though with the moft profound
fecrecy, againft feveral articles in the treaty, par-
ticularly that whereby he renounced all pretcn-
lions to the dutchy of Milan, as unjuft, injuri-
ous to his heirs, and invalid. One of the crown
lawyers, by his command, entered a proteft to
the fame purpofe, and with the like fecrecy,
wheti the ratification of the treaty was regifterd
in the parliament of Paris ^. Francis feems to
have thought that, by employing an artifice un-
worthy of a King, deftruftive of publidk faith,
and of the mutual confidence on which all tranf-
aftions between nations are founded, he was rc-
leafed from any obligation to perform the moft
folemn promifes, or to adhere to the moft facrcd
engagements. From the moment he concluded
the peace of Cambray, he wi(hed and watched for
an opportunity of violatiilg it with fafety. He
endeavoured, for that realon, to ftrengdien his
alliance with the King of England, whofc friend-
fliip he cultivated with the greateft afliduity. He
put the rftilitary force of his own kingdom on a
better and more refpe<5table footing than ever*
He artfully fomented the jealoufy and difcontent
of the German princes.
particularly BuT abovc all, Francis laboured to break
To^f''^ the ftridt confederacy which fubfifted between
Charles and Clement; and he had foon the
fatisfadlion to obferve appearances of difguft
and alienation arifing in the mind of that fufpi-
cious and interefted Pontiff; which gave him
hopes that their union would not be lafting. As
the Emperor's decifion in favour of the duke of
Ferrara
^ Du Mont Corps Diplom.>toin. ir. part 2. p. 52^
EMPEROR CHARLES V. ^9
JFcrrara hftd greyly irriw^c} tfee P^pe, Fr^acw Bpok V.
s^grftVMcd the injuftice of that proc^ing, and "^""^""^^^
flattered Clement iJiat the papri Jee would find in **'^'
him a more impartial and no lefs powerful pro*
te6tor. As the importunity with which Charles
demnAded a council wa^ extremely offenfive to
the Po{>e, Franci« artfully created obltaclei tq
prevent it, and attempted to divert the Gern]^
princes, his allies, from inG(ting fo obftinately
on that points. A$ the emperor had gained
foch an aicend^t over Clement by contributing
to aggrandize hi^ family, f rjw^cis endeavoured
to aUure bipi by the fame irrefiftible bait, prq-
pofing a niarri^e between his fecond fon, Henry
duke (^ Orleans, and Catharine the daughter
of the Pope's coufin Laurence di Medici. On
the firft overtures of this m^tch, the Emperor
^mld not perfuade hinifclf that Francis really
intended to debafe the royal blood of France by
an alliance with Catharine, whofe anceftors had
been fo lately private citizens and merchants in
Florence, and believed that he meant only to
flatter or amufe ithe ambitious Pontiff. Ht^
thought it neceifary, however, to efface the im-
preflion which fuch a dazzling offer might have
made, by prpmifing to break off the marriag<t
which had been agreed on between his own niece,
the King of Denmark's daughter, and the Duke
of Milan, and to fubftitute Catharine in her
place- But the French ambaffador's producing
Uflcxpe(9;edly fuU powers to conclude the mar-
riage treaty with the duke of Orleans, this exr
pcdiem had no effed:. Clement wap fo highly
pleafed with an honour which added fuch luftre
and dignity to the houfe of Medici, that he of-
fered to grant Catharine the inveftiture of con-
fideraWe territories in Italy by way of portion ;
^Betlay, 141, &c. Seek. iii. 48. F. Paul, 63.
Vol.. II. B b hs
370 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. he fecmcd ready to fupport Francis in profecut-
^ ^^^ ing his ancient claims in that country, and con-
'^^^" fented to a peiConal interview with that Mo-
narch K
Interview ^^ Charles was at the utmoft pains to prevent
Po^^d a meeting, in which nothing was likely to pafs
Francis. \y^i ^j^^t would be of detriment to him ; nor
could he bear, after he had twice condefcended
to vifit the Pope in his own territories, that Cle-
ment (hould beftow fuch a mark of diftinAion
on his rival, as to venture on a voyage by fca,
at an unfavourable feafon, in order to pay court
to Francis in the French dominions. But the
Pope's cagcrnefs to accomplifh the n>atch over-
came all fcruples of pride, or fear, or jealoufy,
which muft have influenced him on any other
daobe*-. occafion. The interview, notwithftanding feve-
ral artifices of the emperor to prevent it, took
place at Marfeilles, with extraordinary pomp
and demonftrations of confidence on both fides,
and the marriage, which the amtntion and abi-
lities of Catharine rendered in the iequel as fatal
to France, as it was then thought di(honourable,
was confummated. But whatever fchemes may
have been fecretly concerted by the Pope and
Francis in favour of the duke of Orleans, to
whom his father prppofed to make over all his
rights in Italy, fo' cireful were they to avoid
giving any caufe of offence to the Emperor, that
no treaty was concluded between them ^; and
even in the marriage-articles, Catharine re-
nounced all claims and pretentions in Italy, ex-
cept to the dutchy of Urbino ^.
But at the very time when he was carrying
Pofe'8 con- on thefc negociations, and forming this connec-
regard to tlOD
Englan^lJ^ h Guic. 1. XX. 551, 553. Bcllay. 138. « Guic 1.
divorce. XX. 55 J, ^ Da Mont Corps Diplom. iv. p. it. loi.
E M P E R O R C H A R L E S V. 371
iion with Francis, which gave fo great umbrage Book V.
to the emperor, fuch was the artifice and dupli- """i""^^"^
city of Clement's charafter, that he fufFercd the '^^^*
latter to dire£t all his proceedings with regard
to the King of England, and was no lefs atten-
tive to gratify him m that particular, than if the
moft cordial union had ftill iubfifted between
them. Henry's fuit for a divorce had now con-
tinued near fix years ^ during all which period
the pope negociated, promifed, retradlecf, arid
concluded- nothing. After bearing repeated de-
lays and difappointments, longer than could
have been expefted from a prince of fuch a cho-
lerick and impetuous temper, his patience was
at lafi: fo much exhaufted, that he applied to
another tribunal for that decree which he had
folicited in vain at Rome. Cranmer, archbifliop
of Canterbury, by a fentence founded on the
authority of Uhiverfities, Dodors, and Rabbies,
who had been confulted with refpcft to the
point, annulled the King's marriage with Ca-
tharine ; her daughter was declared illegitimate ;
and Anne Boleyne acknowledged as Queen of
England. At the fame time Henry began not
only to negledt and to threaten the Pope, whom
he had hitherto courted, but to make innova-
tions in the church, of which he had formerly
been fuch a zealous defender. Clement, who
had already feen fo many provinces and king-
doms pevolt from the Holy See, became appre*
henfive at laft that England would imitate their
example -, and partly from his folicitude to pre-
vent that fatal blow, partly in compliance with
the French King's folicitations, determined to
give Henry fuch fatisfaftion as might ftill retain
him within the bofom of the church. But the 1534,
violence of the Cardinals, devoted to the Em- ^^^^^ *^'
peror, did not allow the Pope leifure for exe-
cuting this prudent refolution, and hurried him,
B b a witjj
372 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. with a precipitation fatal to the Roman See, t6
^■^^^ iffuc a bull refcinding Crartmcr's fentence, con-
^^^^' firming Henry's marriage with Catharine, and
declaring him excommunicated, if, within a
time fpecified, he did not abandon the wife he
had taken, and return td her whom he had dc-
PipaUtt- ferted. Enraged at this unexpefted decree,
lubid m**^ Henry kept no longer any ^heafures with the
E«gitnd. court of Kome^ his fubjefts leconded his refcnt-
ment and indignation ; an a6t of Parliament wis
palled, aboliflimg the papal power and Jurifdie-
tion in England •, by another, the King was
declared fupfeme head of the church, and all
the authority of which the Popes were deprived
was veiled in him. That vaft fabric of ecclc-
fiaftical dominion, which had been raifed with
fuch art, and whofe foundations feemed fo deep,
being no longer fupported by the veneration of
the people, was overturned in a moment. Henry
himfelf, with the caprice peculiar to his cha-
rafter, continued to defend the doftrines of the
Romifli church as fiercely as he attacked its
jurifdiftion. He alternately perfecuted the Pro-
teftants for rejefting the former, and the Catho-
licks for acknowledging the latter. But his fub-
jefts being once permitted to enter into new
pathsi did not chufe to flop fhort at the prccifc
point prefcribed by him. Having been encou-
raged by his example to break fome of their fet-
ters, they were fo impatient to fliake ofFwhat ftiU
i'emained ^, that in the following reign, with the
general applaufe of the nation, a total fcpara-
tion was made from the church of Rome in arti-
cles of doftrine, as well as in matters of difci-
pline and jurifdiftion.
A SHORT
^ Herbert. Burn. Hift. of Reform.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 373
A SHORT ddiay might hsiv^ feved the See of Book V.
Rome from all the urthappy coafequenccs of ''■^^^'***^
CtaneDt's raflincfs. Soon after his fentence odlh tf
againfl: Henry, he fell into a languifliii^ diftem- ^|^"*«"^*
per, which gradually wafting his conftitution,
put an end to his Pontificate, the moft unfor- scpt. ag.
tunate, both during its cotninuance, and by its
cSc&Sy that the church had known for many
ages. The very day on which the Cardinals Eieaiou ©f
enocrcd the conclave, they raifed to the papaj oal "3.'
throne Alexander Farnefc, dean of the facred
college, and the eldeft member of that body»
who aflumed the name of Paul IIL The ac-
count of his promotion was received with extras-
ordinary acclamations of joy by th^ people of
Rome, h^hly pleafed, after an interval of more
than an huodrpd years, to fee the ctown of St,
F^er placed. on the head of a Roman citiz^n^
Pcribns more capable of judging, formed a &•
voarable prefage of his adminiftration, from th^
cxperiiencc which^ he had acquired under four
Poiati&catcs, as well as the charafter of prudence
and inoderacion which he had uniformly main-
tained in a ftajtion of great eminence, and during
^ a&ive period tioi^ required bpth talents and
addrefs K
Eurjope, it is probable, owed the continij^
ance of its peace to the death of Ckmeat •, for
although no traces remain in hiftory of any
Jcague concluded between him and Francis, it is
fcarccly to be dottbtcid but that he woirid have
ibconded the operations of the French, arms in
Italy, that he might have gratified his ambition
by feeing one of nis family poflfeflfed of ,the fu-
preme power in Florence, and another in Milan.
CLut upon the aleAion ^ Favvl III- who had hie
. therto
' Guic. I. XX. 556. F. Paul, 64.
374 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. thcrtoadHercd uniformly to the Imperial intcrcft,
i-^^„j Francis found it neceflary to fufpend his opcra^
'^^^ tions for fome time, and to put off the com-
mencement of hoftiiities againft the Emperor,
Oh which he was fully determined. . -
infurreaion While Francis waited for an opportunity to
blptms^rn" i'^new a war which had hitherto proved fo fatal
Germiny. to himfelf ftnd his fubjefts, a tranfa<3:ion of a
very Angular nature was carried on in Getmaiiy;
Aniiong many beneficial and felutary effcdts of
which the Reformation wasthe'immediatecaufe,
it Was attended, as muft be the cafe; in allac*
. tions and events wherein men are concerned,
with fome confequfences of ah oppolke* naturej
When the human mind is rouzed by grand
objefts, and- agitated ' by ftrong paffions, its
operations acquire fuch fbrce^ that they are apt
to become irregular and extravagant,/ Upon
any great 4*evolUt ion in religion, fuch' irregularis^
ties abound ttibft, at that particular period^ wheil
inen, having thrown off the authority ' of theif
ancient principles^ do not yet fully comprehend
the nature, or feel the obligation of thofe new
tenets which they have embraoed. The mindi
in that fituation, puftiing forward with the bald*
nefs which prompted it to rejeft eftabliflied opl*
nions, and not guided by a clear knowledge of
the fyftem fubftituted in their place^ difdains all
reftrainr, and runs into wild notions^ whdchofteii
lead to fcandalous or immoral ConduA* Thus^
in the firft^ges of the Ghriftian church, many of
the ' new converts, ■■ having renounced' their an*
tient Creeds, and being but imperfeftly acquaint-
ed with the doftrines and precepts of Chrifti-
anity, bfqached the moft extravagant opinions;
equally fubverfive of piety and virtue ; aU whick
errcw^ difappeared or were exploded when the
.. , .- . .. ^ , knqwledge
>»
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 375
knowledge of religion increafedy and came to Book V.
be niore generally diffufed. In like manner,^— ■v—
foon after Luther's appearance, the rafli|iefs or *^^^'
Ignorance of fome of his difciples led them to
publifh tenets no leis abfurd than pernicious,
which being propofed to men extremely illite-
rate, but fond of novelty, and at a time when
their minds were turned wholly towards religious
(peculations, gained too eafy credit and autho-
rity among them. To thefe caufes muft be im-
puted the extravagances of Muncer, in the year
one thoufand five hundred and twenty-five, as
well as the rapid progrefs which they made
among the peafants ; but though the infurreftion
excited by that Fanatic was foon fupprefled, feve-
ral of his followers lurked in different places,
and endeavoured privately to propagate his opi-
nions.
thtt fe£t.
In thofe provinces of Upper Germany, which Origin tod
had already been fo cruelly wafted by their en- ^*°^'* **^
thufiaftic rage, the magiftrates watched their
motions with fuch fevere attention, that ma-
ny of them found it neceffary to retire into
other countries, fome were punifhed, others
driven into exile, and their errors were entirely
rooted out. But in the Netherlands and Weftpha-
lia, where the pernicious tendency of their opinions
was more unknown, and guarded againft with lefs
care, they got admittance into feveral towns, and
fj)read the mfeftion of their principles. The moft
remarkable of their religious tenets related to the
Sacrament of Baptifm, which, as they contended,
ought to be adminiftered only to perfons grown
up to years of underftanding, and mould be per-
formed not by fprinkling them with water, but
by dipping them in it : For this reafon they
condemned the baptifm of infants, and rebap-
tizing all whom they admitted into their fociety,
- the
j-j* THE RfilGN OF THE
Book V. tht fcft datne tt> be difttnguifticd by the name
'^'^■^^^^oF Anabaptifts. To this petuHaf notion con-
''^^ ccrning baptiftii, which has the appearance of
being tounded on the pradtite of the church in
the apoftollck age, and contains rtothmg incott-
fiftcnt with the peace and order of human fo-
ciety, they added other principles of a moft ett-
thuriaftick, as well as dangemiis nature. They
maintained that, dmong Cnriftians who had the .
precepts of the gofpel to diredt, and the fpirit
of God to guide them, the office of magiftracy
was not only unnece^ary, but an unlawful en-
croachment on their fpirit\aal liberty •, that the
diftinAions occafioned by birth, or rank, or
Wealth, being contrary to the fpirit of the gofpel,
which confiders «11 men as equal, Ihould be en-
tirely aboliflied; that all Cliriltians, throwing
their pofleflions into one common ftock, fhould
live together in that ftate of equality which be-
comes members of the fame family ; that as
fltither the laws of nature, nor the precepts of
the New Teftament had placed any reftraints
upon men with regard to the number of vrives
Wliich they might marry, they (hould ufe that
liberty which God himfelf had granted to the
patriarchs,
sjtiiem Such epinions, propagated and maintained
"^^ with enthufiaftick zeal and boldnCfs, were not
tong of producing the violent effefts natural: to
them. Two anabaptift proptiers, John Matthias,
^ •baker of Haerlem, and John Boccold, or
j&eiikeh, a journeyman taylor of I.eyden, pof-
•feffed with the rage of making profelytes, fixed
their refidence at Munfter, an Imperial city in
Weftphalia, of the firft rank, under the fove-r
feignty of its biftiop, but gpx)^erned by its own
fenate and confuls. As neither of thefe Fanatics
wanted thrc talents xequifite in defperate en-
terprijje^,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 377
tcrprizcs, great rcfolution, the appearance of Book V.
fanftity, bold pretenfions to infpiration, and a ^■^"^' "
confident and plairfible manner of difcourfing, *^^^'
they foon gained manv converts. Among thelc
were Rothman, who had firft preached the Pro-
teftant doArinc in Mimfter, and CnipperdoHng,
a citrzen of good birth, and confiderable emi-
nence. EmboWcned by the countenance of fuch
difciples, they openly taught their opinions;
and not fatisiicd with that liberty, they made
feveral attempts though without fuccefs, to
feixe the town, in order to get their tenets efta-
blilhed by public authority. At laft, having Become
fecretly caliol in their affociates from the neigh- IhucUy/
botiring country, they fuddenly took poffeffion
of the arfenal and fenate-houfe in the night-time, ^
and running through the ftreets with drawn
fwords, and horrible howlings, cried out al-
ternately, " Repent, and be baptized,** and
^ Depart ye ungodly." The fenators, the ca-Fcbrutry.
rron^, the nobility, together with the more fober
dtizens, whether Papifts or Proteftants, terrified
at their threats and outcries, fled in confufion,
and left the city under the dominion of afrantick
multitude, confiding chiefly of ftrangers. No-
thing now remaining to overawe or controul
them, they fet about modelling the government
according to their own wild ideas -, and though
at firfl: they fhowed fo much reverence for the
ancient conftitution, as to eleft fenators of their
own feft, and to appoint Cnipperdoling and an- Eftabiidi a
other profelyte confuls, this was nothing more"? gov^.
than form ; for ail their proceedings were di- ment.
refted by Matthias, who, in the ftyle, and with the
authority of a prophet, uttered his commands,
which it was inftant death to difobey. Having
begun with encouraging the multitude to pillage
the churches, and deface their ornaments; he
(pnjoined them to deftroy all books except the
^ ^ Bible,
378 THE REIGN OF THE
5ooii V. Bible, as ufelefs or impious -, he appointed the
— ' eftates of fuch as fled, to be confifcated, and fold
*^34- to the inbal^itants of the adjacent country; he
ordered every man to bring forth his gold, filver, .
aad precious efFe£ts, and to lay them at his feet;
the wealth amafled by thefe means, he dcpofited
in a publick treafury, and named deacons to djT-
pcnfe it for the common ufe of all. The mem-
bers of this commonwealth being thus brought
to a perfedb equality, he commanded all of them
to eat at tables prepared in publick, and even pre-
fcribed the difhes which were to be ferved up
each day. Having finifhed his plan of reforma-
tion, his next care was to provide for the defence
of the city ; and he took meafures for that pur-
' pofewith a prudence which favoured nothing of
fanaticifm. He coUeded vaft magazines of
^very kind ; he repaired and extended the forti-
fications, obliging every perfon without diftinc-
tion to work in his turi> ; he formed fuch as were
capable of bearing arms into regular bodies, and
endeavoured to add the vigour of difcipline to
the impetuofity of enthufiafm. He lent emif-
. faries to the Anabaptifts in the Low-Countries,
inviting them to aflemble at Munfter, which he
dignified with the name of Mount-Sion, that
from thence they might fet out to reduce all the
nations of the earth under their dominion. He
himfelf was unwearied in attending to every
thing neceffary for the fecurity or increafe of the
fcdl ; animating his difciples by his own example
to refufe no labour, as well as to repine at no
hardfiiip; and their enthufiaftic paflions being
kept from fubfiding by a perpetual fucceflion of
exhortations, revelations, and prophecies, they
fcemed ready to undertake or to fviffer any thing
in mainctnance of their opinions. -
While
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 379
Whij.e they were thus employed, the bifliop of Book V.
Munfter having afjcmbled a confiderable army, ^""""^^ '
advanced to befiege the town. On his approach-, ThVb^iiop
Matthias fallied out at the head of fome chofen<>* Munfter
troopsi, attacked one quarter of his camp, forced l^atnft'™*
it, and after great flaughter, returned to the city ^«"a.
loaded with glory and fpoiL Intoxicated with
this fuccefs, he appeared next day brandifhing a
fpear, and declared, that, in imitation of Gideon,
he would go forth with a handful of men and fmite
the hoft of the ungodly. Thirty perfons, whom he ^*^
p^cned, followe4 him without hefitation in this
wild cnterprize, and fufhing on the enemy with
a fraritick courage, wer^ cut off to a man. The
death of their prophet occafioned at firft great
<:oni%ernation among his difciples, but Boc-J^^n^f
cold, by the fame gifts and pretenfions which quiwVrwt
tiad gained Matthias credit, loon revived their *"'*^oriiy
fpirits and hopes to fuch a degree, that he fuc- AlJaSfptiftV
ceedcd hirn in the fame abfolute diredlion of all
their af&irs. As he did not poflefs that enter-
prizing courage which diftinguifhed his prede-
ceflbr, he fatisfied himfelf with carrying on a
defenfive war, and without attempting to annoy
the enemy by fallies, he waited for the fuccours
he cxpe6l;ed from the Low-Countries, the arri-
val of which was often foretold and promifed by
their prophets. But though lefs daring in ac-
tion than Matthias, he was a wilder enthufiaft,
and of more unbounded ambition. Soon after
the death of his predeceffor, having, by obfcure
vifions and prophecies, prepared the multitude
for fome extraordinary event, he ftripped him-
felf naked, and marching through the ftreetst,
proclaimed with a loud voice, '' That the king-
dom of Sion was at hand -, that whatever was
Jiigheft on the earth (hould be brought low, and
whatever was loweft fhould be exalted.'* In
order to fulfil this, he commanded the churches,
o '-■«<■' ' . - ^5
jSo THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. as the moft lofty buildings in the city, to be
^"'7'^ ' Icvclltd with the ground ; he degraded the fe-
*^^^* na(ors ehofen by Matthia^, and depriving Cnip-
pcrdoling of the confulfliip, the higheft ofiice
in the commonwealth, he appointed him to exe-
cute the loweft and moft infamous, thatof com-
moft hangman, to which ftrange tranfition tlic
other agreed, not only without murmuring, but
with t\rt ^tmoft joy ; and fisch was the defpotick
rigour of Boccokl's adminiftration, that he was
called alnK)ft every day to perform fome duty or
other of his wretched fundion. In place of the
depofed fenators, he named twelve judges, ac-
cording to the number of tribes inlfrael, to pre-
fide in all afFairs ; retaining to himfelf the fame
authority which Mofes anciently pofleficd as
Ic^giflator of that people.
E»ea«d Not fatisfied, however, with power or tidies
^'^- which were not f^pfeme, a prophet, whom he
had gained and tutored, having called the nwl-
titi^de together, declared it to be the will of
Goc?, that John BoccoW (houldbeKinjgof Sion,
June 24. a«d iiton the throne of David. J<An, kneeling
down, accepted of the heavenly cail, which he
•folem^nly piHKefted had been revealed likewife t-o
tiknielf, a5d was immediate'ly acknowledged as
MoAarch by the ddudcd multitude. From that
moment he aflfumed aft the ftate a^ pomp <^
royali^y. He wore a ctowb of g6ld, and was
c*lad in the richeft and moft: "(limptuoua garmeftts.
A Bible was carried on his one hand, a naked
fword on the other. A great body of guards
accompanied him when he appeared ifl publick.
He 'Coined money ftamped with his own image,
and appointed the great officers of feis hotffe4iofci
and ckingdom, among whom Cnipperdo^ling was
'nominaeed governor of the city, as a reward for
<his former i«bmiffion.
Having
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 381 .
Having now attained the height of power, Book V.
Boccold began to difcovcr paflions, which he ' — "^ ^
had hitherto rcftrained or indulged only in fe- HisiUn'
cret. As the excdTes of cnthufiafm have been «•""« '^"^ts
ob£erved in every age to lead to fcnfual gratifi- *"**^°°'*"^^-
cations, the fame conftitution that is fufceptible
dt the former, being remarkably prone to the
latter, he inftru&ed the prophets and teachers
to harangue the people for fcveral days concern-
ing the lawfulncfs, and even neccffity of taking
more wives than one, which they aflertcd to be
one of the privileges granted by God to the
faints* When their ears were once accuftomed
to this licentious dodrine, and their pafllons in-
flamed with the profped of fuch unbounded
indulgence^ he himfelf fet them an example of
ufing what he called their Chriftian liberty, by
marrying at once three wives, among which the
widow or Matthias, a woman of fingular beauty,
was one. As he was allured by beauty, or the
love of variety, he gradually added to the num-
ber of his wives until they amounted to fourteen,
though the widow of Matthias was the only one
dignified with the tide of Queen, or who flijjired
with him the fplcndor and ornaments of royalty.
After the example of their prophet, the multi-
tude gave themfclvcs up to the moft licentious
and uncontrouled gratification of their defircs.
No man remained fatisfied with a fingle wife.
I^ot to ufe their Chriftian liberty was deemed a
crime. Perfons were appointed to fearch the
houfes for young women grown up to maturity,
whom they inftantly compelled to marry. To-
gether with polygamy, freedom of divorce, its
infeparablc attendant, was introduced, and be-
came a new fource of corruption. Every cxccfs
was committed of which the paflions of men are
capable, when rcftrained neither by the authority
of
382 THEREtGNOF THE
Book V. of laws nor the fenfc of dccenqr "* $ and by a
^'■'*''^^"*^ monftrous and alniioft ineredible conjun^n^
' '^*' voluptuoufnefs was engrafted on religion, and
diflblute riot accompanied the aufterities oi i^
natical devotion.
A confede- Meanwhile, the German princes W€r€ highljf
Ihe^A^S!"* dFended at the infult offered to their dignity by
bipttiit. Boccold*s prefumptuous ufurpation of royal ho-
nours ; and the profligate manners of his follow-
ers, which were a reproach to the Chriftian
name, filled men of all profeflions with horror,
Luther, who had teftified ag^il this fanatical
fpirit on its firft appearance, now deeply lamented
its progrefs, and expofing the delufion with
great ftrength of argument, as well as acrimony
of ftyle, called loudly on all the ftates of Ger-
many to put a ftop to a phrenzy no lefs perni-
cious to fociety, than fatal to religion. The
Emperor, occupied with other cares and pro-
jeds, had not leifure to attend to fuch adiftant
objeft. But the princes of the Empire, aflcm-
bled by the King of the Romans, voted a fupply
of men and money to the bifhop of Munfter,
. who being unable to keep a fufficient army on
Bcfiegc the foo^, had convcrtcd the fiege of the town into
^«wn. a blockade.
m Prophets & concionatorum autoritate jaxtaetexem-
p1o» tota urb« ad rapiendas polcherrimas quafqae fsminas
difcurfum eft. Nee intra paacos dies, in tanta hoininoiii
torba fere ulla reperta eft fupra annum decimum quar-
tuin» qaae ftuprum pa/Fa non fueric. Lamb. Hortenf. p.
303. Vulg6 viris quinas cffc uxores, plaribus fenas, noo-
nullis feptenas & odlonas. Puellas fupra duodeci mum ctatis
annum ftatim amare. Id. 30$. Nemo una contentis fuit,
neque cuiquam extra effsetas & viris imfnaturas contineoti
cffe licuit. Id. 307. Tscebo hie, ut fit fuus honor aaribas,
quaata barbarie ec malicia ufi funt in pnellis viciandis dod-
dum aptis matrimonio, id quod mihi neque ex vanOy
neque ex vulgi fermonibus hauftum eft, fed ex ea vetola,
cui cura ftc vitiatarum demandata fuit, auditom. Job.
Corvinusy 316.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 383
a blockade. The forces raifed in confeqaence Book v.
of this refolution, were put under the command '^ — ^'-*-'
of an officer of experience, who approaching the '^^5*
the town towards the end of fpring in the year one
thoufand five hundred and thirty-five, preflcd it
more clofely than formerly ; but found the forti-
fications fo ftrong, and fo diligently guarded,
that he durft not attempt an aflault. It was now
above fifteen months fince the Anabaptifts had
eftablifhed their dominion in Munfter ; they had
during that time undergone prodigious fatigue
in working on the fortifications, and perform-
ing military duty. Notwithftanding the prudent May.
attention of their king to provide for their fub- ftnlltcVr^
fiftence, and his frugal as well as regular ceco- of the be-
nomy in their public meals, they began to feel ^^^^'
the approach of famine. Several miall bodies
of their brethren, who were advancing to tlieir
affiftance from the Low-Countries, had been
intercepted, and cut to pieces j and while all
Germany was ready to combine againft them,
they had no profpe<9: of fuccour. But fuch was
the afcendant which Boccold had acquired over
the multitude, and fo powerful the fafcination
of enthufiafm, that their hopes were as fanguinc
as ever, and they hearkened with implicit cre-
dulity to the vifions and prediftions of their pro-
phets, who afllired them, that the Almighty
would fpeedily interpofc, in order to deliver the
city. The faith, however, of fome few, fhaken
by the violence and length of their fufFerings,
began to fail; but being fufpefted of an in-
clination to furrender to the enemy, they were
punifhed with immediate death, as guilty of
impiety in diftrulling the power of God. One
of the King's wives, having uttered certain words
which implied fome doubt concerning his divine
.miffion, he inftantly called the whole number
together, and commanding the blafphemer, as
he
384 THEREIGNQFTHE
Book V. hc Called hcr, to kneel down, cut off her head
^""""^^■^^ with his own hands ; and fo far were the reft
*53S- from exprefling any horror at this cruel deed*
that they joined him in dancing with a frantick
joy around the bleeding body of their compa-
nion.
Thtcitj By this time, the befieged endured the ut-i
iufle°i. ^^^ rigour of famine ; but they chofe rather
to fufFer hardfhips, the recital of which is {hock-'
ing to humanity, than to liften to the terms of
capitulation offered them by the bifliop. At
laft, a deferter, whom they had taken iitfo
their fervice, being either lefs intoxicated with
the fumes of enthufiafm, or unable any longer
to bear fuch diftrefs, made his efca^ to the
enemy. He informed their general 01 3 weak
part in the fortifications which he had oh&nred^
and affuring him that the befieged, exhaufted
with hunger and fatigue, kept watch there with
little care, he offered to lead a party thither m
the night. The propofai was accepted, and a
chofen body of troops appointed for the fitf-r
vice; who, fcaling, the walls unperceived, feiz-
ed one of the gates, and admitted the refl of
Jane %4' the army. The Anabaptifls, though furprized,
defended themfelves in the market-place with
valour, heightened by defpair ; but being over-
powered by numbers, and furrounded on every
hand, moft of them were flain, and the remain-r
der taken prifoners. Among the laft were the
puniftimcnt Kinff and Cnipperdolina;. The KinoL loaded
of the King • iT L • • j r • ^ •
and his affo- With chaitts, was camcd from city to city as a
cuites. Ipeftacle to gratify the curiofity of the peof^,
and was expofed to all their infuks. His fpi*
rit, however, was not broken or Jiumbled by
this fad reverfe of his condition ; and he adher-
ed with unfhaken iirmnefs to the diftinguifhing
tenets
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 3^5
tfMtB of his fe^. After this he was brought Bpos; V.
tmk X9 Munfter, the fcew of his royalty ao4 ^ ' ^^ ■^
and put to death with the ipoft cxqui- '^^^
4f well lipgering tortures, all which h$
^rp n^th 9fton^ing fortitude. Thiis c?t^tra«
ft^mff ni^ who hsid beefi able tin aqqu^^
fo^ a^apipg 49niinion over the min^s ot hi^
^Uowersi and to excite coiptnotions fo danger-^
OW %Q ipciety, wf»s only twentf-Gx ydars 0^
Topfi7H£R with its Monarchy the ^iitgdom Chtnaer
9f ^ i^nabaptifts cjwne to ^n did. Their prin- tJ^\^^
tijdes having taken deep root in the l,^w Coun^- period.
^e$) the pgrty ftill fubfifts there, \inder the
fi^me a( Mennonites *, but by a very Angular
revolution, this fe^, fb mutinous and fanguing^
ry at its firft origin, hath become altc^ther in-^
tipceHt and pacifick. Holding it unlawful to
wagjS war, or to {accept of civil offices, they de-
vote themfeives entirely to the duti^ of private
citizens, and by their induftry an4 chatity en-
d^vour rp make reparation to human fociety
for the violence committed by their founders ^
A (maU number of this k£t which i;^ fettled in
England, retain its peculiar tenets concerning
baptiiWi, but without any dangerous niixture of
embu0«fm.
VoLv IL C c The
A Sld4* 190* &c. Tumoltaixm Anabaptiftarqm Libcrr
fitmi. Aot. LamberCo HdteAAo aMdore ap. Scardtom«
vol, ii. p. 3969 4c. Pe MiifrabjH MoBptcrienfiain <^b-
ii<iione, Uc libellus Antoaii Corvini ap. Scard. 313.
Annaks Anabaptiftici a Joh. Henrico Oitio, 410. Bafir
leae» 1672. Cor. H6er(bachias Hift. Anab. Edit. 1637.
p* 140.
o B%y]e "DiKqti. Art Analatujln*
386 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. The mutiny of the Anabaptifts, though it
^"^ ' drew general attention, did not fo entirely cn-
Proc^^iiigt grofs the princes of Germany, as not to allow
tnd itttbo- ^ifure for odier tranfaftions« The alliance be-
leagne of twcen the French King and the confederates at
Smaikaide. Smalkalde, began about this time to produce
great effefts. Ulric, Duke of Wurterhberg,
having been expelled his dominions in the year
bne thoufand five hundred and nineteen, -on ac-
count of his violent and oppreffive adminiftra-
tion, the houfe of Auilria had got polTeflion of
his duchy. That prince having now by a long
exile atoned for the errors in his conduct, which
were the effeft rather of inexperience than of f
tyrannical difpofition, was become the objeft of
general compaffion. The Landgrave of Hcfle,
in particular, his near relation, warmly efpouled
his intereft, and ufed many efforts to recover for
him his ancient inheritance- But the King of
the Romans obftinately refufcd to relinquifli a
valuable acquifition which his family had made
with fo much eafc. The Landgrave, unable to
compel him, applied to the King of France, his
new ally. Francis, eager to embrace any op-
portunity of diftreffing the houfe of Auftria, and
defirous of wrefting" from it a territory, which
gave it footing and influence in a part of Ger-
many at a diftance from its other dominions,
encouraged the Landgrave to take arms, and
fecretly fupplied him. with a large fum of money.
This he employed to raife troops, and marching
with greaf expedition towards Wurtembcrg, at-
tacked, defeated, aiid difperfed a confiderabk
body of Auftriansi entruftcd with the defence
of the country: AH the Duke's fubjedb haft-
ened, with emulation, to receive their native
Prince, and re-invefted him with that authority
which is ftill enjoyed by his defcendants^ At
the
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 387
the fame time the excrcife of the Proteftant re- Book V.
ligion was cftablilhcd in his dominions p. ' — ^^""^^
Ferdinand, how fcnfiblc foever of this un-TheKiogof
expeded blow, not daring to attack a Prince JourutSm!
whom all the Proteftant powers in Germany
were ready to fupport, judged it expedient to
conclude a treaty with him, by which, in the
nK>ft ample form, he recognized his title to the
duchy. The fuccefs of the Landgrave's opera-
tions in behalf of the Duke of Wurtemberg,
having convinced Ferdinand that a rupture with
a league fo formidable as that of Smalkalde was
to be avoided with the utmoft care, he entered
likewife into a negociation with the Eleflor of
Saxony, the head of that union, and by fome
conceffions in favour of the Proteftant religion,
and others of advantage to the Eledtor himfelf^
he prevailed on him, together with his confer
derates, to acknowledge his title as King of the
Romans. At the fame time, in order to pre-
vent any fuch precipitate or irregular cledlion in
times to come, it was agreed that no perfon
fhould hereafter ht promoted to that dignity
without the unanimous confent of the Elcftors ;
and the Emperor foon after confirmed this ftipur
lation''. . ;
These adls of indulgence towards ^he Pro- P^«niL
teftants, and the clofe union into which thcnerai*^*'
King of the Romans fccmed to be entering with^j'^^^
the Princes of that party, gave great offence at *
Rome. Paul III. though he had departed from
a refolution of his predeceflbr, never to confen?
to the calling of a general council, and had pro-
C c 2 mifcd,
P Sleid 172. Bcllay, 159, &c. <l Sleid. 173.
Corps Diplom. torn. iv. p. 2. 119.
coun-
meet
MtDtua.
"^f
388 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V.mifed, in the firft confiftoiy held afiDer his etec^
^'■''^^'■**' don, that he would convoke that aflfiiBUy,&
'^''^* much defired by all Chriftendom, was no lefs
enraged than Clement at thi innovadoas in
Germany» and no l^s zverb to any fcheme fn
reforming either the doftnnes df die church, or
the abufes in the court of ftpme : J^ut haying
been a witnefs of the univerlai cenfiice which
Clement had incurred by his pUdaacy with rff«
gard to thefe points, he hcmed to avoid the izm
repfoach by the Teeming alaciity with vAich he
propofed a council; flattsring himfel^ bqwever,
that iuch dificuliiea would ariSr coK^miDg the
dme and place of meedng, the peribas who had
a right to be prcfent, and the order of their pro^
ceedings^ as would efBsdually de&at thp inteiN
don OT thofe who demanded that aflbmbly,
without ocpofing himfelf to any imputation nr
refufing to call it. With this view he difpatchtd
nuncios to the feverat courts, in order tp make
known his intendon, and that he had fixed on
Mantua as a proper place in whif:h to hodd the
council. Such difficulties as the Pope had fore-
feen, immediately prelentpd themielves in great
number. The French King did not approve of
the place which Paul had c^ofen, as the Papal
and Imperial influence would ncceflarily be too
?eat in a town fituated in that part of Italy,
he King of England not only concurred with
Francis in urging that obge£don, but refuled,
befides, to acknowledge any council called ia
the name and by the authority of the Pope. The
Dec. II. German Proteftants having met together at
Smalkalde, infilled on their original demand oS
a council to be held in Gerniany, and jJeadia^
the Emperor's promife, as well as the agreement
at Ratilbon to tjiat effeft, declared that they
would not confider an aflembly held at Mantua
as
*?r:
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 389
as a kg&l €tr frfee r^>fefentative of the church. Book V.
By this divfcrfity of fentiments and views, fuch ^ -^i^-w
ii fidd for tntrigue and n^pciation opened, as '^^'*
made it eafy f6r the Pope to aflume the merit of
b^g ^^r t6 a0embl6 a council, while at the
fkne time he could put off its meeting at plea-
fiire. Thc.PrMeftants, on the other hand, fuf-
pcfting his^defigns, and fenlible of the import-
ance which they derived from their union, re*
new^d for teii years the league of Smalkalde^
which now became ftronger and more fbrmi- «
dabfe by the acceffion ot feveral new mem-
bcrs^
Duaiiro thefe tranfadions in Germany, the
Emperor undertook his famous enterprize againft
the piratical ftates in Africa. That part of the
African continent lying along the coafl: of the
Mediterranean lea, which anciently formed the;
kingdoms of Mauritania and Maflylia, together
with the republick of Carth^, and which is
now known by the general name of Barbary, The Eiqpe.
had undergone niany revolutions. Subdued by Siuon'tr'
the Romans, it became a province of thdr Africa, tod
empire, country.
r This league was concluded December, one thoufand
five hundred and thirty- five» but not extended or figned
in form till September in the following yar. The
Princes who accefled to it were John Bledtor of Saxony»
Erneil Duke of Brunfwicky Philip Landgrave of He^,
Ulric Duke of Wurtemberg, Barnim and Philip t>uke8
of Pomerania, John George, and Joachim Princes of
Anhalt, Gebhard and Albert Counts of Mansfield,
William Count of Nafiau. The cities, Straiborg, Na* ^
remburg, Con^ance, Ulm, Magdeburg, Bremen, Reut*
lingen, Hailbron, Memmengen, Lindaw, Campen, Ifna,
Btbrac, Winlheiin, Aufburg, Fraticfort, Efiing, Brunf-
wick^ Goflar, Htnover» Gottingen» Eimbeck, Hamburg,
S90 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. empire. Conquered afteiwards by the Vandals,
'^"^^ they erefted a kingdom there. That being over-
' 535* turned by Belifarius, the country continued fub-
je6t to the Greek Emperors, until it was over-
run, towards the end of the feventh century, by
the rapid and irrefiftible arms of the Arabs. It
remained for fome time a part of thatj^aft empire
which the Caliphs governed with abiSlute autho-
rity. Its immenfe diftance, however, from the
feat of government, encouraged the defcendants
. of thofe leaders, who had fubdued the country, or
the chiefs of the Moors, its ancient inhabitants,
to throw off the yoke, and to fet up for indepen-
dence. The Caliphs, who derived their autho-
rity from a fpirit of enthufiafm, niore fitted for
making conquefts than for preferving them, were
obliged to connive at afts of rebellion which
they could not prevent •, and Barbary was divided
into fcveral kingdoms, of which Moroc^X), Al-
giers, an3 Tunis, were the moft confiderable.
The inhabitants of thefe kingdoms were a mixed
race, Arabs, Negroes from the fouthern pro-
vinces, and Moors, either natives of Africa, or
who had been expelled out of Spain ; aH zealous
profeflbrs of the Mahometan religion, and in-
flamed againft Chriftianity with a bigotted hatred
proportional to theif ignorance and barbarous
manners.
dates,
Rife of the Among thcfc pcople, no lefs darings incon-
piraticai ftant, and treacherous, than the ancient inhabit-
ants of the fame country defcribed by the Ro-
man hiftorians, frequent feditions broke out, and
many changes in government took place. Thefe,
as they aflPedted only the internal ftate of a coun-
try fo barbarous, ate but little known, and de-
fcrve to be fo : But about the beginning of the
fixteenth century a fudden revolution happened,
whicbj
EMPEROR C H A R L E S V. 391
\irhich, by rendering t;iiie dates of Barbary formi- Book V.
dable to the Europeans, hath made their hiftory ^ *v — "^
wcMthy of rnqre attention. This revolution was tnd ^ the
brought about by perfons born in a rank of life BwrbiroOaa.
which entitled them to a£t no fuch illuftrious
part. Horuc and Hayradin, the fons oi a potter
m the ifle of Lefbos^ prompted by a reftlefs and
enterprizing fpirit, forfook thetr father's trade^
ran to fea, and joined a crew of pirates. They
foon diftinguifhed themfelyes by their valour
and ai^ivity ; and becoming matters of a fmall
brigai^tine, carried on their infamous trade with
fuch condu£t and fu(:cef$, that they aflembled a
fleet of twelve gallies, befides many veflels of
fmaller force. Of this fleet Horuc, the elder
brother, called Barbaroflfa from the red colour
of his beard, was admiral, and Hayradin fccond
in command, but with alniofl: equal authority. . >
They called themfelves the friends of the fea,
and the enemies of all who fail upon it ; and their
names (bon became terrible from the Straits of
the, D^rdanels to thofe of Gibraltar. Together
with their fame and power, their ambitious views
extended ; and while admg as corfaira, they,
adopted the ideas, and acquired the talents of .
conquerors. They often carried the prizes which
they .took on the coafl;s of Spain and It^ly into
the ports of Barbary, and, enriching the inhabit-
ants by the fals of their booty, and the thought-
lefs prodigality of their crews, were welcome
guefta in every place at which they touched.
The convenient fitua^ion of thefe harbours, lying .
fo near the greatefl: commercial ftates at that
time.Jn Chriftcndom^ made the brothers wilh
for an eftablifliment in that country. An op-
portunity of accomplifliing this quickly pre-
fentcd jtfelf, which they did not fufFer to pafs
unimproved. Eutemi, King of Algiers, having
attempted
I^t THE REIGK OF THt p
P06K V. attempted feveral times, wkhout fuccefsi^ b ^
^^^""^^"^ a fort whieh the Spanift govemofs of Orati Idl
'^^^* built not far ff^&m his capital, was fa ill niMhi
as to apply fdr aid td Barbarofl% whofe valour
i$i(S. the Aiticans cdhfidered as irrefiftibk; Vm
aAire Corfair gladly accepted of the invitation,
and leaving his brother Hayradin with the fleet,
marched at the head ^ &ve thoufand ineii to
Algiers, where he was received as their delivew*
Such a force gave him the command of die
town ; and as he perceived that the Moors
neither fuf|)efied him of any bad intention, nor
were capable, with their Jigh€-afmed troops,
of oppofifig his disciplined veterans, he fecretly
Horvc, the mi^rdtred the monarch whom he had come to
thtn b^' ^^*' *^^ caijfed hintfelf to be proclaimed Itii^
comet fntf- of Algiers in his ftead. The authority which'
^^tn, ^^' ^ had thps boldly ufurpedj he endeavoured to
' ' eftablifc by arts fuited to the genius of the i)COr
pie whom he had to govern ; by liberality with-
out bounds to-thpfe whofavoured his promotionj
and by druelty no lefe itnbounded towards all
whom he had any reafon to diftruft. Not fttisfitd
with the throne whieh he had acquired, he at-'
tacked the neighbouring Kii^ or Tremecen,
and having vanquifhed him in battle, addMhfe
dominions to thof^ of Algiers, At the f^
time, he continued to infeu the coafis cf Sp^Q
and' Italy with fleets ^hich refembloi the arma-
inen^s of a great Monarch, rather than theKght
fquadrons of a Corfair. The devaftations wWth
thefe committed, obliged Charles^ about the be-
ginning of bis reign, tb furnifii rfie mtfrquisde
Comarcs, governor of Oran^ with f roops feffi^
*f*^- cicnt to attack him. That officer, afllftrfbjf
^ th^ dethroned king Of Tremecen, e?cecutcd W
commiffipn with ?uch fpirit, that BarbaroflB^^
troops being beat la feyeral encounters, he hiaa-
' •' fclf
£MFBRDK CHARLES V. gg^
fMmm flmt up in Tlemecen. Aftbr defending Book V.
it to the kft etammtfy he was overtaken in at- ^■-*^^^— -■*
tempting to make his efcape, and (lain while he '^^^'
fom^t with an obftihate Valour, worthy of his
ftcnlcr tsiinc and exploits.
Hi» biodser llaVratfin, known likewiie by the Theprordi
hame a( fiarbnofia, afficimed the fceptre of AU^l^^Y^:
giet^ with die fimie ambition and abilities, but ^'^ i>ro-
wkh betw torvme. His rd^ being imdi- ^'
fturbed by the arms of the Spamards, which had
ftiU occupation in the wars among the European
powers, ne regulated, with admirable prudence,
the interior police of his kin^om, earned on his
naral operanom with great vigour, and extended
hia conquefts on the continent of Africa. But
pcrcdvidg that the Moors and Arabs fubmitted
to faia ^vemment with the utmoft reludtance,
and being afrsud shot his continual depredations'
wmlc^ one day, draw upon him the arms of the
Chriftians, he put his dbminions under the pro- Pats his do.
t«^^ of the Grand Seignior, and received from SlTthTp"^
him a body of Turkifh foldiers fufficient for his **^*|y^
ftciariify againft his domeftick as wdl as hb foreign
enemies. At laft, the fame of his exploits daily
increafing, Solyman offered him the command
of the Turkifli fleet, as the only perfon whole
Vftlour and fkill in naval aiFairs entitled him to
comrAand againft Andrew Doria, the greateft
fea-officer or that age. Proud of this diftindbion,
Bdrbarofia repaired to Conftantinople, and with
» wonderful verfatility of mind, mingling the
arte of a courtier with the boldnefs of a Corfair,
gaiMd the entire confidence both of the Sukan
mid his Viaier. To them he communieated a
llfaeme which he had formed of making himfelf
xtK^er of Tunisi the moft fiouriflting kingdom,
^ ^hait timc^ on die coaft of Africa^ and this be-
ing
394 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. ing appravcd of by them, he obtancd whatever
* ^'^^'^^ he demanded for carrying it into execufion.
Hit fchtme His hopes of fuccels in this iindertakbg woe
u^T^r' founded on the inteftine divifions in the kin^om
of Tunis. Mahffied, the laft King of that coun-
try, having thirty-four fons by diflferent wi^cs,
named Muley*Hafcen, one of the youngeft among
them, his fucceflfor. That* weak Prince, who
owed this preference not to his own n^erit^ but
to the afcendant which his mother had acquired
over a Monarch doating with age, firft poifoned
Mahmcd his father, in order to prevent him- from
altering his deitination ; and then, with the bar-
barous policy which prevails wherever polygamy,
is permitted, and the right of fucceffion is not
precifely fixed, he put to death all his brothers
whom he could get into his power. Alrafehid,
one of the eldeft, was fo fortunate as to efoape
his rage «, . and finding ^ a retreat among the
wandering Arabs, made fevecal attempts, by
the afliftahce of fome of their chiefs, to recover
the throne, which of right belonged to bim»
But thefe proving unfiiccefsful, and the Ar^
from their natural levity, bebg ready to deliver
him up to his mercilefs brother, he fled to Al-
giers, the only place of refuge remainingj and
implored the protcdion of Barbaroffa, who, dif-
cerning at once all the advantages which mi^tte.
gained by fupporting his title, received him with
every poflible demonftration of friendlhip and
rcfpedt. Being ready, at that time, to fct foil
fpr Conftantinople, he eafily perfuadedi Alraf-
ehid, whofe eagernefs to obtain % crown difppftd
him to believe or undertake any thing, to ac-
company him thither, promilihg bitn eflSjftual
afliftance f^wn Solyman, whom he ceprefentcd
to be the mofj: generous,. as,well as nooft pQwrr.
fu),
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 395
fill. Monarch in the world. But no fooner were Book V.
they arrived at Conftantinople, than the falfe'— v— ^
Corfair, regardlefs of all his promifes to him, ^^^^'
opened to the Sultan a plan for conquering
Tunis, and annexing it to the Turkilh empire,
by making ufe of the name of this exiled Pnnce,
and foy means of the party ready to declare in his
favour. Solyman approved, with too much
facility, of tlus perfidious propofal, extremely
fuitable to the charader of its author, but alto-
gether unworthy of a great Prince. A power-
ful fleet and numerous army were foon aiTem-
bled ; at the fight of which the credulous Alraf-
chid flattered himfelf, that he would foon enter
his capital in triumph.
But juft as this unhappy Prince was going to lu fucccfs.
embark, he was arrefl:ed by order of the Sultan,
fhut up in the feraglio, and was never heard of
more. Barbarofla failed with a fleet of two hun-
dred and fifty vefleis towards Africa. After ra-
vaging the coafts of Italy, and fpreading terror
through every part of that country, he appeared
before Tunis ; and landing his men, gave out
that he came to aflcrt the right of Alrafchidv
whom he pretended to have left Tick aboard the
Admiral galley. The fort of Goletta, which
commands the bay, foon fell into his hands,
partly by his own addrefs, partly by the treachery
of its commander ; and the inhabitants of Tunis,
weary oi Mulcy-Hafccn*s government, took
arms, and declared for Alrafchid with fuch zeal
and unaninuty, as obliged the former to fly fo
precipitately, that he left all his treafures behind
him. The gates were immediately fct open to
Barbarofla, as the reftorer of their lawful fbve-
reign. But when Alrafchid himfelf did not
appear, arid when inflead of his name, that of
• . ~ Solyman
1
396 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V. Solyman atone was hdatxl amdng t!ie ac^tait-
^ — ^^""^ tions of the Turkifli foHiers Aarchteg tnco tte
*5^5* town» chc people of Tunis bcgiai to ftrtpcdt the
Corfair's trcachtfry. , Their fd^ciriB beirigfowi
converted into certainty^ they nm to arms wkk
the vtAioit fury^ iuid furrounded the citadiil, iotd
which Barbarofl^ had led Ifis troops. But hav-
ing fbrefeen fuch a revokidonv he was not ua-
prepared for it ; be inmnediaidy tixnei agjM
theth the artillery on tke rddipai^ tod by one
briik difcharge, difperfcd the numennis but un-
direded aflailam», and forced dmn to adiiiotr-
ledge SdyhfKin as their fovereigni and to fubmic
to him&lf i^ his viceroy^
Btrbaro(ra*t His firft carc was to put the kingdom, of
^rJrt^^' which he had thus got pdffeffion, in a prtto
poft ore of defence. He ftrei^;th«ied die cifadel
which comnuuids the town ; and fortifying thii
Goletta in a regular mtoiier, at vslft txpence^
made it the priitcipd ftaiKxl £or his ilbet, and
his great arfenal for nruHtafy as well as nayal
ftores. Being now pofft(ftd of fudi exten^ve
tcrritoriw, he ciarried on his depredations againft
the Cbriftiah States to a greater extent, and with
more deftruftive violence than ever. Daily com-
plaihts of thebutrasjes comrtiittcd by biicruitcrs
were brought to the Emperoi" by^ his fubjcfts,
both in Spain ^nd Italy. All Chriftcndom
ieemed to expe<^ from hitn, as its greatcft ^
moft fortunate Prince, thit Ke would pit an end
to this new and odious f^dcies of opprcffion.
The exiled At the fame time Muky-Hafccn, the odkd
^ITmpiJrelKingbf Tunis^ finding none of the Mahomctaa
*o*'^"fln ^^'^^^^ '^ Africa willing or abte to aflift him io
Ince.* April recorering his throne, applied to Chiles as the
*'» »i53- only perfoa who coidd aflfert hii righta in oppo^
fitiop to fuch a formidable ufurjper^ The em-
peror,
iition.
EMFEROR CHARLES V. 397
pcror> fqitftUy defifpus of drlivcrvig hia domi- Bpq( v.
nions from the dangerous neighboiir)K^ of Bar- ^ *'»'-->
barofla; of appearing as the proteftor of an ^^^*
^OitiiMt^ Prince;, 4nd Qf «€q4jiwg the glory
anoraed in cbftt ^1 tQ every eKpedicipn ^g^it\9t
the lifa{ififp<H»n$9 wdihf coagliid/od % triei^y
mth MuJey-HMben^ aiKi beg^n to pveparQ for
tnvadiog Tunis. Having rp^d^ (rkl ojf His owa
abilities for wgr ia t(%e l^t^ cwipakn ifi Hun-*
gary» be wa* now b^eooie fo &nd of thr miiiwry
ciiarafier^ ti^t he deHBr^ini^ to eopummd on
Ail oocafifm in perfon. Tlw Mniiod ftrwgth of Hi««preptr«-
lusdomiaiafts w«3 Cfllkd out upo^ m cwprprizft^x''^' '*"*
ki wUcb the eiinpf f^ wa$ ab^ut to hg^ard his
glory, and whkh c^w the att^rijtioflt of all Eu*
i»pe. A Fkmifla iect ciu:ried frprp the ports
of the Low-Country a body of G^rmgn iofan-
tiy' ; the gallies of Napli5s and Skily took on
bQ»d the veteran bands . of Jtaliana . and Spa.^
aiards, which had dlftiaguifhed then)fclye$ by
fo many v^xmes over the Fr^ch ; the Emperor
himfdr embarked at Barcelona with the flower
of the Spanifh nobility, and was joiwd by a
Wmfiderable fquadron from Portugal, u»der the
command of tbelnf^t Dph Lewis* the Em-
psefs'^ bnofiher ; Andrew Doria condu&ed his
own galliof, the bed appointed an th^c time in
Eurc^, aiKi comnianded by the moft ikilful
officers t The iV)pe fwrnOmd ^Ithe aiEftance in
his power towards fuch a |^oms enterprize •, and
theco'derof Malta, the perpetual enemies of
the I^fidds, e(}Mipped a fquadron, which, though
imall, was . formidable by the valour of the
knights who ferved on board it. Thepojrtof
Cagliari in Sardinia was the general place of
rendezvous. Dqria was appointed High-Admi^
lal of the fleet ; the command of the landt
forces
< Haraei Annates Crabant. i^ 599.
398 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V, forces under the Emperor was given to the mar-
^"^^"■^ quis de Guafto.
undt io On the fixteenth of July, the fleet, confifth^
Africi. ^£ ^^^j. g^^ hundred veflfels, having oir board
above thirty thoofandl regular troops, fet fail
from Cagliari, and after a profperous naviga-
tion, landed within fight of Tunis. Barbarol&
having received early intelligence of the Em-
peror's immenfe armament, and lufpefting its
deftination, prepared with equal prudence and
vigour for the defence of his new conqueft. He
* called in all his corfairs from their different fta-
tions \ he drew from Algiers what forces could
be fpared ; he difpatched meflengers to all the
African Princes, Moors as well as Arabs, and
by reprefenting Muley-Hafccn as an infamous
apoftate, prompted by ambition and revengje,
not only to become the vaflal of a Chriftian
Prince, but to confpire with him to extirpate the
Mahommedan faith, he inflamed thofe ignorant
and bigotted chiefs to fuch a degree, that they
^ took arms as in a common caufe. Twenty thou-
fand horfe, together with a vaft: body of foot,
foon aflembled at Tunis ; and by a proper dif-
tribution of prefents among them from time to
time, Barbarofla kept the ardour which had
brought them together from fubfiding. But as
he was! too well acquainted with the enemy whom
he had to oppofe, to think that thefe light troops
could refill the heavy-armed cavalry and veteran
infantry which compofed the Imperial army, his
chief confidence was in the ftrcngth of the Go-^
letta, and in his body of Turkifli foldicrs who
were armed and difciplined after the European
falhion. Six thoufand of thefe, under the com-
mand of Sinan, a renegado Jew, the braveft and
moft experienced of all hijs corfairs, he threw
^J^Goufu. *"^^ ^^^^ ^^^^y which the emperor immediately
inverted.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 599
invefted. As Charles had the command of the Boo* V-
fea, his camp was fo plentifully fupplied not^"*^^*^
only with the neceflarics, but with all the luxu- *^^'*
ries of life, that Mulcy-Hafcen, wb6 had not
been accuftomed to fee war carried on with fuch
order and magnificence, was filled with admira-
tion of the Emperor's power. His troops, ani-
mated by his prefence, and confidering it as
meritorious to Ined their blood in fuch a pious
caufe, contended with each other for the pofts
of honour and danger. Three feparate attacks
were concerted; and the Germans, Spaniards, and
Italians, having one of thefe committed to each
©f them, pufiied them forward with the eager
courage which national emulation infpires. Sinan
difplayed relblution and (kill becoming the con-
fidence which his mafter had put in him ; the
garrifon performed the hard fervice on which
they were ordered with great fortitude. But
though he interrupted the befiegers by frequent
fallies ; though the Moors "and Arabs alarmed
the camp with their continual incurfions ; the
breaches foon became fo confiderable towards
the land, while the fleet battered thofe parts of
the fortifications v/hich it could approach, with
no lefs fury and fucccfs, that an aflault being
given on all fides at. once, the place was taken T^kes it by
by ftorm. Sinan, with the remains of hisJ^J^;^^
garrifon, retired, after an obftinate refiftance,
over afhallow part of the bay towards the city.
By the reduftion of the Goletta, the Emperor
became mafter of Barbarofla*s fleet, confifting
of eighty- feven gallies and galliots, together with
his arfehal, iand three hundred cannon, moftly'
brafs, which were planted on the ramparts ; a
prodigious number in that age, and a remark-
able proof of the ftrength of the fort, as well as
of the greatnefs of the corfair's power. The
Kmperor marched into the Goletta through the
breach.
4O0 THE REION Of THE
Bo9K y. breach, and turniBg to iA^hfrfid&en fA^ a(^
^-•'"^^^ tended him, ** Hc^e/* lays he, ^» is a g^ opci
*53S- to you, bywlweh yop ih^U f«^rA (p |«^ |^
feffioa of your dcimimaA^/*
Barbaeos$a» thoHgh im folf |li« fgU DwifglK
of the bjiow which w hp4 »?Pfi>«e4 di^iA
however, I0& eouF9ge, ^r «|Mkp4p» t^ ^^pfm
of TuflijS. Btit ^ che V4}(9 WWf of grw!t«i«lBl,
and octremely ^cukj ^ |ftfs ic9«k} nm di^w^
on the fidelity of the mh^btt^, w>r kt^^etlilt
(the Moc^ mi AmU w^iild Ai|S^ ^imir
fliips of a fiMe» he boldly d^prmippd !»o .9dvMff
with hi3 aitoy, whi^h amawitB4 fpfi^*cW^
fai^ men S towards th(e l^feri^ ^9Qf^r 9Pd $9
decide the f»te of his kingdom V ^^ feSve^J
battle. This pefolutioB he ^mfl^w\fi^t» hk
principal officers, and repre^cni^ lip tbfm ^
fatal oonieqqences whkh mi^t j^llpw, if W
thouiand Chriftian flaves, 9/hom hP h^d ^W MP
in the citadel, fhould attempt to m^tipjy (|prt0g
theabfence of the afmy* he pfoppfed 9/^ ^ tUf^
ceflary precaution for the puhdi^ jbcuH^ 19
mafliicfe them without mercy befcws ^ hegM^
his march. Tl^y all approved w^rady iqf fa^
intention to fight ; but inyped 1^ they wim, ia
their ptratioi^ depredations, to jrcene$ of h)wd*
Ihed and eruelty, the hfu^barity of his pr^pofid
. concerning the flavesi 0Ued them with horror y
and BarbardTa, r^her frpm the dread of m«$t'
ing them, than fwayed by n)ptive$ c^ hunM^ky,
confented to fpare the lives pf the (laves.
Dcfeiu By this time the Emperor had begun to s4-
Barbarofli'i yance towards Tunis ; ^nd though his tr(K^
*'"*'* fufFered inconceivable hardlhips in thdr marclH
over burning fands, deilitute of water, and cx-
poled to the intolerable heat of the fun, they
foon
t Epiftres de Princes, parRurcelli^ p. ispt &c.
EMPEROR CHAftLES V. ^^^ot
toon came Up With the enemy. The Moors andBooK V.
Arabs,' emboldened by their vaft fuperiority in '^ ^^"***^
humber, imniediately ruftied on to the attack '^^''
with loud fhouts ; but their undifciplifned courage
tould not long (land the fhock of regular bat-
talions ; and though Barbarofla, with admirable
prefcnce of mind, and by expofing his own per-
fon to the greateft dangers, endeavoured to rally
them, the rout became fo general, that he him-
felf was hurried along with them in their flight
back to the city. There he found every thing
in the uttndft confiifiion-, fome of the inhabit-
ants flying with their families and cSt&s ; otherst
ready to fet open their gates to the conqueror i
the Turkifh foldiers preparing to retreat ; and thd
citadel, which in fuch circumftances might have
aflbrded him fom6 refuge, already in the poflef-
fion of the Chriftian captives. Thefe unhappy
men, rendered defperate by their fituation, had
laid hold on the opportunity which BarbafoflTsi
dreaded. As foon as his army was ^t fome dif-
tance from the town, they gained two of their
keepers, by whofe afliftance, knocking ofi^ their
fetters, and burfting open their prifoiis, they
overpowered the Turkifti garrifon, a(nd turned
the artillery of the fort agaihft their former maG
ters. BarbaroflTa, difappointed and enraged, ex-
claiming fometimes againft the falfe compaflion
of his officers, and fometimes condemning his
own imprudent compliance with their opinion,-
fled precipitately to Bonil^.
Meanwhile Charles, faitisfied with the eafy Tunis fur^
and almofl: bloodlefs vidtory which he had'«°^*'*-
gained, and advancing ftowly \^ith the precau-
tion ncceflary in an enemy'^ country, did not
yet know the whole extent of his own good for-
tune. But at laft, a meflenger difpatched by
Vou II. D d the
402 THE REIGN OF THE
Book V, the Aaves acquainted hixn wkb the fuccels af
^"^'y^ their noble effort, for the recovery of their liber-
'535- ly .^ jy^j aj ^e fame time deputies arrived from
the town, in order to prefent him the keys of
their gates, and to implore his prote£tion from
military violence. While he was deliberating
concerning the proper meafures for this purpofe,
the foldiers, fearing that they ftiould be deprived
of the booty which they had cxpe6ted, rulhed
fuddenly, and without orders, into the town,
axvl began to kill and plunder without diftioc*
tion. It was then too late to reftrain their cru-
elty, their avarice, or licentioufnefe. All the
outrages of which foldiers are capable in the fury
of a ftorm, all the excefies of which n)en can
be guilty when their paflions are heightened
by the contempt and hatred which difference in
ipanners and religion infpire, were committed.
Above thirty thoufand of the innocent inhabit-
ants perifhed on that unhappy d^y, and ten
thoufand were carried away as flaves. Muley-
Hafcen took podeffion of a throne furrounded
with carnagp, abhorred by his fubjedis on whom
he had brought fuch calamities, and pitied even
by thofe whoie raflmefs had been the occafionof
them. The Emperor lamented the fatal acci-
dent which had ftained the luftre of his vidtory ;
and amidft fuch a fcene of horror there was but
one fpedacle that afforded him any fatisfadion.
Ten thoufand Chriilian flaves, among whom were
feveral perfons of diftinftion, met him as he enr
tered the town; and falling on their Iqiees,
thanked and bleffed him as their deliverer.
Reftorcsthc Ax the fame time that Charles accomplished
^ollfa** ^'°^ ^^^ promife to the Moorifh King of re-eftablifli-
throoe. ing him in his dominions, he did not negledt
what was neceffary for bridling the power of th^
African
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 403
African corfairs, for the fecurity of his own fub- Book V.
jefts, and for the intereft of the Spanilh crown : ^-^>^-^
In order to gain thefe ends, he concluded a '^^^'
treaty with Muley-Hafcen on the following con-
ditions *, that he fhould hold the kingdom of
Tunis in fee of the crown of Spain, and do ho-
mage to the Emperor as his liege lord; that
all the Chriftian flaves now within his domi-
nions, of whatever nation, fhould be fet at liberty
without ranfom -, that no fubjed of the Empe-
ror's would for the future be detained in fervi-
tude ; that no Turkifli corfair fhould be admitted
into the ports of his dominions ; that free trade,
together with the publickexercifeof theChriftian
religion, fhould be allowed to all the Emperor's
lubjeds ; that the Emperor fhould not only re-
tain the Goletta, but that all the other fea-ports
in the kingdom which were fortified fhould be
put into his hands ; that Muley-Hafcen fhould
pay annually twelve thoufand crowns for the
fubliflence of the Spanifh garrifon in the Golet-
ta ; that he fhould enter into no alliance with
any of the Emperor's enemies ; and fhould pre-
fent to him every year, as an acknowledgment
of his vafTalage, fix Moorifh horfes, and as many
hawks". Having thus fettled the affairs of
Africa ; chaflifed the infolence of the corfairs •,
fecured a fafe retreat for the fhips of his fubjeds,
and a proper ftation for his own fleets, on that
coaft from which he was mofl infefled by pira-
tical depredations ; Charles embarked again for Aug. 17.
Europe, the tempefluous weather, and ficknefs
among his troops, not permitting him to purfue
BarbarofTa ^.
D d 2 Bv
B Du Monts Corps Diplomat, ii. 128. Summootc Hift.
di Napoli, iv. 89.
X Joh. Eiropii Diarium Expedition. Tunctanae ap,
Scard. v. ii. p. 320, &c. Jovii Hiftor.lib. xxxiv. 153, &c.
Sandov.
1
4Q4 THE REIGN, &c.
Book V. By this expedition, the merit of which feem$
^^~'^^to have been eftimated in that age, rather by
Thc^ioiV ^^^ apparent generofity of the undertaking, the
Dvhich the magnificence wherewith it was conduced, and
Emperor
acquir
eti. the fuccefs which crowned it, than by the im-
portance of the confequences that attended it,
the Emperor attained a greater height of glo^
than at any other period of his reign. Twenty
thoufand flaves whom he freed from bondage,
either by his arms, or by his treaty with Muley-
Hafcen y, each of whom he cloathed and fur-
nifhed with the means of returning to their
refpeftive countries, fpread all over Europe the
fame of their bcnefaftor's munificence, extolling
his power and abilities with the exaggeration
flowing from gratitude and admiration. In com-
parifon with him, the other Monarchs of Eu-
rope made an inconfiderable figure. They
feemed to be folicitous about nothing but their
private and particular interefts ; while Charles,
with an elevation of fentiment, which became the
chief Prince in Chriftcndom, appeared to be
concerned for the honour 6f the Chriftian name,
and attentive to the public fecurity and welfare.
Sandov. ii. 1 54, &c. Vertot Hift de Cheval. de Malthc.
Epillres des Princes, par Rufcelli, traduites par Belleforefl*
p. 119, 120, 8cc, Anton. Pontii Confentini Hift. Belli adr.
Barbar. ap. Matthaei Analedla.
y StunmoEte Hift. de Nap. vol. iv. p. 105.
THE
<■ r.. / « ,, ,
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
REIGN
O F T H E
EMPEROR CHARLES V.
BOOK VI.
UNFORTUNATELY for the reputation Book VL
pf Francis I. among his contemporaries, "— "v*>^
his conduft, at this junfture, appeared a perfedt The wufcs
contraft to that of his rival, as he laid hold of » new
on the opportunity afforded him, by the Empe- ^een the
Tor's having turned his whole force asainft the Emperor
^ ^ • r* ^ r ' and Francis.
common enemy, to revive his pretenlions in
Italy, and to plunge Europe into a new war.
The treaty of Cambray, as has been obferved,
did not remove the caufcs of enmity between the
two contending Princes •, it covered up, but did
not extinguilh the flames of difcord. Francis,
in particular, who waited with impatience for a
proper occafion of recovering the reputation a$
well as territories which he had loll, continued
to carry on his negociations jn different courts
againft the Emperor, taking the utmoft pains to
heighten the jealoufy which many Pripqes en-
tertained
4o6 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book VI. tertained of his power or defigns, and to infpirc
^"""^^ ^ the reft with the fame fufpicion and fear : Among
*^^^' others, he applied to Francis Sforza, who,
though indebted to Charles for the poffeffion of
the dutchy of Milan, had received it on fuch
hard conditions, as rendered him not only a
vaflal of the Empire, but a tributary dependant
upon the Emperor. The honour of having
married the' Emperor's niece, did not reconcile
him to this ignominious ftate of fubjeftion, which
became fo intolerable even to Srorza, a weak
and poor-fpirited Prince, that he liftened with
eagernefs to the firft propofals Francis made of
refcuing him from the yoke. Thefe propofals
were conveyed to him by Maraviglia, or Mer-
veille, as he is called by the French hiftorians,
a Milanefe gentleman refiding at Paris; and
foon after, in order to carry on the negociation
with greater advantage, Merveille was fent to
Milan, on pretence of vifiting his relations, but
with fecret credentials from Francis as his envoy.
In this charafter he was received by Sforza. But
notwithftanding his care to keep that circum-
ftance concealed, Charles fufpefting, or having
received information of it, remonftrated and
threatened in fuch an high tone, that the Duke
and his minifters, equally intimidated, gave the
world immediately a moft infamous proof of
their fervile fear of ofifending the Emperor. As
Merveille had neither the jprudence nor the tem-
per which the funftion wherein he was em-
ployed required, they artfully' decoyed him in-
to a quarrel, in which he happened to kill his an-
Pec. 1533. tagonift, one of the Duke's domefticks, and hav-
ing inftantly feized him, they ordered him to be
tried for that crime, and to be beheaded. Fran-
cis, no left aftonifhed at this violation of a cha-
rafter held facred among the moft uncivilized na-
'■ -■ - -• - tions,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 407
tions, than enraged at the infult offered to the dig- Book Vf.
nity of his crown, threatened Sforza with the ef- ^^ — "^^"^
fe<£lsof his indignation, and complained tothcEm- '^^^*
peror, whom he confidered as the real author
of that unexampled outrage. But meeting with
no fatisfaftion from either, he appealed to all the
Princes of Europe, and thought himfelf now
entitled to take vengeance for an injury, which
it would have been indecent and pufilianimous
to let pafs v/ith impunity.
Being thus furnifhed with a pretext for be-Prtncis def-
ginning a war, on which he had already refolved, aiu^J; ^^
he multiplied his efforts in order to draw in other
Princes to take part in the quarrel. But all his
mcafnres for this purpofe were difconcerted by
unforefeen events. After having facrificed the
honour of his houfe by the marriage of his fon
with Catharine of Medici, in order to gain Cle-
ment, the death of that Pontiff had deprived
him of all the advantages which he expefted to
derive from his friendfhip. Paul, his fucceflbr,
though attached by inclination to the Imperial
intereft, feemed determined to maintain the neu •
trality fuitable to his charafter as the common
father of the contending Princes. The King of
England, occupied with domeftick cares and pro-
je£ts, declined, for once, engaging in the affairs
of the continent, and refufed to alTift Francis,
unlefs he would imitate his example, in throw-
ing off the Papal fuprenwicy. Thefe difappoint- hu ncgoci-
ments led him to folicit, with greater earneft- »«»<>«« with
ncfs, the aid of the Proteftant Princes aflbciated Protettw"
by the league of Smalkalde. That he might
the more eafily acquire their confidence, he en-
deavoured to accommodate himfelf to their pre-
dominant paflion, zeal for their religious tenets.
He affefted a woncterful moderation with regard
to
'
408 T^E R5:iG^f QF THE
Book VI. to the points in difpute •, he permitted Bellay,
^^ — "^"^ his envoy in Germany, to explain his fentiments
^5.'^' concerning fome of the moft important articles,
in terms not far different from thofe ufed by the
Proteftants * •, he even condefcended to invite
Melandhon, whofe gentle manners and pacific
fpirit diftinguifhed him among the Reformers,
to vifit Parish that by his afliftance he might
concert the moft proper meafure|5 for reconciling
the contending fefts, which fo unhappily divideq
the church ^. Thefe conceflions muft be confi-
dered rat^r as arts of policy^ than . the refu^t of
conviftion-, for whatever impreflion the new
opinions in religion had made on his fiilers, the
Queen of Navarre and Dutchefs of Ferrara, the
gaiety of Francis's own temper, and his love of
pleafure, allowed him little leifure to examin^
theological controverfies.
irritttci But foon after he loft all the fruits of this
diungenuoiis artifice, by a ftep very inconfiftent
with his declarations to the German Princes,
This ftep, however, the prejudices of the age;
and the religious fentiments of his own fubjefts^
rendered it neceffary for him to take. His clqfe
union with the King of Englanci, an excommu-
nicated heretick i his frequent negociations with
the German Proteftants -, but above all, his giv-
ing publick audience to an envoy from Sultan
Solyman, had excited violent fufpicions con-
cerning the fmcerity of his attachment to reli-
gion. To have attacked the Emperor, who
on all occafions, made high pretenfions to zeal
in defence of the Catholick faith, and at the very
junfture
» Frehcri Script. Rer. German, iii. 354, &c. Sleid,
Hift. 178,183. Scckend. lib. iii.103.'
, b Camerarii Vita Ph. Mejan^i^onis, 120. Hag. 1655,
p. "12. ■.• ■ .' *, • . . 'I ;
/
X '.'
£ M P E R OR CHARLES V. 409
junfture when he was preparing for his expe-BooK VI.
dition againft ' Barbaroffa, yrhich was then con- ' 77^
fiderqd as a pious enterprize, could not have *^
failed to confirm fuch unfavourable fentiments
with regard to Francis, and called on him tp
vindicate himfelf by fome extraordinary demon-
ftration of his reverence for jthe eftabliftied doc-
trines of the church. The indifcreet zeal of
fome of his fubjefts, who had imbibed the Pro-
teftant opinions, furnilhed him with fuch an
occafion as he defired. They had affixed to the
ga^es of the Louvre, apd other public places, .
papers containing indecent refleftions on the
doftrines and rites of the Popifli church. Six of
the perfons concerned in this rafli aftion were dif-
covered and feized. The King, in order to avert
the judgnnents which it was fuppofed their blaf-
phemies might dra\y down upon the nation,
• appointed a folemn prpceflion. The holy facra-
inent was carried through the city in great pomp ;
t'rancis walked uncovered before it, bearing a
torch in his hand •, the princes of the b|ood fup-
ported the canopy over it -, the nobles marched
in order behind. In the prefence of this nume-
rous aflembly, the King, accuftomed to exprefs
himfelif on every fubjeft in ftrong and animated
language, declared that if one of his hands were
infedted with herefy, he would cut it off with
the other, and would not fpare even his own
children, if found guilty of that crimo. As a
dreadful proof of his being in earned, the fix un-
happy perfons were pubhckly burnt before the
proceflion was finifhed, with circumftan^es of
the mofl: Ihocking barbarity attending their exe-
cution ^ ' ■
The
*
« Belcarii Comment. Rer. Gallic, 646. Skid, Hid.
* «
4IO THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. Xhe Princes of the league of Smalkalde, filled
^""^^7^ with refentment and indignation at the cruelty
They letufe with which their brethren were treated, could
tojoinhim. not cottceive Francis to be fincere, when he
offered to proteft in Germany thofe very tenets,
which he perfecuted with fuch rigour in his own
dominions ; fo that all Bellay's art and eloquence
in vindicating his mafter, or apologizing for his
conduft, made but little impreffion upon them.
They confidered likewife, that the Emperor,
who hitherto had never employed violence againft
the do£trines of the Reformers, nor even given
them much moleftation in their progrefs, was
now bound by the agreement at Ratifbon, not
to difturb fuch as had embraced the new opi-
nions; and the Proteftants wifely regarded this
as a more certain and immediate fecurity, than
the precarious and diftant hopes with which
Francis endeavoured to allure them. Befides,
the manner in which he had behaved to his allies
at the peace of Cambray, was too recent to be
forgotten, and did not encourage others to rely
much on his friend(hip or generofity. Upon
all thefe accounts, the Froteftant Princes refufed'
to aflift the French King in any hoftile attempt
againft the Emperon The Eleftor of Saxony,
the moft zealous among them, in order to avoid
giving any umbrage to Charles, would f^t per-
mit Melanfthon to vific the court of France,
although that Reformer, flattered' perhaps by
the invitation of fo great a monarch, or hoping
that his prefence there might be of fignal advan-
tage to the Proteftant caufe, difcovered a ftrong
inclination to undertake the journey **.
The French BuT though nonc of the many princes who
ce^ towrrds cnvicd or dreaded the power of Charles, would
Italy. fecond
<J Camerarii Vita Melan. 142, &c. 415. Seckend. lib.
iii. 107.
J
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 411
fecond Francis's efforts in order to reduce and Book VI.
circumfcribc it, he, neverthelefs, commanded^ ■»- ■^
bis army to advance towards the frontiers of V^^^
Italy. As his fole pretext for taking arms was
that he might chaftife the Duke of Milan for his
infolent and cruel breach of the law of nations,
it might have been expefted that the whole
weight of his vengeance was to have fallen on
his territories. But on a fudden, and at their
very commencement, the operations of war took
another direftion. Charles Duke of Savoy, one
of the leaft aftive and able Princes of the line
from which he defcended, had married Beatrix
of Portugal, the Emprefs's fitter. By her great
talents, fhe foon acquired an abfolute afcendant
over her hulband -, and proud of her affinity to
the Emperor, or allured by the magnificent pro-
mifes with which he flattered her ambition, flie
formed an union between the Duke and the Im-
perial court, extremely inconfiftent with that
neutrality, which wife policy as well as the fitua-
tion of his dominions had hitherto induced him
to obferve in all the quarrels between the con-
tending Monarchs. Francis was abundantly
fenfible of the diftrefs to which he might be ex-
pofed, if, when he entered Italy, he Ihould leave
behind him the territories of a Prince, devoted
fo ob%{uioufly to the Emperor, that he had fent
his eloeft fon to be educated in the court of
Spain, as a kind, of hoftage for his fidelity.
Clement the Seventh, who had reprefented this
danger in a ftrong light during his interview
with Francis at Marfeilles, fuggefted to him, at
the fame time, the proper method of guarding
againtt it, having advifed him to begin his ope- .
rations againtt the Milanefe, by taking poflefllon
of Savoy and Piedmont, as the only certain way
of fccuring^ a communication with his own do-
' minions.
^
412 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. minions. Francis, highly irritated at the Duke
'" ^^***^ on many accounts, particularly for having fup-
Tak^^f- pli^d ^he Conftable Bourbon with the money
feflionof that enabled him to levy the body of troops
Savoy's d^ which ruincd the French army in the fatal battle
minions, of Pavia, was not unwilling to let him now feel
both how deeply he rcfented, and how feverely
he could punifti thefe injuries. Nor did he
want feveral prete^cts which gave fome colour of
equity to the violence that he intended. The
territories of France and Savoy lying contiguous
to each other, and intermingled in many places,
various difputes, unavoidable in fuch a fituation,
fubfifted concerning the limits of their refpciftive
property •, and befides, Francis, in right of his
mother Louife of Savoy, had large claims Upon
the Duke her brotlier, for her fhare in their fa-
therms fucceflion. Being unwilling, however,
to begin hoftilities without fome caufe of quarrel
more fpecious than thefe pretenfions, many of
which were obfolete, and others dubious, he
demanded permiffion to march through Pied-
mont in his way to the Milanefe, hoping that
the Duke, from an excefs of attachment to the
Imperial intereft, might refufe this requeft, and
thus give a greater appearance of Juftice to all
his operations againft him. But, ir we may be-
lieve the hiftorians of Savoy, who appear to be
better informed with regard to this particular
than thofe of France, the Duke readily, and
with a good grace, granted what it was not in
his power to deny, promifing free paffage to the
French troops as was defired ; fo that Francis,
as the only method now left of juftifying the
meafures which he determined to take, was
obliged to infift for full fatisfaftion with regard
to every thing that either the crown of France or
his mother Louife could demand of the houfe
of
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 413
rf Savoy ^ Such an evafive anfwer, as might Book VI.
have been expefted, being made to this requifi- <- -y — .^
tion, the French army under the admiral Brion *^^5'
poured at once into the Duke's territories at
different places. The countries of Breffe and
Bugey, united at that time to Savoy, were over-
run in a moment. Moil of the towns in the
dutchy of Savoy opened their gates at the ap-
proach of the enemy •, a few which attempted to
make refiftance were eafily forced •, and before
the end of the campaign, the Duke faw himfelf
ftripped of all his dominions, but the province
of Piedmont, in which there were not many
places in a condition xo be defended.
To complete the Duke's misfortunes, the city The dty of
of Geneva, the fovereignty of which he claimed, ^*°r3 V,"""
and in fome degree poffefled, threw off his yoke -, liberty.
and its revolt drew along with it the lofs of the
adjacent territories. Genevjsr^vas, at that time,
an Imperial city ; and tboSgh under the direct
dominion of its own bifhops, and the remote
fovereignty of the Dukes or Savoy, the form of
its internal conftitution was purely republican,
being governed by fyndics and a council chofen
by the citizens. From thefe diftindt and often
clafhing jurifdiftions, two oppofite parties took
their rife, and had long fubfifted in the ftate ;
the one, compofed of the advocates for the pri-
vileges of the community, affumed the name of
Eignotz^ or confederates in defence of liberty ;
and branded the other, which fupported the cpif-
copal or ducal prerogatives, with the name of
Mammlukes or flaves. At length, the Proteftant ,531.
opinions beginning to fpread among the citizens,
infpired fuch as embraced them with that bold
cnter-
e Hiftoire Genealogique de SsLVoye, par Guichenon^
z torn. (oU Lyon. i66o« i. 639> &c«
414 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book Vf cntcrprizing fpirit which always accompanied or
^ ''^ ;^ ^ was naturally produced by them in their firft
^^^' operations. As both the Duke and Bifhopwere
from intcrcft, from prejudice, and from political
confiderations, violent enemies of the Reforma-
tion, all the new converts joined with warmth
the party of the Eignotz ; and zeal for religion,
mingling with the love of liberty, added ftrength
to that generous paflion. The rage and animo-
fity of two fa<ftions, Ihut up within the fame
walls, occafioned frequent infurreftions, which
terminating moftly to the advantage of the
friends of liberty, they daily gained ground.
The Duke and Bilhop, forgetting their an-
cient contefts about jurifdiftion, had united
againft their common enemies, and each attack-
cd them with his proper weapons. The Bilhop
excommunicated the people of Geneva as guilty
of a double crime j of impiety, in apoftatizing
from the eftablifhed rdigion ; and of facrilege,
in invading the rights of his fee. The Duke at-
tacked them as rebels againft their lawful Prince,
and attempted to render himfelf maftcr of the
1534. city, firft by furprize, and then by open force.
The citizens, defpifing the thunder of the Bi-
fhop's cenfures, boldly aflerted their indepen-
dence againft the Duke; and partly by their
own valour, partly by the powerful afflftance
which they received from their allies, the canton
of Berne, together with fome fmall fupplies both
of men and money, fecretly furniflied by the
King of Prance, they defeated all his attempts.
Not fatisfied with having repulfed him, or with
remaining always upon the defsnfive themfelves,
they now took advantage of the duke's inabi-
lity to refift them, while overwhelmed by the
armies of France, and feized feveral caftles and
places
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 415
places of ftrength which he poffefled in the Book VI.
neighbourhocd of Geneva ; thus delivering the *— >^— '
city from thofe odious monuments of its former '^^^'
fubjedtion, and rendering the publick liberty
more fecure for the future. At the fame time
the canton of Berne invaded and conquered the
Paijs de Vaud, to which it had fome prctenfions.
The canton of Friburgh, though zealoufly at-
tached to the Catholick religion, and having no
fubjeiSt of conteft with the Duke, laid hold on
part of the fpoils of that unfortunate Prince. A
great portion of thefe conquefts or ufurpations
being ftill retained by the two cantons, add con-
fiderably to their power, and have become the
moft valuable part of their territories. Geneva,-
notwithftanding many fchemes and enterprizes
of the Dukes of Savoy to re-eftablifh their do-
minion there, ftill keeps pofleflion of its inde-
pcndence ; and in confequence of that bleffing,
has attained a degree of confideration, wealth
and elegance, which it could not otherwife have
reached ^.
Amidst fuch a fucceffion of difaftrous events. The Emi^.
the Duke of Savoy had no other refource but \l'^^^ ^hc
the Emperor's jprotedion, which, upon his re-Oukeof
turn from Tunis, he demanded with the moft *''''^'
carneft .importunity, and as his misfortunes
were occafioned chiefly by his attachment to the
Imperial intereft, he had a juft title to imme-
diatc affiftance. Charles, however, was not in
a condition to fupport him with that vigour and
difpatch which the exigency of his affairs called
for. Moft of the troc^s employed in the Afri-
' can
f Hid. dc laVille ie Geneve, par Spon. i2<^. Utr.
1 685 . p. 99. Hift. de la Reformation de Suiffe, par Rou-
chat, Gen. 1728. torn. iv. p. 294, ^c torn. v. p. 216,
Sec. Mem, de Bellay, 181.
^
416 , THE REIGNOFTHK
Book VI. can expedition, having been raifed for thatfer-
^"^ "^ ^ vice alone, were difbanded as foon as it was
*^^^' finiflied ; the veteran forces under Antonio de
Leyva were hardly fufficient for the defence of
the Milanefe ; and the Emperor's treafury wa^
entirely drained by his vaft efforts agaitift thd
Infidels. *
oa. 14. But the death of Francis Sforza, occafioned,*
Sforza Duke ^^^^^^"g to fomc hiftorfans, by the terror of a
of Miiio. French invafion, which had twice been fatal to
his family, afforded the Emperor full leifure to
prepare for aftion. By this unexpefted event,
the nature of the war, and the caufes of difcord,
were totally changed. Francis's firft pretext for
taking arms, in order to chaftife Sforza for the
infult offered to the dignity of his crown^ was at?
once cut off 5 but as that Prince died without
ifTue, all Francis's rights to the dutchy of Milan,'
which he had yielded only to Sforza aisd his
pofterity, returned back to him in full force;
As the recovery of the Milanefe was the fa-
vourite objeft of that Monarch, he inftantly
renewed his claim to it ; and if he had fupported
his pretentions by ordering the powerful army
quartered in Savoy to advance, without loling a
moment, towards Milan, he could hardly have
failed to fecure the important point of poffeffion.
But Francis, who became daily lefs enterprizing
as he advanced in years, and who was overawed
at fome times into an excefs of caution by the
Francj8*e remembrance of his paft misfortunes, endea-
To^htt'*'"* voured to eftablifh his rights by negociation,*
dutchy. not by arms 5 and "from a timid rooderationy
fatal in all great affairs, neglefted to improve
the favourable opportunity which prefented it-
felf. Charles was more decifive in his opera-
tions, and in quality of fovereign, took pof-
feffion of the dutchy, as a vacant nef of the Enn
pir^
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 417
pire. While Francis endeavoured to explain and Book VI-
affcrt his title to it, by arguments and memori- ^ ^
als, or employed various arts in order to reconcile
the Italian powers to the thoughts of his regain-
ing footing in Italy, his rival was filently taking
cfrcAual fteps to prevent it. The Emperor, how-
ever, was very careful not to difcover too early
any intention of this kind ; but feeming to ad-
mit the equity of. Francis's claim, he appeared
felicitous only about giving him pofleflion in
fuch a mannner as might not difturb the peace of
Europe, or overturn the balance of power in Italy,
which the politicians of that country were fo fond
of preferving. By this artifice he deceived Francis,
and gained fo much confidence with the reft of
Europe, that almoft without incurring any fuf-
picion, he involved the affair in new difficulties,
and protrafted the negociations at pleafure.
Sometimes he propofed to grant the inveftiture
of Milan to the Duke of Orleans, Francis's
fecond fon, fometimes to the Duke of Angou-
leme, his third fon •, as the views and inclinations
of the French court varied, he transferred his
choice alternately from the one to the other, with
fuch profound and well-condudlcd diflimulation,
that neither Francis nor his minifters feem to
have penetrated his real intention ; and all mili-
tary operations were entirely fufpended, as if no-
thing had remained but to enter quietly into pof-
feflion of what they demanded.
During the interval gained in this manner, '53^-
Charles, on his return from Tunis, aflembled pre^nrations
the ftates both of Sicily and Naples, and as they ^^"^
thought tbemfelves greatly honoured by thepre-
fence of their fovereign, and were no lefs pleafed
with the apparent difintereftednefs of his expe-
dition into Africa, than dazzled by the fuccefs
which had attended his arms, prevailed on them
Yot. II. K e to
war.
4i8 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. to vote him fuch liberal fubfidies as were feldom
^"'"'^ ' granted in that age. This enabled him to re-
'^^^' cruit his veteran troops, to levy a body of Ger-
mans, and to take every other proper precaution
for executing ox fupporting the meafures on
which he had determined, Bellay, the French
envoy in Germany, havmg difcovered the inten-
tion of raifing troops in that country, notwith-
ftanding all the pretexts employed in order to
conceal it, firft alarmed his mailer with this evi-
dent proof of the Emperor's infincerify ^. But
Francis was fo poflcffed at that time with the
rage of negociation, in all the artifices and re-
finements of which his rival far furpafled him,
. that inftead of beginning his military operations,
and pulhing them with vigour, or feizing the
M;lanefe before the Imperial array was aflem-
bled, he fatisfied himfelf with making new. offers
to the Emperor,, in order to procure the invefti-
ture by his voluntary deed. His offers were, in-
deed, fo liberal and advantageous, that if ever
Charles had intended to grant his demand, he
could not have rejedled them with decency. He
dextroufly eluded them, by declaring, that, un-
til he confulted the Pope in perfon, he could not
take his final refolution with regard to a point
which To nearly concerned the peace of Italy.
By this evafion he gained fome farther time for
ripening the fchemes which he had in view.
The Empe- Xhe Emperor at laft advanced towards Rome,
Rome. *" and made his publick entry into that city with
April d. extraordinary pomp; but it being found necef-
fary to remove the ruins of an ancient temple of
Peace, in order to widen one of the ftreets^
through which the cavalcade had to pafs, all the
hiflorians take notice of this trivial circumflance,
which
g Mem. de Bellay, 192.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 419
'which they are fond to interpret as an omen of Book VI.
the bloody war that followed. Charles, it is ' ^C*^
certain, had by this time banifhed all thoughts '^^ *
of peace ; and at laft threw off the mafk, with
'vhich he had fo long covered his dcfigns from
the court of France, by a declaration of his fcn-
timents no lefs fingular than explicit. The
French ambafladors having in their mafter*s
name demanded a definitive reply to his pro-
pofitions concerning the inveftiture of Milan,
Charles jpromifed to give it next day in prefence
of the Pope and Cardinals aflcmbled in full His public
confiftory. Thefe being accordingly met, and [^^^ft'
all the foreign ambaffadors invited to attend, Francis,
the Emperor ftood up, and addreffing himfclf
to the Pope, expatiated for fome time on the
finccrity of his own wiflies for the peace of
Chriftendom, as well as his abhorrence of war.
the miferies of which he enumerated at great
length, with ftudied and elaborate oratory ; he
complained that all his endeavours to preferve
the tranquillity of Europe had hitherto been de-
feated by the reftlefs and unjuft ambition of the
French King ; that even during his minority he
had proofs of the unfriendly and hoftile inten-
tions of that Monarch •, that afterwards, he had
openly attempted to wreft from him the Lnperial
crown which belonged to him by a title no lefs juft
than natural -, that he had next invaded his king-
dom of Navarre ; that not fatisfied with this, he
had attacked his territories as well as thofe of his
allies both in Italy and the Low-Countries ; that
yhtn the valour of the Imperirf troops, rendered
irrefiftible by the proteftion of the Almighty,
had checked his progrefs, ruined his armies, and
feized his perfon, he continued to purfue by de-
ceit what he had undertaken with injuftice ; that
he had violated every article in the treaty of
E e 2 Madrid,
420 THE REIGN OFTHE
Book VI. Madrid, to which he owed his liberty, and as
^ "^"T^ foon as he returned to his dominions took mea-
'^^ * fures for re-kindling the war which that pacifica-
tion bad happily extinguifhed •, that when new
misfortunes compelled him to fue again for
peace at Cambray, he concluded and obferved
It with equal infincerity -, that foon thereafter he
had formed dangerous connexions with the here-
tical Princes in Germany^ and incited them to
difturb the tranquillity of the Empire •, that now
he had driven the Duke of Savoy, his brother-
in-law and ally, out of the greater part of his ter-
ritories ; that after injuries fo often repeated, and
amidft fo many fources of difcord, all hope of
amity or concord became defperate^ and though
he was ftill willing to grant the inveftiture of
Milan to one of the princes of France, there was
little probability of that event's taking place, as
Francis, on the one hand, would not confent to
what he judged neceffary for fecuring the tran-
quillity of Europe, nor, on the other, could he
think it reafonable or fafe to give a rival the un-
conditional poffeflion of all that he demanded.
Let us iK)t, however, added he, continue wan-
tonly to fhed the blood of our innocent fubjeftsj
Chtiienpc8 let US dccidc the quarrel man to man, with what
^ba!"^'^ arms he pleafes to chufe, in our Qiirts, on an
ifland, a bridge, or aboard a galley moored in a
river ; let the dutchy of Burgundy be put in
depofit on his part, and that of Milan on mine;
thefe Ihall be the prize of the conqueror -, and
after that, let the united forces or Germany,
Spain, and France, be employed to bumble the
power of the Turk, and to extirpate hercfy out
of Chriftendom. But if he, by declining this me-
thod of terminating our differences, renders war
inevitable, nothing fhall divert me from profe-
cutina it to fuch extremity, as fhall reduce one
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 421
trf us to be the pooreft gentleman in his own Book Vf.
dominions. Nor do I fear that it will be on me """"^""C^
this misfortune (hall fall -, I enter upon aftion ' ^^
with t"he faired profpeft of fuccefs ; the juftice
of my caufe, the union of my fubjedts, the num-
ber and valour of my troops, the experience and
fidelity of my generals, all combine to enfure it.
Of all thefe advantages, the King of France is
deftitute •, and vfere my refources no more cer-
tain, arid my hopes of Viftory no better founded
thaii his, I would inftantly throw myfelf at his
feet, and with folded hands, and a rope about
toy neck, implore his mercy K
This long harangue the Emperor delivered
with ah elevated voice, a haughty tone, and the
greateft vehemence of expreflion and gefture.
The French ambaffidors, who did not fully
comprehend his meaning, as he fpake in the
Spanifli tongue, were totally difconcerted, and
at a lofs how they (hould anfwer fuch an unex-
pedled inveftive ; when one of them began to
vindicate his matter's conduft, Charles inter-
pofed abruptly, and would not permit him to
proceed. The Pope, without entering into any
particular detail, fatisfiecj himfelf with a ftiort but
pathetick recommendation of peace, together
with an offer of employing his fincere endea-
vours in order to prdcure that bleffing to Chrif-
tendom; and the aflembly broke up in the
greateft aftoniftiment at the extraordinary fcene
which had been exhibited. In no part of his
conduft, indeed, did Charles ever deviate fo Theme
widely from his general character. Inftead of ^'""^^'^fil^*'
that prudent recolledtion, that compofed and re- furc.
jgular deportment fo ftridlly attentive to deco-
fum, and fo admirably adapted to conceal his-
own
^ Bellay, 199. Sandov. Hiflon del Emper. IL 226.
422 THE REIGN OF THE .
Book VT.own paflions, for which he was at all other times
^^ ^^7*^ confpicuous, he appears on this occafion before
'^^ ' the mod auguit affembly in Europe, boafting
of his own power and exploits with infolencci
inveighing againft his enemy with indecency;
and challenging him to combat with an oftenta-
tious valour, more becoming a champion in
romance, than the firft Monarch in Chriften-
dom. But the well known and powerful opera-
tion of continued profperity, as well as of exag-
gerated praife, even 'upon the firmeft minds,
lufficiently account for this feeming inconfiftency.
After having compelled Solyman to retreat,
and having ftripped Barbarofla of a Kingdom,
Charles began to confider his arms as invincible.
He had been entertained, ever fince his return
from Africa, with repeated fcenes of triumphs
and publick rejoicings ; the orators and poets of
Italy, the moft elegant at that time in Europe,
had exhaufted their genius in panegyrick, to
which the aftrologers added magnificent pro-
mifes of a more fplendid fortune ftill in (lore.
Intoxicated with all thefe, he forgot his ufual re-
lerve and moderation, and was unable to reftrain
this extravagant fally of vanity, which became
the more remarkable, by being both fo uncom-
mon and fo publick.
He himfelf feems to have been immediately
fenfible of the impropriety of his behaviour; and
when the French ambaffadors demanded next
day a more clear explanation of what he had
faid concerning the combat, he told them, that
they were not to confider his propofal as a formal
challenge to their mafl:er, but as an expedient
for preventing bloodflied ; he endeavoured to
foften other expreflTions in his difcourfe; and
Ipoke in terms full of refpeft towards Francis.
But
EM P£R0R CHARLES V. 423
But though this flight apology was far from Book VI.
being fufRcient to remove the offence which had ^^^' y ^
been given, Francis, by an unaccountable in- '^^
fatuation, continued to negociate, as if it had
ftill been poflible to bring their differences to a
period by an amicable compofition. Charles,
finding him fo eager to run into the fnare, fa-
voured the deception -, and by feeming to lifl:en
to his propofals, gained time to^prepare for the
execution of his own defigns '\
At lafl:, the Imperial army affembled on the charies
frontiers of the Milanefe, to the amount of forty ^^*<*"
thoufand foot, and ten thoufand horfe; while ^*"*^^'
that of France encamped near Vercelli in Pied-
iftont, being greatly inferior in number, and
weakened by the departure of a body of Swifs,
whom Charles artfully perfuaded the Popifli
cantons to recal, that they might not ferve
againfl: the Duke of Savoy, their ancient ally.
The French general, not daring to rifque a
battle, retired as foon as the Imperialifts ad-
vanced. The Emperor put himfelf at the head May 6.
of his forces, which the Marquis del Guafto,
the Duke of Alva, and Ferdinand de Gonzaga
commanded under him, though the fupreme direc-
tion of the whole was committed to Antonio dc
LeyVa, whofe abilities and experience juftly en-
titled him to that diftinftion. Charles foon dif- ^
covered his intention not to confine his opera-
tions to the recovery of Piedmont and Savoy,
but to pufh forward and invade the fouthern
provinces of France. This fcheme he had long
meditated, and had long been taking meafures
for executing it with fuch vigour as might en-
fure fuccefs. He had remitted large fums to his
fifter, the governefs of the Low-Countries, and
to
i Mem. deBellay» 205 » &c.
424 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book VI. to his brother, the King of the Romans, inftruft-
^"""^'C*^ ing them to levy all the forces in their power^
'^^ * in order to form two feparatc bodies, the one
to enter France on the fide of Picardy, the
other on the fide of Champagne ; while he, with
the main army, fell upon the oppofite frontier
of the kingdom. Trufting to thefe vaft pre-
parations, he thought it impoflible that Francis
could refift fo many unexpedled attacks, on fuch
different quarters; and begun his enterprize
with fuch confidence of its happy iflue, that be
defired Jovius the hiftorian to make a large pro-
vifion of paper fufficient to record the vidories
which he was going to acquire.
His minifters and generals, infl:ead of enteN
taining the fame fanguine hopes, reprefented to
him in the ftrongeft terms the danger of leading
his troops fo far from his own territories, to fuch
a diftance from his magazines, and into pro-
vinces which did not yield fufficient fubfiftence
for their own inhabitants. They entreated him
to confider the inexhauftible refources^ of France
in tpaintaining a defenfive war, and the aftive
zeal with which a gallant nobility would ferve a
Prince whom they loved, in repelling the ene-
mies of their country, they recalled to his re-
membrance the fatal mifcarriage of Bourboii
and Pefcara, when they ventured upon the fame
enterprize under circumftances which feemed as
certainly to promife fuccefs; the Marquis del
Guafto in particular, fell on his knees, and
conjured him to abandon the undertaking as
defperate. But many circumftances combined
in leading Charles to difregard all their remon-
ftrances. He could feldom be brought, on any
occafion^ to depart from a refolution which he
had once taken j he was too apt to under-rate
an4
txiimoui.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 425
and defpife the talents of his rival the King of Book VF.
France, becaufe they differed fo widely from his ^'^ v^ '^
own; he was blinded by the prefumption which '^^ *
accompanies profperity ; and relied, perhaps, in
fome degree on the prophecies which prediftcd
the increafe of his own grandeur. He not only
adhered obftinately to his own plan, but deter-
mined to advance towards France without wait*
ing for the reduftion of any part of Piedmont,
except fuch towns as were abfolutely neceflary
for preferving his communication with the Mi-
lanefe.
The Marquis de Saluces, to whom Francis Recover*
had entrufted the command of a fmall body of J*^^'*^/'''^
troops left for the defence of Piedmont, rendered Savoy^s do
this more eafy than Charles had any reafon to
c;^pe6t. That nobleman, educated in the court
of France, diftinguifhed by continual marks of
the King's favour, and honoured fo lately with
a charge of fuch importance, fuddenly, and
without any provocation or pretext of difguft,
revolted from his benefadtor. His motives to
this treacherous aftion, were as childilh as the
deed itfelf was bafe. Being ftrongly poffefled
with a fuperftitious faith in divination and aftro-
iogy, he believed with full affurance, that the
ifatal period of the French nation was at hand ;
that on its ruins the Emperor would eftablifli an
univerfal monarchy, that therefore he ought to
follow the didtates of prudence, in attaching .
himfelf to his rifing fortune, and could incur no
blame for deferting a Prince whom heaven had
devoted to deftruftion *^. His treafon became
ftill more odious, by his employing that very
authority with which Francis had invefted him,
in order to open the kingdom to his enemies.
Whatever
^ Bellay, 222, a. 246, b.
426 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VL Whatever was propofed or undertaken by the
*"■ ^^^2^ officers uncv T his command for the defence of
'^^ ' their conquefts, he rejefted or defeated. What-
ever properly belonged to himfelf as commander
in chief, to provide or perform for that purpofc,
he totally neglefted. In this manner, he ren-
dered towns even of the grcateft confequence
untenable, by leaving them deftitute either of
provifions, or ammunition, or artillery, or a
fufficicnt garrilon; and the Imperialifts moft
have reduced Piedmont in as ftiort a time as was
necieflary to march through it, if Montpezat,
the governor of Foffano, had not, by an extra-
ordinary effort of courage and military conduft,
detained them almoft a month before that in-
confiderable place.
FnncU't Bv this mcritorious and feafonablc fervicc, he
diferJ^e of* g^^^cd his maftcr fufficient time for affembling
his king, his forces, and for concerting a fyftem of de-
^^' fence againft a danger which he now faw to be
inevitable. Francis fixed upori the only proper
and effeftual plan for defeating the invafion of a
powerful enemy ; and his prudence in chufing
this plan, as well as his perfeverance in execut-
ing it, deferve the greater praile, as it was
equally contrary to his own natural temper, and
to the genius of the French nation. He deter-
mined to remain altogether upon the defenfive-,
never to hazard a battle, or even a great fkir-
mifli, without certainty of fuccefs -, to fortify his
camps in a regular manner ; to throw garrifons
only into towns of great ftrength ; to deprive
the enemy of fubfiftence, by laying wafte the
country before them; and to fave the whole
kingdom, by facrificing one of its provinces.
The execution of this plan he committed en-
tirely to the marechal Montmorency, who was
the
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 427
^hc author of it j a man wonderfully fitted by Book VI.
nature for fuch a truft. Haughty, fevere, con- ^ — ^"^
fidcnt in his own abilities, and defpifing thofe of^^J^^^'
other men 5 incapable of being diverted from Montmo-
any refolution by remonftrances or entreaties ; [Sr/x^u?
and, in profecuting any fcheme, regardlefs alike ^^^^ ^^ *^«
of love and of pity.
Montmorency made choice of a ftrong He encamps
camp under the walls of Avignon, at the con- *' -'^^'s"®"-
fluence of the Rhone and Durance; one of
which plentifully fupplied his troops with all
neceflaries from the inland provinces, and the
other covered his camp on that fide, where it
was moft probable the enemy would approach.
He laboured with unwearied induftry to render
the fortifications of this camp impregnable, and
aflembled there a confiderable army, though
greatly inferior to that of the enemy •, while the
King with another body of troops encamped at
Valence, higher up the Rhone. MarfeiUes and
Aries were the only towns he thought it necef-
fary to defend ; the former, in order to retain
the command of the fea •, the latter, as the bar-
rier of the province of Languedoc ; and each of
thefe he furnifhed with numerous garrifons of
his beft troops, commanded by officers, on
whofe fidelity and valour he could rely. The
inhabitants of the other towns, as well as of the
open country, were compelled to abandon their
houfes, and were condufted to the mountains,
to the camp at Avignon, or to the inland pro-
vinces. The fortifications of fuch places as might
have afforded fhelter or defence to the enemy,
were thrown down. Corn, forage, and provi-
fions of every kind, were carried away or de-
ftroyed •, all the mills and ovens were ruined, and
the wells filled up or rendered ufelefs. The de-
vaftation extended from the Alps to MarfeiUes,
and
^
▼eoce*
428 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book VI. and from the fea to the confines of Dauphine •,
^"""""^^T^ nor docs hiftory afford any inftance among civi-
'^^ * lized nations, in which this cruel expedient for
the publick fafety was employed with the fame
rigour.
chtriet en- Meanwhile, the Emperot arrived, with the
ters Pro. ^^^ ^£ j^j^ ^^ j^y^ q^ ^}^g fronticrs of Provcncc,
and was ftill fo poffefled with confidence of fuc-
cefs, that during a few days, when he was
obliged to halt until the reft of his troops came
up, he began to divide his future conquefts
among his officers ; and as a new incitement to
fcrve him with zeal, gave them liberal promifcs
of offices, lands^ and honours in France K The
face of defolation, however, which prcfented
itfelf to him, when he entered the country, be-
gan to damp his hopes •, and convinced him that
a Monarch, who, in order to diftrefs an enemy,
had voluntarily ruined one of his richeft pro-
vinces, would defend the reft with obftinate de-
fpair. Nor was it long before he became fenlible,
that Francis's plan of defence was as prudent as
it appeared to be extraordinary. His fleet, on
which Charles chiefly depended for fubfiftence,
was prevented for fome time by contrary winds,
and other accidents to which naval operations
are fubj€ft, from approaching the French coaft;
even after its arrival, it afforded, at beft, a pre-
carious and fcanty fupply to fUch a numerous
body of troops "^ •, nothing was to be found in
the country itfelf for their fupport ; nor could
they draw any confiderable aid from the domi-
nions pf the Duke of Savoy, exhaufted already
by maintaining two great armies. The Empe-
ror was no lefs embarraflfed how to employ, than
how to fubfift his forces •, for though he was
now
I Bellay, 266. a. - m Sandov. ii. 231,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 429
now in poflcflion of almoft an entire province. Book VI.
he could not be faid to have the command of it, ^^^^^^^7^
while he held only defencclefs towns ; and while '^^ '
the French, befides their camp at Avignon,
continued mafters of Marfeilles and Aries. At
firft he thought of attacking the camp, and of
terminating the war by one decifive blow ; but
ikilful officers, who were appointed to view it,
declared the attempt to be utterly imprafticable. .
He then gave orders to inveft Marfeilles andsefieges
Aries, hoping that the French would quit their ^*'^^»*^*»-
advantageous poll in order to relieve them ;
but Montmorency adhering firmly to his plan,
remained immoveable at Avignon ; and the Im-
perialifts met with fuch a warm reception from
the garrifons of both towns, that they relin-
quifhed their enterprizes with lofs and difgrace.
As a laft effort, the Emperor advanced once more
towards Avignon, though with an army haralTed
by the perpetual incurfions of fmall parties of the
French light troops, weakened by difeafes, and
difpirited by difafters, which feemed more into-
lerable, becaufe they were unexpefted.
During thefe operations, Montmorency found Montmo-
himfclf expofed to greater vdanger from his own [uudVin^aJ-
troops than from the enemy -, and their inconfi-^^^^etohi*
- * , : • • 1 I plan "» <**-
derate valour went near to have precipitated the fence.
kingdom into thofe calamities, which he with
fuch induftry and caution had endeavoured to
avoid. Unaccuftomed to behold an enemy ra*
vaging their country almoft without controul •,
impatient of fuch long inaftion v unacquainted
with the flow and remote, but certain effedts of
Montmorency's fyftem of defence •, the French
wifhed for a battle with no lefs ardour than the
Imperialifts. They confidered the conduft of
their general as a difgrace to their country. His
caution they imputed to timidity ; his circum-
^fpeftion.
430 THE REIGN OF THE
Book Vf. fpedioo to want of fpirit ; and the cooftancy
^^■'y'T*"^ with which he purfued hb plan, to obftinacy dr
'^^^- prkje. Thcfe rcflcakms, vvlnfpcrcd, atfirft,
among the foldiers and fub;dhems, wcrradopted,
by degrees, by officers of h^ier rank ;. and as
many of them envied Mononorency's favour
with the King, and oioie were difltAtisfied mh
his harfh difgufting manner, the xHfeontent ((M
became great in his camp, which was filled with
general murmurings and aknoft open ccunplaints
againft his meafure& Montmorency, on wfiom
the fentiments of his own troops madras little
impreflion as the infults of the enmy, adhered
fteadily to his fyftem ; though, in order ito re-
concile the army to his maxims, no lefs contraiy
to the genius of the nation, than to the ideas m
war amonjg undifciplined troops, he afimned an
unufual affability in his deportment, and often
explained, with great condefceniion, the modves
of his conduft, the advantages which had already
refulted from it, and the certain fuccefs mth
which it would be attended. At laft Francis
joined his army at Avignon, which having re-
ceived feveral reinforcements, he now confidered
as of ftrength fufficient to face the enemy; As
he had put no fmall conilraint upon himfelf, in
confenting that his troops fhould remain lb
long upon the defenfive, it cannot be doubt-
ed but that his fondnefs for what was dar-
ing and fplendid, added to the impatience both
of officers and foldiersi would at laft have over-
ruled Montmorency's falutary caution ".
The retreat Happily the rctrcat of the enemy delivered
"cSfon^J^^ J^ingdom from the danger which any rafh
of the im- refolution might have occafioned. The Em-
pena army. p^j.Qj.^ ^^^j. jpending two ingloHous months in
Provence,
B Mem. de Beilay, 269, ice, 3129 kc.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 431
Provence, without having performed any thing Book VI
luitable to his vaft preparations, or that could ^"""^^ — ^
juftify the confidence with which he had boafted '^^^'
of his own power, found that, belides Antonio
dc Lcyva, and other officers of diftindion, he
had loft one half of his troops by difeafcs, or by
famine ; and that the reft were in no condition
to ftruggle any longer with calamities, by which
fo many of their companions had perilhed.
Neceffity, therefore, extorted from him orders
to retire ^ and though he was fome time in mo-
tion before the French fufpeded his intention, a
l^y of light troops, affifted by crowds of pea-
fanes, eager to be revenged on thofe who had
brought fuch defolation on their country, hung
upon the rear of the Imperialifts, and, by feizing
every favourable opportunity of attacking them,
tjirew them often into confufion. The road by
which they fled (for they purfued their march
with fuch dilbrder and precipitation, that it
fcarcely deferve^ the name of a retreat) was
ftrewcd with arms or baggage, which in their
hurry and trepidation they had abandoned, and .
covered with the fick, the wounded, and the
dead; infomuch, that Martin Bellay, an eye-
witnefs of their calamities, endeavours to give
his readers fome idea of it, by comparing their
miferies to thofe which the Jews fufFered from
the viftorious and dcftrudlive ai ms of the Ro-
mans ^ If Montmorency at this critical mo-
ment had advanced with all his forces, nothing
could have faved the whole Imperial army from
utter ruin. But that general, by ftandlng fo
long and fo obftinately on the defenfive, had
become cautious to excefs •, his mind, tenacious
of any bent it had once taken, could not aflume
a conr
» Mem. de Bellay, 316. Sandav, Hiil. del Emper. ii.
232.
43a THE REIGN OFTHE
Book VI. a contrary one as fuddenly as the change of dr-
""^"■^^T^cumftances required; and he ftill continued to
'^^ repeat his favourite maxims, that it was mort
Erudent to allow the lion to efcape, than to drive
im to defpair ; and that a bridge of gold fhouH
be made for a retreating enemy.
The Emperor having conduced the fliattered
remains of his troops to the frontiers of Milan,
and appointed the marquis del Guafto to fuccced
Leyva in the government of that dutchy, fct
out for Genoa. As he could not bear to ex-
pofe himfelf to the fcorn of the Italians, after
fuch a fad reverfe of fortune ; and did not choofe,
under his prefent circumftances, to rcvifit thofc
cities through which he had fo lately paffed in
_jriumph for one conqueft, and in certain ex-
peftation of another, he embarked direftly for
November. Spain P.
Operations Nqr was the orogrefs of his arms on the op-
icar y. p^jj^^ frontier of France fuch as to alleviate, in
any degree, the loffes which he had fuftained in
Provence. Bellay, by his addrefs and intrigues,
had prevailed on fo many of the German Princes
to withdraw the contingent of troops which they
had furnifhed to the King of the Romans, that
he was obliged to lay afide all thoughts of his
intended irruption into Champagne. Though
a powerful army, levied in the Low Countries,
entered Picardy, which they found but feebly
guarded, while the ftrength of the kingdom was
drawn towards the fouth ; yet the nobility tak-
ing arms with their ufual alacrity, fupplied by
their fpirit the defefts of the King's prepararions,
and defended Peronne, and other towns wjjich
were attacked, with fuch vigour, as obliged the
enemy
P Jovii Hiftor. lib. xxxv. p. 174, &c.
E M P E R O R C H A R L E S V. 433
CBcmy to Ectirc without making any conquefl: of Book VI.
importance «. ^"^ 7 "^
Thus Francis, by the prudence of his owrt
m^fures, aiid by the union and valour of hi^
iubjefts, rendered abortive thofc vaft efforts in
which his rival had almoft exhaufted his whole
force. As this humbled the Emperor's arrogance
no lefs thgn it checked his power, he was mor-
tified more fenlibly on this occafion than on any
other, during the courfe of the long contefts be-
tween him and the French Monarch.
Owe circumftance alone embittered the joy Dettfeofthe
with which the fuccefs of the campaign infpired ^*"p**"^
Francis, That was the death of the Dauphin,
his ekkft fon, a Prince of great hopes, and ex-
tremely beloved by the people on account of his
Pcfcmblance to his father. This happening fud-
denly, was imputed to poifon, not only by the
vulgar, fond (rf afcribing the death of illuftrious
peonages to extraordinary cauies, but by the
King ami his minifters. The count de Monte- im
-cuculi, an Italian nobjeman, cup-bearer to thp p***^**"-
Dauphin, being feized on fuipicion and put to
the torture, openly charged the imperial gene-
rals, Gonzaga and I-eyva, with having infti-
gated him to the commiffion of that crime : he
even threw out fome indired and obfcure accu-
fationa againft the Emperor himfclf. At a time
w4icn all France was animated with implacable
hatred againft Charles, this uncertain and extorted
charge was confidercd as an inconteftible proof
of guilt ; while the confidence with which both
he and his officers aflerted their own innocence,
together with the indignation as well as horror
which they expreflcd on their being fuppofed
Vol. II. F f capable
n Mem. de Bcllay, 31S, &c.
/
/
^
434 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book VI. capable of fuch a deteftable aflion, were little
^ "C*^ attended to, and lefs regarded ^ It is evident,
*^^ ' however, that the Emperor could have no in-
ducement to perpetrate fuch a crime^ as Francis
was ftill in the vigour of life himfelf, and had
two fons, befide the Dauphin, grown up to a
good age. That fingle confideration, without
mentioning the Emperor's general chara£ter,
unblemiihed by the imputation of any deed re-
fembling this in atrocity, is more than fuf-
ficient to counterbalance the weight of a dubious
teftimony uttered during the anguifti of torture*.
According to the moft unprejudiced hiflorians,
the Dauphin's death was OGcafioned by his hav-
ing drunk too freely of cold water after over-
heating himfelf at tennis ; and this account, as
it is the moft fimple, is likewife the moft cre-
dible. But if his days were cut fliort by poifbn,
it is not improbable that the Emperor con-
jedured rightly, when he affirmed that it had
been adminiftered by the direction of Catharine
of Medici, in order to fecure the crown to the
Duke of Orleans, her huft>and ^ . . The advan-
tages refulting to her by the Dauphin's death,
were obvious as well as great; nor did her
boundlefs and daring ambition ever fcruple at
any adtion neceflTary towards attaining the objeds
which flie had in view.
^ '537- N£XT year opened with a tranfadion very
theptriia- ^uncommon, but lo mcapable of produang any
J?*°^^*!^{|»- efFedt, that it would not deferve to be mentioned,
theEmpe- if it wcrc not a ftriking proof of the perfonal
^^^' animofity which mingled itfelf in all the hofti-
lities between Charles and Francis, and which
often betrayed them into fuch indecencies to-
wards
r Mem. de Bellay, 289, s Sandov. Hift. del Sniper,
ii. 231 . ' Vera y 2^iga Vida dc Carlo V. p. 75.
£MPER0R GHARLE:S V. 435
wards ieach other, as leflbned the ; dignity of Book VJ.
both. Francis^ accompanied by the peers and ^"'*^^^^
princes of the blood, having taken his feat in ^^'^*
the parliament of Paris with the ufual folemni-
ties, the %dvocate-fi;eneral appeared 1 and after
acc'ufing Charles of Auftria, (for (b he affe^ed
to call the Emperor) of having violated the
treaty of Cambray, by which he was abfolved
from the homage due to the crown of France
for the counties of A^^ois and Flanders, infifted
that this treaty being now void, he was ftill to
be confidered as sl vafial of the crown, and by
confequence, had been guilty of rebellion in
taking arms againil his fovereign ; and therefore
he demanded that Charles (hould be fummoned
to appear in perfon, or by his counfel, before
the parliament of Paris, his legal judges, to an«
fwerfor his crime. Therequeft was granted;
a herald repaired to the frontiers of Picardy, and
fummoned him with the accuftomed formalities,
to appear againit-a day prefixed. That term
being expired, and no perfon appearing in his
name, the parliament gave judgment, " That
Charks of Auftria had forfeited, by rebellion and
contumacy, thofe fiefs ; declared Flanders and
Artois to be re- united to the crown of France •,
and ordered their decpee for this purpofe to be
publiftied by found of trumpet on the frontiers
of thefc provinces «.
Soon after this vain difplay of his refentment, Campaigti
rather than of his power, Francis marched to- X"uw.
wards the Low-Countries, as if he had intended ^««^''««»
to execute the fentence which his parliament had ''^^'
pronounced, and to feize thofe territories which ^
it had awarded to him. As the Queen of Hun-
F f 2 gary,
^ Letcreset Mcmoircs d'Etat, par Ribicr, 2 tom.Blois.
1666., torn. i. p. I.
436 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. gaiy, to whom her brother Ac Emperor had
^" "'"*"' committed the government of that part of Ws
'557* dominions, was not prepared for fe early a cam-
paign, he at firft made fome progrefs, and took
feveral towas of importance* But bei^g obliged
loon to leave his armv, in order to fupcrintcnd
die odier operations or war, the Flemings ha?-
ing fiflemb4ed a numerous army, not only re-
covered moft erf the places whidi they had lofl,
but began to make conquefts in their turn. At
kft they inverted Terouennc ; and the Duke of
Orleans, now Dauphm, by the death rf his
brother, and Montnwpency, whom Francis had
honoured with the conftabk's fwtwl, as the re-
ward of his great fcrvices during the former
campaign, determined to hazard a batde in
A fufpea. order -to relieve it. While they were adrancing
Con of tnn. ^ ^^^ purpofc, and within a few miles of the
enemy^ they were ftopt ftiort by the arrivri of an
herald from the Queen of Hungary, acquaint-
ing them that a fufpcnfion of arms was ngw
agreed upon.
This unexpefted evtnt -was owing to the zeal*
ous endeavours of the two fifters, the Queens
of France and of Hungary, who had long la-
boured to reconcile the contending Monarchs.
The war in the Netherlands had laid wafte the
frontier provinces of both countries, without any
real advantage to either. The French and
Flemings equally regretted the interruption of
their commerce, which was beneficial to both.
Charles as well as Francis, who had each ftrained
to the utmoft, in order to lupport the vtft opera-
tions of the former campaign, found that they
could not now keep armies on foot in this quar-
ter, without weakening their operations in Pied-
nK>nt, where both wiflied to pufh the war with
the greatcft vigour. All thefe circumftances fa-
cilitated
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 437
ciHfated the negociadoiis of the two (^eens; a Book VL
truce was concluded^ to continue in force for ^— v— ^
text months, but h extended no farther than the infy^o
Low-Countnes \
In Piedmont the war was ftill profccuted with And ia
great animofity; and though neither Charles ^**'*'^'''**'
nor Francis cctikl make the powerful c^orts to
nUch this ammofity prompted them, they con-
dmied to exert themfelves like combatants,
whofe rancour remams after their ftreneth is ex-
haufted. Towns were alternately loft and re-
taken ; flctrmifhes went fought every day *, and
much blood was ihed, without any deciiive ac-
tion, that gate the fuperiority to either fade. At
kft the two Queens, determining not to leave
unfinilhed the good work which tMy had begun,
prevailed, by their importunate folicitations, the
one on her brother, the other on her huftand,
&> confcnt alfo to a truce in Piedmont for three
months* The conditions of it were, that each
ihoold keep poflefllon of what was. in his hands,
and after leaving garrifons in the towns, fhoukl
wiididraw his army out of the province ; and that
pknipotentiaries ihoukl be appointed to adjuft
ali matters in difpute t^ a final treaty >«
The powerful motives which incluicd both M^^^^" «»f
Princes to this accommodadon, have been often
mentcaoed. The expences a( the war had far
nceeded the fums which their revenues were
capable of fupplyin^, nor durll they venture
upoa zof great addition to the impofuions then
efbabliffaed, asjfubjefts were not yet taught to
iaiBar with patieitce the immenfe burdens to which
they have become acc\^omed in noodem times.
The
X Memoires de Ribier, 56. 7 Ibid. 62.
I
438 THE REIGN OF THE
SooK VI. The Emperor, in particular, though he had
^—v-*^ contracted debts which in that age appeared
''^^* prodigious ^, had it not in his power to pajf
the large arrears long due to his army. At
the fame time he had no profpedt of deriving
any aid in money of men either from the
Pope or Venetians, though he had empbycd
promifes and threats, alternately, in order to
procure it. But he found the former not only
fixed in his refolution of adhering fteadily to die
neutrality which he had always declared to he
fuitable to his charader, but paffionately de^
firous of bringing about a peace. He perceived
that the latter were ftill intent on their ancient
objed of holding the balance even between die
rivals, and folicitous not to throw too great 4
weight into cither fcalCt
Of which. What made a deeper impreffion on Charles
aiiTuice* than all thefe, was the dread of the Turkilh
T^kTh ^^"^» which by his league with Solynian,
Em^'rorthe prancis had drawn upon him. Though Francis,
moll cona- without the afliftancc of a £ngle ally, had a war
to mamtain againlt an enemy greatly lupenor
in power to himfelf, yet fo great was the horror
of Chriftians, in that age, at any union with
Infidels, which they confidered not only as dif-
* ' honourable but profane, that it was long before
he could be brought to avail himielf of the oh"
vious advantages refultin^ from fuch a confed^
racy. Neccflity at laft furmounted his delicacy
And fcruplcs. Towards the clofe of the precede
ing. year. La Foreft, a fecret agent at the Otto-
man Porte, had concluded a treaty with the
Sultan, whereby Solynmn engaged to invade
,^\\t kingdom of Naples, during the next camr
paign^
i Ribier> i. 294*
J
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 439
paign, and to attack the King of the Romans in Book v/.
Hungary with a powerful army, while Francis ^"""""^^ ^
undertook to enter the Miknefe at the fame ^^^^'
time with a proper force. Solyman had p^nc*
tually performed what was incumbent on him.
Barbarofla with a great fleet appeared on the
coaft of Naples, filled that kingdom, from which
all the troops had been drawn towards Piedmont,
with confternation, lande^ without refifliance
near Taranto, obliged Caftro, a place of fome
ftrength, to furrender, plundered the adjacent
country, and was taking meafures for fecuring
and extending his conquefts, when the unexpect-
ed arrival of Doria, together with the Pope's
gallies, and a fquadron of the Venetian fleet,
made it prudent for him to retire. In Hungary
the pro^efs of the Turks was more formidable.
Mahmet, their general, after gaining feveral
fipall advantages, defeated the Germans in a
great batde at EJQTek on the Prave \ Happily
^r Chriftendom, it was not in Francis's power
to execute with equal exaftnefs what he had fti-
pulated ; nor could he aflfemble at this junAure
an army ftrong enoi^h to penetrate into the Mi-
laneie. By this he failed in recovering pofleflion
of that dutchy % and Italy was not only faved
from the calamities of a new war, but from
£^ing the defolating rage of the Turkifh arms»
as an addition ^ all that it had fuflfered ^, As
the Emperor knpw that he could not long reHfli
tb^ eflForts qf two fuch powerful confederates^
nor cQuld expeCi: that the fame fortunate acci^
dents would cpncvir a fccond time to deliver
Naples, and to preferve the Milanefe : As he
farefaw that (he Italian ftatea would not only
;9ji: him Unidly /with inf^tiabyb ambition, but
might
* ■
« Iftaanhaffi Hift. Hanjg. lib. xHI. p. 139.
^ Jovii Hiftor* lib. spckv. p. 183%
440 THEREIGNOFTHE
Rook VI. might even turn their arms againft him, if he
^->^~--' fhoiild be fo regardlefs of their danger as ctefti-
'537- nately to protraft the war, he thought it aecrf*
fery^ both for his fkfety and KpUairiDn, to jgive
bis confcnt to a truce.- Nor ii^as Friricii wiuing
to fuftain all the blame of obftru^n^ the rc^
cftablilhmcnt of peace, or to €Kp6k himifelf oft
that account to the danger of Being deferted by
the Swifs and other foreigners in his f^vicfe. ™
^cven began to apprehend that his own fubjftds
would ferve him coldly, if by cohtHbuting t6
aggrandize the power of th^ ttriidds, which it
was liis duty, and had be^ the ambition &f his
• anceftors to de weffe, he con tiftued to adl ih direft
oppofition to all the prihciptes which Ou^t td
influence a Monarch difthiguifi^d by difc Hidfe tf
Moft Chriftian King. Hfe ctaife, fdf all Aefe
feafons, rather to run the rifk of xiifebligirig
J^s new ally the Sultan, than by an unfesifoniMe
adherence to the treaty with him, to forfeit iirhat
was of greater confequence. ^^ , ^
■ » < . »
» *
Negociati- But tteugh both parties "cbhr^^tdd to a triKie,
pea« be- ^hc plenipotentiaries fouhd ittfe^dPibte- dtfllfii*^
tween tfcjj lin fettling theafticlcs of a defittklye treaty,
Saniir""* £«Gh o^ with th(i WWgtoce<if a
cofiqiiero^, raimed at giving IS^'^thb 6th€^,
and neitlidr wioulct fo fer aefeii&^d^e his^ itifo*
i*i^ityy as m QicMte any pbm^ ^ hofttHir, dr to
^finqtiifh ahylMmi^ ©f rigfct ^ fe^httt §he pJetti-
1 $38. potfentiaries Ipdnt the tlmfe^tt toif%^ftna frtrktefs
pegociations, and fep^ritid iafter ^rrtiftg -to
ppoiorig the trit(?e li&r a few niMCte. < . ' '
., 1 .'
The Pope /Tut Pd^i hoiivever, ^ hcJt ael|y^r «f •^-
thcCefa' c^mplifhiftg a point in Whidh 'thft*p1«iwi«l3thtitt^
perfoo. riesi had failed, and took upon himfelf the fole
burden of negogiatingapeacet Tpiom^^con-
i «-•- :• .-vV'' '■ ^.■■' i • -• ' *:•■ -- . federacy
^
J
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 441
/ederacy capable of defending Chriftendom from Book vr.
the formidable inroads of the Turkifh arms, and
to concert efiedual meafures for the extirpation
of the Lutheran herefy^ were two great objeds
inrbkh Paul had much at heart ; and be confider-
ed the union of the Emperor with the King of
Prance as an eflential preliminary to both. To
be the inftrurnent of reconciling thefe contend-
ing Monarcbs, whom his predecefTors by their
interefted and indecent intrigues had fo often
embroiled, was a circumftance which could not
fail of throwing diftinguifhed luftre on his cha-
ra(fter snd admmiftration. Nor was he without
hopes that, while he purfued this laudable end,
be might fecure advantages to his own family,
the aggrandizing of which he did not neglect,
though be aimed at it with a lefs audacious am-
bition than was common among the Popes of
that citntury. Influenced by thefe confidera-
tions, he propofed an interview between the
two Monarchs at Nice, and oflFered to repair
thither in perfon, that he might ad as mediator
in compoflng all their differences. When a
Pontiff of a venerable charaAer, and of very
advanced age, was willing, from his zeal for
peace, to undergo the fatigues of fuch a diftant
journey, neither Charles nor Francis could with
decency decline the interview. But though both
came to the place of rendezvous, fo great was
the difficulty of adjufting the ceremonial, or fucll
the remains of diftruft and rancour on each fide,
that they refufed to fee one another, and every
thing was"^ tranfafted by the intervention of the
Pope, who vifited them alternately. With all
his zeat and ingenuity he couM not find out a
taethod of removing the obftacles which pre-
vented a final accommodation, particularly thofe
Urifing from the pofleflion of the MiUnefe j nor
*^' • „ ■ wa^
442 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book VI. was all the weight of his authority fufiicicnt to
' ^^^ overcome the obftinate perfeverancc of cither
A t'ruce for Monarch in aflerting his own claims* At laft,
ten yetrt that hc might not fecm to have laboured altogc-
^ Nictr* ther without eflfedt, he prevailed on them to %n
June 1 8. ji truce for ten years, upon the fame condition
with the former, that each fhould retain what
was now in his polleflion, and in the mean tinoe
ihould fend ambafTadors. to Rome» to difcufs
their pretenfions at leifurc ^
Thus ended a war of no long continuance^
but very extenfive in its operations, and in which
both parties exerted their utmoft ftrength.
Thougn Francis failed in the objed that he had
principally in view, the recovery of ,thc Mi-
lanefe, he acquired, ncverthelefs, great reputa-
tion by the wifdom of his meafures, as well as
the fucceis of his arms in repulfing a formidable
invafion ; and by fecuring pofleffion of one half
of the Duke of Savoy's dominions, he added no
jnconfiderable acceifion to his kingdom. Where-
^ Charles, repulfed and baffled, after havii^
bogfted fo arrpgantly of victory, purchafed an
inglorious truce, by facrificing an ally who had
rafhly confided too much iii his friend(hip and
power. The unfortunate Duke murmured,
complained, and remonftrated againft a treaty
fo much to his difad vantage, but in vain ; he
had no means of redrefs, and was obli^ to
fubmit. Qf all his dominions, Nice, with its
dependencies, was the only corner of which he
himfelf kept pofleffion. He faw the reft divid-
ed between a powerful invader and the ally to
whofe protedtion he had trufted, while he re-
mained
c Recueil des Traitcz, ii. 210. ReUtipnc del Nicole
Tiepolo de I'abocamento di Nizza che^. Pu Mont Corps
Piplomat. par. ii. p. 174.
..!»
* -
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 443
mained a fad monument of the imprudence of Book vr.
weak Princes, who by taking part in the quar« ""^ ''^"''*^
rel of mighty neighbours, between whom they *^^^*
happen to be fituated, are crulhed and over-
whelmed in the Aiock.
A FEW days after figning the treaty of truce, loeervitw
the Emperor fet fail for . Barcelona, but was ch^JI^".^^
driven by contrary winds to the ifland St. Mar* Frtncis at
garet on the coaft of Provence. When Francis, ^JJJJ^I
who happened to be not far diftant, heard of
this, he confidered it as an office of civility to
invite him to take Ihelter in his dominions, and
propofed a perfonal interview with him at
iVigvies-mortes. The Emperor, who would not
l^ out^dpne by his rival in complaifance, inftanN ,
ly repaired thither. As foon as he call anchor In
fht road, Francis, without waiting to fettle any
point of ceremony, but relying implicitly on
jhc Emperor's honour for his fecurity, vifited
^im on board his g^H^y^ ^^^ was received and
entertained wi$h the warmeft demonftrations of
^""^fteem and affedtion. Next day the Empergr
repaid die confidence which the King had placed
in him* He landed at A^t^s-mortes with as
jfittle precaution, and met with a reception equal-
ly cordial. He remained on fhore during the
picht, and in both vifits they vied with each
other in expreffions of refpeA and friendship ^
After twenty years of open hoftilities, or of fe-
pet enmity ; after fo many injuries reciprocally
infiifted or endqred ; after having formally given
the lie and challenged one another to fingle com-
|)at % after the Emperor had inveighed fo pub-
lickly
^ Sandov. Hift. vol. ii. 238. Relation de Pentrevae
de Charl. V. & Fran. I. par M. ^e la Rivoire. Hift. de
J^anga^d, par D, P. De Vic. & Vaifette, torn, v, Preovet^
\ ■•'.
>
444 THE REIGN OF THE
Booic VI lickly againft Francis as a Prmce void of honour
"^ — ^' and integrity ; and Francis had accufcd him as
'53^- acccflary to the niurder of his eWcfk fon ; fuch
an interview appears altogether Angular and even
unnatural. But the hiftory of thcfe Monarchs
abounds with fuch furprifing tranfitions. From
implacable enmity they appeared to pafs, in a
moment, to the moft cordial reconcilement;
from ftrfpicion and diftruft to perfeft confidence;
and from praftifing all the dark arts of a deceit-
ful policy, they could affume, of a fuddcn, the
liberal and open manners df two gallant gentle-
men.
The Pope, befides the glory of having re-
ftorcd peace to Europe, gained, according to
his expeftation, a point ofgreat confequence to
his family, by prevailing on the Emperor to be-
troth Margaret of Auftria, his natural daughter,
formerly the wife of Alexander di Medici, to
his grandfort Oftavio F'amefe, and m confidera-
tion of this marriage, to beftow feveral honours
and territorres upon* his future fon-in-law. A
IztVJof'' ^^^. ^^g^^l event, which happened about the
Alexander beginning of the year one thoufand five hundred
and thirty-fcven, had deprived Margaret 6f her
firft huiband. Th^t'yotttig prince, whom the
Emperor^s partiality had raifed to the fupremc
power in Florence, upoit the rains of the pubftck
liberty, neglefted'cnrhiiljj^ the cares of govcrn-
merf t,^ and abandoned himfelf to the moft dfflb-
lute debauchery. LorcnTo di Medici, hrs near-
rik kinfm^n, Sv^s not. 6nly the companion bat
direftor of his pleafttres, and etrrploying all the
Jjowers of a cultivated iand inventive genius in
this di(honou;;able miniftry, added fuch clqgancc
as weil as .variety to vice, as gained him anabfo-
lute afcendant over the miijd of Alexswder. But
while
di Meilici.
v
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 445
while I^renzo feemed to be funk in luxury, and Book Vf.
afiedcd fuch an appearance of indolence and --^'^
eflfeminacy, that he would not wear a fword, '53^-
and trembled at the fight of blood, he concealed,
under that difguiie, a dark, deligning, audacious
fpirit. Prompted either by the love of liberty,
or allured by the hope of obtaining the fupreme
power, he determined to afiaffinate Alexander,
his bencfaftor and friend. Though he long
revolved this defign in his mind, his referved
and fufpicious temper prevented him from com-
municating it to any perfon whatever ; and con-
tinuing to live with Alexander in their ufual fa-
miliarity, he, one night, under pretence of hav-
ing fecured him an aflignation with a lady of
high rank, whom he had often folicited, drew
disc unwary Prince into a fecret apartment of his
houie, and there dabbed him, while he lay care-
lefsly on a couch, expecting the arrival of the
lady whofe company he had been4>romifed. But
no fooner was the deed done, than {landing
aftonilhed, and ftruck with horror at its atrocity,
he forgot, in a moment, all the motives which
had induced him to commit it. Inftead of rouz-
ing the people to recover their liberty by pub-
liming the death of the tyrant, inftead of taking
any Itep towards opening his own way to the
dignity now vacant, he locked the door of the
apartment, and, like a man bereaved of rcafon
and prefcnce of mind, fled. with the utmoft pre-
cipitation out of the Florentine territories. It
was late next morning before the fate of the un-
fortunate Prince was known, gs his attendants,
accuftomed to his irregularities, never entered his
apartment early. Immediately the chief perfons
in the ftate aflcmbled. Being induced partly by
the zeal of cardinal Cibo for the houfe of Me-
dici, to which he was nearly related, partly by
the
446 THEREIGNOFTHfi
booK VI. the authority of Francis Guicciardini, who re^
^■- v^ ^ "^ called to their memory, and rtprefented in fea^
Cofr^di i"g colours, the caprice as well as turbulence of
Medici their ancient popular government, they agreed
d^fihc to place Cofmo di Medici, a youth of eigteccn^
Fiurtotine jhc Only male heir of that illuftrious houfe, at
**'*' the head of the government ; though at the
fame time fuch was their love of liberty^ that
they eftablifhed feveral regulations in order to
circumfcnbe and moderate his power.
His govern. Mbanwhile Lorcnzo having reached a place
S'by1h!r^"of fafety, made known what he had done to
Finreniine Philip Strozzl, and the other Florentines who
"' had been driven into exile, or who had vo-
luntarily retired, when the republican form of
government was abolilhed, in order to make
way for the dominion of the Medici. By them,
the deed was extolled with extravagant praifes,
and the virtue of Lorenzo was compared with
that of the elder Brutus, who difregarded the
ties of blood, or with that of the younger, who
forgot the friendftiip and favours of the tyrant,
that they might preferve or recover the liberty
of their country ^. Nor did they reft fatisfied
with empty panegyricks •, they immediately
quitted their different places of retreat, affem-
v:/ bled forces, animated their valTals and parti-
fans to take arms, and to ieize this opportu-
nity of re-eftabliftiing the publick liberty on its
'/ ancient foundation. Being openly aflifted by
the French ambaflador at Rome^ and fecredy
encouraged by the Pope, who bore no good-
will to the houfe of Medici, they entered the
Florentine dominions with a confiderable body of
men. But the perfons who had elected Cofmo
pofleflfed
^ Lcttere di Principi, torn, iii, p. ja.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 447
po0€fled not only the' means of fupporting his Book VI.
government, but abilities to employ them in the ' "^C^
moft proper manner. They levied, with the '^^ '
greateft expedition, a good number of troops ;
they endeavoured, by every art, to gain the ci-
tizens of greateft authority, and to render the
adminiftration of the young Prince agreeable to
the people. Above all, they courted the Em-
peror's protection, as the only firm foundation
of Cofmo's dignity and power. Charles, know-
ing the propenfity of the Florentines to the
friendihip or France, and how much all the
partifans of a republican government detefted
him as the opprelibr of their liberties, faw it to
be greatly for his intereft to prevent the re-efta-
blimment of the ancient conftitution in Florence.
For this reafon, he not only acknowledged
Cofmo as head of the Florentine ftate, and con-
ferred on him all the titles of honour with which
Alexander had been dignified, but engaged to
defend him to the utmoft ; and as a pledge of
this, ordered the commanc^ers of fuch of his
troops as were ftationcd on the frontiers of Tuf-
eany, to fupport him againft all aggreflbrs. By
their aid, Colmo obtained an eafy vidory over
the exiles, whofe troops he furprifcd in the
night-time, and took moft of the chiefs pri-
foncrs: an event which broke all their meafures,
and fully eftablifiied his own authority. But
though he was extremely defirous of the additi-
onal honour of marrying the Emperor's daugh-
ter, the widow of his predeceflbr, Charles, fe-
curc already of his attachment, chofe rather to
gratify the Pope by bcftowing her on his ne-
phew^.
During
f Jovii Hid. c. xcviii. p. 218, &c. Belcarii Comment.
1. xxii. p. 696. Iftoria de foi tempi di Giov. Bat. Adrlani.
Vcn. 1587. p. 10.
44S TH^ REIGN OF THE
Book VI. DuRiNG the war between the Emperor wed
' — ^^'"^ Francis, an event had happened which abated
l^he^fc'nd- *** fomc degree the warnnth and cordiality cf
(hip between friendfhip which had long fubfifted between the
H?,lI?VTii. latter and the King of England. James ihe Fifth
begim to erf" Scotland, an enterprizing voung Prince, bar-
^' ing heard ctf the Emperor's intention to invade
Provence, was fo fond o( fiiewmg thai: he did
not yield to any of his anceftors in the fincerity
of his attachment to the French crown, and fo
eager to diftinguifli himfelf by £>me mllitiry
exploit, that he levied a body of troops with
an intention of leading them in perfon to the
afiiftance of the King of France. Though fomc
unfortunate accidents prevented his carrying any
troops into France, nothing could divert him
from going thither in perfon. Immediately upon
his landing he haftened to Provence ; but had
been detained ib long in his voyage that he came
too latp to have any (hare in the military opera-
tions, and met the King on his return after the
retreat of the Impcrialifts. But Francis was fo
greiitly pleaied with his zeal, and no kfs with
his manners and converfation, diat he couU not
refufe him hi$ daughter Magdalen, whom he
Jan. I. demanded in marriage. It mortified Henry ex-
'^^^' tremely to fee a Prince of whom he was immo-
derately jealous, form an alliance, from which
he derived fuch an acceffion of reputation as weH
as fccurity s^* He could not, however, with de-
cency, oppofe Francis's beftowing his daughter
upon a Monarch defccnded from a race of
Princes, the moft ancient and faithful aljies of
the French crown. But when James, upon the
fudden death of Magdalen, demanded as hb
fecond wife Mary of Guife, he warmly ibli-
cited
t Hid. of Scotland^ voL i. p^ 77*
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 449
cited Francis to deny his fuit, and in order to Book vi.
difappoint him, afked that lady in marriage for ^"^
himfelf. When Francis preferred the Scottilh '^^
King's (incere courtfliip to his artful and male-
volent propoial, he difcovcred much diflatis-
fa£tian. The pacification agreed upon at Nice,
and the familiar .interview of the two rivals at
Aigues-mortes, filled Henry's mind with new
fuipicions, as if Francis had altogether renoun-
ced his friendfliip for the fake of new connec-
tions with the Emperor. Charles, thoroughly ^["^^^JJI**
acquainted with the temper of the Englifh King, Henry.
and watchful to obferve all the fhiftincs and
caprices of his paffions, thought this a ravour^-
able opportunity of renewing his negociations
with him, which had been long broken oflf. By
the death of Queen Catharine, whofe intcreft the
Emperor could not with decency have abandon-
ed, the chief caufe of their difcord was removed ;
fo that without touching upon the delicate
queftion of her divorce, he niight now take
what meafures he thought moft cffcdtual for re-
gaining Henry's good-will. For this purpofe,
he began with propofingfeveral marriage treaties
to the King. He offered his niece, a daughter
of the King of Denmark, to Henry himfelf •, he
demanded the princefs Mary for one of the
Princes of Portugal, and was even willing to re-
ceive her as the King's illegitimate daughter ^
Though none of thefe projefted alliances ever
took place, or perhaps were ever ferioufly intend-
ed, they occafioned fuch frequent intercourfe be-
tween the courts, and fo many reciprocal profef-
fions of civility and efteem, as confiderably
abated the edge of Henry's rancour againft th^
Emperor, and paved the way for that union be-
VoL. II. G g twecn
^ Mem. de Ribier, t. i 496.
450 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. twecn them which afterwards proved fo difadvan-
^^ ^C**^ tageous to the French King.
Progrefd of The ambitious fchemcs in which the Empe-
nition. ^^ h^d ^'^ ^"S^g^ ^nd the wars he had been
carrying on for fome years, proved, as ufual, ex-
tremely favourable to the progrefs of the Refor-
mation in Germany. While Charles was abfent
upon his African expedition, or intent on his
vaft projefts againft France, his chief objeft in
Germany was to prevent the diflenfions about
religion from difturbing the publick tranquillity,
by granting fuch indulgence to the Proteftant
Princes as might induce them to concur with
his meafures, or at leaft hinder them from tak-
ing part with his rival. For this reafon, he was
careful to fecure to the Proteftants the poffeffion
of all the advantages which they had gained by
the articles of pacification at Nuremberg, in the
year one thoufand five hundred and thirty-two'*,
and except fome flight trouble from the pro-
ceedings of the Imperial chamber, they met with
nothing to difturb them in the cxercife of their
religion, or to interrupt the fuceefsful zeal with
Negocii- which they propagated their opinions. Mean-
intriguet whilc thc Popc contmucd his negociations tor
r'a T convoking a general council ; and though the
g^enerd* Protcftants had exprefTed great diflatisfaftion
council, ^i^h his intention ro fix upon Mantua as the
place of meeting, he adhered obftinately to his
choice, ifllied a bull on the fecond of June, one
thoufand five hundred and thirty- fix, appointing
it to aflfemble in that city on the twenty-third of
May the year following •, he nominated three
cardinals to prefide in his name; enjoined all
Chriftian Princes to countenance it by their au-
thority, and invited the prelates of every nation
to
» Du Mont. Corps Diplom. torn. iv. part 2. p. 138.
EMPEROR CHARLESV. 451
to attend in perfon. This citation of a council. Book Vf.
an allembly which from its nature and intention """t^
demanded quiet times, as well as pacific difpo- *^^ *
fitions, at the very junfture when the Emperor
was on his march towards France, and ready to
involve a great part of Europe in the confufions
of war, appeared to every perfon extremely un-
fcafonable. It was intimated, however, to all
the different courts by nuncios difpatched of
purpofe*^. With an intention to gratify the
Germans, the Emperor, during his refidencc
in Rome, had warmly folicited the Pope to call
a council ; but being at the fame time willing
to try every art in order to perfqade Paul to de-
part from the neutrality which he preferved be-
tween him and Francis, he fent Heldo his vice-
chancellor into Germany, along with a nuncio
difpatched thither, inftrufting him to fecond
all the nuncio's reprefentations, and to enforce
them with the whole weight of the Imperial au-
thority. The Proteftants gave them audience Feb. i<,
at Snialkalde, where, they ha:d affembled in a '537-
body, in order to receive thcip. But after
weighing all their arguments, they unanimoufly
refufed to acknowledge a council fummoned in
the name and by the authority of the Pope
alone ; in which he affumed the fole right of pre-
fiding; which was to be held in a city not pnly
far diftant.from Geraiany, but fub^jett to a — •
Prince, a ftranger to them, and clofely:conne(5t-
ed with the court of Ron^e; and to which their
divines could not repair with fafety, efpecially
after th^ir doftrines had been ftigmatized in the
very^buU of convocation with the name of
herefy. , Thefe and many other objedlions againft
the council, which appeared to them unanfwcr-
able, they enumerated in a large manifcfto,
G 5 2 . which
k pallavk. Hift, Cone. Trid. 113.
452
THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI which they publiftied in vindication erf" their con-
' — ^-r^ du<a K
Against this the court of Rome exclaimed
as a flagrant proof of their obftinacy and pit-
fumption, and the Pope ftill perfifted in his rc-
folution to hold the council at the time and in
the place appointed. But jfbme unexpeded dif-
ficulties being ftarted by the Duke of Mantua,
both about the right of juriftiiftion over thcper-
fons who reforted to the council, and the fccu-
rity of bis capital amidft: fuch a concourfe of
ftrangers, the Pope, after fruitlefs endeavpurs
to adjuft thefe, firft prorogued the council for
fome months, and afterwards transferring the
place of meeting to Vicenza in the Venetian ter-
ritories^ appointed it to aflembleon the firft of
May in the following year. As neither the Em-
peror nor French King, who had not then come
to any accommodation, would permit their fub-
jefts to repah* thither, not a fingle prelate ap-
peared on the day prefixed ; and the Pope, that
his authority might not become altogether con-
temptible by fo many inefFeftual intimations,
put oflF the meeting by an indefinite proroga-
Oaob. 8.
tion
m
Aptrtiii But, that he might not feem to have
Jflbj?c8*b" turned his whole attention towards a reforma-
the Pope, tion which he was not able to accomplifh, while
he neglefted that which was in his own power,
he deputed a certain number of cardinals and
bilhops, with full authority to inquire into the
abufes and corruptions of the Roman court j and
to propofe the moft eflPeftual method of rcmo?-
ing them. This fcrutiny, undertaken with re-
kidtance,
1 Sletdan, 1. xii. 123, &c. Seckend. Com. lib. ill. p»
143, &c. n™ F. PauK iiy, Fallavic. 117.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 453
liKfUnce, was carried on Qowly and with remiff- Book VI.
ncfs. All defefts were touched with a gentle ^""""''^'^
hand, afraid of probing too deep, or of difcover- *'^ '
ing too much. But even by this partial exami-
nation, many irregularities were detedted, and
many enormities expofed to light, while the re-
medies which they fuggeftcd as moft proper,
were either inadequate, or were never applied.
The report and refolutlons of thefe deputies,
though intended to be kept fccret, were tranf-
mitted by fome accident into Germany, and be-
ing immediately made publick, afforded ample
matter for refledion and triumph to the Pro-
teftants \ On the one hand they demonftrated
the neceffity of a reformation in the head as well
a^ the members of the church, and even pointed
oUtonany of the corruptions againft which Lu-
ther and his followers had remonftrated with the
greatell vehemence. They fhewed on the other
hand, that it was vain to expeft this reforma-
tion from ecclcfiafticks themfelves, who, as Lu-
ther ftrongly exprcffed it, piddled at curing
warts, while they overlooked or confirmed ul-
cers **.
•V
The earneftnefs with which the Emperor a league
feemed, at firft, to prefs their acquiefcing in the ^"^'^v^, »«
Pope's fcheme of holding a council in Italy, To ^thaVi"
alarmed the Proteftant Princes fo much, that S"****^*'^«-
they thought it prudent to ftrengthen their con-
federacy, by admitting feveral new members
who folicited that privilege, particularly the
King of Denmark. Heldo, who, during his re-
fidence in Germany, had obferved all the ad-
vantages which they derived from that union,
endeavoured to counterbalance its effefts by an
alliance among the catholick powers of the Em-
pire.
n Sleidan, 233. ^ Seek. 1. iii. 164.
^
454 THE REIGN OF THE
Booic Vf.pire. This league, diftinguifticd by the name of
^""^^ Hofy^ was merely defenfive ; and though con-
^^-^' eluded by Heldo in the Emperor's name, was
afterwards difowned by him, and fubfcribed by
very few Princes p.
Aiirm* the The Proteftants foon got intelligence of this
^'''^'"*"^ • aflbciation, notwithftaiiding all the endeavours
of the contrafting parties to conceal it-, and
their zeal, always apt to fufpeft and to dread,
even to excefs, every thing that fecmed to
threaten religion, inftantly took the alarm as if
the Emperor had been juft ready to enter upon
the execution of fome formidable plan for die
' extirpation of their opinions. In order to d'lfap-
point this, they held frequent confultations, they
courted the Kings of France and England with
great afliduity, and even began to think of raif-
ing the refpeftive contingents both in men and
money which they were obliged to furnifli by the
treaty of Smalkalde. But it was not long be-
fore they were convinced that thefe apprehen-
fions were without foundation, and that the
Emperor, to whom repofe was abfolutely neccf-
fary after efforts fo much beyond his ftrength in
the war with France, had no thoughts of dif-
turbing the tranquillity of Germany. As a proof
April ip. of this, at an interview with the Protcftant
Princes in Francfort, his ambafladors agreed that
all conccffions in their favour, particularly thofe
contained in the pacification of- Nuremberg,
fhould continue in force for fifteen months-,
that during this period all proceedings of the
Imperial chamber againft them ftiould be fuf-
pended ; that a conference fhould be held by a
few divines of each party, in order to difcufs the
points
P Seek. 1 iii. 171. Recueil dc Traitcz.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 455
points in controvcrfy, and to propofc articles of Book Vh
accommodation which fhould be laid before the ' ""^""^
next diet. Though the Emperor, that he might *^^^'
not irritate the Pope, who remonftrated againft
the firft part of this agreement as impolitick,
and againft the latter as an impious encroach-
ment upon his prerogative, never formally rati-
fied this convention, it was obferved with confi-
derable exadnefs, and greatly ftrengthened the
bafis of that ecclefiaftical liberty, for which the
Proteftants contended %
A FEW days after the convention at Francfort, ^p"^ ^'
George Duke of Saxony died, and his death was cftabiifh*edln
an event of great advantage to the Reformation, ^g^ ^^^
That Prince, the head of the Albertine, or younger ° *^°°^'
branch of the Saxon family, poflefled, as mar-
quis of Mifnia and Thuringia, extenfive territories,
comprehending Drefden, Leipfick, and other ci-
ties now the moft confiderable in the eleftorate.
From the firft dawn of the Reformation, he had
been its enemy as avowedly as the eleftoral
Princes were its protedors, and had carried on
his oppofition not only with all the zeal flowing
from religious prejudices, but with a virulence
infpired by perfonal antipathy to Luther, and
imbittcred by the domeftick animofity fubfifting
between him and the other branch of his family.
By his death without iflue, his fucceffion fell to
his brother Henry, whofe attachment to the
Proteftant religion furpaflcd, if poffible, that of
his predeceflbr to popery. Henry no fooner took
pofTelTion of his new dominions, than, difregard-
ing a claufe in George's will, diftated by his
•bigotry, whereby he bequeathed all his terri-
tories to the Emperor and King of the Romans,
if his brother fhould attempt to make any inno-
vation
<l F. Paul^ 82. Sleid. 247. Sec{c. 1. iii. 200.
456 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. vation in religion, he invited fomc Proteftant
'^"^'''"'^^ divines, and among them Luther himfelf, to
Leipfick. By their advice and afliftance, he
overturned in a few weeks the whole fyftem of
ancient rites, eftablilhing the full exercifc of the
, reformed religion, with the univerfal applaufe
of his fubjefts, who had long wiftied for this
change, which the authority of their Duke alone
had. hitherto prevented ^ This revolution de-
livered the Proteftants from the danger to which
they were expofcd by having an inveterate enemy
fituated in the middle of their territories; and
their dominions now extended, in one great and
almoft unbroken line, from the Ihore of thcBal-
tick to the banks of the Rhine.
A mutiny SooN after the conclufion of the truce at
rill uSr Nice, an event happened, which falisfied allEu-
rope that Charles had profecuted the war to
the utmoft extremity that the ftate of his affairs
would permit. Vaft arrears were due to his
troops, whom he had long amufed with vain
hopes and promifes. As they now forcfaw that
little attention would be paid to their demands,
when by the re-eft ablilhment of peace their fcr-
vices became of lefs importance, they loft all pa-
tience, broke out into an open mutiny, and de-
clared that they thought themfelves entitled to
feize by violence what was detained from them
contrary to all juftice. Nor was this fpirit of
fedition confined to one part of the Emperor^^
dominions -, the mutiny was almoft as general as
the grievance which gave rife to it. The foldi-
ers in the Milanefe plundered the open coun-
try without controul, and filled the capital itfclf
with confternation. Thofe in garrifon at Go-
Jetta threatened to give up that important for-
V . trcfs
^ Slciden, 249,
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 457
trefs to Barbarofla. In Sicily the troops proceeded Book Vl.
to ftiW greater excefles ; having chaccd away < -^ y -^mj
their officers, they elcfted others in their Head, ' 539-
defeated a body of men whom the viceroy fent
^ainft them, took and pillaged feveral cities,
condu£tins themfelves all the while, in fuch a
manner, raat their operations refemblcd rather
the regular proceedings of a concerted rebellion,
than the rafhnefs and violence of a military mu-
tiny. But by the addrefs and prudence of the
generals, who, partly by borrowing money in
their own name, or in that of their matter,
partly by extorting large fums from the cities
in their refpeftive provinces, raifed what was
fufficient to difcharge the arrears of the foldiers,
thefe infurredtions were quelled. The greater
part of the troops was dilbanded, fuch a num-
ber only being kept in pay as was neceflary
for garrifoning the principal towns, and pro-
tecting the fea-coafts from the infults of the
Turks *.
It was happy for the Emperor that the abi- cortes of
lities of his generals extricated him out of thefe ^t^xoiedo!^^
difficulties, which it exceeded his own power to
have removed. He had depended, as his chief
refource for difcharging the arrears due to his
foldiers, upon the lubfidies which he expefted
from his Caftilian fubjefts. For this purpofe,
he affemblcd the Cortes of Caftile at Toledo,
and having reprefented to them the great ex-
pence of his military operations, together with
the vaft debts in which thefe had neceflarily in-
volved him, he propofed to levy fuch fupplies
as the prefent exigency of his affairs demanded,
by a general excife on commodities. But the
Spaniards
« Jovii Hiftor. I. xxxvii. 203. c. Sahdov. Ferrerat,
ix« ao9.
458 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book VI. Spaniards already felt themfelves opprcffcd with
L--v^.^ a load of taxes unknown to their anccftors.
The^wm- They had often complained that their country
puinu and ^as drained not only of its wealth but of its
oooftbac inhabitants, in order to prolecute quarrels in
aiiembiy. which it was not interefted, and to fight battles
from which it could reap no benefit ; and they
determined not to add voluntarily to their
own burdens, or to furnifti the Emperor with
the means of engaging in new,enterprizes nolefs
ruinous to the kingdom than moft of thofe which
he had hitherto carried on. The nobles, in
particular, inveighed with great vehemence
againft the impofition propofed, as an encroach-
ment upon the valuable and diftinguilhing pri-
vilege of their order, that of being exempted
from the payment of any tax. They demanded
a conference with the reprefcntatives of the cities
concerning the ft ate of the nation. They con-
tended that if Charles would imitate the example
of his predeceflbrs, who had refided conftantly
in Spain, and would avoid entangling himfelf in
a multiplicity of tranfadlions foreign to the con-
cerns of his Spanifh dominions, the ftated reve-
nues of the crov^n would be fully fufficient to
defray the neceflary expences or government.
They reprefcnted to him that it would be unjuft
to lay new burdens upon the people, while this
prudent and effedual method of re-eftabli(hing
public credit, and fccuring national opulence,
was totally neglected '. Charles, after employ-
ing arguments, entreaties, and promifes, but
without fuccefs, in order to overcome their ob-
Theanckntftinacy, difmiflcd the affembly with great indig-
^thicoru. nation. From that period neither the nobles nor
fttbvcrted._ the prclatcs have been called to thefe aflemblies,
on pretence that fuch as pay no part of the pub-
lick
t Sandov Hift. vol. ii. 269.
r
EMPEROR CHARLES V, 459
lick taxes, fhould not claim any vote in laying Book VI.
them on. None have been admitted to the Cortes **^"v"**-^
but the procurators or reprefentatives of eigh- * ^^^'
teen cities. Thefe, to the number of thirty-fix,
being two from each community, form an af-
fembly which bears no refemblance either in
power or dignity or independence to the ancient
Cortes, and are abfolutely at the devotion of the
court in all their determinations". Thus the
imprudent zeal with which the Caftilian nobles
had fupported the regal prerogative, in oppo-
fition to the claims of the commons during the
comipotions in the year one thoufand five hun-
dred and twenty-one, proved at laft fatal to
their own body. By enabling Charles to deprels
one of the orders in the ftate, they deftroycd
that balance to which the constitution owed its
fecurity, and put it in his power, or in that of
his fuccelTors, to humble the other, and to ftrip
it of its moft valuable privileges.
At that time, however, the Spanifh grandees The Spmirk
ftill poffcfled extraordinary power as well as pri- ^nrJXff.
vileges, which they exercifed and defended with ed w^ pri-
an haughtinefs peculiar to themfelves. Of this "" ^^"
the Emperor himfelf had a mortifying proof du-
ring the meeting of the Cortes at Toledo. As
he was returning one day from a tournament ac-
companied by moft of the nobility, one of the
ferjeants of the court, out of officious zeal to
clear the way for the Emperor, ftruck the Duke
of Infantado's horfe with his batton, which that
haughty grandee refcnting, drew his fword, beat
and wounded the officer. Charles, provoked
at fuch an infolent deed in his prefence, immedi-
ately ordered Ronquillo the judge of the court
u Sandov. ibid. La Science du GouverHemcnt, par
M. de Real> torn. ii. p. 102.
^
46o THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. to arrcft the Duke ; Ronquillo advanced tocxc-
^ — l^'^^cute his charge, when the conftable of Caftilc
* ^•^^' interpofing, checked him, claimed the right of
jurifdfflion over a grandee as a privilege of his
oiEce, and conducted Infantado to his own apart-
ment. All the nobles prefcnt were fo plcafcd
with the boldnefs of the conftable in aficrting
the rights of their order, that deferting the Em-
peror, they . attended him to his houfe with in-
finite applaufes, and Charles returned to the
palace without any perfon along with him but
the cardinal Tavera. The Elmperof, however
fenfible of the affront, faw the danger of irri-
tating a jealous and high fpirited ordered
men, whom the flighteft appearance of oflfencc
might drive to the moft unwarrantable extremes.
For that reafon, inftead of {training at any ill-
timed exertion of his prerogative, he prudently
connived at the arrogance of a body too potent
for him to control, and fent next morning to
the Duke of Infantado, offering to infiift what
punifhment he pleafed on the perfon who had
affronted him. The Duke confidering this as a
full reparation to his honour, initantly forgave
the officer ; bcftowing on him, befides, a con-
fiderable prefent as a compenfation for his wound.
Thus the affair was entirely forgotten'^-, nor
would it have defcrved to be mentioned, if it
were not a ftriking example of the haughty and
independent fpirit of the Spanifli nobles in that
age, as well as an inftance of the Emperor's dex-
terity in accommodating his condu6t to the cir-
cumllances in which he was placed.
infuraion Charles was far from difcovering any fuch
Mi Ghent, condefcenfion or lenity towards the citizens of
Ghent, who not long after broke out into open
" rebellion
X Sandov. ii. 274. Ferraras, ix.2i2* Miniana, 113.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 461
rebellion againft his government. An event Book VI.
which ha{^ned in the year one thoufand five ' — -v— ^
liundrcd and thirty-fix, gave occafion to this *5^^'
ralh infurre£tion fo faul to that flourifhing city.
At that time the Queen dowager of Hungary,
gavernefs of the Netherlands, having received
orders from her brother to invade France with
all the forces which fhe could raife, (he ailem-
bled the ftates of the United Provinces, and ob-
tained from them a fubfidy of twelve hundred
thouiand florins, to defray the expence of that
undo-taking. Of this fum, the county of
Flanders was obliged to pay a third part as its
proportion. But the citizens of Ghent, the moil pretennomt
confiderable city in that country, averfc to a ""^ ^^^ ^'^"
war with France, with which they carried on an
extenfive and gainful commerce, refufed to pay
their quota, and contended, that in confequence
of ftipulations between them and the anceftors
of their prefent fovereign the Emperor, no tax
could be levied upon them, unlefs they had
given their exprefs confent to the impofition of
it. The governcfs, on the other hand, main-
tained, that as the fubfidy of twelve hundred
thoufand florins had been granted by the States
of Flanders, of which their reprefentatives were
members, they were bound, or courfe, to con-
form to what was enabled by them •, as it is the
firft principle in fociety, on which the tranquillity
and order of government depend, that the in-
clinations of the minority muft be over-ruled
by the judgment and decifionof the fuperior
number.
*
The citizens of Ghent, however, were not procfcdinp
wiUing to relinquifli a privilege of fuch high *^^*^
importance as that which they claimed. Having
been accuftomed, under the government of the
houfp
462 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. houfe of Burgundy, to enjoy extenfive itnmuni-
^^ "^"^^ ties, and to be treated with much indulgencG^
* ^^^ they difdained to facrifice, to the delegated power
of a regent, thofe rights and liberties which they
had often and fuccefsfully aflcrted againft their
greateft Princes. The Queen, though flie en-
deavoured at firft to footh them, and to recon-
cile them to their duty by various conceffions,
was at laft fo much irritated by the obftinacy with
which they adhered to their claim, that (he or-
dered all the citizens of Ghent, on whom flic
could lay hold in any part of the Netherlands,
to be arretted. But this rafti aftion made an
impreffion very different from what (he expefted,
on men, whofe minds were agitated with all the
violent paflions which indignation at oppreflion
and zeal for liberty infpire. Lefs afFefted with
the danger of their friends and companions, than
irritated at the governefs, they openly dcfpifed
her authority, and fent deputies to the othec
towns of Flanders, conjuring them not to aban-
don their country at fuch a jundure, but to con-
cur with them in vindicating its rights againft
tne encroachments of a woman, who either did
not know or did not regard their immunities.
All but a few inconfiderable towns declined en-
tering into any confederacy againft the gover-
nefs ; they joined, however, in petitioning her
to put off the term for payment of the tax fo
long, that they might have it in their power to
fend fome of their number into Spain, in order
to lay their title to exemption before their fove-
rcign. This fhe granted with fome difficulty.
But Charles received their commiflioners with an
haughtrnefs to v/hich they were not accuftoined
from their ancient Princes ; and enjoining them
to yield the fame refpeftful obedience to hts
iiftcr, which they owod to him in pcrfon, re-
mitted
r
EMPEROR CHARLE S V. 463
mittcd the examination of their claim to the Book VL
council of Malines. This court, which is pro- ^" "^ ^
perly a ftanding committee of the parliament or *^^^''
dates of the county, and which poflefles the
fupreme jurifdiftion in all matters civil as well
as criminal y, pronounced the claim of the citi-
zens of Ghent to be ill-founded, and appointed
them forthwith to pay their proportion of the
tax.
Enraged at this decifion, which they con- They tike
fidered as notoriouQy unjuft, and rendered def- oSS^'t^
perate on feeing their rights betrayed by that mitt*
very court which was bound to proteft them, the ^''"***
people of Ghent ran to arms in a tumultuary
manner, drove fuch of the nobility as refided
among them out of the city, fecured feveral
of the Emperor's officers; put one of them
to the torture, whom they accufed of having
ftolen or deftroyed the record, that contained
the privileges of exemption from taxes which
they pleaded; chofe a council to which they
committed thfe direftion of their affairs ; gave
orders for repairing and adding to their fortifi-
cations -, and openly ere^ed the ftandard of re-
bellion againft their fovereign *. Senfible, how-
ever, of their inability to fupport what their
zeal had prompted them to undertake, and de-
firous of fccuring a proteftor againft the for-
midable forces by which they might expeft foon
to be attacked, they fent fome of their number to
Francis, offering not only to acknowledge him
as their fovereign, and to put him in immediate
poffe£Bon of Ghent, but to affift him with all
their
y Dcfcrittione di tutti pacfi baffi di Lad. Guicoardini.
Ant. i^yi. fol p. 53. * Memoircs fur la rtvoJtc
de Gantois en 1539, par Jean d'Hollandcr, rcrit en 1547.
A la Haye 1747. K Heuier. Rer. AuAr. lib. xi. p. z6i»
Sandov. Hiilor. torn. ii. p 282.
1
464 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book VI. their forces in recovering thofe provinces in the
^"^" " ■^ Netherlands, which had anciently belonged to
*^^^* the crown of France, and had been fo lately re-
united to it by the decree g( the parliament of
Paris. This unexpefted proportion coming
from perfons who had it in their power to have
performed inftantly one part of what they under-
took, and who could contribute ib effeftually
towards the execution of the whole, opened vaft
as well as alluring profpeds to Francis's ambi-
tion. The counties of Flanders and Artois were
of greater value than the duchy of Milan, which
he had ib long laboured to acquire with paf-
fionate but fruitlefs define ; their fituation with
rcfpcdb to France rendered it more eafy to con-
quer or to defend them ; and they might be
formed into a feparate principality for the Duke
of Orleans, no lefs fuitable to his dignity than
that which his father aimed at obtaining. To
this, the Flemings, who were acquainted with
the French manners and government, would
not have been averfe; and his own fubjeAs,
weary of their deftruftive expeditions into Italy,
would have turned their arms towards this quar-
ter with more good-will, and with greater vi-
Francis dc- gour. Several confiderations, neverthelefe, prc-
^n« tbcir y^^^^ Francis from laying hold of this oppor-
tunity, the moft favourable in appearance which
had ever prefented itfelf, of extending his domi-
nions or diftrcffing the Emp<:ror. From the
time of their interview at Aigues-mortes, Charks
had continued to court the King of France with
wcMuierful attention; and often flattered him
with hopes of gratifying at laft his wiflics con-
cerning the Milanefe, by granting the invcfti-
ture of it either to him or to one of his fons. But
though thefe hopes and promifes were thrown
out with no other intention than to detach him
from his confederacy with the grand Seignior,
or
feKl^fiROR CHARLES V. 465
ot to raife fuifpicions in Sdlyman's mind by the Book VI.
appearance or a cordial and familiar intercourfc ^"^""^^ ^
fubfifting between the courts of Paris and Ma- ^^^"
drid, Francis was weak enough to catch at the
(hadow by which he had been fo often deceived,
and from eagernefs to feize it, relinquifhed what
mu(t have proved a more fubilantial acquifition^
Befides this, the Dauphin jealous to excefs of
his brother, and unwilling that a Prince who
feemed to be of a reftlefs and enterprizing nature
ihould obtain an eftablifhment, which from its
(ituation might be confidered almoft as a do-
meftick one, made ufe of Montmorency, who, by
a fingular piece of good fortune, was at the
iame time the favourite of the father and of the
fon, to defeat the application of the Flemings,
and to divert the King from efpoufing their cau^.
Montmorency, accordingly, reprefented in ftrong
terms, the reputation and power which Francis
would acquire by recovering that footing which
he had formerly in Italy, and that nothing could
be fo efficacious to overcome the Emperor's aver-
fion to this, as his adhering facredly to the truce,
and refufing on this occafion to countenance his
rebellious fubjefts. Francis, apt of himfelf to
over-rate the value of the Milanefe, becaufe he
eftimated it from the length of time as well as
from the great efforts which he had employed in
order to re-conquer it, and fond of every adtion
iwrhich had the appearance of generofity, afTented
without difficulty to fentiments fo agreeable to
his own, rcjefted the propofitions of the citizens
of Ghent, and difmiflcd their deputies with an
harfh anfwer *.
I
Not fatisfied with this, by a farther refine- communi-
ment in generofity, he communicated to the ^t^nJons^
Vol. II. H h Emperor «<> «hc Em-
* peror.
^ « Mem. dc Bcllayi p, 263, Pi Heateh Rcr. Aaftr. lib.
XI- 263.
466 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book VT. Emperor his whole negociation with the male*
^"""^^""*^ contents, and all that he knew of their fchemes
'^^^' and intentions ^ This convincing proof of
Francis's difintercftednefs relieved Charles from
the moft difquieting apprehenfions, and opened a
way to extricate himfelf out of all his difficulties.
He had already received full information of all
the tranfadions in the Netherlands, and of die
rage with which the people of Ghent had taken
arms againft his government. He was thoroughly
acquainted with the genius and qualities of his
fubjefts in that country ; with their love of li-
berty •, their attachment to their ancient privi-
leges and cuftoms ; as well as the invincible ob-
ftinacy with which their minds, flow but firm
and perfevering, adhered to any meafure on
which they had leifure to fix. He eafily faw
what encouragement and fupport they might
have derived from the afliftance of France ; and
though now free from any danger on that quar-
ter, he was ftill fenfible that fome immediate as
well as vigorous interpofition was neceflary, in
order to prevent the fpirit of difaflfeftion from
fpreading in a country where the number of
cities, the multitude of people, together with
the great wealth diflfufed among them by com-
merce, rendered it peculiarly formidable, and
would fupply it with inexhauftible refburces.
ddfblTrtu- ^^ expedient, after long deliberation, speared
ons concern- to him fo effedual as his going in perfon to the
n^ey'^to^JhT Netherlands ; and the govemefs his fifter being
Nether- of the fame opinion, warmly folicited him to
*an«J»- undertake the journey. There were only two
diflferent routes which he could take ; one by land,
through Italy and Germany, the other entirely
by fea, from fome port in Spain to one in the
Low-Countries. But the former was more te-
dious
^ Sandov. Hiftor. torn. ii. 284.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 467
dious than fuitcd 'the prefent exigency of his ^^^^ ^^'
aflFairs ; nor could he in confiftency with his dig- _^^^^
nity or even his fafety pafs through Germany
without fuch a train both of attendants and of
troops, as would have added greatly to the time
that he muft have confumed in his journey ; the
latter was dangerous at this feafon, and while
he remained uncertain with refpedt to the friend-
fhip of the King of England, was not to be ven-
tured upon, unlefs under the convoy of a power-
ful fleet. This perplexing fituation, in which he
was under a neceflity of chufing, and did not
know what to chufe, infpired him at laft with the
Angular and feemingly extravagant thought of
paffing through France, as the moft expeditious Propofet to
way of reaching the Netherlands. He propofed ^rtn'^c^"^*'
in his council to demand Francis's permiifion for
that purpofe. All his counfellors joined with
one voice in condemning the meafure as no .lefs
rafh than unprecedented, and which muft infal-
libly expofe him to difgrace or to danger; to
difgrace, if the demand were rdefted in the
manner that he had reafon to expea ; to danger,
if he put his perfon in the power of an enemy
whom he had often offended, who had ancient
injuries to revenge, as well as fubjefts of prefent
conteft ftill remaining undecided. But Charles,
who had ftudied the character of his rival with
greater care, and more profound difcernment
than any of his minifters, perfiftcd in his plan,
and flattered himfelf that it might be accom-
pliftied not only without danger to his own per-
fon, but even without the expence of any con-
cefllon detrimental to his crown.
With this view he communicated the matter To which
to the French ambafl&dor at his court, and lentf/*^"^""
Granvelle his chief minifter to Paris, in order to
H h 2 obtain
468 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. obtain from Francis permiOion to pais through
''"^^^ his dominions, and to promife that he wodd
"539- foQj^ fgjjjg jjjg ^jj-,. q£ ^g Milanefe to his fads- '
fadion. But at the fame time he intreated that
Francis would not exaft any new promife, or
even inGil on former engagements, at this junc-
ture, left whatever he fhould grant, under his
prefent circumftances, might teem rather to be
extorted by neceflity, than to flow from friend-
ihip or the love of juftice. Francis, inftead of
attending to the (hare which fuch a flight artifice
fcarcely concealed, was fo dazzled with the
fplencfour of overcoming an enemy by afts of
generoflty, and fo pleafed with the air of fupe-
riority which the redtitude and difintereftcdnefe
of his proceedings gave h^m on this occafion,
that he at once aflented to all that was demanded.
Judging of the Emperor's heart by his own, he
imagined that the fentiments of gratitude, arifing
from the remembrance of good offices and libend
treatment, would determine him more forcibly
to fulfil what he had fo often promifed, than the
moft precife ftipulations that could be inferted in
any treaty.
tiu recep. UpoN this, Charles, to whom every moment
tbgdrtn.** was precious, fet out, notwithftanding the fears
and fufpicions of his Spanifli fubjedbs, with a
fmall but fplendid train of about an hundred
perfons. At Bayonne, on the frontiers of
France, he was received by the Dauphin and
the Duke of Orleans, attended by the conftabk
Montmorency. The two Princes offered to co
into Spain, and to remain there as hoftages for
the Emperor's fafety : but this he rejedted, de-
claring that he relied with itnplicit confidence
on the King's honour, and had never demanded
nor would accept of any other pledge for his fecu-
rity.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 469
rity. In all the towns through which he pafled, Book vr
the greatcft poffible magnificence was ^ifplayed ; *— "v^^
the magiftrates prefented him the keys of the '^^^'
gates ; the prifon doors were fet open ; and, by
the royal honours paid to him, he appeared
more like the fovereign of the country than a
ftranger. The King advanced as far as Chatel-
rault to meet him •, their interview was diftinr
quifhed by the warmeft expreflions of friendfhip
and regard. They proceeded together towards 1^49,
Paris, and prefentol to the inhabitants of that
city, the extraordinarv fpeftacle of two rival
Monarchs, whofe enmity had difturbed and laid
wafte Europie during tw«nty years, making their
folemn entry together with all the fymptoms of
a confidential harmony, as if they had rorgotten
for ever paft injuries, and would ncv?r rcviv?
hoftilities for the future S
Charles remained fix days at Paris; but^h«^mi«^
amidft the perpetual careffes of the French tude, ^ *^ '
court, and the various entertainments contrived
to amufe or to do him honour, he difcovered aa
extreme impatience to continue his journey,
arifing as much from an apprehenfion of danger
which conftantly oppreiled him, as from the
neceflity of his prefence in the Low-Countries.
Confcious of the difingenuity of his own inten-
tions, he trembled when he reflefted that fon^e
fatal accident might betray them to his rival, or
lead him to fufpedt them ; and though his arti-
iices to conceal theie fhould be fucc^f^ul, he
could not help fearing that motives of intereft
might at lafl: triumph over the fcrup^es of ho-
nour, and tempt Francis to avail himfelf of the
advantage now in his hands. Nor were there
panting perfons among the French minifters^^
whq
Si Thuan. Hift, lib. i. e. 14. Mem. de Beilay, 264.
470 THE REIGN OFTHE
Book VI. who advifed the King to turn his own arttf
^"^ ^''"^^^ againft the Emperor, and as the retribution due
^^°* for fo many inftances of fraud or falfehood, to
feize and detain his perfon until he granted him
full fatisf action with regard to all the juft claims
of the French crown. But no confideration could
induce Francis to violate the faith which he had
pledged, nor could any argument convince him
that Charles, after all the promifes that he had
given, and all the favours which he had received,
might ftill be capable of deceiving him. Full of
this falfe confidence he accompanied him to Si
Quintin, and the two Princes, who had met him
on the borders of Spain, did not take leave of
him until he entered his dominions in the Low?
Countries.
•^d difiiige- As foon as the Emperor reached his own ter*
ritories, the French ambaffadors demanded the
janutry 24. accompliftiment of what he had promifcd con-
cerning the inveftiture of Milan ; but Charles,
under the plaufible pretext that his whole atten-
tion was then engroffed by the confultations nc-
eeflary towards fupprefling the rebellion in Ghent,
put off the matter for fome time. But in order
to prevent Francis from fufpedting his fincerity,
he ftill continued to talk oif his' refolutions with
refpeft to that matter in the fame ftrain as when
he entered France, and even wrote to the King
much to the fame purpofe, though in general
terms, and with equivocal expreflions, which he
might afterwards explain away or interpret at
pleafure \ '
^eduftion Meanwhile, the unfortunate citizens of
cf Cheat, Qi^^^^^ deftitute of leaders capable either of
direfting their councils, or condufting their
troops;
f Memoires dc Ribier, 1. 504»
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 471
troops ; abandoned by the French King aeid un- Book VI*
fupported by their countrymen ; were unable to "^ ^ ^
refift their ofiended fovereign, who was ready to ^^^^'
advance againft them with one body of troops
which he had raifed in the Netherlands, with
another drawn out of Germany, and a third
which had arrived from Spain by fea. The near
approach of danger made them, at laft, fo fen-
fible of their bwn folly, that they fent ambafla*
dors to the Emperor, imploring his mercy, and
offering to fet open their gates at his approach,
Charles, without vouchfafing them any other an^'
fwer, than that he would appear among them
as their fovereign, with the fceptre and the
fword in his hand, began his march at the head
of his troops. Though he chofe to enter the
city on the twenty-fourth of February, his birth-
day, he was touched with nothing of that ten-
dernefs or indulgence which was natural towards
the place of his nativity. Twenty-fix of the »°*^ p"";^-
.*•,.. ' , f mcnt of the
principal citizens were put to death ; a greater citizens.
number was fent into baniftiment ; the city was ^p"* ^•
declared to have forfeited all its privileges and
immunities j the revenues belonging to it were
confifcated ; its ancient form of government was
^bolilhed; the nomination of its magiftrates was
veftcd for the future in the Emperor and his fuc-
ccflbrs ; a new fyftem of laws and political ad-
miniftration was prefcribed \ and in order to
bridle the feditious fpirit of the citizens, orders
were given to ereft a ftrong citadel, for defraying
the expence of which a fine of an hundred and
fifty thoufand florins was impofed on the in-
habitants, together with an annual tax of fix
thoufand florins for the fupport of a garrifon *=.
By thefe rigorous proceedings, Charles not only
punilhed
^ Les coutames 8^ loix do Compte de Flandre, par Alex,
|e Grande, 3 torn. fol.Cambray, I7i9> torn. i. p. 169.
c Haraei Annales Brabantia^^ vol. i.617^
472 THE REIGN OF THE-
Book VI. punilhed the citizens of Ghent, but fct ankwful
^- — ^"-^ example of feverity before his other fubjefts iii
*^^^' the Netherlands, whofe ininfiuriiiies and privi7
leges, partly the efl5s6t, partly the' caufe of theic
cxtenfive commerce, circumfcribed the royal
prerogative within very harrow bounds, and ot
ten flood in the way of meafures which he wiihed
to undertake, qr fettered and retarded him in
his ot)erations.
chirietre. Charles having thus Vindicated ai^d re-^fta^
Sl^bu'en^^' blifticd his authority in the Low-Countries, and
gagemeoti being now under no neceflity of continuing thif
^r*"'^- fame fcene of falfehood and diflimulation with
which he had long amufed Francis, l?egan gra-
dually to throw afide the veil under which he had
concealed his intentions with refpeft to the Mi-
lancfe. At fir ft, he eluded the demands of thQ
French ambafladors, when they again reminded
him of his promifes ; then he propofM, by way
pf equivalent for the dutchy of Milap, to grant
the Duke of Orleans the invefliture of Flanders^
tlogging the offer, however, with impracticable
conditions, or fuch as be knew would be rgeft-
ed ^ At lafl, being driven from sill his evafion$
and fubterfuges by their infifliflg for a categori-
cal anfwer, he peremptprily ref ufcd to give up
a territory of fuch value, or- voluntarily to mak^
fuch a liberal addition to the ftrength of an ene-
my by diminifhing his own power "• He denied
at the fame time, that he had ever made anv
promife which could bind him to an adion (q
foolifh, and fb contrary to his own interefl ^
Of all the tranfadions in the Emperor*^ life^
this, without doubt, reflefts the greateft dif-
honour on his reputation &. * Though Charles
was(
^ Mem. de Ribier, i. 509, 514. « Ribier, i. CiO*
f Bellay, 365-6. c Jovii Hift. lib. xxxix. p- 238. a. ?
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 473
yras not extremely fcrupulous at other times Book VI.
f bpyt the means which he employed for accom- ^'''*"*^^"**-'
.plifhing his ends, or always, obfervant of the '^^^*
ftrift precepts qf veracity and honour, he had
hitherto maintained fome regard for the maxims
of that kfs precife and rigid morality by which
Monarchs think thien^elves en tided to regulate
their conduct, But, on this occafion, the fcheme
;hat he formed of dieceiving a generous and
open-hearted Prince; the illiberal and mean
artifices by which he carried it on 5 the infen-
fibility with which he received all the marks of
his friendfliip, as well as the ingratitude with
which he requited them ; are all equally unbe-
coming the dignity of his charadber, and incon*
i^ftent lyifh the grandeur of his views.
This traiifaftion expofcd Francis to as much
fcorn as it did the Emperor to cenfure. After
|he experience of a long reign, after fo many
opportunities of difcovering the duplicity and
^ifices of his rival, the credulous fimplicity
ynth which he trufted him at this jundure teemed
to merit no other return than it adually met
yrith. Francis, however, remonftrated and ex-
claimed, as if it had been the firfl inftance in
which the Emperor had deceived him. Feeling,
as is ufual, the infult which was offered to his
pnderftanding (till more fenfibly than the injury
done to his intereft, he difcovered fuch refent-
ment, as made it obvious that he would lay hold
on the firft opportunity of being revenged, and
^hat a war, no lefs rancorous than that which
had fo lately raged, would foon break out anew
\n Europe.
This year is rendered memorable by the efta- The Pope
^liihmcnt of the Order of Jcfuits 5 a body whofe Slbft*".
-■'■•■ influence tion of the
Order of
Jefuits.
474 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book vAinfluence on ecclefiaftical as well as civil affairs
^""•^^ — 'hath been fo confiderable, that an account of the
*54o* genius of its laws and government juftly nicrits
a place in hiftory. When men take a view df
the rapid progrefs of this fociety towatxTs wealth
and power ; when they contemplate the admi-
rable prudence with which it had been governed ;
when they attend to the perfevering and fyfte-
matic fpirit with which its fchemes have been
carried on •, they are apt to afcribc fuch a fingu-
lar inttitution to the fuperior wifdorh of its foun-
der, and to fuppofe that he had formed and di-
gcfted his plan with profound policy. But the
Jefuits, as well as the other monaftick orders, arc
indebted for the exiftcnce of their order not to
the wifdom of their founder, but to his enthu*
fiafm* Ignatio Loyola, whom I have already
mentioned on occafion of the wound which he
received in defending Pampeluna^, was a fanatick,
diftinguiftied by extravagancies in fentiment and
conduft, no lefs incompatible with the maxims
of fober reafon, than repugnant to the fpirit of
true religion. The wild adventures, and vi-
fionary fchemes, in which his enthufiafm engaged
him, equal any thing recorded in the legeijds of
the Romilh faints ; but are unworthy of notice
in hiftory.
lI^L^^'^k* Prompted by this fanatical fpirit, or incited
•t$ fo J^der. by the love of power and diftinftion, fr6m which
fuch pretenders to fuperior fanftity are not ex-
empt, Loyola was anr*bitious of becoming the
founder of a religious order. The plan, which
he formed of its conftitution and laws, was fug-
gefted, as he gave out, and as his followers ftiU
teach, by the immediate infpiration of heaven *.
But;
^ Vol. ii. Book ii. p. 192. > Compte Rendu 6et
Conftitutions des Jefuitesy aa Parkment de Frovencc, p&T
Ifi. de Monclar, p. 285*
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 475
But notwithftanding this high prctenfion, his Book VI.
defign met at firft with vidlent oppofition. The ■^'''-*^
Pope, to whom Loyola had applied for the fane- * ^^^
tion of his authority to confirm the inftitution,
referred his petition to a committee of Cardinals,
They reprefented the eftablilhment to be unne-
ceiTary as well as dangerous, and Paul refufed
(o grant his approbation of it. At laft, Loyola
removed all bis fcruples by an offer which it was
impoflible for any Pop(5 to refill. He propofed The PopeV
that befides the three yqws of poverty, of chaftity, "nfir"ing'
and of monaftick obedience, which are common ihcord?r.
to all the orders of regulars, the members of his
fociety fliould take a fourth vow of obedience
to the Pope, binding themfclyes to go whither-
foever he fbould command for the fervice of re-
ligion, and without requiring any thing from the '
Holy See for their fupport. At a time when
^he papal authority had received fuch a fiiock
by the revolt of fo many nations from th^ Ro-
mi(h church •, at a time when every part of the
popifh fyftem was attacked with fo much vio-
lence and fuccefs, the acquifition of a body of
men, thus peculiarly devoted to the See of
Rome, and. whom it might fet in oppofition to
alt its enemies, was an objed: of the higheft con-
fequence. Paul, inftantly perceiving this, con- Sept. vj.
firmed the inftitution of the Jefuits by his bull ;
granted the moft ample privileges to the mem-
bers of the fociety ; and appointed Loyola to
be the firft general of the order. The event
hath fully juftified PauPs difcernment, in ex-
pecting fuch beneficial confequences to the See
of Rome from this inftitution. In lefs t^an half
^ century, the fociety obtained eftablifhments in
every country that adhered to the Romati catho-
iick Church; its power and wealth incroafed
iunazingly ^ the number of its members became
great
476 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book VF. great ; their charafter as well as accompUfh-
^"^'"'■^ ments were ftill greater ; and the Jefuits were
* 540- celebrated by the friends, and dreaded by the
enemies of the Romifh faith, as the moft able
and enterprizing order in the church*
It. coDftitu- The conftitutioa and laws of the fociety were
iS^s I^rfr pcrfefted by Laynez and Aquaviva, the two
ptiticiiiar generals who fucceeded Loyola, men far fupe-
tttenuon. ^j^^ ^^ ^j^^j^. matter in abilities, and in the fcience
of government. They framed that fyftem of
profound and artful policy which dittinguiflies
the order. The large infufion of fanaticifm,
mingled with its regulations, ihould be imputed
to Loyola its founder. Many circumttances
concurred in giving a peculiarity of charafter to
the order of Jefuits, and in forming the mem-
bers of it not only to take greater part in the
affairs of the world than any other body of
monks, but to acquire fuperior influence in the
conduct of them.
Tbeobjea The primary objedl of alraoft all the monaftick
J^ofJ'^*** orders h to feparate men from the world, and
from any concern in its affairs. In the. folitude
and iilence of the cloifter, the n^onk is called
to work out his own falvation by extraordinary
afts of mortification and piety. He is dead to
the world, and ought not to mingle in its tranf-
aftions. He can be of no benefit to mankind,
but by his example and by his prayers. On the
contrary, the Jefuits are taught to confider them-
felves as fornied for aftion. They are chofen
foldiers, bound to exert themfelves continually
in the fervice of God, and of the Pc^, his vicar
on earth. Whatever tends to inftruft the igno-
rant ^ whatever can be of ufe to reclaim or to
oppofe the enemies of the Holy See, is their
proper objeft. That they may have full Icifure
for
EMPEROR CHARLfeS V. 477
for this aftive fervice, they are totally exempted Booic VI.
from thofe funftions, the performance of which ^^ ^^""^
is the chief bufinefs of other monks. They ap- ^^°'
pear in no procefiions ; they pradife no rigorous
auilerities; they do not confume one half of
their time in the repetition of tedious offices ^.
But they are required to attend to all the tranf-
anions of the world, on account of the influence
which thefe may have upon religion *, they are
directed to ftudy the dilpofitions of perfons in
high rank, and to cultivate their friendfhip ' ;
and by the very conftitution as well as genius
of the order, a fpirit of adion and intrigue is
infufed into all its members.
As the objeft of the fociety of Jefuits differed Pecuiitri-
from that of the other monaftick orders, the di- fo*m"or itt
verfity was no lefs in the form of its govern- policy, par-
ment. The other orders are to be confidered as wuVrL^ea
voluntary aflbciations, in which whatever affedts*^^*?**''*^
the whole body, is regulated by the common ni ^*°*"
fufiVage of all its members. The executive
power is veiled in the perfons placed at tl^head
of each convent, or of the whole fociet^ the
legiflative authority refides in the community.
Affairs of moment, relating to particular con-
vents, are determined in conventual chapters j
fuch as refpeft the whole order are confidered in
general congregations. But Loyola, full of the
ideas of implicit obedience, which he had de-
rived from his military profeffion, appointed that
the government of his order fhould be purely
monarchical. A general, chofen for life by
deputies from the feveral provinces, poflefred
power that was fupreme and independent, ex-
tending
k CoQipte Reoduy par M-cle Mbnclar, p. xiii. 290. Sur
la deftruS. des Jefaites, par M. D^Alembert, p. 42.
1 Coropte par M. de Mooclar, p. xii.
478 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book V!. tending to every perfon, and to every cafe. He^
* — ^^"*^by his fole authority, nominated provincials,
*^*^' tcAors, and every other officer employed in the
government of the fociety, and could remove
them at pleafurc. In him was veiled the fovc-
reign adminiftration of the revenues and funds
of the order. Every member belonging to it
was at his difpofal ; and, by his uncontrol-
able mandate, he could impofe on them any
taflc, or employ them in what fervice foevcr he
pleafed. To his commands they were required
to yield not only outward obedience, but to re-
fign up to him the inclinations of their own wills,
and the fentiments of their own underftandings.
They were to liften to his injunftions, as if they
had been uttered by Chrift himfelf. Under his
direftion, they were to be mere paflive inftru-
ments, like clay in the hands of the potter, or
like dead carcaffes incapable of refiftance ™. Such
a fingular for^m of policy could not fail to im-
prefs its charader on all the members of the
order, and to give a peculiar force to all its
operations. There is not, in the annals of man-
kind, any example of fuch a perfeft defpodfin,
cxercifed not over monks (hut up in the cells of
a convent, but over men difperfed among all th«
nations of the earth.
circam. As the conftitutions of the order veft, in the
J^lch en- General, fuch abfolute dominion over all its
ibiehimto mcmbcrs, they carefully provide for his being
tXthV perfedtly informed with refpeft to the charafter
grcateftad. and abilities of his fubjefts. Every novice who
^»at»gc. offers himfelf as a candidate for entering into the
order, is obliged to mamfefi his confcience to the
fuperior,
m Compte Renda au Parlem. de Bretagne» par M. de
Chalouisy p. 4.1 , &c* Compte par M* dc Mpnclar. 83.
185. 343.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 479
fuperior, or a perfon appointed by him; and Book VI
is required to confefs not only his fins and de* ""■ "^""^
fedls, but to ifcover the inclinations, the pal- '**^
lions, and the bent of his foul. This manifefla-
tion muft be renewed every fix months ^ The
fociety not fatisfied with penetrating in this man*
ner into the innermoft receffes of the heart, di-
refts each member to obferve the words and
aftions of the novices ; they are conftituted fpies
upon their condud ; and are bound to difclofe
every thing of importance concerning them to
the fuperior. In order that this fcrutiny into
their chara6ler may be as complete as poffible,
a long noviciate muft expire, during which they
pafs through the feveral gradations of ranks in
the fociety, and they muft have attained the full
-age of thirty-three years, before they can be ad*
mitted to take the final vows, by which they
become profejfed members °. By thefe various
methods, the fuperiors, under whofe immediate
infpedion the novices arc placed, acquire a
thorough knowledge of their difpofitions and
talents. In order that the General, who is the
foul that animates and moves the whole fociety,
may have under his eye every thing neceflary to
inform or diredb him, the provincials and heads
of the feveral houfcs are obliged to tranfmit to
him regular and frequent reports concerning the
members under their infpcition. In thefe they
defcend into minute details with refpeft to the
charafter of each perfon, his abilities natural or
acquired, his temper, his experience in affairs,
and the particular department for which he is
beft
n Compte par M. de Monclar. p. 1 2 19 &c. ^ Conpte
Ear M. de Moncl. 215. 241. Sur \t deftr. des Jef. par M«
>'Aleinb. p. 39.
48o THE^ REIGN OF Til £
Booc VI. beft fitted p. Thcfc reports, when digefted and
^-*"^^'*^ arranged, are entered into regifters, kept of pur--
'5*°* pofe that the General may, at one comprehen*
five view, furvey the ftate of the Ibciety in every
comer of the earth ; obferve the qualifications
and talents of its members ; and thus choofe,
with perfefb information, the inftruments, which
his abfolute power can employ in any fervice for
which he thinks meet to deftine them ^.
Ph)grefi of As it was the profeflcd intention of the order
t^^Bu^ of Jefuits to labour with unwearied zeal in pro-
me of the nioting the falvation of men, this engaged them,
of courfe, in many aftive funAions. From their
firft inftitution, they confidered the education of
youth as their peculiar province ; they aimed at
being
P M. de Chalotais ha$ made a calcnladoQ of the nomber
of thefe reports, which the General of the Jefuits maft an-
nually receive according to the regulations of the fociety.
Thefe amount in all to 6584. If this fum be divided by
379 the number of provinces in the order, it appears that
1 77 reports concerning the ftate of each province are tranf^
snitted to Rome annusuly. Compte, p. 52. Befides this,
there may be extraordinary letters, or fuch as are fent by
the monitors or fpies whom the General and Provincials
entertain in each houfe. Compte par M. de Mond. p. 43 1 .
Hift. des Jefuites, Amft. 1761. torn. iv. p. 56. The pro*
vincials and heads of houfes not only report concerning
the members of the fociety, but are bound to give the Ge*
neral an account of the civil aifairs of the country wherein
they are (ettled, as far as the knowledge of thefe may be
of benefit to relinon. This condition may extend to.
every particular ; To that the General is fnrniflied with foil
information concerning the tranfadions of every Prince
and ftate in the world. Compte par M. de Moncl.443.
Hift. des Jefnit. ibid. p. 58. When the aftairs with refped
to which the provincials or redors write are of importance,
they^ are directed to ufe cyphers, and each of them has a
particular cypher from the Ueneral, Compte par M. Char*
lotaisy p. 94.
q Compte par M. de Moncl. p. 215. 439.— Compte par
M, de Chalotais, p. 52. 222.
EMPEROR CHARfLES V. 481
bei4lg fpiritual guides and confefTofs ; they Book Vf.
preached frequently in order to inftruft the pco- •-""v-^^
pie; they fet out as miflionaries to convert un- *^^^'
believing nations. The novelty of the inftitu-
CioA, as well as the Angularity of its objeds,
pit>cured the order many adnriirers and pairons.
Tlie governors of the fociety had the addrefs to
avail themfelves of every circundftance in its fa-
vour, and, in a (hort tinie, the number as well
as influence of its members increafed wonder-
Miy. Before the expiration of the fixteenth
century, the Jdiiits had obtained the chief direc-
tion of the education of youth in every catholick
country in Europe. They had become the con-
&flbrs of almoft all its monarchs ; a f undion of
flo imall importance in any reign, but under a
weak Prince, fuperior even to mat of minifter.
They were the fpiritual guides of almoft every
perfon eminent for rank or power. They pof-
ieflM the higheft degree of confidence and in-
tereft with the papal court, as the moft zealous
and able champions for its authority. The ad-
vantages which an a6tive and enterprifing body
of men might derive from all thefe cirqumftances
are obvious. They formed the minds of men
in their youth. They retained an afcendant
over them in their advanced years. They pof-
fefled, at difierent periods, the direftion of the
moft confiderable courts in Europe. They
mingled in all affairs. They took part in every
intrigue and revolution. The General, by
means of the extenfive intelligence which he re-
ceived, could regulate the operations of the
order with the melt perfeft difcernment, and by
means of his abfolute power could carry them
on with the utipoft vigour and efFe(5t ^
Vol. II. I i Together
r V^hen Loyola, in the year 1540, petitioned the Pope
to authorize the inditudon of the order, he had only ten
difciples.
482 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. Together with the power of the order, its
^"•^"^^ — 'wealth continued to increafe. Various expc-
Pr^T^ft of dients were devifed for eluding the obligation of
it! weiith. the vow of poverty. The order acquired ampk
pofleilions in every catholick country 5 and by
the number as well as magnificence of its pub-
lick buildings, together with the value of its pro-
perty, moveable or real, it vied with the m(&
opulent of the monallick fraternities. Befides the
fources of wealth common to all the r^lar
clergy, the Jefuits pofleflcd one which was pecu-
liar to themfclves. Under pretext of promoting
the fuccefs of their miflions, and of facilitating
the fupport of their miffionaries, they obtained
a fpecial licence from the court of Rome^ to
trade with the nations which they laboured to
convert In confequcnce of this, they engaged
in an extenfive and lucrative commerce, both in
the Eaft and Weft Indies. They opened ware-
houfes in different parts of Europe, in which
they vended their commodities. Not fatisfied
with trade alone, they imitated the example of
other commercial focieties^ and aimed at ob-
taining fcttlements* They acquired pofleflion,
accordingly, of a large and fertile province in
the fouthcrn continent of America^ and reigned
as fovereigns over fome hundred thoufand fub-
jefts ^
Unhappily
difciples. But in the year 16089 fixty-eight years after
their iiril inllitution, the number of Jefuits had increafed
to ten thoufand five hundred and eighty-one. In the year
1 7 10, the order poffeifed twenty-four profejfed hoofes;
iifty-nine houfes of probation ; three hundred and forty
refidencies;. fix hundred and twelve colleges; two hun-
dred miflions ; one hundred and fifty feminaries and boaird*
ing-fchools; and coniifted of 199998 Jefuits. Hift. des
JeAiites, torn. i. p. 20.
8 Hift. des JeC iv. 168—196, &c*
ftMPERDR CHARLESV. 483
Unthappily for marikindi the vaft influehceBooK vr.
%hich the order of Jcfuits acquired bjr all thefe ^ -^^"-.^
different meansi has been often exfcrted withpemido^
the moft pernicious effeft. Such was the ten-«ff«^«of.
d«icy of that difcipllne obferved by the focietjr tn^foclcty!"
in forming its members, and fuch. the funda*
mental maxims in its conilitution, that every
Jefuit was taught to regard the intereft of the
order as the capital objedj to which every con-
fideration was to be facrificed. This fpirit of
attachment to their order, the moft ardent, per-
haps, that ever influenced any body of mfen \
is the chara&eriftic pHnciple of the Jefuits, and
ferves as a key to the genius of their policy^ as
well as the peculiarities in their fentiments and
eonduft;
' As It was for the honour and advantage of
the fociety, that its members Ihould poflefs art
iifcendant ovtt perfons in }\igh rank or of great
power^ the defire of acquiring and prcferving
iuch a diredion of their conduiSij with greater
facility, has led the Jefuits to ptapagate a fjrftem
of relaxed and pliant morality, which accom^
modates itfclf to the paflions of men, which jufti-
fics their vicesj which tolerates their imperfec-
tions, which authorizes almoft every a<^ion that
the moft audacious or crafty politician would wifh
to perpetrate*
. As the profpeHty of the order Was intiniately
ebnnefted v^ith the prefervation of the papal au-
thority, the Jefuits influenced by the fame prin-
ciple of attachment to the interefts of their fo-
ciety, have been the mc^ zealous patrons of
thofe doftrines, which lend to exalt ecclefiaftical
power on the ruins of civil government. They
have attributed to the court of Rome a juril-
/ I i 2 diftbn
* Comtc p^r M. de Moncl. p. 2S5.
1540.
4«4 THE REIGN OT THE
Book VI. didion as extenfive and abfdute las was daimed
by the moft prefumptuous pontifi^ in the daik
ages. They have conten(kd for the entire io-
dependence of ecclefiafticks on the civil magi-
ftiate. They have puUiflied fuch tenets coo^
cerning the duty of oppofing Princes who woe
enemies of the catholkk isath^ as axmtenanced
the moft atrocbus crimes^ and tstided to dif-
folve all the ties which conne& fubjefts with tfaeir
rulers.
As the ofder derived both leputacion and ou-
thority from the ^eal with whkh it itood ibrdi
in defence of the Romi& dkUrch ^^aaift the at-
tacks of the reformers, ks members, praud of
this diftindion, have confidered it as their pe-
culiar fundion to combat the opinions, and to
check the progrefs, of die Proteflants. They
have made ufe of every art, "and have employed
every weapon againft them. They bave fet
themfelves in oppofition to every gentle or to-
lerating meafure in^ their favour. They have
inceflantly ftirred up againft them all the r^
of ecclefiaftical and civil periecution.
Monks of other denominations have, indeed,
ventured w teach the fame pernicious do6bines,
and have held opinions equally inconfiftent with
the order and happincfs of civil fociety. But
they, from reafons which are obvious, have ei-
ther delivered fuch opinions with greater referve,^
or have propagated them with lefs fucce6.
Whoever recollects the events which have hap-
pened in Europe during two centuries, will find
that the Jefuits may juftly be confidered as re-
fponfible for moft of the pernicious effeds arif-
ing from that corrupt and dangerous cafuiftry,
from thofe extravagant tenets concerning eccle-
fiaftical power, and from that intolerant fpirit,
which
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 485
which have been the difgrace* of the church of Book vr.
Rome throughout that period, and which have ^-^v**^
brought fo many calamities upon civil fociety \ ^^^^*
But aniidft many bad confequences flowing Some ad-
from the inftitution of this order, mankind, it Sffrom
muft be acknowkdged, have derived from it^*»«wft'tu-
fomc confiderable advantages. As the Jefuits ©rdirf '**'*
made the education of youth one of their capital
objedls, and as their firft attempts to eftabliih
colleges for the reception of ftudents were vio-
lently oppofed by the univerfities in different
countries, it became neceflary for them, as the
moft efiedtual method of acquiring the publick
favour, to furpais their rivals in fcience and in-
duftry. This prompted them to cultivate the P»'tfc«i»riy
ftudy of ancient literature with extraordinary ar- llre!^^^
dour. This put them upon various methods for
facilitating the inftruftion of youth ; and by the
improvements which they made in it, they have
contributed fo much towards the progrefs of po-
lite learning, that on this account they have me^
rited well of fociety. Nor has the order of
Jefuits been fuccefsful only inv teaching the ele-
ments of literature -, it has produced likewife
eminent matters in many branches of fcience,
and can alone boaft of a greater number of in-
genious authors, than all the other religious fra^
ternities taken together %
But
n Encyclopedie, Art. J^Ues^ tom.viii. 513.
X M« a Alembert has obferved, that though the Jefuits
have made extraordinary progrefs in erudition or every
fpecies ; though they can reckon up many of their brethren
who have been eminent mathematicians, antiquaries, and
critics ; though they have even formed fome orators of repn-c
tation ; yet the order has never produced one man, whofe
mind was fo much^ enlightened with found knowledge, as
to merit the name of a philofopher. But it feems to be the
^^avoidable efeit of jponfiAicIs ed^c^ition to cpntra^t and
fetter
486 THE REIGN OF TH£
Book VI. BuT it is in the new world that the Jefuits
'^'^ ^have exhibited the moft wonderful difplay of
Morl\?i^. their abilities, and have contributed moft ef-
^'^h from feftually to the benefit of the human fpecies,
mcni^ohbe The cohquerors of that unfortunate quarter of
jeiuits \a xht globe had nothing in view but to plunder,
"K^^y,- jQ cnflave, and to extirminate its inhabitants.
The Jefuits alone have made humanity the objeft
of their fettling there. About the beginning of
the laft century they obtained admiilicMi into the
fertile province of Paraguay, which ftretchcs
acrofs the fouthern continent of America, fmm
the bottom of the mountains of Potofi, to the
confines of the Spanifti and Portuguefe fettle-
ments on the banks of the river de la Plata.
They found the inhabitants in a ftate little dif-
ferent from that which takes place among men
when they firft begin to unite together-, ftrangers
to the arts ; fubfitfting precarioufly by hunting
• or fifhing ^ and hardly acquainted with the firft
principles of fubordination and government.
The Jduits fet themfelves to inftru6l and to
civilize thefe favages. They taught them to
cultivate the ground, to rear tame animals, and
to build houTes. They brought them to live
together in villages. They trained them to arts
and
fetter the human mind. The partial attachment of a monk
to the intereft of his order^ which is often incompalibk
with that of other citizens ; the habit of implicit obedience
to the will of a fuperior, together with the frequent return
of the wearifome ^nd fi^ivolous duties of the cloifter, debafe
bis faculties, and extinguifh that generofity of fentiment
and fpirit, which qualifies men for thinking or feelingjuftly
with refpedl to what is proper in life and condud. Father
Paul of Venice is, perhaps, the only perfon educated in a
cloider, that ever was altogether fuperior to its prejudices,
or who viewed the tranfa6tions of men, and reafoned con-
cerning the interefls of fociety, .with the enlarged fenti-
ments of a philofoph^r, with the difcernment of a man con-
ve^fant in W}irs> and with the liberality of a gentleman.
EMPEROR CHA^RLES V. 487
and tnanufaftures. They made them tafte the Book VI.
fweets of fociety, and accuftomed them to the '— v— ^
bleffings of fecurity and order. Thefe people be- *^^^'
came the fubjeds of their benefactors, who have
governed them with a tender attention, refem-
bling that with which a father diredls his chil-
dren, Refpedted and beloved almoft to adora-
tion, a few Jefuits prefided over fome hundred
thoufand Indians. They maintained a perfeft
cq[uality among all the members of the commu-
nity. Each of them was obliged to labour, not
for himfelf alone, but for the publick. The pro-
duce of their fields, tc^ether with the fruits of
their induftry of every Ipecies, were depofited in *
common ftorehoufes, from which each individual
received every thing neceffary for the fupply of
his wants. By this inititution, almoft ali the
paffions which difturb the.peace of fociety, and
render the members of it unhappy, were extin-
guiihed. A few magiftrates, chofen by the In-
dians themfelves, watched over the publick tran-
quillity, and fecured obedience to the laws. The
fanguinary punifhments frequent under other
governments were unknown. An admonition
from a Jefuit, a flight mark of infamy, or, on
fome Angular occafion, a few laflies with a whip,
were fufficlent to maintain good order among
thefe innocent and happy people y.
But even in this meritorious eflTort of the ^ven here
Jefuits for the good of mankind, the genius and [ioVand po-
fpirit of their order have mingled and are dif- ^^y of the
cernible. They plainly aimed ac eftablilhing in cern[bic.'
Paraguay an independent empire, fubjedt to the
fociety alpne, and which, by the fuperior excel-
lence
y Hift. du Paraguay par Pere de Charlevoix, torn ii. 42,
ice. Voyage au Perou par Don G. Juan & D. Ant. de
XJlIoa, torn. i. 540, &c. Par. 410. 1752.
488 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. lence of its conftitution and police, couki fcarccT
^^"^^^^-^ ly have failed to extend its (ionximon over all die
' ^*^* fouthern continent of An>erica, Wjth this view,
in order to prevent the Spaniards or Portuguefe
in the adjacent fettlements from acquiring any
dangerous influence over the people within the
limits of the province fubjeft to the fo^iety, die
Jefuits endeavoured to infpire the Indians widi
hatred and contempt of thefe nations. They cut
otf* all intercourfe between their fubgefts and die
Spanifti or Portuguefe fettlements. They pro-
hibited any private trader of cither natiori nora
entering their territories. When they were
obliged to adimit any perfon in a publick charac-
ter from the neighbouring governnients, they
did not permit him to have any converfation widi
their fubjedts *, and no Indian was allowed even
to enter the houfe where thefe ftrangers refided^
unlefs in the prefence of a JefuiL In order to
render any communication between them as dif-
ficult as poflible, they induftrioufly avoided ^v-
ing the Indians any knowledge of the Spanifh, or
pf any other European language ; but encouraged
the different tribes, which thev had civilized, to
acquire a certain dialed of tne Indian tongue,
and laboured to make that the univerfal lan-
guage throughout their dominions. As all thefe
precautions, without military force, would have
been infufficient to have rendered their empire
fecure and permanent, they inftrufted their fub-
jefts in the European arts of war. They fonne4
them into bodies of cavalry and infantry, com-
pletely armed and regularly difciplined. They
provided a great train of artillery, as well as
magazines flored with all the implements of war.
Thus they eflablifhed an army fo numerous and
\vell-appointed, as to be formidable in a coun-
try, where a few fickly and ill-difci|)lined batta-
' • Ii6n3
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 489
lions compofed all the military force kept on foot Book Vf.
by the Spaniards or Portuguefe *. ' — ^^"^^
The Jcfuits gained no inconfiderable degree of R^a^on for
power durmg tibc reign of Charles V. who, with fuiuvi'tw
his ufaal fagacity, dtfcerned the dangerous ten-°f^'^«g<'-
dency of the kiftitution, and checked its pro- Ind°^^refs
grcfs*. But as the onfer wa^ founded in the<>^^^«o»^<*«'*
period of which I write the hiftory, and as the
age to which I addrefs this work hath feen its fall,
the view which I have exhibited of the laws and
genius of this formidable body will not, I hope,
be unacceptable to my readers; efpecially as
one circumftance has enabled me to enter into
this detail with particular advantage. Europe
had obferved, for two centuries, the ambition
^nd power of the order. But while it felt many
fatal effe£b of thefe, it could not fully difcern
j^he caufes to which they were to be imputed. It
was unacquainted with many of the Angular re-
gulations in the political conftitution or govern-
ment of the Jefuits, which formed the enterprizing
fpirit of intrigue that diftinguifhed its members,
and elevated the body itfelf to fuch a height
of power. It was a fundamental maxim with
the Jefuits, from their firft inllitution, not to
publifh the rules of their order. Thefe they
kept concealed as an impenetrable myftery.
^hey never communicated them to ftrangers ;
nor even to the greater part of their own mem-
ipcrs. They refufed to produce them when re-
quired by courts of juftice**; and by a ftrange
|olecifm in policy, the civil power in different
fiountries authorized or connived at the efta-
^lilhment of aq order of men, whofe conftitution
and
- % Voyage de Jqan &deUlloa, torn. i. i;49. Recueil des
foutes les Pieces qui ont paru far les Affaires desjefuites
cn PortagaU torn. i. p. 7, &c.
» Compte par M. de Moncl. p. 3 1 2. ^ Hift. dc Jef.
pm. iii. 2361 &c. Coippte par M. de Chalot, p. 38*
490 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. and laws were concealed with a folicitude, wlucb
'^-'-v^'-^ alone was a good reafon for having excluded
'^^' them. During the prolecutions lately carried
on againft them in Portugal and France, the
Jefuits have been fo inconfiiderate as to produce
the myfterious volumes of their inftitute. By
the aid of thefe authentick records, the principles
of their government may be delineated, and the
fources of their power inveftigated with a degree
of certainty and precilion, which, previous to
that event, it was impoflible to attain % But as
I have pointed out the dangerous tendency of
the conflitution and fpirit of the order with the
freedom becoming an hiftorian, the candour
and impartiality no lefs requifite in that charac-
ter call on me to add one obfcrvation. That no
clafs of regular clergy in the Romifh church has
been more eminent for decency, and even purity
of manners, than the major part of the order of
Jefuits**. The maxims of an intriguing, am-
bitious, interefted policy, might influence thofe .
who governed the fociety, and might even cor-
rupt the heart, and pervert the conduft of fomc
individuals, while the greater number, engaged
in literary purfuits, or employed in the fun£tions
of religion, was left to the guidance of thofe
common principles which reilrain men from
vice,
c The greater part of my information concerning thego-
vernment and laws of the order of Jefaits, I have derived
from the reports of M. de Chalotais and M. de Monclar. I
reft not my narrative, however, upon the authority c?cn of
thefe refpedtable magiftrates, and elegant writers, boc upon
innumerable paflages which thty have extra^ed from the (
conftitQtions of the order, depofited in their hands. Hof-
pinian, a Proteftant Divine of Zurich, in his HiJIoriaJe-
fuitrcat printed A. D. 1619, publifhed a fmall part of the
conftitutions of the Jefuits, of which by fome accident he
bad got a copy : p. 13 — 54. i
^ SurladelUua. des JcH par M. D'AIembert, p. ^5.
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 491
vice, and excite them to what is becoming and Book VL
laydable. The caufes which occafioned the ruin ^^^ ^v ^
of this mighty body, as well as the circumft^nces '^+^'
and efiedts with whiqh it has been attended in
the different countries of Europe, though ob-
jefts extremely worthy the attention of every inr
telligent obferver of human affairs, do no? fall
within the period of this hiftqry.
No fponer had Charles re-eftablifhed order in Aff*iri of
the Low-Countries, than he was obliged to turn ^•'"**"y-
his attention to the affairs of Germany. The
J^roteftants preffcd him eameftly to appoint that
conference between a feleft number of the di-
vines Qf each party, which had been ftipulated
in the CQnvention. at Francfort. The Pope coq-
fideted fuch aq attempt to examine or decide the
points in difpute as derogatory to his right of
being the fupreme judge in controverfyj and
being convinced that it would either be ineffec-
tual by determining nothing, or prove danger-
pus by determining too much, he employed
every art to prevent the meeting. The Em-
peror, however, finding it more for his intereft
to (both the Germans, than to gratify Paul, paid
little regard to his remonftrances. In a diet held ^ ^'i!^^
at Haguenaw, matters were ripened for the con- tween the
ference. In another diet aflembled at Worms, p^j^tHot
ihe conference was begun, Melandlhon on the Divines"
one Ade, and Eckius on the other, fuftaining the ^""^^^*
principal part in the difpute -, but after they had
made fpme progrefs, though without conclud-
ing any thing, it was fufpended by the Empe-
ror's command, that it might be renewed with
greater foiemhity in his own prefence in a diet
fummoned to meet at Ratilbon. This aflemb.ly 1541.
was opened with great pomp, and with a gene-
ral expectation that its proceedings would be
vigorous
492 THEREIGNOFTHE
Book VI. vigorous and decifive. By tb€ confent of both
^^-v*--' parties, the Emperor was cntriifted with the
'54'- power of nominating the perfbns who fhould
manage the conference, which it was agreed
fhould be conduced not in the form of a public
difputation, but as a friendly fcrqtiny of exami-
nation into the articles which had given rife to
the prefent controverfies. He appcMnted Eckius,
Gropper and Pflug, on the part of the Catholics;
Melanfthon, Bucer, and Piftorius, on that of
the Proteftants ; all men of diftinguifhed repu-
tation among their own adherents, and, except
Eckuis, all eminent for their moderation, as
well as defirous of peace. As they were about
to begin their confultations, the Emperor put
into their hands a book, compofed, as he fak),
by a learned divine in the Low-Countries, wkh
fuch extraordinary perfpicuity and temper, as,
in his opinion, might go far to unite and com-
prehend the two contending parties. Gropper,
a canon of Cologne, whom he had named among
the managers of the conference, a man of addrcS
as well as of erudition, was afterwards fufpefted
to be the author of this (hort treatifc. It con-
tained pofitions with regard to twenty-two of the
chief articles in theology, which included moft
of the queftions then agitated in the controyerfy
between the Lutherans and the church of Rome.
By ranging his fentiments in a natural order, and
exprefling them with great fimplicity ; by em-
ploying often the very words of fcripture, or of
the primitive fathers ; by foftening the rigour of
fome opinions, and explaining away what was
abfurd in others ; by conceflions, now on one
fide, and now on the other •, and efpecially by
banifhing as much as poffible fcholaftick phrafes,
thofe words and terms of art in controvcrfy,
^hich ferve as badges of diftindtion to the dif-
ferent
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 493
ferent feds, and for which theok}gians often con- Book vi
told more fiercely chan for opinions themfclves ; ^' -^ -
he framed his work in fuch a manner, as pro- '^^''
titifed fairer than any thing that had hitherto
been ^tttempted, to compofe and to terminate re-
l^otts difienfions %
80T the t^tention of the age was turned, with Fruiiicft.
filch dcuteobfervation, towards theok)gical con«
trovcrties, that it was not eafy to impofe on it
by toy gl^ how artful or fpecious foever.
The length and eagernefs of the difpute had ic*
pirated the cdntetidtng parties fo completely^
and hid fet dieir oainds at fuch variance, that
they were not to be reconciled by partial concef-
£oins» AQ the zealous Catholics, particularly
the txclcfiaftics who had a feat in the diet, joined
in condieflMung Gropper's treatife as too favour*
^le to the Lutheran opinions, the poifon of
which hercfy it conveyed, as they pretended,
with greater danger, feixraufe it was in fome de-
cree di%uifed. The rigid Proteftants, efpecially
Luther himfelf, and his patron the Ek6lor of
Saxony, were for rejeding it as an impious
compound of error and truth, craftily prepared
that it might impofe on the weak, the timid, and
the unthinking. But the divines, to whom the ex-
amination of it was committed, entered upon
that bufinefs with greater deliberatbn and tem*
per. As it was more eafy in itfclf, as well as
more confident with the dignity of the church
to make conceQions, and even alterations with re-
gard to fpeculative opinions, the difcuffion where-
of is confined chiefly to fehools, and which pre-
fent nothing to the people that either ftrikes their
imagination or zm&s their fenfes, they came to
an accommodation about thefe without much
labour,
c Goldaft. Conftit. loiper. ii. p. 182.
494 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. labour, and even defined the great article coh«
^ - w ^-^ cerning joftification to their mutual fatisfaftioit.
'5^'' But, when they proceeded to points of jurifdic-
tion, where the intereft and authority of the
Roman See were concerned, or to the rites and
forms of external worlhip, where every change
that could be made muft be publick, and draw
the obfervation of the people, there the Catho-
licks were altc^ther untraftable i nor could the
church either with fafety or with honour aboliih
its ancient inftitutions. All the articles reladve
to the power of the Pope, the authority of coun-
cils, the adminiftration of the facraments, \k
worihip of faints j and many other patticulars did
not, in their nature, admit of any tempera-
ment*, fo that after labouring long to bring
about an accommodation with refpeft to thefe^
the Emperor found all his endeavours ineffe&ual^
Being impatient, however^ to clofe the dict^ he
at laft prevailed on a majority of the members
Recefs of to approvc of the following recefs ^ ** That the
R»t?ibon1n ^^^^^^^^ concerning which the divines had agreed
favour of a iti the confercucc, ihould be held as points de-
coMcU cided, and be obferved inviolably by all ; that
the other articles about which they had dificrec^
Ihould be referred to the determination of a gc^
neral council, or if that could not be obtained, to
a national fynod of Germany ; and if it (hould
prove imprafticable, likcwife, to aflemble i
fynod, that a general diet of the Empire fliould
be called within eighteen months, in order to
give feme final judgment upon the whole con-
troverfy ; that the Emperor (hould ufe all his
intereft and authority with the Pope, to procure
the meeting either of a general council of fynod ;
that, in the mean time, no innovations ihould be
attempted, no endeavours (hould be employed to
gain profelytes y and neither the revenues of die
church,
r
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 495
church, nor the rights of the monafteries, fhould Book vl
be invaded ^'* v--^^-^^
1 541.
All the proceedings of this diet, as well as Gives of-
the recefs in which they terminated, gave great ["plp^iof
offence to the Pope. The power which the*«dProtcf-
Germans had aflumed, of appointing their own ^"^^^
divines to examine and determine matters of
contro^erfy, he confidered as a very dangerous
invafion on his rights; the renewing of their
ancient propofal concerning a national fynod,
which had been fo often rejected by him and his
predeceilbrs, appeared extremely undutiful ; but
the bare mention of allowing a diet, compofed
chiefly of laymen, to pafs judgment with refpeft
to articles of faith, was deemed no lefs criminal
and profane, than the worft of thoie herefies
which they Teemed zealous to fupprefs. On the
other hand, the Proteftants were no lefs diiTatis-
fied with a recefs, that confiderably abridged the
liberty which they enjoyed at that time. As they chtrict
murmured loudly againft it, Charles, unwilling p^^JJ^^J^JJ,
to leave any feeds of difcontent in the Empire,
granted them a private declaration, in the moft
ample terms, exempting them from whatever
they thought oppreflTive or injurious in the fecefs,
and afcertaining to them the full pofTeftion of all
the privileges which they had ever enjoyed &.
Extraordinary as thefe conceflions mayAffkirtof
appear, the fituation of the Emperor's affairs at """«*'''•
this juncture made it necefTary ror him to grant
them. He forefaw a rupture with France to be
not only unavoidable, but near at hand, and durfl:
not
f Slcidan, 267, kc. Pallav. 1. iv. c. 11. p. 136. F.
Paul, p. 86. Seckend. 1. iii. 256.
g Sleid. 283. Seckend. 366. Dumont Corps Diplom.
i?. p. ii. p. 2 10,
\
496 THE R
Book VI. not give any fuch
<- — ,<— ' Protcftants, as mig
'S*'- to court the prot
from whom, at pi
ated. The rapid j
gary, was a more
the moderation w
great revolution hi
John Zapc4 Sca^i
related, rather to
than to renounce
had been accufton
his mighty procci
Ferdinand a great
him only the pr<
But being a prina
quent attempts of
among the Hung
had Imt, greatly d
fjty on thefe occafi
whom he confider
rather than auxili:
ing. In order, th'
fcs, as well as to (!
joying the arts anc
A.i>.'s4 1 lifted, he fecrctl
his competitor, or
nand fhould ackno
gary, and leave htr
pofiei£on of that
his power; but tl
right of the wholt
nand \ As John
was then far advar
contraft feemed v<
But, foon after, fo
folicitous to prevei
their throne, prcv:
k Iftuaotuffii t
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 497
tp a long Celibacy, by n JIa, the Book VI.
flaugbKr of Si^fmond^ K I. John ' """^
had the fatisfaAio^; before :h hap- or 'th tf ihi
pened within lefs than a ye arriagc,Kingof
^ to fee* fon bofrf to inhci _ a; To"""^'''
him. witfadwt regarding his treaty with Ftrdi-
tario, whicf) ht conridered, do doubt, as void,'
ypcm an event not fore&en when it was conclod-
<Ea, be bequcafhefl his crown f appointing the
■" een and George Mafiiniizpi, biflnop of Wa-
inj giiardiails of his fon, and regents of the
kingdom. The greatef* part of the Hungarians
immediately ackfliowLedged the young King, to
whom; in memory of the founder of theif mo-
■ tiarchy, they gave the natoie of Stephen '.
FcKDI
* by this u
'■ don the 1
I compaffc
pre
' H^iit by
mitted we care
' too much fpirit i
1 vho poilefled i
Tbe Queen, to
OWQ iex,' added
I vxd m^naniaiit
I himi«]f from tt
I fpnt dignity, w
I men, Who^ by th
I talents, are Bice
I ling and fa^ic
I functions of hi:
I the femblance c
Voi. it.
»ncertedF*'<'"iMi«ri
, cSbmto
tO^n-oblUDthc
cd by his "«•'»•
fadors CO
o&t ihs
ic for her
a£kn his
had coin-
Kk
He
' ]<Sfii Mift. lib. xxxii. p. 239,- a. liti
hi
498 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VF. He difcovcrcd^ in civil tranfaftions, induftryi
"^""^^"''^ dexterity, and boldnefs. During war he laid
'^*'' afide the cafibck, and appeared on horfeback
with his fey rhitar and buckler, asaftive, as of-
tentatious, and as gallant as any of his country*
men, Amidft all thefe different and contradic-
tory forms which he could affume, an infatiablc
defire of dominion and authority was conipicu-
Ous. From fuch perfons it was obvious what
anfwer Ferdinand had to expeft. He fbon per-
ceived that he muft depend on arms alone for
recovering Hungary. Having levied for this
>urpofe a confiderable body or Germans, whom
lis partifans among the Hungarians joined with
their vaifals, he ordered them to march into that
part of the kingdom which ac^hered to Stephen.
Martinuzzi, unable to make head againft fuch,
a powerful army in the field, fatisfied himfelf
with holding out the towns, all of which, efpe-
cially Buda, the place of greateft confeauence,
he provided with every thing neceflary ror de-
fence V and in the mean time he fent ambaiTadors
Ctiu in itie to Solyman, befecching him to extend towards
° • the fon, the fame Imperial proteftion which had
fo long maintained the father on his throne. The
Sultan, though Ferdinand ufed his utmoft en-
deavours 16 thwart this negociation, and even
ofFened to accept of the Hungarian crown on
the fame' ignominious condition of paying tri-
bute to the Ottoman Porte, by which John had
held it, faw fuch profpefts of advantage from
cfpoufing the intereft of the young King, that
he inftantly promifed him his protedtion ; and
commanding one army to advance forthwidi
towards Hungary, he himfelf followed with an-
other. Meanwhile the Germans, hoping to ter-
minate the war by the redudtion of a city in
which the King and his mother were Ihut up,
had
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 4Qd
had formed the fiege,of Buda. MartinirzzijBooKVi.
navirig drawn thither the firength of the Hun- ^""'^"''^^
garian nobility, defended the town with fuch '^^'*
courage and (kill, as allowed the Turkifh forces
time to conie up to its relief: They inftantlj^
attacked thci Getmans, iSveakened by fatigue^
difeafes, and defertion, and defeated them with
great flaughtef*':
SoLYMAN fobri after joined his vidtorious SoiymtnV,
troops, and being weary of fo many expen(ive"ofdna!*'
Expeditions undertaken in defence of dominions
which were not his b\vn, or being unable to* refift
this alluring oppoi-tunity of feizing a kingdom,
while pofleffed by an infant, Uhder the guardian-
fhip of a woman iind a pried, he allowed in-
terefted cohfiderations to triumph with too much
facility over the principles of honour ^nd the
feritimehts of humanity. What he planned un-
generdufly, he exiecuted by fraudl Having pre-
vailed oh £hc Queen to fend her fdn, whorrt ht
pretended to be defirbus of feeing, into his
camp, and having at the fame time invited the
chief of the nobility to an entertainment there,
while they, fufpefting no treachery, gave them-
iclves up to the mirth and jbllity of the feaft, a
ftledl band of troops by the Sukari*s orders
felzed one of the gates of Buda. Being thus
matter of the capital, of the Kii1g*s peHbn, and
of the leading men among the nobles, he ordered
the Queen, together with her foil, to be condufted
to Tranfylvania, which province he allotted to
them, and, appointing a Bafha to refide in Buda
with a large body of foldiers, annexed Hungary
to the Ottonian Empire. The tears and com-
plaints of the unhappy Queen had no influence
to change his pufpofe, nor cbuld Martihuzzi
K k 2 cither
V Iftttftdhaffii Hift. Hung, lib, xlr. p. 150.
500 TI4E REiGN OF THE
Book vt.«ith&r Kfift his abfblute and micontrcm1a:bte com-
"* tnand, or prevail oa hitnto recat it '.
ot uiat Kingaom '".
Such was the ftatc of affairs in Hungary.
As the unfortunate events there had either hap-
pened before the diflblution of the diet at Ra-
tilbon, or were dreaded at that time, Charl«
faw the danger of irritating and inBaming the
minds of the Germans, while fuch a formidable
enemy was ready to break into the Empire ; and
perceived that he could not expeft any vigorous
afliftancc. either towards rfie recovery of Hun-
gary, or the defence of the Auftrian frontier, un-
lefs he courted and fatisfied the Proteftants. By
the conceQions which liave been mentioned, at
gained
1 TAoautiaAi, lib. xiv. p. 5$. JovS klftor. lib. xxxix.
j>. 2476, &c.
ra inuaohafiii hift. Hang. lib. xiv. p. 158.
EMPEROR CHARLES V, 501
gained tbispoint, nmJ iucb liberal fupplics both Bqqk vt,
of men aod money were votcci for carryij^g on' — ^"""^
the war agaioft the Turks, as left him uader lit- ^54»-
de anxiety about the fecurity of Germany dur-
il^ new; campaign «^
luHnmAnvY up9i> thij conclufion of the diet. Emperor vi-
the Emperor fct out hr Italy, A3 he pafled ^'* ^'*' ^*
through LA3Cca he had a fboxt interview with
the Pope I but nothing could he concluded, con^
ceming the jprofier method of conqpoGog thu
religions disputes in Gernoany^ between two
Princes, whofe views and intereft with regard to
that matter wexe at this jundure fo oppofite.
The Pope's endeavours to remove the caufcs of
difcord betweeo Charles and Francis, and to
eactic^uiib thofe mutual animofities which threat-
ened to break out fuddenly into open hoilility^
were not more iiiccelsful.
The Emperor's thoughts were bent fo entire- nu expedi-
ly, at that tiooc, on the great enterpri^se which AK*°~i
he had concerted againfl: Algiers, that he liften^ mociyes of
cd with little attention to the Pope's fchemes or *^'
overtures, and haftened to join his army and fleet ^
AjLGiERS ftill continued in that ftale of de*
pendence on the Turkilb enapire to which Bar-
parofTa had fubje£ted it. Ever fince he, as cap^
tain Ba(ha, commanded the Ottoman fleet, Al-
giers had been governed by Hafcen-Aga, a re*
nq^ado eunuch, who, by pafling through every
ilation in the Coriair's fervice, h^ acquired fuch
experience in war, that he was well mtcd for a
ftation which required a man of tried and daring
courage. Hafcen, in order to fliew how well he
deferved that dignity, carried on his piratical
d^edations againft the Chriftian States .with
amazing
* Sleid. 2831 « Sandov. liiftor. torn. ii. 289.
^p^ THE REIGN OF THE
Book YI. amazing aftivity, and outdid, ifpoflible. Bar;
* — <-*^barofla himfelf in boldnefs and cruelty. The
*S4'' commerce of th? Mediterranean was greatly in-
terrupted by his crullers, ^ and fiich frequent
jalarms given to the coafts of Spain, that there
was a neceffity of ere£tin^ watch-towers at pro-
per di fiances, and of kec^ng guards conftantly
on foot, in order to defcry the approach of his
fquadrons, and to proteft the inhabitants froni
their defcdnts P. Ot this the Emperor's fubjefts
had long complained, reprefenting it as an en-
tcrprife correfponding to his power, and becom-
ing his humanity, to reduce Algiers, which^
fince the conqueft of Tunis, was the common
receptacle of all the free-boqters 5 and to exter-
minate that lawleife race, the implacable ene-
mies of the Chriftian name. Moved partly by
their entreaties, and partly allured by the hope
of adding to the glory which he had acquired
by his laft expedition Jnto Africa, Charles, be-
fore he left Madrid, in his way to the Low-Coun-
tries,' had ilTued orders both in Spain and Italy
to prepare a fleet and army for this purpofc.
T^d change' in circumftahccs, ' fince that time,
could divert him from this refolution, or prevail
on him to turq his arms towards Hungary j
though the fuccefs of the Turks in that country
feemed more immediately to require his prcfcnce
there ; though ni^hy of his moft faithful adhe-
rents in Germany urged that the defence of the
Empire Ought td be his firft and peculiar care 5
though fucha!s bore him no good-will ridiculed
his prepofterous conduft in flying from an ene-
my almofl: ^t hand, that he might go iq queft of
a remote and more ignoble foe. But to attack
ihc Sultan ip Hungary, how fplendid foever that
meafih-c might' appear, was an undertaking which
Exceeded his power, and was not conMent with
his
P Jovii hift. 1, xl. p. 266*
EMPEROR CHARLES V. ^03
his intereft. To draw troops out of Spain or Book V r«
Italy, to march them into a country fo diftant ^"^"^^""^
as Hungary, to provide the vaft apparatus ne- ^^*''
ceffary tor tranfporting thither the artillery, am-
munition, and baggage of a regular army, and
to pufti the war in that quarter, where it could
|iot be brought to any imie during feveral cam-^
paigns, were undertaJcings fo expenfive and un- /
wieldy as did not correfpond with the low con-
dition of the Emperor*s treafury. While his
principal force was thi^ employed, his donii-
nions m Italy and the Low-Countries mud have
lain open to the French King, who would no;
have allowed fuch a favourable opportunity of
attacking them to go unimproved. Whereas the
African expedition, the preparations for which
were already finiihed, and almofl the whole ex-
pence of it defrayed, would depend upon 0^
fingle effort, and befides the fecurity and fa-
tisfaftion^ which the fuccefs of it muft give
his fubjedts, would detain him fo fhort a
ipace, that Francis could harcjly take advantage
of his abfence, to invade his dominions in £u-<r
rope.
On all thefe accounts, Charles adhered to his Hi« prepi-
firft plan, and with fuch determined obftinacy, "^*°'***
that he paid no regard to the Pope, who advifed,
or to Andrew Doria, who conjured him not to
expofe his whole armament to almofl: unavoid-
able defl:ru6tion, by venturing at fuch alf|acivan-
ced feafon of the year, and while the autumnal
winds were fo violent, to approach the danger-
ous coafl: of Algiers. Having embarked on
board Doria's gallies at Porto-Venere, in the
Genoefe territories, he foon found that this ex*
perienced failor had not judged wrong concern-
ing the element with which he was fo well ac-
quainted j
504 THt REI6K 09 TH%
Book Vt. ^uaintcd ; fof filch a ftorm arofe that k woa wid^
^'""■■'^'"*^ the utmoft diftcolty $nd danger he rcadiecj Sar*
'^V' dinia, the place of gener^ nrndezvo^s. Bttt m
bis fcoqr^e was umlatiiitedy and his tamper
often infiexibk, neither ^ rei»>nftnuices of the
l^ope and Doria, nor the danger to which b^
had already been expofed by d^reg^rdkg them,
had any other t&6t than to confirm ^im in hii
fatal refokitlon. The forcc^ indeed^ which he
had coUefted was fudi as msgh$ have infpired 4
Prince lefe adventurous, and lefs coniidem in hi|
bwn fchemes, with %hc moft fangulne hopes of
fuccefs* It confifted of twenty thou£tnd foot,
knd two thoufand horfe, Spaniards, Italians, and
Germans, moftly vetcrana^ together with three
thoufand volunteers, the Aower of the Spanifli
and Italian nobility, fond (^paving court to the
Emperor by attending him in tnis favoarite €X^
pedition, and eager to ihare in the glory which
they believed he was goingr to map ; to thdi
were added a thoufand foldiers knt from HAdkk
by the order of Sti John, led by an huddr^ of
its moft gallant Knights^
• *
jLindtia The voyage, from Majorca to the African
f^*' coaft, was not iefs tedioUff, or full of hazard,
than that which he had juiit fintfltedl 'When hd
approached the land, the inoU of the jfea, and
vehemence of the winds, would not permit the
troops to diiembark. But at laft, the Emtperor,
feizing a favourable opportunity, landed them
without oppofkion, not far from Al^rs, and
immediately advanced towards the town. To
pppofe this mighty army,' Hafcen had onl^
eight hundred Turks, and five thoufand Moors,
partly natives of Africa and partly refug|cei
from Granada. He returned, however, a fierce
and haughty aniwer when fummoncd to furren««
der.
EMPEROR CHARLrES V. 30$
dec. But, wkh fech a handfgl of foldi^, neU ""oo* Vt
fhcf his dcfpcratc courage, £K>r confqmmat^ (kill ^" — "^ '
lit war, could have ioo^ refiftcd forces fuperior '^^*
€p thofe whieh ha^ defeated Barbarofla at thi
l^ead of fixty thoufand mep, ^d whkh had re-
duced Tunb) in fpite of aU hi) endeavours t0
fare iL
Bur how far focrer the Empemr might think Tfce ^^^
Itimfdf b^ond the reach of any danger from the b*7tihi<
enemy, he was fuddenly expofed to a more dread- •"»>»
^ui calamity,, and one againft which human pru<^
idence and human efforts availed nothing. On
the feeond day after his landing, and before he
liad time for any thing but to difperfe fome light
armed Arabs, who molefted his troops on their
march, the douds began to gather, and the hea^
yens to appear with a fierce and threatening aC*
peft. Towards evening, rain began to fall, ac-
icompanied with violent wind, and the rage of the
tempeft increafing during the night, the foidiers,
who had brought nothing afhore but their arms,
Itmained exp^ed to all its fury, without tents,
or ftieker, or cover of any kind. The ground
was foon fo wet that they could not lie down on
it % their camp being in a low fituation was over«
flowed with water, and they funk at every ftep
to the ankles in mud-, while the wind blew with
fuch impetuofity, that, to prevent their falling,
they were obliged to thruft their fpears into the
ground, and to fupport themfclves by taking
old of them, Hafcen was too vigilant an officer
to allow an enemy in fuch diftrefs to cemain un«
molefted. About the dawn of morning, he fal-
lied out with foidiers, who, having been fcrcen-
ed from the ftorm under their own roofs, were
freCh and vigorous, A body of Italians who
were ifetioncS neareft the city, difpiritcd and be*
numbed
5o6 THE REIGN OF THE
Book VI. numbed with cold, fled at the approach of the
^ — "^ ' Turks, The troops at the poft behind them,
'5*'' difcovcred greater courage \ but as the rain had
cxtinguifhed their matches and wet their powder,
their mufkets were ufelefs, and having fcarcely
ilrength to handle their other arms, they were
foon thrown into confulion. Almoft the whol^
army, with the Emperor himfelf in perfon, was
obliged to advance, before the enemy could be
repulfed, who, after fpreading fuch general con*
fternation, and killing a confiderable number of
men, retired at lad in good order.
■ad Beet. BuT all feeling or remembrance of this lois
and danger were quickly obliterated by a more
dreadful as well as afieding fpedlacle. It wa$
now broad day ; the hurricane had abated no-
thing of its violence, and the fea appeared agi-
tated with all the rage of which that deftrudive
element is capable ; all the fhips, on which alone
the whole army knew that their fafety and fub-
fiftence depended, were feen driven from their
anchor^, fome dafliing a^ainft each other, fome
beat to pieces on the rocKs, many forced afliore,
and not a few Anking in the waves. In lefs than
an hour, fifteen fhips of war, and an hundred
und forty tranfports with eight thoufand men
peri{hed ; and fuch of the unhappy crews as
cfcaped the fury of the fea, were murdered with-
out mercy, by the Arabs, as foon as they reached
land* The Emperor ftood in filent anguifh and
aftonifliment beholding this fatal event, which
at once blafted all his hopes of fuccefs, and bu-
ried in the depths the vaft ftores which he had
provide!^, as well for annoying the enemy, as for
fubftfting his own troops. He had it not in his
power to afford them any other affiftance or re-
lief, than by fending fome troops to driye away
the
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 507
^ the Arabs, and thus delivering a few who were Book VI,
fo fortunate as to get afhore from the cruel fate ""^ — "^ — ^
which their companions had met with. At laft ^^*-'
the wind began to fall, and to giye fome hopes
that as many (hips might efcape', as to fave the
army from perifhing by famine, and tranfport
them back to Europe, But thefe were only
hopes i ihe approach of evening covered the fea
with darknefs *, and it being impoflible for the
officers aboard the ihips which had outlived the
ftorm, to fend any intelligence to their compa^
hions who were alhore, they rernained during
the night in all the anguiih of fufpence and un-
certainty. Next day, a boat difpatched by Doria
made fhift to reach land, with information, that
having weathered out the ftorm, to which, du«p
ring fifty years knowledge of the fea, he had
never feen any equal in fiercenefs and horror, he
had found it necelTary to bear away with his
ihattered fhips to Cape Metafuz. He advifed
the Emperor, as the face of the iky was ftill
lowering and tempeftuous, to march with all
fpeed to that place, where the troops Qould re**
embark with greater eafe.
.retreit.
Whatever comfort this intelligence affisrd- ^^}^f ^
ed Charles, from being aflured that part of
his fleet had efcaped, was balanced by the new
cares and perplexity in which it involved him
with regard to his army. Metafuz was at leaft
three days march from his prefent camp; all
the provifions which he had brought a(hore at
his firft landing were now confumed ; his fol*
diers, worn out with fatigue, were hardly able
for fuch a journey, even in a friendly country ;
and being difpirited by a fucceffion of hardfhips,
which viftory itfelf would fcarce have render^
tolerable, they were in no condition to undergo
neifif
So8 THE REIGN OF THE
Book vi. new tmls. But the fituatioa c( the army w^
u ^^^, ^ Cuch, as allowed not one moment for dcUbem-
*5^*' tion, nor left it in the kaft doubtful what tQ
choofe. They were ordered ii)0:aAdy to iMKh%
the wounded, the ikk aiid the f^bk beii;^
placed in the center •» fuch d$ ieemod moQ: vi*
gorous were ftationed in the front aod i^^ar.
Then the fad efieds of what they had ful&red
b^an to appear more maoifeftly than ever, and
new calamities were added to all thofe which
they had already endured. Some could fcarce^
bear the weight t)i thi»r arms; othen^ fpent
with the toil df forcing thdr way throi^h deef
and almoft impaCBbte roads, funk down and
died; many perifhed by famine, a$ the whck
army (abfifted chiefly on roots and beriies, or
the flelh o( horfes, killed by the Emperor's or«
der, and diftributed among the ieveral batta^
lions; many were drowned in brooks, which
were fwoln lb much by the extenfive rains, that
in pafiing them they waded up to the chin ; not
a few were killed by the enemy, who, dur'mg the
greateft part of their retreat, alarmed) harailedt
and annoyed them night and day. At lafl: thej
arrived at Metafuz ; and the weather being now
(o calm as to reftore their communication with
the fleet, they were fupplied with plenty of pio*
vilions, and cheered witn the profped of fafety,
Hiiforti. PuRiKodiis dreadful feries of calamities, the
mind!^ Emperor difcovered great qualities, many of
which an almoft uninterrupted flow of prcrfperity
had iutherto afforded him no opportunity c^
dilblaying. He appeared confoicuous for finxi^
nets and conftancy of fpirit, i^r magnanimity,
fortitude, humanity, and compafiion. He en*
4ured as great hardfhips as the meanefl: foldier ^
he expoira his own perfon wherever danger
threatened i
^T^^rv^^^!^ -ifif:
EMPEROR CHARLES V. 509
threatened; he encouraged the defponding 5 Book VI.
yHited the fick and wounded ; and animated all ' — ^""^
by his woris and example. When the army em- '^^* *
barked, he was among the laft who left the
Ibore, although a body of Arabs hovered at no
great diftance, ready to fall on the rear. By
thefe virtues, Charles atoned, in fome degree,
for his obftinacy and prefumption in Undertak-
ing an expedition fo fatal to his fubjeds.
The calamities which attended this unfor- ^«^"'n» ^<>
tunate enterprize did not end here ; for no foonef "'**^**
were the forces got on board, than a new ftorni
arifing, though lefs furious than the former, Mat-
tered the fleet, and obliged them, feparately,
to make towards fuch ports in Spain or Italy as
they could firft reach ; thus fpreading the ac-
count of their difafters, with all the circum-
ftances of aggravation and horror, which their
fear or fancy fuggefted. The Emperor himfelf,
after efcaping great dangers, and being forced
into the port of Bugia in Africa, where he was Decern. ».
obliged by contrary winds to remain feveral
tveeks, arrived at laft in Spain, in a condition
Very different from that in which he had return-
ed from his former expedition againft the In-
fidels \
* Carol. V. Expeditio ad Argyrlam pel* Nicolaum Villag-
iidnem Equitem Rhodium ap Scardiam, v. ii. 365. Jovii
Hift. 1. xl. p. 269, &c. Vera y Zuniga vida de Carlos V.
1^. 83. Sandov. Hiftor. ii. 299, ice.
&NO 0¥ VOL. UL
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