Full text of "The History of the Reign of the Emperor Charles V.: With a View of the ..." Skip to main content

Full text of "The History of the Reign of the Emperor Charles V.: With a View of the ..."

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http: //books .google .com/I 






^ ^ 













VOL. n. 



- / 

-9 <?. 

,,. --,'- \v T^. . 







VOL. n. 



H I S T O R Y 


* f 







' • WITH 


ilBvonoPBy from theSubverfioo of theRomtn £mptre> 
CO tEe Beginmng of the Sixteenth Century. 




. f^IsciVAii of the Univeksitt of Edinburgh,! and 
BifTOmooiiApaER, tohi$MAjBSTirforScaTj,&NB« 


V O L. II. 


sprinted forW.WHiTESTONE, W. Sleater, M. Hat, 

D. Chamberlaine, J. Potts, J. Hoey, L. L. 

Fli.n, J. Williams, W. Colles, W, 

WitsoN, J. Porter, W. Halhbad, 

7* 1^« Faulkner, and J.ExsKAWy 


'-'f?*'.* " ? *f 

1^ ^ 










CHARLES V. was born at Ghent on the Book I. 
twenty-fourth day of February, in ^c^JTT'T*^ 
year one thoufand five hundred. His father, chtrio v. 
Philip the Handfome, Archduke of Auftria, 
was die fon of the Emperor Maximilian, and of 
Mary, the only child of Charles the Bold, the 
laft prince of the houfe of Burgundy. His mo- 
ther, Joanna, was the fecond daughter of Ferdi- 
nand and Ifabella, king and queen of Caftile and 

A LONG train of fortunate events had opened Hiidomini- 
the way for this young prince to the inheritance eveou by*** 
of more extenfive dommions, than any European ^J>»«J>^ ^« 
monarch, fince Charlemagne, had pofleffed. Each Jhtm!* 
of his anceftors had acquired kingdoms or pro- 
vinces, towards which their profpedk of fuccef- 
fion was extremely remote. The rich pofleflions 
of Mary of Burgundy were dcftined for another 

Vol. II. B family. 


Book I. family, (he having been contrafted by her father 
^"■""^^""^ to the only fon of Louis XI. of France -, but 
that capricious monarch, indulging his hatred to 
her family, chofc rather to ftrip her of part of 
her territories by force, than to fecure the whole 
by marriage •, and by this mifcondudt, fatal to 
his pofterity, threw all the Netherlands and 
Franche Comte into the hands of a rival Ifa- 
bella, the dau^itcr of John IL of Caftile, far 
from having any profpedt of that noble inheri- 
tance which Ihe tranfmitted to her grandfon, paflT- 
ed the early part of her life in obfcurity and in- 
digency. By t the C^ftilians, exafperated agamft 
her brother Henry IV. an ill-advllcd and vicious 
prince, publickly charged him with impotence, 
and his Queen with adultery. Upon his demife^ 
rejefting Joanna, whom the King had uniform- 
ly, and even on his death-bed, owned to be his 
lawful daughter, and whom an ailembly of the 
ftates had' acknowledged to be the heir of his 
kingdom, they obliged her to retire into Portu* 

faU and placod Ifabella on the throne of Caftile, 
erdinand owpd the crown of Aragon to the un- 
expefted death of his elder brother, and acquired 
the kkigdoms of Naples and Sicily by violatii^ 
the faith of treaties, and difregardin^ the ties <^ 
blood. To all thcfe kingdoms, Chriftopher Co- 
^ lumbus^ by an effort of genius and of intr^dity, 
the boldeft and moft fuccefsful that is recorded m 
the annals of mankind, added a new world, the 
wealth of which was one ccmfiderable fource of 
the power and grandeur of the Spanifli monarchs. 

Philip iDd Don J<xhn, the only fon of Ferdinand and 

teVnd* Isabella, and their eldeft daujjhter, the Queeo 

fill'^tii''*'^ Portugal, being cut off in the flower of 

''*'°* youth, all their h(^es centered in Joanna and 

her pofterity. But as her hufband, the Arch- 

duke, was a ftranger to the Spaniard?, it was 




thought expedient to invite him into Spain> that Book \. 
by re0ding among them, he might accuftopa ^'■''*'^'^^ 
himielf to their laws and manners \ and it was^ 
expeded that the Cortes, or aflemhly of ftaces,^ 
whoie authority was then fo great in Spain, that 
no title to the crown was reckoned valid unlefs 
it received their landion, would acknowledge 
his right of fucceffion, together with that of the 
infanta, his wife. Philip and Joanna, pafling 
through France in their way to Spain, were 'Sm* 
entertained in that kingdom with the utmoft 
magnificence. The archduke did homage to 
Louis XIL for the earldom of Flanders, and 
took bis feat as a peer of the realm in the par^ 
Moment of Paris. They were received in Spain 
with every mark of honour that the parental 
aSe£kion of Ferdinand and Ifabella, or the ref« 
peft of their fubje£ts, could devife, and their ti^ 
tk to the crown was foon after acknowledged by 
the Cortes of both kingdoms 

Put amidft thefe outward appearances of fa- ?^*^'°*^^ 
tisfai6tion and joy, fomc fecret uneafinefs preyed phiUp?,° 
vpon the mind ^ each of thefe princes. The p°^«'- 
ftately and referved ceremonial of the Spaniih ^ 
court, was fb burdenfome to Philip, a prince 
young, gay, alFable, fond of fociety and of 
pleafure, that he foon began to expref; a defire 
of returning to his native country, the manners 
gf which were mcH'e fuited to his temper. Fer- 
dinand, obferving the declining health of his 
Queen, with whofe life his right to the govern* 
n>ent of Caftile mud ceafe, eafily forefaw, that 
a prince of Philip's difpofition, and who ah'eady 
dif<povered an extremn? impatience to reign, would 
never confent to his retaining any degree of au- 
thority in that kingdom ; and the profpeft of 
this diminution of his power, awakened the jea- 
loufy of ti^ ambitious monarch. 

B 2 Isabella 


Book T. Isabella beheld, with the fentiments natural 
^^[j^^^J]|I^ to a mother, the indifference and negleft with 
fotidtud^ which the Archduke treated her daughter, who 
t^' him M(f ^^^ deftitute of thofe beauties of perfon, as well* 
hcrdaugh. as thofc accompliftinients of mind, which fix 
^*''' the affeftions of an hulband. Her underftand- 

ing, always weak, was often difordered. She 
doated on Philip with fuch an excefs of childifh 
and indifcreet fondnefs, as excited difguft rather 
than afFcftion. Her jealoufy, for which her 
hufband's behaviour gave her too much caufc, 
was proportioned to her love, and often broke 
out in the moft extravagant aftions. Ifabella, 
though fcnfible of her defcdts, could not help 
pitying her condition, which was foon rendered 
altogether deplorable, by the Archduke's abrupt 
refolution of fetting out in the middle of winter 
for Flanders, and of leaving her in Spain. Ifa- 
bella intreated him not to abandon his wife to 
grief and melancholy, which might prove fatal 
to her, as fhe was near the time of her delivery. 
Joanna conjured him to put off his journey for 
three days only, that fhe might have the plea- 
fure of celebrating the feftival of Chriftmas in 
his company. Ferdinand, after reprefenting the 
imprudence of his leaving Spain, before he had 
time to become acquainted with the genius, or 
to gain the afFcdtions of the people who were 
one day to be his fubjefts, befought him, at 
leaft, not to pafs through France, with which 
kingdom he was then at open war. Philip, 
without regarding either the diftates of huma- 
nity, or the maxims of prudence, perfifled in 
his purpofe, and on the twenty-fecond of De- 
cember fct out for the Ix)w Countries, by the 
way of France ■. 


* Petri Marty ris Anglerii EpiHolae, 250. 253. 


From the moment of his departure, Joanna Book I. 
funk into a deep and fallen melancholy \ and ^jj^^^[^7^ 
while (he was in that fituation bore Ferdinand jotnaau^ 
her fecond fon, for whom the power of his gj'^J- ^^ 
brother Charles afterwards prpcured the king- Ferdiiund, 
doms of tiungary and Bohemi^ and to whom EmMrorl* 
he at laft tranfmitted the Imperial fceptre. Jo- 
anna was the only perfon in Spain who difco- 
vered no joy at the birth of this prince. Infen- 
fible to that, as well as to every other plejifurc, 
flie was wholly occupied with the thoughts of re- 
turning to her hulband ; nor did (he, in any de- 
gree, recover tranquility of mind, until. (he ar- 
rived at Bruilels next year ^. '504. 

Philip, in pafling through France, had an 
interview with Louis XII, and figned a treaty 
with him, by which he hoped that all the differ- 
ences between France, and Spain would have 
been finally terminated. But Ferdinand, whofe 
affairs, at that time, were extremely prolperous 
in Italy, where the fuperior genius of Gonfalvo 
de Cordova, the great captain, triumphed on 
every occafion over the arms of France, did not 
pay the lead regard to what his fon-in-law had 
concluded, and carried on koftilities with greater 
ardour than ever. 

From this time Philip feems not to have taken Death of 
any part in the affairs of Spain, wairing in quiet '^'*^"'- 
till the death either of Ferdinand or of Ifabella 
ihould open the way to one of their thrones. 
The latter of thefe events was not far diftant. 
The untimely death of her children had made 
a deep imprdlion on the mind of Ifabella ; and 
as Ihe could derive but little confolation for the 
lofles which flie had fuftained either from her 


^ Id. Bl>ift. 2<j. c Mariana, lib. 27* cii. 14. 

Flechier Vie de Aimen. i. 191. 



Book I. daughter Joanna, whofe infirmities daily in- 
' creafed, or from her fon-in-kw, who no kmgfer 
preferved even the appearance of a decent re* 
fpe6t towards that unhappy princefs, her fpii'its 
and health began gradually to decline, and after 
languifhitig fome months, flie died at Medina del 
Campo on the twenty-fixth of November, one 
thoufand five hundred and four. She was no Icfs 
eminent for virtue, than for wifdom j and whe* 
ther we confider her behavibur as a queen, as a 
wife, or as a mother, fhe is juftly entitled to the 
high encomiums beftowed on her by the Spanifli 
hiftoriarts ^. 

Her wHi, A FEW weclcs bcfore her death, fhe made her 
mppointing iftft i^iii, And bcinff fenfiblc of Jbatina^s incapa- 
regent of City to aflume the reins of government into 
Caftiie. her o^vn hands, and having no inclination to 
commit them to Philip, with whole t^ohduft flie 
was extremely diffatisfied, Ihc appointed Ferdi- 
nand regent or adminiftrator df the affairs of 
Caftile until her grandfon Charles Jhould attain 
tfcie age of twenty. She bequeathed to Ferdi* ' 
nand lifcewife one half of the revenues which 
fliould arife from the Indies, together with the 
grand mafterihips of the three military orders ; 
dignities, which rendered the perifbn who poP- 
fefled them almoft independent, and which Ifa- 
bella had, for that reafon, annexed to the crown *. 
But before flic figned a deed fo fiavourable to Fer- 
dinand, ftie obl^;ed him to fwear that he would 
not, by a fccond marriage, or by ar^ other 
means, endeavour to deptive Joanna or her 
pofterity of tStcir right of fucccffion to iany of 
his kingdoms ^ 


^ P, Mart. Ep. 279. « P. Martyr. Ep. 277.^ Mar. 

Hift. Hb. 28. c. 1 1. Fcrreras Hift. Gencr. d'Efpagne^ torn, 
viii. a63« ^ Mar* Hift* lib. 28. c. 14. 


IhUidiat^ly upon the (jueen's death, Ffcn- Book I. 
dinund relicned the tide of kiDg of Caftile^ and ^^^'^^''"^ 
commanded Joanna and Philip to be publickljr 
prochimed the fovertigns kA that kii^dom. 
But, at the fame time, he afTumed the charaAer 
of R^ent, in con&quence of Ifabclk*s cefta- 
jnenc, and not long after he prerailed on the 
Cortes of Caftile to acknowledge his right to Perdinind 
that ofiice. This, however, he did not procure J^^Jg" a^J, 
witlK>ut difficulty^ nor without difcovering fuch reg«nt b^ 
fymptoms of alienation and difguft among tht *^'i^5*^ 
Caftilians as filled him with great uneaflneft. T^ ^•ou 
The union of Caftile and Aragon, for almoft ^t\Xd! 
thirty years, had hot 16 entirely extirpated the 
^ticient and liereditaxy ennlity which fubdfled 
between the natives of thefe kingdoms^ tbit the 
Caftilian pride could fubmit, without thurmur* 
ing, to the government of a king of Aragdn» 
Fcidinand's own charaAer, with Whkh the Ca£> 
tilians -m^ere well acquainted, was far from refi« 
dering his authority defiribk. Sufpicious, dif« 
ceming^ ieverej ami parfimonidus, bt was ac^ 
tuftomed to obferve the m6ft minute a&ions 
of his (x^6h with a jealous attention, and tO 
reward their hi^eft tervices with little libe* 
rality ; and they were now deprived of Ifabella^ 
whole gentle qu^ities, and partiality ft> her 
CaftBian fubjefts, often tempered his auAetity^ 
or rendered it tolerable. The maxisns of hii 
govenunent were efpecially odious to the Grant-^ 
dees ; iot that artful primee, fenfihle of thb d»t* 
MSovB privil^es comerred upon tfaenli by the 
Feudal inftitutions, had endeavoured to cin-b 
tfaetr exorbitant power ^, by extef»ling the royal 
jmiidi&ion^ by protefting thehr injured vafllkla^ 
by iilciiealis^ tine immunkies of cities^ and by 


C Marian* lib. 28. c. 12. 


Book I. other meafures equally prudent. From all thefe 
^ ^^^"""^ caufes, a formidable party among the Caftilians 
united againil Ferdinand ; > and though the per- 
fons who compofed it, had not hitherto tdcen 
any publick ftep in oppofition to him, he plain- 
ly faw that upon the lead encouragement from 
their new king, they would proceed to the moft 
violent extremities. 

Philip en- There was no lefe agitation in the Nether- 
obuirthc*** lands upon receiving the accounts of Ifabella's 

^"c' TT"* ^^^^' ^^'^ ^^ Ferdinand's having affumed the 
government of Caftile. Philip was not of a 
temper tamely to fufFer himfelf to be fupplanted 
by the unnatural ambition of his father-in-law. If 
Joanna's infirmities, and the non-age of Charles, 
rendered them incapable of government, he, as 
a huiband, was the proper guardian of his wife, 
and, as a father, the natural tutor of his fon. 
Nor was it fufficient to oppofe to thefe juft 
rights^ and to the inclination of the people of 
Caftile, the authority of a teftament, the ge- 
nuinenefs of which was perhaps doubtful, and 
jts contents certainly iniquitous. A keener edge 
was added to Philip's refentment, and new vi- 
gour infufed into his councils, by the arrival of 
Don John Manuel. • He was Ferdinand's am- 
baflador at the Imperial court, but upon the 
firft notice of Ifabella's death repaired to Bruf- 
iels, flattering himielf that under a young and 
liberal prince, he might attain to power and ho- 
nours which he could never hope for in the 
fervice -of an old and frugal mafter. He had 
early^ paid court to Philip during his refidence 
in Spaing with fuch aflkluity as entirely gained 
his confidence ; and having been trained to biifii- 
nefe under Ferdinand, could oppofe his fchemes 
with equal abilities, and with arts not inferior 

i, . ■• • ■ ..'.:.... to 



to thofe for which that monarch was diftin* Book!. 
guiflied K ' ^^""^ 

By his advice, ambafladors were difpatched "v^j^ 
to require Ferdinand to retire into Aragon, and ^ J?^^ 
to refign the government of Caftile to thofe per- '«««^i- 
ions whom Pnilip Ihould entruft with it until 
his arrival in that kingdom. Such of the Caf- 
tilian nobles as had di^overed any diflatisfa£bion 
with Ferdinand's adminiftration, were encou- 
raged by every method to oppofe it. At the 
fame time a treaty was concluded with Louis 
XII. by which Philip flattered himfelf that he 
had fecUred the friendfhip and afliftancp of that 

Meanwhile, Ferdinand employed all the 
arts of addrefs and policy, in order to retain 
the power of which he had got poflefiion. By 
means of Conchillos, an Aragonian gentleman, 
he entered into a private n^ociation with 
Joanna, and prevailed on that weak princefs to 
confirm, by her authority, his right to the re- 
gency. But this intrigue did not efcape the 
penetrating eye of Don John Manuel ; Joanna's 
letter of confent was intercepted; Conchillos 
was thrown into a dungeon •, (he herfelf con- 
fined to an apartment in the palace, and all 
her Spanifli domefticks fecluded from her pre- 
fence '. 

The mortification which the difcovery of this Perdiotni 
fcheme occafioned to Ferdinand, was. much in- by*th^ cir- 
creafed by his obferving the progrefs that Philip's tuitn no- 
emiHaries made in Caftile. Some of the nobles 
retired to their caftles 5 others to the towns in 


b Zurita Anales de Ar^on, torn. vi. ^. 12. 
' P. Mart. Ep* 2S7. Zurita Anales vi. p. 14. 


Book 1. which they had influence; they formed them- 
^ ^ v— - ^ felves into confederacies, and began to aflemble 
their vaflals. Ferdinand's court was almoft to- 
tally deferted ; not a peribn of diftinftion but Xi- 
menes, archbilhop of Toledo, the duke of Alva, 
and the marquis of Denia^ remaining there; 
while the houfes of Philip's ambaffadors were 
daily crowded with thofe ot the higheiit rank. 

Ferdintnd ExASf»ERAT£D at this univeffal defeftion, and 

ma°rr7/in'' ^T^ortified perhaps with feeing all his fchcmes 

order to ex- defeated by a younger politician, Fefdinami re^ 

diutht^e? folvedy in defiance of the law of nature, and of 

from the <lecency, to deprive his daughter and her pofte- 

^ '*'°** rity of the crown of Caftile, rather than renounce 

the regency of that kingdom. His plan for 

accomplifhing this was no lefs bold^ than the 

intention itfdf was wicked. He demanded in 

marriage Joanna, the fuppofed daughter of 

Henry IV. on the belief ot whofe illegitimacy 

Ifabella's right to the crown of Caftife wafc 

founded ; and by reviving the claim of tht$ 

princefs, in oppolition to ti^iich he hin^elf had 

formerly led armies, and fought battles, he hoped 

once more to get pofTeltklti of die throne of that 

kingdom. But Emamiel, king of Portugal, in 

whofe dominions Joanna refided, being married 

to one of Ferdinand's daughters by IfabelU, 

tefiiifed his confent to that unnatural match % 

and the unhappy princefs herfelf, having l(A all 

relifli for the objeds of ambition, by being long 

immured in a convent, difcovered no lefs aver- 

fion to it *^. 

Marries t The Pefourccs, liowcver, of Ferdinand'9 am- 
Frl^nch^ ^^^ bitk)n wer« Aot exhaufted. Upon meeting with 
'^^"S' a repulfe 

k Sandoy. HUL oT Civil Wats in Caftile. Loia. 165 5. 
p. 5* ZvLtiXA Anales de Aragon, torn. vi. p. 213. 


a tepuUt Itt Portugal, he mmed towards France, Book f. 
tod ibilght in marriage Gehtiainc de Foix, a 
daughter of the vifcOunt of Narbonne, and of 
Mary, the fitter of Louis XIL The war which 
that monarch had carried on againft Ferdinand 
in Naples, had been fo unfortunate, that he 
liftemed with joy to a propofal, which furnilhed 
him with an honourable pretence of concluding 
peace : And though no prince was ever more 
remarkable than Ferdinand for making all his 
paflions bend to the tfiaxims of intereft, or be- 
coifte fubfervient to the purpofe of ambition, 
yet fo vehement was his refcntment againft his 
ibn-in-law, that the defire of gratifying it ren- 
dered him regardlefs of ev«ry other confideration. 
In ordej- to be revenged of Philip, by detaching 
Louis from his intereft, and in order to gain a 
chance of excluding him from his hereditary 
throne of Aragon, and the dominions annexed to 
it, he was ready once more to divide Spain into 
icparate kingdoms, though the union of thefe 
was the great glory of his reign, and had been 
Ac chief objeft ot his ambition ; he confented 
to reftore the Neapolitan nobles of the French 
faction to their po£fe(fions and honours ; and fub- 
initted to the ridiculeof marrying, in an advanced 
age, a princefs of eighteen '. 

The conchifion of this match, which deprived 
Philip of his only ally, and threatened him with 
the Wi of fo many kingdoms, gave a dreadful 
alarm to him, and con vitKted Don John Manuel 
that there was now a neceffity of taking odier 
meafure^ with regard to the affairs of Spain ""• 
He accordingly inftrufted the Flemifli ambaBTa- 
dors in the court <rf Spain, to teftify the ftrong 


i P. MartEp. 290. tgt. Mirifttift> lib. 2B. c. i6» 17. 
™ P. Mart. Ep. 293, 


Book I. defire which their mafter had of terminating all 
'— ^^^-— ' diflferences between him and Ferdinand in an 
amicable manner, and his willingnefs to confent 
to any conditions that would re-eftabli(h the 
friendfliip which ought to fubfift between a fa- 
A treaty ther and a fon-in-law. Ferdinand, though he 
^^^5*"* . had made and broken more treaties than any 
and Philip, prince of any age, was apt to connde fo lar m 
the finccrity of other men, or to depend fo much 
upon his own addrefs and their weaknefs, as to 
be always extremely fond of a negociatipn. He 
liftened with, eagernefs to thefe declarations, and 
Nov. Z4. ifoon concluded a treaty at Salamanca; in which 
it was ftipulated, that the government of Caftile 
fhould be carried on in the joint names of Joan- 
na, of Ferdinand, and of Philip 5 and that the 
revenues of the crown, as well as the right of 
conferring offices, fhould be fhared between Fer- 
dinand and Philip by an equal divifion °. 

phii?^ild Nothing, however, was farther from Philip's 
j^^nna'fct thoughts than to obferve this treaty. His fole 
Spli^*^ intention in propofing it was to amufe Ferdi- 
nand, and to prevent him from taking any mea- 
fures for obftrufting his voyage into Spain. It 
had' that .effed. Ferdinand, fagacious as he 
was, did not for fome time fufpe6t his defi^n ; 
and though when he perceived it, he prevailed 
on the king of France not only to remonftrate 
againft the archduke's journey, but to threaten 
hoftilities if he Ihould undertake it; though he 
folicitcd the duke of Gueldres to attack his fon- 
in-law's dominions in the Low Countries, Philip 
and his confort neverthelefs^ fet fail with a nume- 
rous fleet and a good body of land forces. 
They were obliged by a violent tempeft to take 


n Zurita Anales Jc krzgon, vi. 19. P. Mart. Ep. 293, 


.. • 


Ihelter in England, where Henry VII. in com- Book I. 
pliance with Ferdinand's folicitations, detained ^-^v^-^ 
them upwards of three months*; at laft they 
were permitted to depart, and after a more 
profperous voyage, they arrived in fafety at Co- Apriut. 
runna in Galicia ; nor durft Ferdinand attempt, 
as he had once intended, to oppofe their landing 
by force of arms. 

Thb Caftilian nobles, who had been obliged Theoobiiitj 
hitherto to conceal or to diflcmblc their fenti- ^^'fj^^ 
ments, now declared openly in favour of Philip. PhUip. 
From every corner of the kingdom, perfons of 
the highefl rank, with numerous retinues of 
their vaflals, repaired to their new king. The 
treaty of Salamanca was univerfally condemned, 
and all agreed to exclude from the government 
of Caftile a prince, who, by confcnting to disjoin 
Aragon and Naples from that crown, difcovered 
fo little concern for its true interefts. Ferdi- 
nand, meanwhile, abandoned by almofl all the 
Caftilians, difconcerted by their revolt, and un- 
certain whether he fhould peaceably relinquiih 
his power, or take arms in order to maintain it, 
earneftly folicited an interview with his fon» in- 
law, who by advice of Manuel ftudioufly avoid- 
ed it. Convinced at laft, by feeing the 'number 
and zeal of Philip's adherents daily increafe, 
that it was vain to think of refifting fuch a tor- 
rent, Ferdinand confented, by a treaty, to refign June 47. 
the regency of Caftile into the hands of Philip, fefi^J'tlfe 
to retire into his hereditary dominions of Ara- regency of 
gon, and to reft fatisfied with the mafterftiips of Sf^io*"^ 
the military orders, and that ftiare of the revenue Artgon. 
of the Indies, which Ifabella had bequeathed to 
him. Though an interview between the princes 
was no longer neceffary, it was agreed to on 


o Ferrer. Hid. viii. 285. 


Book 1/ both fides, from motives of decency. PhHtp re* 
^^ ^'""'^ paired to . the place appointed with a fptowiid 
retinue of the Caftiliaa nobles, and a confid^a-' 
ble body of armed pien. Ferdinand appeared 
without any pomp, attended by a few foUowert^ 
mounted on mules, and uoarmed. On that 
occafion Don jol^n Manuel had the pleafure of 
difplaying before the monarch whom be had 
dcfertcd, the extenfive influence which he had 
acquired over his new maftdr : Wbil^ Ferdjriand 
fuffered in prcfcnce of his former fubje<Sts thi? 
two mod cruel mortifications which an artfu} and 
ambitious prince can feel ; being at once over* 
reached in conduft, and ftripped of power p. 

July. Not long after, he retired into Aragon i an4 
hoping that fome favourable accident would foon 
open the way for bis return into Caftile^ he took, 
care to protcft, though with great fecrecy, that 
the treaty concluded with his fon-in4aw, being 
extorted by force, ought to be decoded void of 
all obligation % 


Philip and Philip took pofieffion of hts new authority 

krw?edg;d with a youthful joy. The unhappy Jpanna, 

as king and from wKom he derrred it^ remained during all 

the Cortes. ^^^ conttits, undcr the dominion of a deep 

melancholy ; (he was ieldom allowed to appear 

^ in pubiick •> her father, though he had often de^ 

fired it, was refufed accefs to bar ^ and PhiUp'a 

^ chief ob^ed was to prevail OD the Cortes »> 

declare her incamable of government^ that %n 

undivided power might be lodged in his hand^, 

until hk ion ikould attain to fuU age* But fuch 

was the partial attachment of the Caftilians %Q 


P Zurlta Anales de Arag. vi. 64. Mar. lib. zS. c, 19, 
20. P. Mart* Ep. 304, 305, &c. q Zurita Anales 

de Arag. vi. p. 68. Ferrer. Hifl. viii. 290. 


their native princes, that though Maniiel had Book I. 
the addreis to gain feme members of the Cortes <- -^z — i/ 
aflemUed at Valladolid) and others were willing 
to gratify their new fovereign in his firft re* 
audi, die great body of the repreientatives re* 
niied their oonfent to a declaration which they 
diOQ^ &i injurbus to the blood of their mo<- 
narchs '. They were unanimous, however, in 
acknowledging Joanna and Philip queen and 
king of Caftile, and their Ion Charles prince of 

This was almofl: the only memorable event.Detth of 
during Philip's admkiiilration. A fever put^***^*P- 
an end to his life in the twenty-eighth year of Sept. 2$. 
his age, when he had not enjoyed the regal dig- 
nity which he had been fo eager to obtain full 
three nx>nths ^« 

Trx whole royal audiority in CaiHle ought The difor- 
of cQorllc to have devolyed upon Joanna. But n?8*li^°' 
die fluKk OGcafioned by a difaiter fo unexpeded iocretres. 
as the death oi her hufband, completed the dif- 
oider of her underftanding; and her incapacity 
for government. During all the time of Phi- 
lip's ficknefs, no intreaty could prevail on her, 
thou^ in the (ixth month of her pregnancy, to 
leave kim for a moment. When he expired, 
however, (he did not flied one tear, or utter a 
0ng^ groan. Her grief was filent and fettled. 
She continued to watch the dead body with the 
iame tendemefs and attention as if it had been 
^hre S and tboi^ at laft (he permitted it to 
be bwied, flie ioon removed it from the tomb 
to her own apartment. There it was laid upon 
a bed of Aatq, in a fplendid drefs ; and having 


' Zofitt Anaits de Arag. vi. p. 75. ^ Marian. 

Kb. a8. c. 23. ^ P. Mart. Ep. 316. 


Book I. heard from fome monk a legendary tale of a 
^'^"^^^'^^ king who had revived after he had been dead four- 
teen years, Ihe kept her eyes almoft conftantly 
fixed on the body, waiting for the happy mo- 
ment of its return to life. Nor was this caprici- 
ous afFedion for her dead hufband lefs tindured 
with jealoufy, than that which fhe had born to 
him while alive. She did not permit. any of 
her fbmale attendants to approach the bed on 
which his corpfe was laid ; ihe would not fufier 
any woman who did not belong to her family, 
to enter the apartment ; and rather than grant 
that privilege to a midwife, though a very aged 
one, had been chofen of purpofe, (he bore the 
princefs Catherine without any other affiftance 
than that of her own domeftics \ 

She is inct- A WOMAN in fuch a date of mind was little, 
wimeofr ^^P^^l^ of governing a great kingdom; and 
Joanna, who made it her fble employment to 
bewail the lofs, and to pray for the foul of her 
hufband, would have thought her attention to 
publick affairs an impious negled of thofe duties 
which fhe owed to him. But though fhe de- 
clined afTuming the adminiftration herfelf, yet, 
by a flrange caprice of jealoufy, fhe refufed to 
commit it to any other perfon ; and no intreaty 
of her fubjefts could perfuade her to name a re- 
gent, or even to fign fuch papers as were necef^ 
fary for the execution of juftice, and the fecurity 
of the kingdom. 

MtximiiUn The death of Philip threw the Caflilians into 
I^^F^S^ "^ ^h^ greateft perplexity. It was necefTary to ap- 
nindcom- point a regent, both on account of Joanna's 
t£*regcncy. "Cnzy, and the infancy of her fon 5 and as there 


» Mar. Hift. lib. 29. c. 3 & 5. P. Mart E. p. 3i8, 
324. 328. 332. 


was not among the nobles, any perfon fo emi- BookL 
nently diftinguifhed as to be called by the pub- 
lick voice ( to that high ofHce, all naturally 
turned their eyes either towards Ferdinand, or 
towards the emperor Maximilian. The former 
claimed that dignity as adminiftrator for his 
daughter, and by virtue of the teftament of 
Ifabella; the latter thought himfelf the legal 
guardian of his grandfon, whom, on account of 
his mother's infirmity, he already confidered as 
king of Caftile. Such of the nobility as had 
lately been moft adive in compelling Ferdinand 
to refign the government of the kingdom, trem- 
bled at the thoughts of his being reftored fo 
foon to his former dignity. They dreaded the 
return of a monarch, not apt to forgive, and 
who, to thofe defefts with which they were al- 
ready acquainted, added that refentment which 
the remembrance of their behaviour, and reflec- 
tion upon his own difgrace, muft naturally have 
excited. Though none of thefe objedtions held 
againft Maximilian, he was a flranger to the 
laws and manners of Caftile; he had not either 
troops or money to fupport his pretenfions ; nor 
could his claim be admitted without a public 
declaration of Joanna's incapacity for govern- 
ment i an indignity, to which, notwithilanding 
the notoriety of her diftemper, the delicacy of . 
the Caftilians could . not bear the thoughts of 
fobjeding her. 

Don John Manuel, however, and a few of* 
the nobles, who confidered themfclves as moft 
obnoxious to Ferdinand's difpleafurc, declared 
for Maximilian, and offered to fupport his claim 
with all th^ir intereft. Maximilian, always cn- 
terprizing and decifive in council, though feeble 
and dilatory in execution, eagerly embraced the 
offer. But a feries of ineflfedual negociations 

Vol. II. C waj 


Book I. was the only confequence of this tratifa^ftbou 
^ '^" -^ The Emperor^ as ufual, afferted his rights in a 

high ffarain, promi&d. a great deal, and pcr« 

formed nothing \ 

Ferdintod A Fiw days befoTc the death of Philip« Fer* 
^^ntTo hi" * dinand had fet out for Naples^ that by his own 
kingdom of prefence he might put an end, with the greater 
^*P'"* dccaency, to the vice-royalty of the ^reat captain^i 
whofe important fervices, and cautious condu&, 
did.iK>t fcrecn him from the fufpicions of his 
jealous mafter. Though an account of his Ton* 
in-law'$ death reached him at Borto-fino,"in the 
territories of Genoa, he was fo folicttous to.dif^ 
cover the fecret intrigues which he fiippofed the 
great captain to have been carrying on, and. to 
eftahlifli his. own authority on a firm foundation 
in the Neapolitan dominions, by removing, htm 
from the fupremc command ther^ that 'rather 
than difcoatinue his voyage, he chofe to leave 
Caftile in a ftate of anarchy, and even to rifque, 
by this delay, his d^tainirig poileflion of the go* 
vernment of that kingdom x. 

Acquires NoTHiHc but the great abilities and prudent 
ifVtftfie^ ccttiduft of his adherents, could have prevented 
chiefly thr'o' tbc bad qSc&s of this aWcnce. At the h?ad o£ 
ence of Car- thcfe was Xlmcnes, archbdihop of Toledo, who, 
dinti xi- though he had been raifed . to that dknity by 
^*'*"' Ifabella, contrary to the inclination of Ferdi- 
nand, and though he could have no expeAation 
of enjoying much, power under his jealous ad- 
miniftmtioD, was neverthelefs fb difinterefted, as. 
to prefer the welfare of his country before his 
own gratvdcur, and to declare, that Caftile could 
never be fo, happily governed as by a prince, 


X Mariana, lib. 29. c. 7. ^urita Anales de Arag^^ ?i. 
p^ 9^. y Zurita Analci de Arag. vi. p. 85* 


whom long experience had rendered thoroaghly Book !• 
acquainted with its true intereft. His zeal to *- "v^*— ' 
bring over Im countrymen to this cminion, in- 
duced him to lay afide fomewhat of his ulual 
aufterity and haughtinefs. He condefcended, noj* 
en this occafion, to court the difaffeded nobles, 
and employed addrefs; as well as arguments, to 
perfuade them. Ferdinand feconded his endea- 
vours with great art; and by conceflions to 
ibme of the grandees, by promifes to others, and 
by letters full of complaifance to all, he gained 
many of his moft violent opponents *• Though Aug. n. 
many cabals were formed, and lome commo* retoms to 
tioDs were excited, yet when Ferdinand, after Sptin. 
having fettled the affairs of Naples^ arrived in 
Caftile, he entered upon the adminiftration with- 
out o^ofition. The prudence with which he 
exercifed his authority in that kingdom, equalled 
the good fortune by which he had recovered iu 
By a moderate, but fteady adminiftradon, free "J* P'*?*'*^^ 
irom partiality and from relentment, he en-tion. 
tirely reconciled the Caftilians to his perfon, and 
fecured to them, during the remainder of his 
Me, as much domeflick tranquillity, as was 
confiftent with the genius of the feudal govern- 
ment, which ftill fubfifted among them in full 
vigour *. ; 

Nor was the prefervation of tranquillity in 
his hereditary kingdoms, the only obligatiiMi 
which the Archduke Charles owed to th^ wife 
regency of his grandfather; he had the fatif- 
fcidion, during that period, of feeing very im-' 
poptaB* acquifitions added to the dominions over 
whiqh he was to reign. On the cqift of Bar-Conqocft of 
bary, Oran, and other ccwiqucfts of no fmall "°* 

C 2 value, 

* ZtM-lia Ana)e9 dc Arag. vi. p. 87. 94. 109. ■ Ma- 
nana, lib. 29. c. 10. 


Boo» I. declined every day, none of his attendants durft 
^^""'^^ mention his condition •, nor would he admit his 
father cohfcffor, who thought fuch filence, cri- 
minal and unchriftian, into his prcfence. At 
laft the danger became io imminent, that it 
could be no longer concealed, terdinand re- 
ceived the intimation with a decent fortitude \ 
and touched, perhaps, with compqnftion at the 
injqftice which he had done his grandfon^ of 
influenced by the honeft remonftrances of Car- 
vajal, Zapata, and Vargas, his mod ancient and 
faithful counfellors, who reprefented to him, that 
by invefting prince Ferdinand with the regency, 
he would infallibly entail a civil war on the two 
brothers, and by beft owing on him the grand- 
mafterfhip of the military orders, would ftrip 
the crown of its npbleft ornament and chief 
ftrength, he confented to alter his will in both 
i$i(j. thefe particulars. By a new deed he left Charles 
!o aittfhat ^hc fole heir of all his dominions ' and allotted to 
will, prince Ferdinand, inftead of that throne of which 
be thought himfelf almoft fecure, an inconfid6- 
rable eftablifhment of fifty thoufand ducats a 
tad dies, year *. He died a few hours after figning this 
will, on the twenty^third day of January, one 
thoufand five hundred and fixteen, 

Edacation Charles, to whom fuch a noble inheritance 
ot Charles dcfcendcd by his death, was near the full age 
of fixteen. He had hitherto refided in the Low 
Countries, his paternal dominions. Margaret 
of Auftria, his aunt, and Margaret of York, 
the fifter of Edward IV. of England, and widow 
of Charles the Bold, two princeffes of great 
virtue and abilities, had the care of forming his 


« Mar. Hift. lib. 30. c. ult. Zurita Anales dc Arag. vi. 
401. P. Matt. Ep. 565, 566^ Argenfoia Analcn it Ardg. 
lib. 1. p. II. ' - ' ' 


early youth. IJpon the death of his father, the ' Bdbt I, 
Flemings committed the government of the Low """^C* 
Countries to his grandfather^ the Emperor '* * 
Maximilian, with tM name rather than the au- 
thority of regent ^ Maximilian niadc choice xtf 
Wiiliai!n de Croy lord of Chierres to fuperintend 
the education c£ the young prince his grand- 
ion t. That nobleman poflefled, in an eminent 


. . f PontiiiA Heoterus Reram Atftriaetrun, lib, xr. Lot. 
1649, lib, 7. «. s. jp, 1^5. 

% The French hiftonans, fipoo the authority of M* de 
^Ilay, Mem. p. 1 1 • have unanimoufly afTerted, that Philip, 
by his laft will, hairing appointed the kiag of Framce to 
have the diredion of hia Ton's edjocatiokit Ixnis XTI. with 
a difintereftednefs foitabk to the confidence rcoofed in him, 
named Chievres for that oi&ct. Even the preudent Henant 
has adopted this opinion. Abreg^ Chron. A. D. i coy. 
VaHllafi, in hit n(Viai manner, ])retend8 to have feen Phifip't 
tiefbament* Praft. de V education det Princea^ p. i6. Sat 
the Spanifli* German, and Flemiib hiftorians concur in coa- 
tradiaing this aiTef tion of the Frencl^ authors, It appears 
iVom Heuterus, a contemporary Pleniifh hiflorian of great 
authority, that Louis XII. by conrenting to the marriage 
of Geribaine de Joijt with Ferdinand, had loft much of 
that confidence which Philip once placed in him ; that thi« 
diiguft was increafed by the French King's giving in mar- 
riage to the count of Angoul£me his eldeft daughter, who^i 
he had formeHy iMrothed to Charles. Heuter. Rer. kn^t. 
lib. v. p. 1 5 1 : Thtu the Freiich, a ihorl time before Philip't 
de^th, had violated the peace, which fubfifted between 
them and the Flemings, and Philip had complained of this 
injury, and was ready to refent it. Ifeuter. ibid. Ail 
thefe circumftanices render it improbable that Philip, who 
made his will a few days before he died, Heuter. p. 15a, 
fliould commit the educatk)n of his fon to Louis XII. In 
confirmation of theie plaufible conje^ures, pofitive teftimo- 
ny can be produced. It appears from Heuterus, that Phi* 
lip, when he iet out for Spain, had entrufted Chievres bodi , 
with the care of his ion's education, and with the goverh- 
inent of his dominions in the Low Countries, Heuter. lib. 
vif . p. t ;s. That an attempt was made, foon i^fter Philip's 
dbath, to hAvt the Emperor Maximilian appointed regent, 
daring the minority of his grandfon ; but this being op- 
^ff^i Cbicvr^ ieems to have contihued to difcharge both 



Book f. degree, the. talents which fitted him for fuch an 
'^ — ^C**^ important office, atnd difcharged the duties of 
'^ ' it with great. fidelity. Under Chicvres, Adrian 
of Utrecht afted as preceptor. This prefer- 
ment, which opened his way to the higheft dig* 
riities an Ecclefiaftic can attain, he owed not to 
his birth, for that was extremely mean ; nor to 
his intercft, for he was a ftranger to the arts of 
a court ; but to the opinion which his country- 
men entertained of his learning. He was indeed 
no inconfiderable proficient in thofe frivolous fci- 
ences, which, during feveral centuries, aflumed 
the name of Philofophy, and had publiftied a 
commentary, which was highly efteemed, upon 
The Book of Sentences^ a famous treatife of Petrus 
Lombardus, confidered, at that time, as the 
ftandard fyftem of metaphyfical theology. But 
whatever admiration thefe procured him in an 
illiterate age, it was foon found that a man ac- 
cuftomed to the retirement of a college, unac- 
qiwinted with the world, and without any 
tinfture of tafte or elegance, was by no means 
qualified for rendering fcience agreeable to a 
young prince. Charles, accordingly, difcovered 
/ an early averfion to learning, and an exceflive 
fondnefs for thofe violent and martial exercifes, 
to excel in which was the chief pride, and almoft 


the offices which Philip had committed to him. Heat. 
ibid. 153. 1 59. That in the beginning of the year i5o8» 
the Flemings invited Maximilian to accept of the regency ; 
to which he confentedy and appointed his daughter Mar- 
garet, together with a council of Flemings, to exercife the 
lupreme authority, when he himfelf fhoald, at any time» 
be abfent He likewife named Chievres as governor, and 
Adnariof Ut I edit as preceptor to his fon. Heut. ibid. 15c. 
157. Whoi . j.aetus relates with refpedl to this matter is 
confirmed l^t M .ingus in Vita Adriani, apud Analeda 
Cafp. l>u!man« • d. Adriano, cap. 10; byBarlandus Chro- 
nic. BiiiiMiit. :bid. p. 25 > and by Harseus Annal. Brab. 
vol. ii. 520, Sec, 


the only ftudy of perfons of rank in that age. Book L 
Chievrcs encouraged this tafte, cither from a '~^^"7~^ 
defire of gaining his pupil by indulgence, or *'' ' 
from t(^ flight an opinion of the advantages of 
literary accomplifliments K He inftruded hinn 
however, with great care in the arts of govern- 
ment ; he made him ftudy the hiftory not only 
of his own kingdoms, but of thofe with which 
they were connefted •, he accuftomed him, from 
the time of his afluming the government of 
Flanders in the year one thoufand five hundred 
and fifteen, to attend to bufinefs ; he perfuaded th* firfi 
him to perufe all papers relating to public hf/ch'iSc. 
affairs ; to be prefent at the deliberations of his '«'• 
privy counfellors, and to propofe to them him- 
fclf thofe matters, concerning which he required 
their opinion \ From fuch an education, Charles 
contraded habits of gravity and recoUeftion 
which fcarcely fuited his time of life. The firft 
openings of his genius did not indicate that fu- 
periority which its maturer age difplayed '• He 
did not difcover in his youth that impetuofity 
of fpirit which commonly ufhers in an aftivc 
and enterprizing manhood. Nor did his early 
obfequioufncfs to Chievres, and his other favour- 
ites, promife that capacious and decifive judg- 
ment, which afterwards direded the affairs of 
one half of Europe. But his fubjedls, dazzled 
with the external accomplifliments of a graceful 
figure and manly addrefs, and viewing his cha- 
rafter with that partiality which is always fliown 
to princes during their youth, entertained fan- 
guine hopes of his adding luftre to thofe crowns 
which defcended to him by .the death of Fer- 


*^ Jovii Vita Adriani, p. 91. Struvii Corpus^ Hift. 
Germ. ii. 967. P. Hcuicr. Rcr. Auftr. lib. vii. c. 3. p. 1 57. 

i Memoircs de Bcllay, 8vo. Par. 1 573. p. 11. P. Heater, 
lib. viii. c. I. p. 184. ^ P. Martyr, Ep. 569. 655. 



Book 1. The kingdoms of Spain, as is evident from 

v-.-^^—i ; the view which I have given of their pcrfiticai 

1516. conftitution, were, at that time, in a fituation^ 

SpVinre- which required an adminiftration, no tefe vigo- 

^"rotts ad-' ^"^ ^^^^ prudent. The feudal inftitutions, 
Si'niftM*ti- which had been introduced into all its diflfcrcnt 
*"• provinces by the Goths, the Suevi, and the Van- 

dals, fubfiflrd in great force. The nobles, who 
were powerful and warlike^ had long poflefied 
all the exorbitant privileges, which thcfe infti- 
tutions veiled in their order. The cities in Spaia 
were mwe numerous and more confiderable, 
than the genius of feudal govemmeiit, naturally 
-an enemy to commerce, and to regular police* 
feemed to admit. The pcrfonal rights, and po- 
litical influence, which the inhabitants of thcfe 
cities had acquired, were extenfive. The royal 
prerogative, circumfcribed by the privileges of 
thie nobility, and by the pretenfions of the peo- 
ple, was confined within very narrow limits. 
Under fuch a form of government, the pHn- 
ciples of difcord were many ; the bond of union 
was extremely feeble ; and Spain fek not only 
all the inconveniences occafibned by the defeats 
in the feudal fyftem, but was expofed to difor- 
ders arifing from the peculiarities in its own coi^-* 

Duitiuo the long adminiftration of Ftrdi- 
nand, no internal conimotion, it is true, had 
iSLTtkn in Spain. His fuperior abilities enabled 
him to reftrain the turbutetice of the nobles, and 
to moderate the jealoufy of* the commons. By 
the wifdom of his domeftic government, by the 
fagacity with which he condudted his foreign 
operations, and by the high opinion that his 
(nbjefts eii^ertained of both^ he pr?fcrvc4 among; 



ttetn a degree of tranquillity, greater than was Book L 
natural to a conftitution, in which the feeds of ''^ ^C*^ 
difcord and diforder were (o copioufly mingled. '^* * 
Ifut, bythe death of Ferdinand, thefe reftraints 
were at once withdrawn ; and fatftion and dif- 
c^ntent, from being long reprefled, wer^ ready 
t6 break out with iercer animoGty. 

In order t» prevent thofe evils, Ferdinand F«rdintiwi 
Ud in his laft will taken a moft prudent pre, ed c2S^^' 
caution, by appointing Cardinal Ximenesj arch- ximcne* 
bifliop of Toledo, to be fole rcgent of Caftile, ''^'^• 
Until the arrival of his grandfon in Spain, The * 
fingular charaftet of this man, and the extra- 
^dinary qualities wliich marked him out for 
that office, at fucih a junfture, merit a particu- 
lar defcription. He was defcended of an honour- Hi« rffe ami 
JiWe, not of a wealthy family ; and the circum- ^**"*^*'- 
ftantes of his parents, as well as his own incli- 
nations, having determined him to enter into 
the church, he early obtained benefices of great 
yal\ie, and which placed him in the way of the 
highcft preferment. All thefe, however, he re- 
liounard at once ; and after undergoing a very 
fcvefe iK)viciate, aflumed the habit of St, Francis 
in a monaftery of Obfervantine friars, one of 
the iftoft rigid orders in the Romifh Church. 
There he foon became eminent for his uncom- 
mon aufterity of manners, and for thofe excefles 
of fuperftitious 'devotion, which are the proper 
charifteriftics of the monaftick life. But not- 
withftanding thefe extravagances, to which weak 
^d enthufiaftic minds alone are ufually prone, 
jvis undcrftanding^ naturally penetrating and de- 
cifive, retain^ its full vigour, and acquired 
him fuch gre^ authority in his own order;^ 
as raifed bini to be their provincial. His repu* 
tation for fanftity foon procured him the office 
of father CQnfcffqr to queen Ifabella, which he 

f cceptecl 


Book I. accepted with the utmoft reluftance. Heprc- 
— ^^7^' fcrved in a court the fame aufterity of man- 
'^' ' ners, which had diftinguiftied him in the c'oifter. 
He continued to make all his journies on foot ; 
he fubfifted only upon alms ; his adts of morti- 
fication were as fevere as ever ; and his pe- 
nances as rigorous* Ifabella, pleafed with her 
choice, conferred on him, not long after, the 
Archbiftioprick of Toledo, which, next to the 
Papacy, is the richeft dignity in the church of 
Rome. This honour he declined with a firm- 
nefs, which nothing but the authoritative injunc- 
tion of the Pope was able to overcome. Nor 
did this height of promotion change his man- 
ners. Though obliged to difplay in '^public 
that magnificence which became his flation, he 
himfelf retained his monaftick feverity. Under 
his pontifical robes he conitantly wore the coarfe 
frock of St. Francis, the rents in which he ufed 
to patch with his own hands. He at no time 
ufed linen; but was commonly clad in hair- 
cloth. He flept always in his habit, moft fre- 
quently on the ground, or on boards, rarely in 
a bed. He did not tafte any of the delicacies 
which appeared at his table, but fatisfied him- 
felf with that fimple diet which the rule of his 
order prefcribed \ Notwithftanding thefe pecu- 
liarities, fo oppofite to the manners of the 
world, he poffeffed a thorough knowledge of 
its affairs ; and no fooner was he called by his 
ftation, and by the high opinion which Ferdi- 
nand and Ifabella entertained of him, to take 
a principal (hare in the adminiftration, than he 
difplayed talents for bufinefs, which rendered 
the fame of his wifdom equal to that of his 
fanAity. Bold and original in all his plans, his 


' Hiiloire de radminiftration du Card. Ximen. par Mich. 
Baudier, 410.1635. p. 13. 



political condudi: flowed from his real charader, 
and partook both of its virtues and its defeats. "jg^ 
His extenfive genius fuggefted to him fchemes, 
vaft and magnificent. Confcious of the inte- 
grity of his mtentions, he purfued thefe with 
unremitting and undaunted firmnefs. Accuf- 
tomed from his early youth to mortify his own 
paiSons, he fhewed little indulgence towards 
thofe of other men. Taught by his fyftem of 
religion to check even his moft innocent dcfires, 
he was the enemy of every thing to which he 
could afiix the name of elegance or pleafure. 
Though free from any fufpicion of cruelty, he 
difcovered in all his commerce with the world 
a fevere inflexibility of mind, and aullcrity of 
charafter, peculiar to the monaftick profeffion, 
and which can hardly be conceived in a country 
where that is unknown. 

Such was the man to whom Ferdinand com- cardinal 
mitted the regency of Caftilc, and though ^^^J^^*°*p* 
Ximcnes was then near fourfcore, and perfectly g^t by '*" 
acquainted with the labour and difficulty of the ^htriet. 
office, his natural intrepidity of mind, and zeal 
for the public good^ prompted him to accept 
of it without hefitation. Adrian of Utrecht, 
who had been fcnt into Spain a few months 
before the death of Ferdinand, produced full 
powers from the archduke to aflTume the name 
and authority of regent upon the demifc of his 
grandfather ^ but fuch was the averfion of the 
Spaniards to the government of a flranger, and 
fo unequal the abilities of the two competitors, 
that Adrian's claim would at once have been 
rejcftcd, if Ximenes himfelf, from complaifance 
to his new mafler, had not confented to acknow- 
ledge him as regent, and to carry on the govern- 
ment in conjunftioh with him. By this, how- 


Book I. cvcr^ Adrian acquired a digr^ity merely nommal* 
^'"""^C!^ Ximenes, though he treated him with great de- 
xi^nes ccncy^ and even refpeft^ retaimcd the whole 
obtains tiie pQwcr in his own haiids ^^ 

fble direc- 
cion of af- 
fairs. Thb Cardinars firft care was to obfenre the 

Hi8 preciu- o^otiofts pf the Infant Don Ferdinand, who 

tionsagainft having bccn flattered with fi> near a profpe6l of 

Dott Fcrdi- fuprcme power^ bore the difoppointment of hia 

•^* , hopes with greater impatience than could have 

been expefted of a prince ib young. Ximenes, 

zander pretence of providing more cffeft«ally 

for his fofety, removed him from Guadaloupe^ 

the place in which he had been educated, to 

Madrid, where he fixed the refidence of the 

court. There he was under the Cardinal's own 

eye, and hi6 conduft, with that of his domeftics, 

was watched with the utmoft attention \ 

Thi firft intelligence he received from the 
Low Countries, gave greater difquiet to the 
Cardinal, and convinced him how difficult a 
talk it would be to conduft the affairs of a 
young prince, under the influence of counfellors 
unacquainted with the laws ani manners of 
Spain* No fooner did the account of Ferdi- 
nand's death reach Bruflfelsj than Charles, by 
the advice of his Flemifh minifters, refdved to 
Charles af:. afiumc the title of king. By the laws of Spain, 
btteoV^* the fole right to the crowns both of Caftile and^ 
king. of Aragoft belonged to Joanna ', and though 
her infirmities difqualified her from governing, 
this incapacity had not been declared by any 
publick adi of the Cortes in either kingdom ; fb 
that the Spaniards confidered this rcfolution, 
not only as a direft violation of their privileges, 


« Gometiosdc reb. geH. Ximcnii, p. 150. fol. Compl. 
1569. n Miniana Contin. Marianae, lib* i. c. 2. 

Baudicr, Hifl, de Ximenes, p. 1 8, 


Vot as lUfi unnatural uiurpation in a fbn on the B^ojl L 
prerogatives of a mother, towards whom, in her '"""'^C*^ 
prefent unhappy fituation, he manifefted a lc(s '^' * 
delicate r^ard than her fubjeds had always ex- 
preiM •. The Flemilh court, however, having 
prev^led both on the Pope and on the Emperor 
to addrefs letters to Charles as king of Caftile ; 
the former of whom, it was pretended, had a 
right, as head of the church ; and the latter, as 
head of the empire, to confer this title ; inftruc- 
tions were ient to Ximenes, to prevail on the 
I Spaniards to acknowledge it. Ximenes, though 
I he had earneftly remonftrated againft the mea- 
fare, as no Ids unpopular than unneceflary, 
refolved to exert all his authority and credit in 
carrying it into execution, and immediately 
ai^l^d fuch of the nobles as were then at 
court. What Charles required was laid before 
them; and when, inftead of complying with 
his (kmands, they began to murmur againft 
fach an unprecedented encroachment on their 
privileges, and to talk hi^h of the rights of 
Joanna, and their oath ot allegiance to her, 
Ximenes haftily intcrpofed, and with that firm ^^J''^"* 
and decifive tone which was natural to him, told infl^a?oce oi 
them, that they were not called now to deli- x»«cn««« 
berate, but to obey -, that their fovercign did 
not apply to them for advice, but expefted fub- 
miffion ; and " this day, added he, Charles fhall April 13. 
be proclainEied king of Caftile in Madrid, and 
the reft of the cities will follow its example.** 
On the fpot he gave orders for that purpofe p ; 
and notwithftanding the novelty of the praftice, 
and the fecret difcontents of many perfons of 
diftinftion, Charles's title was univerfally recog. 
nized. In Aragon, where the privileges of the 


op. Mart. Ep. 568. P Gometias, p. 152, S^c, 

fiaudier Hill* de Ximen. p. 121. 


Bo6k I. fubje£t were more extenfive, and the abilities as 
^'-"^^-**^ well as authority of the archbilhop of Saragoffa, / 
'S*o. ^hom Ferdinand had appointed regent, were 
far inferior to thofe of Ximenes, the fame obfe- 
quioufnefs to the will of Charles did not.appear, 
nor was he acknowledged there under any other 
charafter but that of prince, until his arrival in 
Spain ^. 

fo^'^"^**^ Ximenes, though poffeffed only of delegated 
in? the pre- power, which, from his advanced age, he could 
rogitive. ^qj expcft to cnjoy long, aflumed, together with 
the charafter of regent, all the ideas natural to 
a monarch, and adopted fchemes for extending 
the regal authority, which he purfued with as 
much intrepidity and ardour, as if he himfelf 
had been to reap the advantages refulting from 
their fuccefs. The exorbitant privileges of the 
Caftilian nobles circumfcribed the prerogative 
of the prince within very narrow limits. Thefe 
the cardinal confidered as fo many unjuft ex- 
tortions from the crown, and determined to re- 
duce them. Dangerous as the attempt was, 
there were circumftances in his fituation which 
promifcd him greater fuccefs than any king of ' 
Caftiie could have expefted. His ftri6t and 
prudent ceconomy of his archiepifcopal reve- 
nues furnifhed him with more ready money 
than the crown could at any time command ; 
the landtity of his manners, his charity and mu- 
nificence, rendered him the idol of the people ; 
and the nobles themfelves, not fufpeding any 
danger from him, did not obferve his motions 
with the fame jealous attention, as they would 
have watched thofe of one of their monarchs. 


q P. Mart. Ep. 572. 


iMvfEDiATELY upon his acccffion to the re- Book I. 
gency, feveral of the nobles, fancying that the \^C^ 
reins of government would of confequence be By depreV- 
fomewhat relaxed, began to affemble their vaf-^?j?^^*°^ 
fals, and to profecute, by force of arms, private 
quarrels and pretenfions, which the authority of 
Ferdinand had obliged them to diflemble, or to 
relinquilh. But Ximenes, who had taken into 
pay a good body of troops, oppofed and de- 
feated all their defigns with unexpedled vigour 
and facility j and though he did not treat the 
authors of thefe diforders with any cruelty, he 
forced them to afts of fubmiffion, extremely 
mortifying to the haughty fpirit of Caftiliari 

But while the Cardinal^s attacks were con- ]^y forming 
fined to individuals, and every aft of rigour *^^j[^ 
was juftified by the appearance of rieceflity, pcmdiDg oo 
founded on the formis of juftice, and tempered '*** '^''*^'*' 
with a mixture of lenity, there was Icarcely rooni 
for jealoufy or complaint. It was not fo with 
his next meafure^ which, by striking at a privi- 
lege ellential to the nobility, gave a general 
alarm to the whole order. By the feudal con- 
ftitution, the military power was lodged in the 
hands of the nobles, and men of an ihferio^ 
condition were called into the field only as their 
vaflals, and to follow their banners. A king 
with fcanty revenues, and a limited prerogative, 
depended on thefc potent barons in all his Ope- 
rations. It was with their forces he attacked 
his enemies, and with them he defended hiS 
own kingdom. While at the head of troops at- 
tached warmly to their own lords, and accuftomed 
to obey no other commands, his authority was 
precarious, and his efforts feeble. From this 
ftatc Ximenes refolved to deliver the crown ; 
and as mercenary (landing armies were unknown 

Vol. II. D under 


Book I. under the /eudal governrtieht, dnd would h^ve 
- J "- > ^ Been odiouis to a nlirtial and gehefbus people, 
he iffiied a proclarfiatiott, commanding eV«ty 
city in Caftile to enrol i certain nutfibei: of its 
bufgeflfes, in ordef that thty might be trained 
to the ufc of arms oh SUhdays ahd holidays •, he 
engaged to provide bffecei's to cbmmihd them 
at the publick eipenc^ ; iHd aS ati etlcourage- 
m'eht to the private tneri, ptoniifed them aft 6)c- 
emption frbhl all takes ihd ittipbfitiohs. The 
frequent iricbrliohs of the iMtoofs from Africa, 
and the heceltity of having fortie ftytc6 rfcady to 
dppofe therh, furiiirtied a plaufifale prttfente for 
this innovation. The ebjedt Willy in View >fras 
to fecure the king a body of troops indeperideht 
of his barons, and which might ferve to coun- 
terbalance their po^e'r ''. The Aobles wefe hot 
ijghbrant of his iAtaritio'rt, and faW h'bw effeftually 
the fcheme which he had adopted Wdtild ac- 
complifh his 'eild ; but as a itidafiirfe which hid 
fhe bioiis appearanc6 of refilling the progffcfs of 
the Infidels was e*trett1ely popiilir, and as any 
oppotitioh to it arifihg From their brdfer albni^, 
would tiave been impXited t^rhoUy to inte^efted 
motives, they endeavbufed to 6kcire the cities 
themfelves to refufe obedience, and to femoti- 
ftrate againft the prbclamation, as incbnfiftent 
with their charters arid privileges. In cbnfe- 
tjuehce of their iriftigatioris, Burgbs, Valkdolid, 
|i'nd feveral other citifes, tbfe in bp6n mutiny. 
Some of the grandees declated themfdves their 
prbteftors. Violent fenfioriftrances were pre- 
fehted to the king. His FtemifH counfeUors 
were alarriied. Xirfieries alone continued fiYtti 
and undaunted ; ahd 'partly by terror, p&rtly by 
intreaty; by force in foine iriftancts, and by 
forbearance in Others, he prefvailed 'on all the 


> Minianx Continuatio Marians, foL Hag. 17331 p. 3. 

the oo< 


refradory cities to comply •. During his ad- Boo* L 
rainiftr^oa, he continued to execute his plan '^""^O^ 
with vigour, but fooB afoer his death it was ea- ^ 
tirely dropt. 

Hjs fuccefs in this fcheme for reducing t^?^^""*"^ 

exorbitant power of the nobility, encouraged him o Ao^me^ 

to attempt a d'uninution of their poflcffions, ^^^^^ 

which were no lefs exorbitant. During the con- buity. 

tefts and diforders inieparaUe from the feudal 

government, the nobles, ever attentive to their 

own iatereft, and taking advantage of the weak- 

nds or diftrefs of their monarchs, had fcized 

fome parts of the royal demefnes, obtained grants 

of others, and having gradually wrcfted alnK)(t 

the whole out of the hands or the prince, had 

aonexed them to their own eftates. The rights, 

by which moA of the grandees held theie lands, 

were extremely defective ; it was from fome fuc- 

cefsful ufurpation, which the crown had been 

too feeble to difpute, that many derived their 

only title to pofleffion. An enquiry carried 

back to the origin of thefe encroachments, which 

were altnoft co-eval with the feudal fyftem, was 

impracticable; and as it would hare ftripped 

ev;ery nobleman in Spain of great part of his 

lands, it muft have excited a general revolt. 

Such a ftep was too bold, even for the enterpriz- 

ing genius of Ximenes. He confined himfelf 

to the reign of Ferdinand ; and beginning witli 

the penfions granted during that time, refufed 

to make any farther payment, becaufe all right 

to them expired with his life. He then called 

to account fuch as had acquired crown lands 

under the adminiftration of that monarch, and 

at once refumed whatever he had alienated. The 

cSeds . of thefe revocations extended to many 

D 2 perfons 


« P. Man. Ep. 556, &c. Gomeiiasy p. 160, &c. 


Book I. perfons of high rank •, for though Ferdinand 
''^'"^C''"^ was a prince of little generofity, yet he and Ifa- 
^ * bella having been raifed to the throne of Caftile 
by a powerful faftion of the nobles, they were 
obliged to reward the zeal of their adherents 
with great liberality, and the royal demefnes 
were their only fund for that purpofe. The 
addition made to the revenue or the crown by 
thefe revocations, together with his own frugal 
oeconomy, enabled Ximenes not only todifcharge 
all the debts which Ferdinand had left, and to 
remit confiderable fums to Flanders, but to pay 
the officers of his new militia, and to eftablilh 
magazines more numerous, and better furnilhed 
with artillery, arms, and warlike ftores, than 
Spain had ever poffefled in any former age '. 
The prudent and difinterefted application of 
thefe fums, was a full apology to the people for 
the rigour with which they were exacted, 

Ip^i^^tlr The nobles, alarmed at thefe repeated at- 
meafarcf, tacks, began to think of precautions for the 
fafety of their order. Many cabals were form- 
ed, loud complaints were uttered, and def- 
perate refolutions taken ; but before they pro- 
ceeded to extremities, they appointed fome of 
their number to examine the powers in confe- 
quence of which the Cardinal exercifed afts of 
fuch high authority. The admiral of Caftile, 
the duke de Infantado, and the conde de Bene- 
vento, grandees of the firft rank, were entrufted 
with this commiffion. Ximenes received them 
^yith cold civility, and in anfwer to their de- 
mand, produced the teftament of Ferdinand by 
which he was appointed regent, together witn 
the ratification of that deed by Charles. To 
both thefe they objefted j and he endeavoured 


t Flcchicr Vic de Ximcn. ii, 600. 



to eftablifh their validity. As the converfation Book r. 
grew warm, he led them infenfibly towards a ^*^C*^ 
balcony, from which they had a view of a large but lithont 
body of troops under arms, and of a formidable^«"«^*- 
train of artillery. "Behold," fays he, pointing 
to thefe and railing his voice, " the powers 
Which I have received from his Catholick ma- 
jelly. With thefe I govern Caftilc -, and with 
thefe I will govern it, until the king your matter 
and mine takes poffeflion of his kingdom ".*' A 
declaration fo bold and haughty filenced them, 
and aftonifhed their aflbciates. To take arms 
againft a man aware of his danger, and prepared 
for his defence, was what defpair alone would 
diftate. All thoughts j6f a general confederacy 
againft the Cardinal'^ adminiftration were laid 
^fide ; and except from fome flight commotions, 
excited by the private refentmentof particular 
noblemen, the tranquillity of Caftile fufFered no 

It was not only from the oppofition of the Thwtrtcd 
Spanifti nobility that obftacles arofe to the exe- F£(h ^** * 
cution of the Cardinal's fchemes; he had a con^ miniftcrs. 
ftant ftruggle to maintain with the Flemifli mini- 
fters, who, prefuming upon their favour with thq 
young king, aimed at direfting the affairs of 
Spain, as well as thofe of their own country. 
Jealous of his great abilities, and independent 
fpirit, they confidered Ximenes rather as a rival 
who might circumfcribe their power, than as a 
minifter who by his prudence and vigour was 
adding to the grandeur and authority of their 
matter. Every complaint againft his admini-r 
ftration was liAened to with pleafure by the cour- 
tiers in the Low Countries. Unneceflary ob- 
ftruaions wcr^ thro\yn by their means in the 


» Flech. U. 551 . Ferreras^ Hift. viii. 433* 



Book F. way of all his meafures j and though they could 

^^'"'"''^'T^ not either with decency or fafcty deprive him of 

* ^ * ' the office of regent, they endeavoured to Icffcn 

his authority by dividing it. They foon dif- 

covered that Adrian of Utrecht, already joined 

with him in office, had neither genius nor fpirit 

fufficient to give the leaft check to his profeedr 

An additi- ings ; and therefore Charles, by their advice, 

ber l°r"' ^^^^^ to the commiffion of rpgency La Chau, a 

gents ap- Flemifti gentleman^ and afterwards Amcrftorf, 

pointed. ^ pobleman of Holland; the former diftin- 

[uifhed for his addrefs, the latter for his firmnefs, 

jmenes, though no ftranger to the malevolent 

intention of the Flemiffi courtiers, received thefe 

new affociates with all the external marks of dif- 

tinftion due to the office with which they were 

invefted; but when they came to enter upon 

bufinefs, he abated nothing of that air of fupc- 

riority with which he had treated Adrian, and 

ximenes re- ftiil retained the folc dircftion of affairs.- The 

IcaJw'o/' Spaniards, more averfe, perhaps, than any other 

$ff4ir8. people to thie government of ftrangers, approved 

of all his efforts to prefcrve his authority. Even 

the nobles, influenced by thi^ national paffioHj^ 

and forgetting their jealoufics and difcontents, 

chofe rather to fee the fupremc power in the 

hands of one of their countrymen, whom they 

feared, than in thofe of foreigiiers, whom they 


Hisfucccfs- Ximenes, though engaged iri fuch great 
Niv^rc '° ^?h^"^cs ^f domeftick policy, and embarraflcd by 
the artifices and intrigues of the Flemifti mi- 
nifters, had the burden of two foreign wars to 
fupport. The one was in Navarre^ invaded by 
its unfortunate monarch, John d*Albret. The 
death of Ferdinand, the abfence of Charles, the 
difcord and difaffedtion which reigned among 
' tl^e 


the 8pani(h ijoblcs, fcemcd to prefent him wjtji Book I. 
z favourable oppprtijnity of recovering his do- * ^^'jp^ 
minions. The Cardinars vigilance, hpwcvef, ^^^ ' 
defeated a nieafure fy well concerted. As he 
forcfaw the danger to whi|:h that kingdom mig^t 
be expofed^ one of his /irft afts of admini/lra- 
tion was to order thither a cppliderable body of 
troops. While the king ivas employed with 
one part of his army in the fiege'of St. Jean 
Pied en Port, Vill^lva, an p/Kcer pf great ex- 
perience ^nd cpgri^ge, ^tt^cked the other bv 
uirprife^ ao4 cij.t it to pieces. The kinjg in- 
ftar^jjy reiDreaie.d witfi precipitation, and an end 
was put to the w^r *, JBut a^ Navarre was. filled 
at that time with towns and caftles, (lightly 
fortified, apd weekly garrifoned, which being 
uaabte to refiflt ^n PA^my, fer^red only to furnifh ^ 
him 5vitjh pj^qes of i;ejtreat ^ /Ximenes, always 
boW gad decifiv^e in ]ji? meafi^res, ordered every 
4)Ae i)f thefe to bp jdifmanried, ejcccpt Pampe- 
l^n^ fj^e fortiftcajipiDS pf which ,he proppfedtp 
rpuder yexy ftrong. To this .upcpnvnpn pre- 
cmtioj^ 5paio owes t;he ppffefllion ojf Navarrj . 
The Frepjcb, fioce th^t pewd, have pften en- 
terpd, md havp ^ pften oyer- run the open 
coutttry i bA;it while tb^y were expofed to all the 
iijconveoiencies pt,tc;D^ing ^n inv^^ing array^ the 
Spa^i^ds have ei^CJy drawij Vppps from thp 
neighhouring proyJw:es tp ppppfe them ; ^n^ 
the flench, Jpeiqg dc;ftitMt;e xof ftrpng towns to 
which tlfey AOM^lp J*Wrc, h^ye been pbliged to 
abandon their cp^jqxie^ with ^ ©ych rapidUy as 
they gaii^4 lit. 

Thp ay,v vhkh ke .qarriq4 90 in Afriqt, His opertti- 
agaipft th? fmoMi? .a^y^QW^r ^Upryc 3?arba.;>;,'VXr 
jrp.fl&, w^^9 from a private corfair, raifed him- wtc. 
kif^ by his fingular valour and addrcfs, to be 


? P. Mart. Ep. 570, 


Book T. king of Algiers and Tunis, was far from being 
^^""^^^"^ equally fuccefsful. The ill conduft of the 
'5 ' Spanim general, and the rafli valour of his 
troops, prefented Barbaroffa with an eafy yiftory. 
Many periflied in the battle, more in the retreat, 
and the remainder returned into Spain covered 
with infamy. The magnanimity, however, with 
which the Cardinal bore this difgrace, the only 
one he experienced during his adminifiration, 
added new luftre to his charafter y. Great com- 
pofure of temper under a difappointment, was 
not expefted from a man fo remarkable for the 
cagernefs and impatience with which he urged 
on the execution of all his fchemes. 

CorruptTon This difaftcr was foon forgotten ; while the 
hlifh mTn^ conduct of the Flemifli court proved the caufe 
fters, par- of conftant uncafmcfs, not only to the Cardinal, 
Ch^ivrw."*^ but to the whole Spanifli nation. All the great 
qualities of Chlevres, the prime minifter and 
favourite of the young king, were fullied with 
an ignoble and fordid avarice. The acceflion of 
Iiis mafter to the crown of Spain, opened a 
new and copious fource for the gratification of 
this paffion. During the time of Charles's refi- 
(ience in Flanders, the whole tribe of pretenders 
to offices or to favour reforted thither. They 
foon difcovercd that, without the patronage of 
Chievres, it was vain to hope for preferment ; 
nor did they want fagacity to find out the proper 
method of fecuring his proteftion. Vaft fums 
of money were drawn out of Spain. Every 
thing was venal, and difpofed of to the higheft 
bidder. After the exaniple of Chievres, the in- 
ferior Flemilh minifters engaged in this traffick, 
yvhich became as general and avowed, as it was; 


^ y Gometiusy lib. vi. p. 179. 


infamous *. The Spaniards were filled with Book I. 
rage when they beheld offices of great import- ^■■"^--^ 
ance to the welfare of their country, fct to ^^ 
fale by ftrangers, unconcerned for its honour or 
its happinefs. Ximenes, difinterefted in his 
whole adminift ration, and a ftranger, from his 
iiative grandeur of mind, to the paffion of ava- 
rice, inveighed with the utmoft boldnefs againft 
the venality of the Flemings. He reprefented 
to the King in ftrong terms, the murmurs and 
indignation which their behaviour excited among 
a free and high fpirited people, and befoughc 
him to fet out without lofs of time for Spain, 
that, by his prefence, he might diffipate the 
clouds which were gathering all over the king- 
dom *. 

Charles was fully lenfible that he had de- rhnie«per. 
layed too long to take poffeffion of his domi-xf^^/^^/t^ 
nions in Spain. Powerful obftacles, however, viCt Spain, 
ftood in his way, and detained him in the Low 
Countries. The war which the league of Cam- 
bray had kindled in Italy, ftill fubfifted ; though, 
during its courfe, the armies of all the parties 
engaged in it, had changed their deftination and 
their objects. France was now in alliance with 
Venice, which it had at firft combined to deftroy. 
Maximilian and Ferdinand had for fome years 
carried on hoftllities againft France, their origi- 
nal ally, to the valobr of whofe troops the con- 
federacy had been indebted for all its fuccefs. 
Together with his kingdoms, Ferdinand tranf- 
niitted this war to his grandfon ; and there was 
reafon to expeA that Maximilian, always fond of 
new enterprizes, would perfuade the young 
monarch to enter into it with ardour. But the 
Flemings, who had long pofleflcd an extenfive 


* ^liniana, Contin. 1. 1. c. 2. * P. T^Uru Ep. 576. 


Book I. commerce, which, during ^he leagyc of Cam- 
* ^7^ bray, had grown to > gr^at hpight upon the 
*^^ ' ruins of the Venetian trade, dreaded a rupture 
with France ; and Chievres, fagaciops to difcern 
the true intereft of his country, and not warped 
on this Qccafion by his love of wealth, warmly 
declared for maintaining peace with the French 
nation. Francis I. dijfticijte of allies, and foii- 
citous to fecure his late conquers in Italy by a 
treaty, liftened with joy to the firft overtyr^s qf 
accommodation. Chievres hunfelf conduced 
the negociation in name of Charjes. Gou^cr 
appeared as plenipoteotiary for Francis. Each 
of them had prefided over the education of the 
prince whom he reprcfcnted. Tbey had both 
adopted the fame pacific fyftem •, and were 
equally perfuaded that the union of the two mo- 
narchs was the happieflt ey^nt for then^fclves, as 
lueil as for their Icingdoms. In A^^h hands the 
A fctce negociation did not languifti. A few days after 
^"hFrlfnce. Opening thcif conferences a^ Noyo«, thpy con- 
-^"g '3> eluded a treaty of co«ifedcracy ^d mutpai d9- 
'^* * fence between the two monarchs ; i:l>e chief ar- 
ticles in which wicne, thtt Francis feoiiJd giv-^^P 
marriage to Charkss his eldcft daughter, tJie ^^- 
cck Louile, an infant of a y^ar old, and a« kfiiv 
dowry, IhouM floake over to him ^11 hi3 <la*n?is 
and pretenfioDs upon the kingdom of Naplf3 ; 
chat in ooniideracioQ of Charles's bei0g airegd^ 
in poi&fllon of Naples, he dEhould, until the ;ac- 
compHQuneot of the marriage, pay an hundred 
thoufand cnowns a year uo tkc French king ; 
ami the half pf that fum anoually, as kmg as 
the ptuBceis bad no children ; that when Charles 
ifeatt arrive in Spam, dae heirs of the king of 
iMavarxe may reprefent to bim dieir right to 
that kingdom ; and if he do daoc giv^ tbsm ifa- 
^isfaftion, Francis Ihould be at liberty to affift 



them with all his forces **, This alliance not Book I. 
only united Charles and Francis, but obliged ' '^ 
Maximilian, xwho was unable alone to * ope with *^' ' 
the French and Venetians, to enter into a treaty 
witii thofc powers, which put a final period to 
the bloody and tedious war that the league o£» 
Cambray had occafioned, Europe enjoyed a 
few years of univerfal tranquillity, and was in- 
debted for that blefling to two prince?, whofe 
rivallhip and ambition kept it in perpetual dif- 
tord and agitation during the remainder of their 

By the, treaty of Noyon, Charles fecured a The Ficm- 
life paffage into Spain. It was not, however, io^chark?t 
the intereft of his Flemifli minifters, that he vifinoSpaio 
Ihould vifit that kingdom foon. While he re- 
(ided in Flanders, the revenues of the Spanifli 
crown were fpent there, and they engrofled, 
without any competitors, all the cffefts of their 
monarch's generofity ; their country became the 
(eat of government, and all favours were dif- 
penfed by them. Of all thefe advantages, they 
run the rifque of feeing themfelves deprived, 
from the inoment that tlieir fovereign entered 
Spain. The Spaniards would naturally affume 
the direction of their own affairs; the Low 
Countries would be cpnfidered only as a Pro* 
vince of that nnighty monarchy -, and they wIk> 
now diftributed the favours of the prince to 
others, mull then be content to receive them 
from the hands of ftrangcrs. But what Chievres AfrtW of 
chkfly wiflied to avoid was, an interview be- ^*'^*'**** 
tween the king and Ximewes. On the one 
hand, the wildom, the integrity, and the mag- 
nanimity of that prelate, gave him a wonderful 
afcendant over the minds of men ; and it was 


b (^eonar^ Recueil desT^aitez, torn. ii. 69* 


extremely probable, that thefe great qualities^ 
added to the reverence due to his age and office^ 
^ ' would command the refpeft of a young prince, 
who, capable of noble and generous fentiments 
bimfelf, would, in proportion to his admiration 
^f the Cardinal's virtues, leffen his deference 
towards perfons of another charafter. Or, on 
the other hand, if Charles Ihould allow his 
Flemifh favourites to retain all the influence 
over his councils which they at prefent pofiefled, 
it was eafy to forefee that the Cardinal would 
remonftrate loudly againft fuch an indignity to 
the Spanifh nation, and vindicate the rights of 
his c6untry with the fame intrepidity and fuc- 
ccfs, that he had aflerted the prerogatives pf 
the crown. For thefe reafons, all his Flemifh 
counfellors combined to retard his departure ; 
and Charles, unfufpicious^ from want of expe- 
rience, and fond of his native country, fufFered 
bimfelf to be unnecelTarily detained in the Ne- 
therlands a whole year after figning the treaty 
of Noyon* 

»5»7- The repeated entreaties of Ximenes, the ad- 
fcarksfer^vice of his grandfather Maximilian, and the 
%•»*' impatient murmurs of his Spanilh fubjedts,. pre- 
vailed on him at lad to embark. He was 
attended not only by Chievres, his prime mini- 
iler, but by a numerous and fplendid train of 
the Flemifh nobles, fond of beholding the gran-, 
deur, or of fharing in the bounty of their prince. 
Sept. IS- After a dangerous voyage, he landed at Villa 
Viciofa, in the province of Afturias, and was 
received with fuch loud acclamations of joy, as 
a new monarch, whofe arrival was fo ardently 
dcfircd, had reafon to cxpedt* The Spanifh 
nobility reforted to their fovereign from all 
j>ar;s of the kingdom, and difplayed a magni- 




ficence which the Flemings were unable to Book L 
emulate ^. ^— v— ^ 


XiMENES, who confidered the prefence of the Hi<»Fkmiik 
king as the greateft blefling to his dominions, ^'° ll'our 
was advancing towards the coaft, as faft as the to oreveat 
infirm ftate of his health would permit, in order JfcJ^^'jih 
to receive him. During his regency, and not- xim»c*. 
withftanding his extreme old age, he had abated, 
in no degree, the rigour or frequency of his 
mortifications ; and to thefe he added fuch la- 
borious afliduity in bufinefs, as would have 
worn out the mod youthful and vigorous con- 
ftitution. Every day he employed feveral hours 
in devotion ; he celebrated mafs in perfon ; he 
even allotted lome fpace for ftudy. Notwith- 
ftanding thefe occupations, he regularly attended 
the council; he received and read all papers 
prefented to him; he diftated letters and in- 
ftrudions; and took under his infpeftion all 
bufinefs, civil, ecclefiaftical, or military. Every 
moment of his time was filled up with fomc 
ferious employment. The only amufement in 
which he indulged himfelf by way of relaxation 
after bufinefs, was to canvafs, with a few friars 
and divines, fome intricate article in fcholaftic 
theology. Wafted by fuch a courfe of life, the 
infirmities of age daily grew upon him. On 
his journey, a violent diforder feized him at Bos 
Equillos, attended with uncommon fymptoms ; 
which his followers' confidered as the etfed of 
poifon % but could not agree whether the crime 
ought to be imputed to the hatred of the 
Spanifti nobles, or to the malice of the Flemifli 
courtiers. This accident obliging him to flop ' 
fliort, he wrote to Charles, and with his pfual 


^ P. Mart. Ep. 599. 601. ^ Miniana, Contiii« 

lib. X. c. 3. 


Book I. boldnefs advifcd him to difiniis all the ftrangcrs 
' — v'"-^ in his train, whofe numbers and credit g^vc 
Chl?ic8^in- off^'^ce already to the Spaniards, and would ere 
r«titude to long alienate the afFc<5tions of the whok people. 
Ximenes. ^^ ^.j^^ f^^^ umt^ he eamcftly dcCred to have 

an interview with the king, that he might inform 
him of the ftate of the nation, and die temper 
of his fubjc&s. To prevent this, not only the 
Flcmitigs, but the Spanifti grandees, employed 
all their addrefs, and induftrioufly kept Charles 
at a drftanoe from Aranda, the place to which 
the Cardinal had renK)ved. Through their ft^- 
gcftions, every meafure that he recommended 
was reje6bed; the utmdft care was uken to 
make him feel, and to point out to the whole 
nation, that his power was on the decline ; even 
in things purely trivial, fuch a choice was always 
made, as wfcs deemed moft difagrceabk to him. 
Ximenes did not bear this treatment with his 
ciiiul fortitude of fpirit. Confcious of his own 
integrity and merit, he expcfted a more grateful 
-f~ retin*n from a prince, to whom he delivered a 
kingdom n-vore fiourrfhing than it had been in 
any former age, together with/ authority more 
extenfive and better eftablifhed, than the moft 
illuftrrious of his anceftors had ever poflefled. 
He could not, therefore, on many occafions, 
refrain from giving vent w his indignation and 
complaints. He lamented the fate of his coun- 
try, and foretold the calamities which it would 
fuffer from the infblence, the rapacioulrjefs, and 
ignorance of ftrangers. While his mind was 
agitated by theic paffions, he received a letter 
from tl^ king, in which, alfoer a few cold and 
formal expreiTions of regard, he was allowed to 
retire to his diocefe ; that after a life 4Df fuch 
continued labour, he might end his days in 
Hisdcaih, tranquillity. This mefTage proved fatal to 
Ximenes, his haughty mind, it is probable;, 



would not furvive difgracc ; perhaps his gene- Book I. 
rom heart could not bear the profpcft of the '^ ^^^*^ 
misfortunes ready to fall on his country. Which- '^ '^* 
foever of thefe opinions we embrace, certain it 
ii that he expired a few hours after reading the Nov. 8. 
ktter *. The Variety, the grandeur, and the 
fuccefe of his fchemes, during a regency of only 
twehty months, leave it doubtful, whether his 
fagacity in council, his prudence in conduft, or 
his boldnefs in execution, deferve the greateft 
ftaife. Mis reputation is ftill high in Spain, not 
bnly for wilRlt)fti, but for fanftity -, and he is the 
only prime nrtinifter mentioned in hiftory, whom 
his contefnpofaties reverenced as a faint ^, and to 
whom the people under his government afcribed 
the pQWer of working miracles. 

Soo^ after the death of Ximencs, Charles 1518. 
made his publrtk entry, with great pomp, intofj^vriudt'' 
Valladolid, whither he had fummoned the Cortes id. 
(A Caftite. Though he aflumed on all occafions 
the name of king, that title had never been 
acknowledged in the Cortes. The Spaniards 
tionfidering Joanna as poffeffed of the fole right 
to the crown^ and no e^cample of a fon's havrng 
^joyed the title of king during the life of his 
patents occurring in their hillory, the Cortes 
difcovered all that fcrupulotis relpeft for ancient 
forms, and that averfion to innovarion, which 
iire confpicuous in popular affemblics. The 
prcfence, however, of their prince, the addrefs, 
the artifices, and the threats of his niinifters, 
prevailed on them at laft to proclaim him king, DccUpm 
in conjunftion with his mother, whofe name^^y^^*" 
they appointed to be placed before that of her 


« Marfollier, Vic de Ximencs, p. 447. Gometius, lib. 
vli p. ao6, &€. BaiKlier Hift. de Ximcn p. 2c8. 
^ f kchier» Vic de Ximen. ii. 746. 


"» .- 


BookI. fon in all publick afts. But, when they made 
^'— "v— — 'this conceffion, they declared that, if at any 
*^' * future period Joanna fhould recover the exer- 
cife of reafon,' the whole authority fhould 
return into her hands. At the fame time, they 
voted a free gift of fix hundred thoufand ducats 
to be paid in three years, a fum more confider- 
able than had ever been granted to any former 
monarch &. 

Difcontient NOTWITHSTANDING thls obfcqUlOufnefs of 

ttiians^, ^and ^^c Cortes to the will of the king, the moft 
the caufe8 violent fymptoms of diflatisfaftion with his go- 
vernment began to breakout in the kingdom. 
Chievres had acquired over the mind of the 
young monarch the afcendant not only of a 
tutor, but of a parent. Charles feemed to have 
no fentiments but thofe which his minifter in- 
fpired, and fcarcely uttered a word but what he 
put into his mouth. * He was conftantly fur- 
rounded by Flemings j no perfon got accefs to 
him without their permiffion ; nor was any ad- 
mitted to audience but in their prefence. As 
he fpoke the Spanifti language very imperfectly, 
his anfwers were always extremely fhort, and 
often delivered with hefitation. From all thefe 
circumftances, many, of the Spaniards were led 
to believe that he was a prince of a flow and 
narrow genius. Some pretended to difcover a 
ftrong refemblance between him and his mother, 
and began to whifper that his capacity for go- 
vernment would never be far fuperior to hers ; 
and though they who had the beft opportunity 
of judging concerning his charadter, maintained, 
that notwithftanding fuch unpromifing appear- 
ances, he poffelTed a large fund of knowledge 


& Miniana, Contin. lib. i. c. 3. P. Mart. Ep. 608. 
Sandov. p. \z. 


as. well as of fagacity ^; yet aU agreed in con^ ik^^ i. 
demning his partiality tow»ds his couBtrymen, ^ " '^''' ^ '* 
aod his attachtneiK to his £avoi)rkes, as unrea- ^^ 
fonable and immoderate. Unfortunately for 
Charles, thefe favourites were unworthy of his 
confidence. To- amafs wealth ieeois to have 
been their only aim ; and as they bad res^n to 
fear, that either their nu^er's good fenie, of. 
the indignation of the Spaniards, might fix>n 
abridge their power, they haftened to improve 
Uie prefent opportunity, and their avarice was 
the more r^acious, becaufe they expe£bed their 
authority to be of no long duration. All 
honours, offices^ and benefices, were either en* 
grofled by the Flemingis, or publickly fold by 
them-. Chievres, his wife, and Sauvage, whom 
CharleSy on the death of Ximenes^ had impru^ 
dendf raiied to be chancellor of Caftile, vied 
with each other in all the refinements of extor* 
tion and venality. Not only the Spamfh hifto*- 
rians, who, from refentment, may be fufpefted 
of exaggeration, but Peter Martyr Angleria, an 
Italian, who refided at that time m the court 
of Spain, and who was under noi temptation to 
deceive the perfons to whom his letters are 
addreiled^ give a deicription which is almoft 
incredible, of the iniatiable and ihamekfs covet- 
ou&efs of the Flemingjs. According to An«- 
CJeria's calculation, which he ztktts to be eXr 
tremely moderate, they remitted into the Low 
Countries, in the ^ce of ten months, no lefs 
a fom than a million and one hundred thoufand 
ducats. The nomination of William de Croy, 
Chievres' nephew, a young man not of cano- 
nical age, to the Archbifhoprick of Toledo, 
exafberated the Spaniards more than all thefe 
cxadions. They confidered the elevation of a 
ftranger to the head of their church,, and to the 
richcft benefice in the kingdom, not only as an 
Vol. Ih E injury, 

b Sandoval^ p. 31. P. Majrt £p« 65 $> 


Book I. injury, but as an infult to the whole nation ; 
^' ^ ^'^ both clergy and laity, the former from intereft, 
'^ ' ' the latter from indignation, joined in exclaiming 
againft it. ^ 

Charles Charles leaving Caftile thus difgufted with 

cortel^'of his adminiftration, fet out for Saragoffa, the 
Aragon. capital 6f Aragon, that he might be prefent in 
the Cortes of that kingdom. On his way thither, 
he took leave of his brother Ferdinand, whom 
he fent into Germany on the pretence of vifiting 
their grandfather, Maximilian, in his old age. 
To this prudent precaution, Charles owed the 
prefervation of his Spanifli dominions. During 
the violent commotions which arofe there foon 
after this period, the Spaniards would infallibly 
have offered the crown to a prince, who was 
the darling of the whole nation ; nor did Fer- 
dinand want ambition, or counfellors, that might 
have prompted him to accept of the offer ^. 

Jcfemo^r* TftE Aragonefe had not hitherto acknow- 
Sotraaabic Icdgcd Charlcs as king, nor would they allow 
t?*P,*>* the Cortes to be aflfembled in his name, but in 
that of the Juftiza, to whom, durmg an mter- 
regnum, this privilege belonged K The oppo- 
fition Charles had to ftruggle with in the Cortes 
of Aragon, was more violent and obftinate than 
that which he had overcome in Caflile ; after 
long delays, however, and with much difficulty, 
he perfuaded the members to confer on him the 
title of king, in conjunftion with his mother. 
At the fame time he bound himfelf by that fo- 
lemn oath, which the Aragonefe exafted of their 
king, never to violate any of their rights or 
liberties. When a donative was demanded, the 


> Sandoval, 28— 31. P. Mart. Ep. 6d8, 611, 613, 614, 
622* 623, 639. Miniana, Contin. lib. i. c. 3. p. 8. 
^ P. Martyr, Ep 619. Ferreras, viii. 460. 
' P. Martyr, Ep.605. 


members were ftill more intraftable ; many Book I. 
months elapfed before they would agree to grant ^'*'*^^T^ 
Charles two hundred thoufand ducats, and that ^ 
fum they appropriated fo ftriftly for paying 
debts of the crown, which had long been for- 
gotten, that a very fmall part of it came into the 
king's hands. What had happened in Caf- 
tilc, taught them caution, and determined them 
rather to fatisfy the claims of their fellow-citi- 
zens, how obfolete foever, than to furnifh ftran- 
gers the means of enriching themfelves with the 
^ils of their country ™. 

During thefe proceedings of the Cortes, am- 
bafladors arrived at Saragoffa from Francis I. 
and the young king of Navarre, demanding the 
reftitution of that kingdom in terms of the treaty 
of Noyon. But neither Charles, nor the Cafti- 
lian nobles whom he confulted on this occafion, 
difcovered any inclination to part with this ac- 
quifition. A conference held foon after at 
Montpelier, in order toT)ring this matter to an 
anficable iflue, was altogether fruitlefs; while 
the French urged the injuftice of the ufurpation, 
the Spaniards were attentive only to its im- 
portance ". 

From Aragon, Charles proceeded to Cata- 
lonia, where he wafted as nnich time, encoun- 
tered more difficulties, and gained lefs money. 
The Flemings were now become fo odious in 
every province of Spain by their exaftions, that 
the defire of mortifying them, and of difap- 
pointing their avarice, augmented the jealoufy 
with which a free people ufually conduft their 

E 2 The 

«n P. Martyr, Ep. 6i 5— 634. • P. Martyr, Ep. 695. 

635. 640. 



The Caftilians, who had felt moft fcnfibly 
the weight and rigour of the oppreffive fchemes 
Comblw- carried on by the Flemings, rcfolved no longer 
tion of the to fubmit with a tamenefs fatal to themfelves, 
a^iift "he ^ttd which rendered them the objefts of fcorn 
FJemiOi mi- among the reft of the Spaniards* Segovia, 
Toledo, Seville, and feveral other cities of the 
firft rank, entered into a confederacy for the de- 
fence of their rights and privileges ; and not- 
withftanding the filence of the nobility, who, on 
this occafion, difcovered neither the public fpi- 
rit nor the refolution which became their order, 
the confederates laid before the king a full view 
of the ftate of the kingdom, and of the mal- 
adminiftration of his favourites. The prefer- 
ment of ftrangers •, the exportation of the cur- 
rent coin, the increafe of taxes, were the griev- 
ances of which they chiefly complained -, and of 
thefe they demanded redrefs with that boldnefs 
which is natural to a free people. Thefe remon- 
ftranceSi, prefented at firft at Saragofla, and re- 
newed afterward^ at Barcelona,, Charles treated 
with great negjedt. The confederacy, however, 
of thefe cities at this junfture, was the begin- 
ning of that famous union among the com- 
mons of Caftile, which not long after threw 
the kingdom into fuch violent convulfions as 
Ihook the throne, and almoft overturned the 
conftitution ^ 

Death of Soon after Charles's arrival at Barcelona, he 

the Empe- • i i r i • i • 

rorMaximi- received the account or an event which mte- 
lian. ja- rafted him much more than t^e murmurs of the 
"^ '** Caftilians, or the fcruples of the Cortes of Cata- 
lonia. This was the death of the Emperor 
Maximilian ; an occurrence of fmall importance 
in itfelf, for he was a prince confpicuous neither 


o p. Martyr, Ep. 63o« Ferrcras, viii. 464. 


for his virtues, nor his power, nor his abilities; Book I. 
but rendered by its confequences more memo- ^ -^.■^■j 
rable than any that had happened during feve- '^'^' 
ral ages. It broke that profound and univerfal 
peace which then reigned in the Chriftian world ; 
it excited a rivallhip between two princes, which 
threw all Europe into agitation, and kindled 
wars more general, and of longer duration, than 
had hitherto been known in modern times. 

The revolutions occafioned by the expedition 
of the French king, Charles VIIK into Italy, 
had infpired the European princes with new ideas 
concerning the importance of the Imperial ^ig 
nity. The claims of the empire upon fome of 
the Italian ftates were numerous ; its jurifdiftion 
over others was ^xtenfive ; and though the for- 
mer had been almoft abandoned, and the latter 
feldom cxercifed, under princes of flender abi- 
lities, and of little influence, it was obvious, 
that, in the hands of an Emperor poflefled of 
power or genius, they would be employed as 
engines for ftretching his dominion over the 
greater part of that country. Even Maximi- 
lian, feeble and unfteady as his conduft always 
was, had availed himfelf of the infinite preten- 
fions of the empire, and had reaped advan- 
tage from every war and every negotiation in 
Italy during his reign. Thefe confiderations, 
added to the dignity of the ftation, confefledly 
the firft an[K>ng Chriftian princes, and to the 
rights inherent in the office, which if exerted 
with vigour, were fkr frcfm being inconfidcrable, 
rendered the Imperial crown more than ever an 
objed of ambition. 

. . Maxireilitn 

Not long before his death, Maximilian had *»*«* «oj*«»- 
difcovered great folicitude to preferve this dig- fec"u7c the 
nity in the Auftrian faipily, and to procure the J^PJ^'fij^., 

king grtndfon. 


Book f. king of Spain to be chofen his lucceflbr. But 
^-""^''^ he himfelf having never been crowned by the 
*5'9* Pope, a ceremony deemed eflential in that age, 
was confidered only as Emperor ele^l. 1'hougK 
hiftoriansdid not attend to that diftinftion, nei- 
ther the Italian or German chancery beffowed 
any other title upon him than that of king of 
the Romans •, and no example occurring in hif^ 
tory of any perfon's being chofen a fucccflor to 
a king of the Romans, the Germans, always 
tenacious of their forms, and unwilling' tpcon- 
' fer upon Charles an office for which their con- 
ftitution knew no name, obftinately refufeii to 
gratify Maximilian in that point P, ' 

Charles and By his death, this difficulty was at once re- 

fom^^eiitors "^^v?^» and Charles opcnly afpired to that dig- 

for the em- hity wHich his grandfather had attempted, with- 

***'*• out fuccefs, to fecure for him* At the fame 

time, Francis I. a powerful rival, entered the 

lifts agjainft him \ and the attention of all Europe 

was fixed upon this competition^ ho. lefs illuftri- 

ous from the high rank of the candidates, than 

from the importance of the prize for which they 

contended. Each of them urged his pretcn- 

lions with fanguine expeftations, and with no 

unpromifing profpeft of fuccefs. Charles con- 

and hope"' fidcrcd the Imperial crown as belonging to him 

pfChaHes. of right^ from its long continuance in the Au- 

ftrian line; he knew that none of the German 

princes poflefled power or influence enough to 

appear as his antagonift-, he flattered himfelf^ 

that no confideration Would induce the natives 

of Germany to exalt any foreign prince to a 

dignity, which during fo many ages had beea 

deemed peculiar to their own nation ; and Jeaft 

■ of 

f V ■ • 

P Guicciardini, lib. 13. p. 15. Hiil.Gcncr. d'AUcmagnc, 
par P. B^arre, torn. viii. part i; 5/1087. P. Hcuter. Rcr. 
Auftr. lib. vii. c. 17. 179. lib. viii. c. 2. p. 183. 


of all, that they would confer this honour upon Book I. 
Francis I. the fovereign of apeoplc whofc genius ^•^'V^^' 
and laws, and manners, difiered fo widely from ''*^* 
thofe of the Germans, that it was hardly poflible 
to eftablifh any cordial union between them ; he 
crufted not a little to the efFeft of Maximilian's 
negociations, which, though they did not attain 
their end, had prepared the minds of the Ger- 
mans for his elevation to the Imperial throne ; 
but what he relied on as a chief recommenda^ 
tion, was the fortunate fituation of his heredi** 
tary dominions in Germany, which ferved as a 
natural barrier to the empire againft the en- 
croachments of the Turkilh power. The con- 
quefts, the abilities, and the ambition of Sultan 
Selim II. had i'pread over Europe, at that time, 
a general and well-founded alarm. By his vic- 
tories over the Mamalukes, and the extirpation 
of that gallant body of men, he had not only 
added Egypt and Syria to his empire, but had 
fecured to it fuch a degree of internal tranquil- 
lity, that he was ready to turn againft Chriueo- 
dom the whole force of his arms, which nothing 
hitherto had been able to refift* The moft er- 
fedual expedient for flopping: the progrefs of 
this torrent, ieemed to be the election of an Em-^ 
peror, pollefled of extenfive territories in that 
country, where'its firfl impreffion would be felt, 
and who, befides, could combat this formidable 
enemy with all the forces of a powerful monar- 
chy, and with all the wealth nirnifhed by the 
mines of the new world, or the conmierce of 
the Low Countries. Thefe were ihe arguments 
by which Charles publickly fupported his claim ; 
and to men of int^ity and refledtion, they ap- 
peared to he not only plaufible, but convincing. 
He did not, however, trufl the fuccefs of hisi 
caufe to thff? ^lope. Great fums of money 

Wre remivtc4 froqi Spain j ^U th? ^efinen^ents 


^ THE ai€lGN OF THE 

B ooic f. and artifice of negoctadon were employed ; and 
^^■""^^^■^aconfidcfAble body of troops kept on foot by the 
^S^9* ftatscs of the Ciccfc of Suabia^ was fecretly taken 
dnto his pay* The venal were gained fcy pre- 
sents; the ob}cdions of the more fcrupukms 
3i¥ere anfwered or ekided ; fome £eebte princes 
•were threatened and tjver-fawed 9. 


Of Francis. 0^ ^ tJther hand, Prancis fuppotted his 
•clakn widi equal eagernefe, and no )c& confix 
•deflfce d its beijig wdl fionanded. His enrniTaries 
contended that it was now bigh time to convince 
-the princes of thefaouie of Auftria that the Inopc- 
<rial crown was dediiive, and tiot hereditary ; tliac 
fvdiCT peribos .m^t afph'e to an iionour ^fadcfa 
.tfaeir arrogiwcjc juad conne to regard as the pro- 
-perty of their family •, that it required a fove- 
rreign of mature jfudgment, and of approved abili-. 
ties, to ihodd the xcins of government in a coun- 
itry where ifqdi unknown opinions concerning 
^digion had been pubHflied^ .as had thrown the 
•minds of: . men : iiarto an iincommon agitation, 
which threatened the mo9: violent efiedts ; that a 
-young prtnce, without eacperience, and <who had 
ibitberto given; no %ecimctis of his genius for 
•command, ^wassio equal match for Selim, a mo- 
nanch ^wn \old in the art of war, and in the 
,cour& of vidiory.-, whereas a king, who in his 
early youth .had triumphed over the valour 
-and difdplme lof the Swife, till then reckcaied 
invincible, wouldbeanantagoniftitotuiiwortliy 
the Conqueror of the Eaft j that the iire lajid 
.impetuofity of the French cavalry, added to the 
•difcipline and flability. of the German infantry, 
' wiould form an army fo arefiftahle, that, inftead 
trf" waiting the approach of the Ottoman forces, 
. . ' . ..; ..... it 

q Guic. lib. 13. 159. Sleidan* Hift. of the Rcfoongt. 14. 
* Sttuvii Corp. flift. <jerman. ii. 9^1 .Not. zo. 


k mi^ cany hdftittties into the hetrt of their Book I. 
doRimions ; that the de&ioD of Chtrles would '^— n^"^**-^ 
be kiconfiftent with a fundamental conftitution, *5»9» 
by which the perfon who holds the crown of 
Naples, is exciioded from afpiring to the Impe- 
lial dignity ; that his elevation to that honour 
would foon kindle a war in Italy, on accotmt of 
his pretenfions to the duchy of Milan, the eflPe&s 
of which could not fail of ceaching the £m[^fe^ 
and might prove fatal to it^ But while his 
ambaffadors enlarged upon thefe and other to- 
picks of the fame kind, in all the courts of 
Gerimiyy, Francis, ienfible of the prejudices en-* 
tertamed againft him as a foreigner, unacquaint- 
ed with t^ German language t»r manners, en- 
deavoured fo overcome thefe, and to gain the 
favour cf the princes by immenfe gifts, and by 
infinite promifes. As the expeditious method 
of tranfmitting money, and the deceat mode of 
conveying a bribe by bills of exchange was then 
little Known, the French ambaffadors travelled 
with a train of horfes loaded with treafure, an 
equipage not ycvy honourable for that prince 
by whom they were employed, and infamous for 
thofiJ to whom they were feat *. 

T«i other European princes could not rc-y**^'*"? 
mtm indifferent fpeorators or a conteft, the deci- other a«ce«. 
fion of which fo nearly aflfeded them* Their 
common intereft ought naturally to have formed 
a general combination, in order to diikppoint 
bc^ competitors, and to prevent either of them 
from obtaining foch a pre-ominmce in power 
and digrricy, as might prove dangerous to the 
liberties of Europe. But the ideas with re^^ed: 
to a proper diftribution and balance of power 


' Gukc.lib. 13. 160. Sleid. p. 16. Geor.Sabini de cleft. 
Car.V.Hiftoriaapud ScardiiScript. Rer.Gerin.vol.ii.p.4* 
> Memoirea de Martch* de Fleuranges, p. 296. 


Booic I. were fo lately introduced into the fyftem of Eu-^ 
^'""^^"**^ ropean policy, that they were not hitherto ob- 
**'^ jefts of fufficient attention. The paffions of 
fome princes, the want of forefight in others, 
and the fear of giving offence to the candidates, 
hindered fuch a falutary union of the powers of 
Europe, and rendered them either totally negli- 
gent of the publick fafety, or kept them from 
exerting themfelves with vigour in its behalf. 

^.[^^ The Swifs Cantons, though they dreaded the 

elevation of either of the contending monarchs, 
^ and though they wiftied to have fcen fQm« prince 
whofe dominions were lefs extenfive, and whole 
power was more - moderate, feated on the Im-. 
perial throne, wer^ prompted, however, by their 
hatred of the French nation, to give an open pre-r 
ference to the pretenfions of Charles, while they 
ufed their utmoft influenge to fruftratQ thofc of 
Francis S 

oftheVe- Xhk Venetians eafily difcerned, that. it. was 
the intereft of their Republick to have both the 
rivals fet afide ; but their jealoufy of. die houie 
of Auftria, whofe ambition ^nd neighbQurhoocJ 
had been fatal to their grandeur, would not per- 
mit them to aft up to their own ideas^ j|»d led 
them haftily to give the fanftion of their appro- 
bacion to the claim of the French king. 

Of Henry It was equally the iafiereflr, and moire .in the 
vin. power of Hemy VIIl. of England, to prevent 
either Francis or Charlesi frcwn acquiring a dig- 
nity which would raife them fo far above other 
monarchs. But though Henry often boafted, 
that he held, t^ie bahpp^ of European hisih.and, 
he had neither the fteady attention, the accurate 
^jfcernmcnt, nor the difpaflionate temper which. 


that delicate funftion required. On this occa-. Boo« ^• 
fion it mortified his vanity fo much, to lee him- ^ ^^'^^ 
felf excluded from that noble competitioa which '^''* 
reflefbed fuch honour upon the two antagonifts, 
that he took the refolution of fending an am- 
baffador into Germany, and of declarmg himfclf 
a candidate fpr the Imperial throne. The am* 
baffador, though loaded with carcfles by the 
German princes and the Pope's nuncio, informed 
his raafter, that he could hope for no fuccels in 
a claim which he had been fo. late in preferring, 
Henry, imputing his difappointment to that cir* 
cumftance alone, and ibothed with this oftentati^ 
ous difplay of his own importance, feems to have 
taken no farther part in the matter, either by 
contributing to thwart both his rivals, or to pror 
mote one of them'', 

Leo X. a pontiflF no kfs renowned for hi^ofLeoX. 
political abilities, than for his love of the arts, 
was the only prince of the age who obferved the ^ 
motions of the two contending monarchs with a 
prudent attention, or who difcovered a proper 
folicitude for the public (afety. The Imperial 
and Papal jurifdidion interfered in for many 
inftance^, the complaints of ufurpation were fa 
numerous on both fides, and the territories of 
the church owed their fecurity fo Iktlc to their 
own force, and fo much to the weakncfs of the 
powers around them, that nothing was fo for- 
midable to the court of Rome as an emperor 
with extenfive dominions, or of enterprizing 
genius. Leo trembled at the profpedt of be- 
Holding the Imperial crown placed on, the head 
of the king pf Spain and of Naples, and the 
mailer of the new world ; nor was. he lefs afraid * 


" Memoires d« f]e»x*l»S^» S'i* H^'^^U Hift. of 
Henry VIII. 


Book L of feeing a king of France, who was duke of 
-*"v'"""^ Milan and lord of Genoa, exalted to that dig- 
*''^* nity. He foretold that the elcftion of either of 
them would be fatal to the independence of the 
holy fee, to the peace of Italy, and perhaps to 
the liberties of Europe. But to oppofe them 
with any profpedt of fuccefs, required addrefs 
and caution in proportion to the greatnefs of 
their power, and their opportunities of taking 
revenge. Leo was defeftive in neither. He fc- 
cretiy exhorted the German princes to place one 
of their own number on the Imperial throne, 
which many of them were capable of filling 
with honour. He put them in mind of the 
conftitution by which the kings df Naples were 
for ever excluded from that dignhy \ He 
warmly exhorted the French King to perfift in 
his claim, not from any defire that he ihould 
gain his end, but as he forefaw that the Ger- 
mans would be more difpofed to favour the 
king of Spain, he hoped that Francis himfelf, 
when, he difcovercd his awn chance of fuccefs to 
be defperate, would be fHmulated by refent- 
ment and the fpirit of rivalftiip, to concur with 
all hi^ ^ntereft in raifing fome third perfon to 
the head of the Entire ; or on the other hand, 
if Francis fhould make unexpe&ed progrefs, he 
did not ^oubt but that Charles woiald be in- 
duced by iimilar motives to t£t the ikme part ; 
and thus by a prudent attention, the mutual 
jealoufy of the two rivals might be fo dcxtcrouf- 
]y managed as to difappoint both. But this 
fcheme, the only one which a prince in Lco'tS 
fituatton could adc^t, though concerted with 
great wifdom, was executed with little difcre- 
tion. The French ambafladors ia Germany fed 


X Goldafli Conftitationes Imperiales. Francof. 1673. 
vol. i. 43j^. 


their vinafter with vain hopes; the pope's nuncio. Book L 
being gained by them, altogether forgot the*— v---^ 
inftruftions which he had received ; and Francis '^*^* 
pcrfevered fo long and with, fuch obftinacy in 
urging his own pretenfions, as rendered all Leo's 
meafures abortive y. 

Such were the hopes of the candidates, and thc diet 
the views of the different princes, when thejJ[^™JyVh. 
diet was opened according to form at Frankfort. 
The right of chufing an Emperor had long 
been vetted in feven great princes, diftineuiflied 
by the name of Eleftors, the origin of whofe 
office, as well as the nature and extent of their 
powers, have already been explained, Thefe 
were, at that time, Albert or Brandenburgh, 
archbilhop of Mentz ; Herman count de Wied, 
archbifhop of Cologne; Richard de Greiffen- 
klau, archbilhop of Treves -, Lewis,, king of 
Boheniia; Lewis, count Palatin of the Rhine v 
Frederick, duke of Saxony ; and Joachim I. 
marquis of Brandenburgh. Notwithftanding views of the 
the artful arguments produced by the ambafla- ^^^°"* 
dors of the two kings in favour of their refpec- 
tive matters, and in fpite of all their folicitationsy 
intrigues, and preients, the Eleftors did noo 
forget that maxim on which the liberty of the 
German conftitution was thought to be found- 
ed. Among the members of the Germanick 
body, which is a great republick compofed of 
ftates almoft independent, the firft principle 
of patriotifm is to deprefs and limit the power 
of the Emperor ; and of this idea, fo natu- 
ral under fuch a form of government, a Ger- 
man politician feldom lofes fight. No prince 
of confiderable power, or cxtenfive dominions^ 


7 Guicciar. lib. 13. i6c. 


Book T. had for fome ages been raifed to the Imperial 
^^-"^^^""'^ throne. To this prudent precaution man/ of 
^ '' the ^reat families in Germany owed the fplcn- 
dour and independence which they had ac- 
quired during that period. To cleft either of 
the contending monarchs, would have been a 
grofs violation of that falutary maxim ; would 
have given to the Empire a mafter, inftead 
of an head ; and would have reduced them- 
felves from the rank of equals, to the condition 
of fubjefts. 

?I%vt\ Full of thefe ideas, all the eleftors turned 
crownto their eyes towards Frederick, duke of Saxony, 
six^"^*^°^^ prince of fuch eminent virtue, and abilities, 
**°^' as to be diftinguilhed by the name of the SagCj 
and with one voice they offered him the Im- 
perial crown. He was not dazzled with that 
objeft, which monarchs fo far fuperior to hiai 
in power courted with fuch eagernefs ; and after 
deliberating upon the matter a (hort time, he rc- 
jefted it with a magnanimity and difinterefted- 
who rejeas ncfs, no Icfs fingular than admirable. Nothing, 
*^ he obferved, could be more impolitick, than an 

obftinate adherence to a maxim which, though 
found and juft in many cafes, . was not applica- 
ble to all. In times of tranquillity, faid he, 
we wifh for an Emperor who has not power to 
invade our liberties ; times of danger demand 
one who is able to fecure our fafetv. The 
Turkifh armies, led by a gallant and vidorious 
monarch, are now aiTcmbling. They are ready 
to pour in upon Germany with a violence un- 
known in former ages. New conjundures call 
for new expedients. The Imperial fceptre muft 
be committed to fome hand more powerful than 
mine, or that of any other German prince. We 
poflcfs neither dominions, npr revenues, nor. 



Authority, which enable us to encounter fuch a Book L 
formidable enemy. Recourfe muft be had in ^^"^^"^^ 
this exigency to one of the rival monarchs. Each *^'^* 
of them can bring into the field forces fuflicient 
for our defence. But as the king of Spain is 
of German extradtion ; as he is a member and 
prince of the empire by the territories which 
defcend to him from his grandfather ; as his 
dominions (Iretch along that frontier which lies 
moft expofed to the enemy ; his claim is pre- 
ferable, in my opinion, to that of a ftranger to 
our language, to our blood, and to our country; 
and therefore I give my vote to confer on him 
the Imperial crown. 

This opinion, diftated by fuch uncommon 
generofity, and fupported by arguments fo plau- 
fible, made a deep impreflion on the Eleftors. 
The king of Spain's ambaffadors, fenfible ofuiArttaff 
the important fervice which Frederick had done ""oV*'^'** 
their matter, fent him a confiderable lum of chtries*s 
money, as the firft token of that prince's grati- J^,.* *" 
tude. But he who had greatnefs of mind to re- 
fufc a crown, diidained to receive a bribe •, and 
upon their entreating that, at leaft, he would 
permit them to diftribute part of that fum 
among his courtiers, he replied. That he could 
not prevent them from accepting what Ihould be 
offered, but whoever took a fmglc florin fhould 
be difiniffed next morning from his fervice ^. 


* P. Daniely an hiftorian of confiderable name, feems to 
call in queftion the truth of this account of Frederick's be- 
haviopr in refufing the imperial crown, becaufe it is not 
mentioned by GeorgiusSabinus in his hiftoryof the eledion 
and coronation of Charles V. torn. iii. p. 63. But no great 
ftrefs ought to be laid on an omiflion in a fuperficial author, 
whofe trcatife, though dignified with the name of hiftory, 
contatQsonly iuch an account of the ceremoQial of Charles's 




Book L No priRce in Germany cmiid now afpire to a 
%^^ y ^,^ digpity, which Frederick had declined foF rea- 
Twltf'df^^'^ applicable to them alk It remained to make 
liberttions a choicc bctween the two great competitcMrs. But 
' twt!**^ *^**^ befides the prejudice in Cbarfcs's favour, ajrifkig 
from hi& birth,, a& well a& the fituatioa of his 
Gen¥ian dominions, he ow<d not a little to the 
abilities of the cardinal de Gtirk, and th« 29eftl 
of Erard de la Mark, bifhop of Liege> two of 
hi& ambafi^dors, who had coAdu&ed tbeiF T^§p^ 
ciations with more prudence and addrefs than 
thofc entrufted by the French king. The for- 
mer, who had long been the minifler aiKl favou* 
rite of Maximilian, was well acquainted with the 
art of managing the Germans; and the latter 
having beefi difappoifited of a cardinal'^ hat by 
Francis, employed all the malicious ingenuity 
with which the defire of revenge iofpires an ani*> 
bitious mind, in thwarting the meafures of that 
monarch. The Spanifh party among the £kc- 
tors daily gained ground ; and even the Po^'s 
iTuncio, being convinced that it was vain to make 
any farther oppoikion, endeavoured to acquire 
fome merit with the future Emperor,, by o&ring 
voluntarily, in the name of his mailer, a difpen«> 
fat ion to hold the Imperial crown in conjunction 
with that of Naples *. 


c]c£liorT, a$ is ufually pubUlhcdin Germany on Ilkeocca- 
fions. Scard. Rer. Germ. Script, v. z, p. i. The teflimony 
of tfrafmus, lib. 13. epill. 4. and that of Sleidan, p. 18. are 
exprefs. Seckendorf in his Conrmenurius Hilloricus. & 
ApologeticusdeLutheramfinOy p. i2i» i>as exaoiined this 
fa^ with his ufbal induilryy and haeeftablifhed its truth by 
the moil undoubted evidence. To thefe te(iiraonie« wKick 
he has coHe&ed, 1 may add the dcctfive one of cardinal 
Cajetan, the popes legate at Fran4&fort, in his letter July 
5th, 1519. Epiflres au Princes, &c. recuellies parRuiccUi 
traduiSs par Belforreft. Far. 1572. p.6o. 

» Freheri Rcr. German. Scriptores, vol. iii. 172. cut. 
Strovii Argent. 1717. Gianone Hift. of Naples, 2, 498. 

:r I 



On the twenty-eighth of June, five months Book I. 
and ten days after the death of Maximilian, this ^ ^^"^^ 
important conteft, which had held all Europe ^ ^' 
in fufpence, was decided. Six of the Eleftors They cbufe 
had already declared for the king of Spain ; and peror."*™' 
the archbiftiop of Treves, the only firm adhe- ^ 
rent to the French intereft, having at laft joined 
his brethren, Charles was by the unanimous 
Voice of the eleftoral college raifed to the impe- 
rial throne \ 

But though the eleftors confented, from 
various motives, to promote Charles to that 
high ftation, they difcovered at the fame time 
great jealoufy of his extraordinary power, and They %x% 
endeavoured, with the qtmoft folicitude, to pro- cvro^ThU 
vide againft his encroaching on the privileges p^wcr, tod 
of the Germanick body. It had long been the ctutioCV 
cuftom to demand of every new Emperor a6«infti^ 
confirmation of thefe privileges, and to require 
a promife that he would never violate them in 
any inftance. While princes, who were formi- 
dable neither from extent of territory, nor of 
genius, poffefled the Imperial throne, a general 
and verbal engagement to this purpofe was 
deemed fufficient fecurity. But under an Em- 
peror fo powerful as Charles, other precautions 
feemed neceflary, A Capitulation or claim of 
rights was formed, in which the privileges and 
immunities of the eleftors, of the princes of the 
empire, of the cities, and of every other member 
of the Germanick body, are enumerated. This 
capitulation was immediately figned by Charles's 
ambaffadors in the name of their mafter, and 
he himfelf at his coronation confirmed it in the 
inoft folemn manner. Since that period, the 

Vol. II. F Eleftora 

} Jac. Aug. Thuai^. Hift. Aii tcipporis. Edit. Bulklcy^ 
lil>. I. c. 9, 



Book I. Eleftors have continued to prefcribe the feine 
^'"■'"^'' conditions to all his fucceflTors ; and the Capi^ 
'^*^* tulation or mutual contrad between the Em^ 
peror and his fubjefts, is considered in Gerniany 
as a ftrong barrier againft the progrefs of the 
Imperial power, and as the great charter of their 
liberties to which they often appeal ^. 

The eirai- The important intelligence of his ele^on 
?o cS. was conveyed in nine days from Frankfort tq 
Barcelona, where Charles was ftill detained by 
the obftinacy of the Catalonian Cortes, which 
had not hitherto brought to an i0ue any of thq 
affairs which came before it. He received the 
account with the joy natural to a young and 
afpiring mind, on an acceffion of power and 
dignity whjch raifed him fo far above the other 
princes of Europe. Then it was that thofe vaft 
profpefts which allured hinri during his whole ad- 
miniftration began to open, and from this aera 
we may date the formation, and are able to trace 
the gradual progrefs of a grand fyftem of enter- 
prizing ambition, which renders the hiftory of 
his reign fo worthy of attention. 

ifseffea A TRIVIAL circumftancc firft difcovered the 
upon him. effcfts of this great elevation upon the mind 
of Charles. In all the publick writs which he 
iflucd as king of Spain, he affumed the title of 
Majeftyj and required it from his fubjc6ls as a 
mark of their refpeft. Before that time, all the 
monarchs of Europe were fatisfied with the ap- 
I pellation of Higbnefsj or Grace ; but the vanity 
of other courts foon led them to imitate the ex- 
ample of the Spanifh. • The epithet q{ Majefty 


c PfcfFel Abrcge de rHift. de Droit Publique d'AIIc- 
magne, 590. Limnci Capitulat. Imper. Epiftres des 
Piinces par Rufcelliy p. 60. . ., 


is no Jonger a mark of pre-eminence. The moft Book I. 
inconfiderable monarchs in Europe enjoy it, and ^ - -v^ *- 
the arrbgance of the greater potentates has in- '^'^ 
vented no higher denomination ^. 

The Spaniards were far from viewing the The sp«nr, 
promotion of their king to the Imperial throne J'/y jjjj'jj"" 
with the fame fatisfaftion which he himfelf felt. «*»»« event. 
To be deprived of the prefence of their fove- 
reign, and to be fubjefted to the governn^ent 
of a viceroy and his council, a fpccies of admi- 
niftration often oppreffive, and always difagree- 
able, were the immediate and neceffary confe- 
quences of this new dignity. To fee the blood 
of their countrymen {ned in quarrels wherein 
the nation had no concern •, to behold its trea- 
fures wafted in fup porting the fplendour of a 
foreign title; to oe plunged in the chaos of 
Italian and German politics, were effefts of this 
event almoft as unavoidable. From all thcfe 
confiderations, they concluded, that nothing 
could have happened more pernicious to the 
Spanilh nation ; and the fortitude and publick 
fpirit of their anceftors, who, in the Cortes of 
Caftile, prohibited Alphonzo the Wife from 
leavm^ the kingdom, in ojder to receive the 
Imoenal crown, were often mentioned with the 
higheft praife, and pronounced to be extremely 
worthy of imitation at this junfture *. 

But Charles, without regarding the fcnti- 
ments or murmurs of his SpaniOi fubjefts^ 
accepted of the Imperial dignity which the 
count Palatine, at the nead of ^ folemn'embafly, 
offered him in the name of the eleftors ; and November* 

F 2 declared 

^ Minianae Contin. Mar. p. 13. Fcrrcras, viii. 475, 
Memoires Hiil. de la HoufTaie, torn. i. p. 53» &c. 
^ SandQvalj i p. 32t Miniana, ContiD. p. 14. 


Book I. declared his intention of fetting out foon for 
* ^^"**^ Germany, in order to take pofleflion of it 
>5»9' This was the more neceflary, becaufe, according 
to the forms of the German conftitution, he 
could not, before the ceremony of a publick co- 
ronation, exercife any aft of jurifdiftion or au- 
thority ^, 

Their dif. Their certain knowledge of this refolution 
cS/°' augmented fo much the difguft of the Spaniards, 
that a fuUen and refraftory fpirit prevailed 
among perfons of all ranks. The Pope having 
granted the king the tenths of all ecclefiaftical 
benefices in Caftile to aflift him ia carrying on 
war with greater vigour againft the Turks, a 
convocation of the clergy unanimoufly refufed 
to levy that fum, upon pretence that it ought 
never to be exafted but at thofe times when 
Chriftendom was aftually invaded by the tnfi- 
dcls-, and though Leo, in order to fupport his 
authority, laid the kingdom under an interdi6t, 
fo little regard was paid to a cenfure which was 
univerfally deemed unjuft, that Charles himfelf 
applied to have it taken off. Thus the Spanifli 
clergy, befides their merit in oppofing the ufur- 
pations of the Pope, and difregarding the influ- 
ence of the crown, gained the exemption which 
they had claimed s. 

Aninfurrec- The commotions which arofe in the kingdom 
lencii" ^* ^^ Valencia, annexed to the crown of Aragon, 
* ' were more formidable, and produced more dan- 
gerous and lafting effefts. A feditious monk 
having by his fermons excited the citizens of 
Valencia, the capital city, to take arms, and to 
punifh certain criminals in a tumultuary man- 
ner, the people^ plcafed with this exercife of 


f Sabinus. P. Barre, viii. 1085. t P. Martyr, 

Ep. 462, Ferrcras, viii. 473. 


power, and with fuch a difcovery of their own Book I. 
importance, not only refufed to lay down their ^-•*>^^** 
arms, but formed themfelves into troops and *^'^* 
companies that they might be regularly trained 
to martial exercifes. To obtain fomc fecurity 
againft the oppreflion of the grandees was the 
motive of this aflbciation, and proved a powerful 
bond of union •, for as the ariftocratical privi- 
leges and independence were more complete in 
Valencia than in any other of the Spanifti king- 
doms, the nobles, being fcarcely accountable for 
their conduct to any fuperior, treated the people 
not only as vaflals but as flaves. They were 
alarmed, however, at the progrefs of this unex- 
pcded infurreftion, as it might encourage the 
people to attempt fhaking off the yoke alto- 
gether-, but as they could not reprefs them 
without taking arms, it becanoe neceflary to 
have recourfe to the Emperor, and to dcfire his 
permiffion to attack them. At the fame time ijzo. 
the people made choice of deputies to reprefent ^^* p^*»«^*^«* 
their grievances, and to implore the 'protection 
of their fovereign. Happily for the latter, they 
arrived at court when Charles was exafperated 
to an high degree againft the nobility. As he 
wa5 eager/ to vifit Germany, where his prefence 
became every day more neceflary, and as his 
Flemilh courtiers were ftill more impatient to 
return into their native country, that they might 
carry thither the fpoils which they had amaffed 
in Caftile, it was impoflible for him to hold the 
Cortes of Valencia in perfon. He had for that 
realbn empowered the Cardinal Adrian to repre- 
fent him in that alTembly, and in his name to 
receive their oath of allegiance, to confirm their 
privileges with the ufual folemnities, and to 
demand of them a free gift. But the Valencian 
nobles, who confidcred this meafurc as an in- 


Book J. dignity to their country, which was no lefs enti- 
^^ — /-^^tled, than his other kingdoms, to the honour 
'^^^* of their fovefeign's prefence, declared that by 
the fundamental laws of the conftitution they 
could neither acknowledge as king a perfon who 
was abfent, nor grant nim any fubfidy, and 
to this declaration they adhered with an haughty 
and inflexible obftinacy. Charles, piqued with 
their behaviour, decided rn favour or the people, 
and rafhly authorized them to continue in arms. 
Their deputies rieturned in triumph, and were 
received by their fellow-citizens as the deliverers 
of their country. The infolenrce of the multi- 
tude increallng with their fuccefs, they expelled 
all the nobles out*of the city, committed the go- 
vernment to magiftrates of then- own cleftion, 
and entered into an aflbciation diftinguifhed by 
the name of Germanada or Brotherhood^ which 
proved the foufce not only of the wildeft dif- 
orders, but of the moft fatal calamities in that 
kingdom ^. 

t ■ ' 


T»»e Cortes MeanWi^ile, the kingdom of Caftilt was 

funJJ^ined ^jgitated witH no lefs violence. No fooner was 

to meet in the Empcror's ifttcntion to leave Spain madie 

Gaiicia. known, than feveral cities of the firft rank re- 

folved to remonftrate againft it, and to crave 

redrefs once mare of thofe grievances which they 

had formerly laid before him. Charles artfully 

.avoided admitting their deputies to audience; 

apd as he faw from this chrcumftance, how diM- 

cutt it would be at this junfture to reftrain the 

mutrnous fpirit of the greater cities, he fum* 

mon'ed the Cortes of Caftile to meet at Com- 

poftella, a town in GaKcia. His only reafon for 

calling that aflembly, was the hope ai obtaining 

ahother donative -, tor as his treafury had been 


h p. Martyr, Ep. 651. Fcrreras, viii. 476, 485. 


exhaufted ih the fame proportion that the riches Book I. 
of his minifters ihcreafed, he could not, without '^^''"***^ 
fome additional aid, appear in Germany with '^ 
fplendour fuited to the Imperial dignity. To 
q)point a meeting of the Cortes in U> remote a 
province, and to demand a new fubfidy before 
the time for paying the former was expired, 
\^ere innovations of a moft dangerous tendency ; 
and among people not only jealous of iheir liber- 
ties, but accuftomed to fupply the Wants of 
their fovereigns with a very frugal hand, excited 
an nfiiverfal alarm. The magiftrates of Toledo 
remonfttated againfl: both thefe meafures in a 
very high tone ; the inhabitants of Valladolid, 
tehd expefted that the Cones ftiould have been 
held ih that city, were fo enraged that they took 
arms in a tumultuary manner ; ind if Charles 
i^ith his foreign counfellors had not fortunately 
toade their efcap^ during a violent temped, they 
would have maflacred an the Flemings, and have 
f)iwented him from continuing his journey to- 
wards Conrrpoftella. 

Every city through which they paflcd, peti- The pro- 
tioned againft holding a Cortes in Galicia, ^^^hlf7fftm^ 
point with regard to which Charles was infiex- Wy. 
Ale. But though the utmoft influence had been 
exerted by the minifters, in order to procure a 
choite of reptef^tatives favourable to their de • 
figns, fatrh was the temper of the nation, that, 
at the opening of the allembly, there appeared April 1. 
among many of the members unufual fymptoms 
of ill-humour, which threatened a fierce oppo- 
teon to all the meafures of the court. I^o 
^tprefentitives were fent by Toledo •, for the lot, 
accordiftg to which, by ancient cuftom, the 
deftion was determined in that city, having 
fallen upon two perfons, devoted to the Flemilh 
minilters, thcit fellow-citizens refufed to grant 



Book I. them a commiflion in the ufual form, and in 
'"^'^'^ ^ their Head made choice of two deputies, whom 
*^* ' they empowered to repair to Compoftella, and 
to proteft againft the lawfulnefs of the Cortes 
Thcdifaf. affembled there. The reprefentatives of Sala- 
thf CaftiH- nianca refufed fo take the ufual oath of fidelity, 
ans incrcaf- unlcfs Charlcs confcntcd to change the place 
*^' of meeting. Thofe of Toro, Madrid, Cor- 

dova, and fevreral other places, declared the de- 
mand of another donative to be unprecedented, 
unconftitutional, and unneceflary. All the arts, 
however, which influence popular aflemblies, 
bribes, promifes, threats, and even force, were 
employed in ordrr to gain members. The no- 
bles, foothed by the refpeftful alfiduity with 
which Chievres and the other Flemings paid 
court to them, or inftigated by a mean jealoufy 
of that fpirit of independence which they' faw 
rifing among the commons, openly favoured 
the pretcnfions of the court, or at the utmoft 
did not oppofe them •, and at laft, in contempt 
not only of the fentiments of the nation, but 
of the ancient forms of the conftitution, a ma- 
jority voted to grant the donative for which the 
Emperor had applied K Together with this 
grant, the Cortes laid before Charles a reprefen- 
tation of thofe grievances whereof his people 
craved redrefs^ but he, having obtained from 
them all that he could expeft, paid no attention 
to this ill- timed petition, which it was no longer 
dangerous to difregard ^. 

Charles ap- As nothing now retarded his embarkation, he 

gelltlduHng difclofed his intention with regard to the regency 

his tbfence. of Caftilc during his abfence, which he had 

hitherto kept fecret, and nominated cardinal 


» P. Martyr, Ep. 66y Sandoval, p. 32, &c. k San- 
doval, p. 84. 



Adrian to that office. The viceroyalty of Ara- Book l. 
gon he conferred on Don John de Lanuza ; ^'" "^ ' 
that of Valencia on Don Diego de Mendoza '5*^* 
Conde de Melito. The choice of the two latter 
was univerfally acceptable j but the advance- 
ment of Adrian, though the only Fleming who 
had preferved any reputation among the Spa- 
niards, animated the Caftilians with new hatred 
againft foreigners; andf even the nobles, who 
had fo tamely fuffered other inroads upon the 
conftitution, felt the iodignity offered to their 
own order by his promotion, and remonftrated 
againft it as illegal. But Charles's defire of 
vificing Germany, ^ we)l as the impatience of 
his minifters to leave Spain, were now fo much 
increafed, that without regarding the murmurs 
of the Caftilians, or even taking time to provide- 
any remedy againft an infurreftion in Toledo, 
which at that time threatened, and afterwards 
produced moft formidable effefts, he failed from ^nd embarks 
Corogna on the twenty-fecond of May ; and by cow*JJic»^' 
fetting out fo abruptly in queft of a new crown, , .* 
he endangered a more important one of which he 
was already in poffcffion *. 

^ P. Martyr, Ep. 670. Sandov. 86. 


T ti E 


bP t H E 

R E i G N 




iO OK tt. 

fcooK IL 1|L Jt AK Y Gonciorring circumftances. not only 
^'"*''**'"*^ XyJL called Charles's thoughts towards the ai- 
chwies^t ^^^^ ^f Germany, bat rendered his prefchce in 
prefence in that country neceffary. The Ele<^ors grew im- 

TOcSkS'. P^^*^^*^^ ^f ^o lo"g 2in interregnuhi ; his heredi- 
tary dominions were diftarlaed by inteftine com- 
motions ; and the new opinions concerning re- 
ligion made fuch rapid progrefs, as required the 
moft ferious confideration. But above all, the 
motions of the French king drew his attention, 
and convinced him that it was neceffary to take 
meafures for his own defence, with no lefs fpeed 
than vigour, 

Riie and When Charlcs and Francis entered the lifts 
thenvanwp ^^ Candidates for the Imperial dignity, they con- 
between dufted their rivalfhip with many profeffions^ of 
ttwciir regard for each other, and with repeated decla- 
rations that they would not fuSer any tindure 



T H E k E I G N, &c. 75 

of enmity to mingle itfcif with this honourable Book If. 
emulation. " We both court the fame miftrefs,**^ n— v-^ 
fold Francis, with his ufual vivacity, " each ^^^^' 
ought to ur^ his fuitwith all the addrefs of 
which he is mafter •, the moft fortunate will pre- 
vail, and the other muft reft contented •." But 
though two young and high-fpirited Princes, 
and each of them animated with the hope 
of fuccefs, might be capable of forming fuch 
a generous refolution, it was foon found that 
they promifed upon a moderation too refined 
and difinterefted for human nature. The pre- 
ference given to Charles in the fight of all Eu- 
fope, mortified Francis to the higheft degree, 
and infpired him with all the paflions natural to 
difappointed ambition. To this was owing tho» 
perfonal jealoufy and rivalfhip which fubfifted* 
between the two monarchs during their whole 
feign ; and the rancour of thefc, augmented by 
a real opppfition of intercft, which gave rife to 
ttiany unavoidable caufes of difcord, involved 
them in almoft perpetual hoftilities. Charles 
had paid no regard to the principal article in 
the treaty of Noyon, by rcfufing oftener than 
once to do juftice to John d'Albret, the ex- 
cluded monarch of Navarre, whom Francis was 
bound in honour, and prompted by intereft, to 
itftore to his throne. The French king had pre- 
tenfions to the crown of Naples, of which Fer- 
dinand had deprived his predeceflbr by a moft 
unjuftifiable breach of raith. The Emperor 
ihight reclaim the dutchy of Milan as a fief of 
the empire, which Francis had feized, and ftill 
kept in poffeflion, without having received in- 
ve&iture. Charles confidered the.dutchy of Bur- 
gundy as the patrimonial domain of his anceftors, 
wrefted from them by the unjuft policy of Louis 


' * Guic. lib. 13. p. 159. 


Book II. XL and obferved with the greateft jealoufy the 
^^^^- ftridt connexions which Francis had formed with 
*^^^* the duke of Gueldres, the hereditary enemy of 
his family. 

Their deli- When the fourccs of difcord were fo many 
^WoTs'to ^"^ various, peace could be of, no long con- 
thecom- tinuance, even between princes the moft ex- 
^ h'onuities c"^P^ from ambition or emulation. But as the 
fhock between two fuch mighty antagonifts 
could not fail of being extremely violent, they 
both difcovered no fmall folicitude about its 
confequences, and took time not only to col- 
left and to ponder their own ftrength, and to 
compare it with that of their adverfary, but to 
Jecure the friendfhip or afliftance of the other 
European powers. 

They ne?o- . The Fopc had cqual reafon to dr^ad the two 
thVp<^c.^ rivals, and faw that he who prevailed, would 
become abfolute mailer in Italy. If it had been 
in his power to, engage them in hoftilities, with- 
out rendering Lombardy the theatre of war, no- 
thing would have been more agreeable to him 
than to fee them wafte each other's ftreno;th in 
cndlefs quarrels. But this was impoffible! Leo 
forefaw, that, on the firft rupture between the 
two monarchs, the armies of France and Spain 
would take the field in the Milanefe •, and while 
the fcene of their operations was fo near, and 
the fubjeft for ^yhich they contended fo intereft- 
ing to him, he could not long remain neuter. 
He was obliged, therefore, to adapt his plan of 
conduft to his political fituation. He courted 
and foothed the Emperor and king of France 
with equal induftry and addrefs. Though 
warmly folicited by each of them to efpoufe his 
caufe, he afTumed all the appearances of entire 
impartiality, and attempted to conceal his real 



lentiments under that profound diflimulation Book U. 
which feems to have been aflPcdted by mod of ""^""^^ ' 
the Italian politicians in that age, '^^°* 

The views and intereft of the Venetians were with the 
not different from thofe of the Pope ; nor were ^*"«*'"*- 
they left folicitous to prevent Italy from becom- 
ing the feat of war, and their own republic from 
being involved in the iquarrel. But through 
all Leo's artifices, and notwithftanding his high 
pretenfions to a perfeft neutrality, it was vifiblc 
that he leaned towards the Emperor, from whom 
he had both more to fear and more to hope than 
from Francis ; and it was equally manifeft, that 
if it became neceflary to take a fide, the Vene- 
tians would, from motives of the fame nature, 
declare for the king of France. No confider- 
able affiftance, however, was to be expefted 
from the Italian ftates, who were jealous to an 
extreme degree of the Tranfalpine powers, and 
careful to preferve the balance between them, 
unlefs when they were feduced to violate this 
favourite maxim of their policy, by the certain 
profpeft of fome great advantage to themfelves. 

But the chief attention both of Charles and with Henry 
of Francis, was employed in ordei' to gain the ^'"* 
king of England, from whom e^ch of them ex- 
pefted affiftance more effeftual, and afforded 
with lefs political caution. Henry VIII. had 
^fcended the throne of that kingdom in the year 
one thoufand five hundred and nine, with fuch 
circumftances of advantage, as pron^ifed a reign 
of diftinguiftied felicity ancl fplendour. The The gr^t 
union in his perfon of the two contending titles of J^^JJ^^^! 
York and Lancafter ; the alacrity and emulation narch. 
with which both factions obeyed his commands, 
not only enabled him to exert a degree of vigour 
and authority in his domeftic government which 



Book II. none of his predcceObrs couU have fafely af- 
^■"""^^^^^ fumed ; but permitted him to take a (hare in the 
'^^°' affairs of the continent, from which the atten- 
tion of the Englilh had long been diverted by 
their unhappy divifions. The immenfe treafures 
which his father had amafled, rendered him the 
moft weahhy prince in Europe. The peace 
which • had fubfifted under the cautious admini- 
ftration of that monarch, was of fufficient length 
to recruit the nation after the defolation of the 
civil wars, but not fo long as to enervate its Ipi- 
rit; and the Englilh, afliamed of having ren- 
dered their own country fo long a fcene of dif- 
cord and bloodfhed, were eager to difplay their 
valour in fome foreign war, and to revive the me- 
mory of the vidtorics gained by their ancellors. 
His^chartc- Hcnry's own temper perfedlly fuited the ftate of 
^' his kingdom, and the difpofition of his fubjedts. 

Ambitious, aftive, entcrprizing and accomplifhed 
in all the martial exercifes which in that age 
formed a chief part in the education of perfon^ 
of noble birth, and infpired them with an early 
love of war, he longed to engage in adtion, 
and to fignalize the beginning of his reign by 
fome remarkable exploit. An opportunity foon 
prefented itfelf •, and the viftory at Guinegate, 
together with the fuccefsful fieges of Teroiienne 
and Tournay, though of little utility to England, 
reflefted great luftre on its monarch, and con- 
firmed the idea which foreign princes entertained 
of his power and importance. So many con- 
curring caufes, added to the happy fituation of 
his own dominions, which fecurcd them from fo- 
reign invafion j and to the fortunate circum- 
ftance of his being in pofTeffion of Calais, which 
ferved not only as a key to France, but opened 
an eafy pafTage into the Netherlands, rendered 
^ the King of England the natural guardian of the 

liberties of Europe, and the arbiter between the 



Emperor and Frei^ch mooarch. Henry Him-'^oi^ il- 
fclf was fenfible of this fingular advantage) and ' -^v-^-^ 
convinced, th^t, in order to prefer ve the balance '**^ 
?ven, it was his oifice to prevent either of the 
rivals from acquiring fuch fuperiority of povier 
as might be fatal to the other. Or formidable to 
the reft of Chriftendom. But he was deftitute 
of the penetration, and ftill matt of (he temper 
which fuch a delicate fqn^ion required. Influ* 
cnced by caprice, by vanity, by refentroent, by 
afi*e6tion, he was incapable of forming any regu-* 
lar and extenfive fyftem of policy, or of adhering 
p it with Aeadineis. His meafures feldopi re* 
fulted from attention to the general welfare, or 
from a deliberate regard to his own intereft, but 
w^re dictated by pai&ons which rendered him 
bliiid to both, and prevented his gaining that ai^ 
cendant in the affairs of Europe, or from reap* 
ing fuch advantages to himfelf, as a prince of 

reater art, though with inferior talents, might 

ive ealily iecured. 

All the impoUtick fteps in Henry's admini- And of hit 
ftration muft not, however, be imputed to dc- ^joti' 
feds in his own charadter ; many of them were Woifey. 
owing to the violent paffions and iofatiable am- 
bition of his prime minifter and favourite cardi- / 
nal Woifey. This man, from one of the k)weft 
ranks in life, had rifen to an height of power 
and dignity, to whiph no Englilh fubjeft ever 
Vrived; and governed the haughty, prefump- 
tuous, and untraftable fpirit of Henry with 
^folute authority. Great talents, and of very 
different kinds, fitted him for the two oppofitc 
ftations of minifter, and of favourite. His pro- 
foui;Ki judgment, his unwearied induftry, his 
thorough acquaintance with the ftate of the 
kingdom, his extenfive knowledge of the views 

and itrferefts of foreign cowrts, qualijigd hiro for 



Book II. that uncontrouled direftion 6f afFaifs with which 
* ^ ' he was intruded. The elegance of his manners, 
^^^' the gaiety of his converfation, his infinuating 
addrefs, his love of magnificence, and his pro- 
ficiency in thofe parts of literature of which 
Henry was fond, gained him the afFeftion and 
confidence of the young monarch. Wolfey was 
far "from employing this vaft and almoft royal 
power to promote either the true intereft of the 
nation, or the real grandeur of his miafter. Ra- 
paciou$ at the fame time, and profufe, he wa$ 
infatiable in defiring wealth. Of boundlefs am- 
bition, he afpired after new honours with an 
eagernefs unabated by his former fuccefs -, and 
being rendered prefumptuous by his uncommon 
elevation, as well as by the afcendant which he 
had gained over a prince, who fcarcely brooked 
advice from any other perfon, he difcbvercd in 
his whole demeanour the moft overbearing haugh- 
tmefs and pride. To thefe paflions he himfelf 
facrificed every confideration ^ and whoever en-» 
deavoured to obtain his favour, or that of his 
mafter, found it neceflfary to footh and to gratify 

The court As all the ftates of Europe fought Henry's 
fe*y*{,jF^': friendfliip at that time, all -courted his minifter 
916. with incredible attention and obfequioufnefs, and 

ftrov^ by prefents, by promifes, or by flattery 
to work upon his avarice, his ambition, or his 
pride ^. Francis had, in the year one thoufand 
five hundred and eighteen,^ employed Bonniyet, 
admiral of P>ance, one of his moft accomplifliedt 
and artful courtiers, to gain the haughty prelate. 
He himfelf beftowed on him every mark of re- 
{pt&: and confidence. He confulted him yf'ith 


^ Fiddes's l^h of WoIfey,i66.R)unerVF«dcra, xin. 718. 


regard to his moft important affairs, and re-BobK IL 
ceivcd his refponfes with implicit deference. By ' -y* "^ 
thefe arts, together with the grant of a large '^*^* 
penfion, Francis fecured the Cardinal, who per- 
fuaded his matter to furrender Tournay to 
France, to conclude a treaty of marriage be- 
tween his daughter the princefs Mary and the 
Dauphin, and to confent to a perfonal interview 
with the French king ^ From that time the 
moft familiar intercourfe fubfifted between the 
two courts ; Francis, fenfible of the great value 
of Wolfcy's friendfhip, laboured to fecure the 
continuance of it by every poffible expreflion of 
regard, bellowing on him in all his letters the 
honourable appellation of Father, Tutor, and 

Charles obferved the progrefs of this union And by 
with the utmoft jealoufy and concern. His near '^*^*««* 
^Sm\ty to the king of England, gave him fome 
title to his friendfhip ; and foon after his accef- 
fion to the throne of Caftile, he had attempted to 
ingratiate himfelf with Wolfey, by fettling on 
him a penfion of three thouland livres. His 
chief folicitude at prefent was to prevent the in- 
tended interview witl^ Francis, the effefts of which 
upon two young pHnces, whofe hearts were no 
lefs fufceptible of friendfhip than their manners 
were capable df infpiring it, he extremely 
dreaded. But after many delays occafioned by 
diflSculties about the ceremonial, and by the anxi-» 
ous precautions of both courts for the fafety of 
their refpeftive fovereigns, the time and place 
of meeting were at lafl fixed. Mefiengers had 
bci^n f^nt to different courts, inviting all comers, 
who were gentlemen, to enter tlie lifts at tilt and 
tournament, againft the two monarchs and their 

Vol. U. G knights. 

« Herbert's Hilh of Hcn*VIIL 30. Rymer, xiii. 624. 



Book II knights. Both Francis and Henry loved the 
u . ->v— - i fplcndour of thefe fpedtacles too well, and were 
*^^^* too much delighted with the graceful figure 
which they made on fuch occafions, to forego 
the pleafure or glory which they expected from 
fuch a fingular and brilliant affembly. Nor was 
the Cardinal lefs fond of difplaying his magni- 
ficence in the prefence of two courts, and of dif- 
covering to the two nations the extent of his 
influence over both their monarchs. Charles, 
finding it impoffible to prevent the interview, 
endeavoured to difappoint its efFefts, and to 
pre-occupy the favour of the Englifh monarch, 
and his minifter, by ao a<5l of complaifance ft ill 
chtrics vi. more flattering and more uncommon. Having 
May al'th."^ failed from Corunna, as has already been related, 
he fteered his courfe direftly towards England, 
and relying wholly on Henry's generofity lor his 
own fafety, landed at Dover. This unexpefted 
vifit furprizcd the nation. Wolfcy, however, 
was well acquainted with the Emperor's inten- 
tion. A negociation, unknown to the hiftorians 
of that age, had been carried on between him 
and the court of Spain -, this vifit had been con- 
certed; and Charles granted the Cardinal, whom 
he calls his moft dear friend^ an additional pen- 
fion of feven thoufand ducats ^. Henry, who 
Was then at Canterbury, in his way to France, 
immediately difpatched Wolfey to Dover, in 
order to welcome the Emperor; and being 
highly pleafed with an event fo foothing to his 
vanity, haftened to receive, with fuitable refpeft, 
a gueft who had placed in him fuch unbounded 
infinnttes confidence. Charles, to whom time was pre- 
ftlTouI'Mh' cious, ftaid only four days in England: But 
with the during that Ihort fpace, he had the addrefs not 

king tnd i^ 

Wolfey. ^"V 

^ Rymtr, xiii. 714. 


only to giv€ Henry favourable impreflions of Book II. 
his charafter and intentions, but to detach Wol- ""TT""^ 
fey entirely from the intereft of the French king, 
AH the grandeur, wealth, and power, which the 
Cardinal po0efied, did not fatisfy his ambitious 
mind, while there was one ftep higher tx> whiciv 
an ecclefiaftlc could afcend. The papal dignity 
had for fome time been the objed of his wiQies,. 
^nd Francis, as the moft effedtual method of 
fecuring his friendlhip, had promifed to favour 
his pretentions, on the firft vacancy, with all 
his interett. But as the emperor's influence in 
the college of cardinals was greatly fupcrior to 
.the French king's, Wolfey grafped eagerly at 
an offer which that artful prince had made him 
of exerting it vigoroufly in bis behalf*, and al- 
lured by this profpeft, which under the pontifi- 
cate of Leo, ftill in the prime of his life, was a 
very diftant one, he entered with warmth into 
all the Emperor's fchemes. No treaty, how- 
ever, was concluded st that time between the 
two monarchs ; but Henry, in return for the 
honour which Charles had done him, promifed 
to vifit him in fome place of the Low Coun- 
tries, immediately after taking leave of the' 
French King. 

His interview with that prince was in an jane 7th. 
open plain between Guifnes and Ardres, where ^etw^iT 
the two kings and their attendants, difplayed Henry and 
their magnificence with fuch emulation, and^*""^"- 
profufc expence, as procured it the name of the 
Field of the Cloth of Gold. Feats of chivalry, 
parties of gallantry, together with fuch exercifes 
and paftimes as were in that age reckoned manly 
or elegant, rather than ferious bufinefs, occupied 
both courts during eighteen days that they con- 

G 2 tinued 


Boo It II. tinued together *. Whatever impreffion the en 
'"""'^'^^''^ gaging manners of Francis, or the liberal and 
'5^°' unTufpicious confidence with which he treated 
Henry, made on the mind of that monarch was 
foon cfiaced by Wolfey*s artifices, or by an in- 
juiy 10. terview he had with the Emperor at Gravelines ; 
which was condufted by Charles with lefs pomp 
than that near Guifnes, but with greater atten- 
tion to his political intereft. 

Menry*8 This aflSduity with which the two greateft 

ideas of his monarchs in Europe paid court to Henry, ap- 
ttocc. peared to him a plam acknowledgment that he 
held the balance in his hands, and convinced 
him of the juftnefs of the motto which he had 
chofen, " That whoever he favoured would 
prevail.'* In this opinion he was confirmed by 
an offer which Charles made of fubmitting any 
difference that might arife between him and 
Francis to his fole arbitration. Nothing could 
have the appearance of greater candour and 
moderation, than the choice of a judge who was 


« The French and Engliih hiftoiians defcribe the pomp 
of this interview, and the varioas fpedlacles, with great 
ninciteners. One circumftance mentioned by the marechal 
de Fleuranges, who was preient, and which appears fingu- 
lar in the prefent age, is commonly omitted. ** After the 
tournament," fays he, << the French and Engliih wrefllers 
made their appearance, and wreflled in prefence of the 
Kings, and the ladies; and as there were many ftout wred- 
lers there, it afforded excellent pailime; but as the King 
of France had negleded to bring any wreftlers out of Bre> 
tagne, the EngliOi gained the prize.— » After this, the 
Kingiof France and England retired to a tent, where they 
drank together, and the King of England feizing the King 
of France by the collar, faid, •* My brother^ I mufl'wrtftTe 
nuiib youf*] and endeavoured once or twice to trip up his 
heels ; bof the King of France, who is a dextrous wreftler, 
twiiled jiim round, and threw him on the earth with pro- 
digious violence. The King of England wanted to renew 
the combat, but was prevented." Memoircs de Fleuraoges, 
iz^, Farii, 1753. p. 329, 


reckoned the common friend of both. But as B<x»^ I^* 
the emperor had now attached Wolfey entirely ^^'"T**"' 
to his intereft, no propofal could be more infi- ^ 
dious, nor, as appeared by the fequel, more fa* 
tal to the French king ^ 

Charles, notwithftanding his partial fond- Coronttion 
nefs for the Netherlands, the place of his nati- p^*J* ^"'" 
vity, made no long ftay there; and after re- 
ceiving the homage and congratulations of his 
countrymen, haftened to Aix-la-Chapelle, the 
place appointed by the golden bull for the coro- 
nation of the Emperor, There, in prefence of oaober 13. 
an aifembly more numerous and fplendid than 
had appeared on any former occalion, the crown 
of Charlemagne was placed on his head, with 
all the pompous folemnity which the Germans 
afied in their publick ceremonies, and which 
they deem eflentiai to the dignity of their 

Almost at the fame time, Solyman the Mag- Soiymmthe 
nificcnt, one of the moft accomplifhed, enter- ^3f the' 
prizing, and viftorious of the Turkilh princes, octomw '• 
a conftant and formidable rival to the Emperor, '^°*** 
afccnded the Ottoman throne. It was the pecu- 
liar glory of that period to produce the n^oft 
illilftrious monarchs, who have ^t any one tin\e 
appeared in Europe. Leo, Charles, Francis, 
Henry ^d Solyman were ea^h of theni pofleOed 
of talents which would have rendered any age 
wherein they happened to j^ourifli, confp^uous.^ 
But fuch a conilellatio^ of great princes fhed 
uncommon luftre oi^ ^he fixteenth century. In 
every conteft, great power as well as great abili- 
ties were fct ii\ oppofition \ the efforts of valovyr 


^ Herbert, 37. e Hartman. Mauri R^latio Coronajt. 
C^r.V.apiGoldaft.Polit. ImpcriaI.Franc.1614. fol. p. 26^,' 


Booic II. and conduft on one fide, counterbalanced by 
^""^ ' an equal exertion of the fame qualities on the 
^5*°' other, not only oceafioned fuch a variety of 
events as renders theJiiftory ot that period ihte- 
refting, but ferved to check the exoriDitant pro- 
grefs of any of thofe princes, and to prevent their 
attaining fuch pre-eminence in power as would 
have been fatal to the liberty and happinefs of 

Di«t ctiied The firft aft of the Emperor's adminiftration 
WwmV* was to appoint a diet of the Empire to be hel4 
at Worms on the fixth of January, one thoufand 
five hundred and twenty-one. In his circular 
letters to the different princes, he informed them, 
that he had called this aflembly in order to con- 
cert with them the moft proper oneafures for 
checking the progrefs of thofe new and dangerous 
opinions, jvhich threatened to difturb the peace 
of Germany, and to overturn the religion of 
their anceftors. 

iiMe«f the Charles had in view the opinions which had 
Rcfimna* been pri9pagat€d by Luther and his <iifciple§ 
finc^ the year one thoufand five himdred and 
Seventeen. As thefe led to that happy re- 
formation in religion which refcued one part of 
Europe from the papal yoke, mitigated ks ri- 
gour in the other, and produced a revolution in 
the feritiments of mankind, the greateft as well 
as the moft beneficial that has happened fince the 
jHiblication o£ Chriftiahi'ty, not only the events 
which at firft gave birth to fuch opinions, but 
the caufcs which rendered their progrefs fo rapid 
and fuccefsful, dcferve to be coiifidered with mi- 
nute attention^ 

To overturn a fyftem of religious belief, 
founded on ancient and deep-rooted prejudices, 



fiipported by power, and defended with no IcfsBo^* H- 
art than indullry ; to eftablifli in its room doc^ '"""TC'*' 
trincs of the moft contrary genius and tendency/, 
and to acconipliih all this, not by external vio- 
lence or the force of arms, are operations which 
hiftorians the leaft prone to credulity and fuper- 
ftition, muft afcribe to that Divine Provideacc 
which, with infinite eafe, can bring about events 
which to human fagacity appear impoffible, The 
incerpofition of Heaven in favour of the Chriftian 
ireltgion at its firft publication, was manifefted 
by miracles and prophecies wrought and uttered 
in confirmation of it: And though none of the 
reformers pofleflcd, or pretended to poflefs, 
^ * thefe fupematural gifts, yet that wonderful pre- 
^ paration of circumftances which difpofed the 
minds of men for receiving their doftrines, that 
Angular combination of caufcs which fecured thdr 
fuccefs, and enabled men, dcftitute of power 
and of policy, to triumph over thofe who emir 
ployed both againft them, may be confidered 
as no Qight proof thac the fame hand which 
planted the Chriftian religion, protcfted the re- 
formed faith, and reared it, from beginnings ex- 
tremely feeble, to an amazing degree pf ftrength 
and maturity, 

It was from caufes, fecmingly fortuitous, From in- 
and from a fourcc very inconfidcrable, that all bSg[niSL*g^ 
the mighty eic^s of the Rcipormation flowed, 
Leo X. when raifed to the papal throne, found 
the revenues of the church exhaulted by the vaft 
projedls of his two ambitious prcdcceflbrs, Akx^- 
ander VI. and Julius II, His own temper, 4 ^ 
naturally liberal and enterprizing, rendered him 
incapable of that fevere aqd patient ceconomy 
which the fituation pf his finances rec^uired. On 
the coptrary, his fchemes for aggrandizing the 
i^ily qf i^edlci, his Jorc oT ?plcn4our, hia 


Book H. taftc for pleafure, and his magnificence in re- 
^"^^'^^"^ warding men of genius, involved him daily in 
^ ' newexpences; in order to provide a fund for 
which, he tried every device, that the fertile 
invention of pricfts had fallen upon, to drain the 
Aftieof credulous multitude. Among others, he had 
puWiftTed by Tccourfe to a fale of Indulgences, According to 
Leo X. the dotlrine of the Romilh church, all the good 
works of the Saints, over and above thofe which 
were neceflary towards their own juftification, 
are depofited, together with the infinite merits 
of Jefus Chrift, in one inexhauftible treafury. 
The keys of this were committed to St. Peter 
and to his fucceffors the Popes, who may open 
it at pleafure, and by transferring a portion' of 
this fuperabundant merit to any particular per- 
^ fon, for a fum of money, may convey to him 
either the pardon of his own fins, or a releafe 
for any one in whom he is intercfted, from the 
pains m purgatory. Such indulgences were firft 
invented in the eleventh century by Urban 11. 
/^as a irecompence for thofe who went in perfon 
upon the meritorious enterprize of conquering 
the Holy Land. They were afterwards granted 
to thofe who hired a foldier for that purpofe -, and 
in procefs of time were bellowed onHfuch as gave 
money for accomplilhing any pious work en- 
joined by the pope**. Julius II. had beft6we4 
Indulgences on all who contributed towards 
building the church of St. Peter at Rome -, and 
as Leo was carrying on that magnificent and ex- 
pcnfive fabrick, his grant was founded on the 
.fame pretence '\ 

fd ^^^^ The right of promulgating of thefe Indul- 
gcn*Jiai oi-* gences in Germany, together with a fliare in the 
^«^*- ' profits 

^ Hiftory of th^ Council of Treqt, by F. Paijl, p. 4, 
« ?alavic. Hift.' Cone. Trident, p. 4. * 


profits arifing from the laic of them, was granted Book If. 
to Albert, eleftor of Metz and archbimop of '"^'^'' ^ 
Magdeburg, who, as his chief agent for retail- *^^^* 
ing them in Saxony, employed Tetzel, a Domi- 
nican friar, of licentious morals, but of an 
aftive fpirit, and remarkable for his noify and 
popular eloquence. He, affifted by the monks 
of his order, executed the commiflion with 
great zeal and fuccefs, but with little difcretion 
or decency •, and though by magnifying excef- 
fivcly the benefit of their Indulgences , and 


y^ As the form of thefe indulgences, and the benefits 
wbicb they were fuppofed to convey, are unknown in pro- 
teilant countries, and little underftood, at prefent, in fe- 
veral places where the Roman catholic religion is eftablifh-* 
ed, I have, for the information of my readers, tran dated 
the form of abfolution ufed by Tetzel. ** May our Lord 
Jefas Chrift have mercy upon thee, and abfolve thee by the 
merits of his mod holy paflion. And I, by his authority, 
that of his blefled apoftles Peter and Paul, and of the moll 
holy Pope, granted and committed to me in thefe parts, do 
abfolve thee, firft from all ecclefiaftical cenfures in whate« 
ver manner they have been incurred, and then from all thy 
fins, tranfgreflions and excefies, how enormous ibever they 
may be, even from fuch as are referved for the cognizance 
of the holy fee, and as far as the keys of the ho(y church 
extend, I remit^oyou all puni(hment which you deterve in 
Purgatbry on their account, and i reftore yoo to the holy 
facraments of the church, to the unity of the faithful, and 
to that innocence and purity which you poiTeiled at baptifm# 
fo that when you die the gates of puniihment (hall be (hut, 
and the gates of the paradife of delight (hall be opened ; 
and if you (hall not die at prefent, this grace (hall remain 
in full force when yoa are at the point of death. In the 
Dame of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Hoi/ 
Ghoft.'* Seckend'. Comment, lib. i. p. 14. 

The terms in which Tetzel and his aflbdates de(cribed 
the benefits of Indulgences, and the neceffity of pnrcbafing 
them, are ib extravagant, that they appear to be almoft in- 
credible. If Buy man (faid they) purchaies letters of in- 
dulgence, his foul may reft iecure with reused to its falva* 
tion. The fouls confined in purgatory, for whole redemp- 
^n i^dnlgences are purchaied, as ibpn as the noney tinkles 


Book II. by difpofing of them at a very low price, th«y 
^"""^^ ^ carried on for fotne time an extenfive and lucra- 
*S^^* ^jve traffick among the credulous multitude, the 
extravagance of their aflcrtions, as well as the 
irregularities in their condu<5t, came at laft to 
give general offence. The princes and nobles 
were irritated at feeing their vaflals drained of 
fo much wealth, in order to replenifh the trea- 
fury of a profufe pontiff. Men of piety regretted 
the delufion of the people, who being taught 
to rely for the pardon of their fins on the In- 
dulgences which they purchafed, did not thinly 
it incumbent on them either to abound in faith, 
pr to praftife holinefs. Even the moft unthink- 
ing were fhocked at the fcandalous behaviour 
of Tetzel and his afTociates, who often fquan- 
dered in drunkennefs, gaming, and low debau- 
chery, thofe fums which were pioufly beftowed 
in hopes of obtaining eternal happinefs •, and all 
l)egan to wiih that fome check were giver^ 


so the chefty isftantly efcape from that place of tormeati, 
and afcedd into heayen. That the efficacy of Indulgences 
was fo great, that the mpA heinous fins, even if one fhoidd 
violate (which was impoffibJe) the Mother of God, wouJd 
be remitted and expiated by them, and the perfon be freed 
Iioth from puniihment and guilt. That this was the lux- 
ipeakable gift of God, in order to reconcile mep to him- 
ielf. That the crofs ereded by the preachers of Jndalgen- 
^esy was at efficacious as the crofs of Cbrift itfelf. X^o ! 
the heavens are open ; if you enter not now, when wiU yo^ 
enter ? For twelve- pence you may redeem the foul of your 
father out of purgatory ; and are you fo ungrateful, that 
you will not refcue you^ parent from torment ? If you had 
but one coat, you ought to ftrip yQurielf inftantlyy and fell it,^ 
In order to purchafe fuch benefits, &c. Thefe, and fnany 
fuch extravagant expreffions, are fele£led put of Luther's 
works by Chemnitius in his Examen Concilii Tridentini 
apud Herm. Vonder. Hardt, Hift. Litpr. Reform, pars iv. 
p. 6. The fame aiithor has publiihed feveral of Tetsel'^ 
Pifcourfes, which prove that thefe expreflioiift werf M^\* 
iher lingular nor exaggerated. Ibid* p. 14. 



to this commerce, no Icfs detrimental to focicty BookIL 

than deftf udive to religion. "^"^^ 

'^ ^ 1520. 

SuGH was the favourable junfturr, and fo fi ft ap- 
difpofed were the minds of his countrymen to l*?'.' \.?<[ 
Jiften to his difcourfes, when Martin Luther firft his ch»'»c. 
)}egan to call in queftion the efficacy of Indul- ^'''' 
gences, and to declaim againft the vicious Jives 
and falfe dodrines of the pcrfons employed in 
promulgating them. HcwasanativeofEiflcben ^/ 
in Saxony, and though born of poor parents, 
had received a learned education, during the 
progrefs of which he gave many indications of 
uncommon vigour and acutenefs of genius. As 
his mind was naturally fufceptible of ferious 
impreffions, and tinftured with fomewhat of 
that religious melancholy which delights in the 
folitude and devotion of a monaftic life, he 
retired into a convent of Auguftinian friars, and 
without fuffering the intreaties of his parents to 
divert him from what he thought his duty to 
God, he affumed the habit of that order. There 
he acquired great reputation, not only for plety» 
but for his love or knowledge, and unwearied 
application toftudy. He • had been taught the 
fcholaftic philofophy and theology which were 
then in vogue by very aMe matters, and wanted 
not penetration to camprehc«d all the niceties 
and diftindions with which they abound -, but 
his underftanding, naturally found, and fuperior 
to every thing frivolous, ifoon bccanfie <lifguftei^ 
with thefe fubtile and uninftrudive fciences, 
and fought for fome more folid foiindation of 
knowledge and of piety in the holy fcriptures. 
Having found a copy of the Bible, which lay 
neglefted in the library of his monaftery, hq 
abandoned all other purfvtits, and devoted him- 
felf to the ftudy of it, with fuch eagernefs an4 
afiiduity, as aftonilhed the monks, who were 
* ^ -' little' 


Book IT. little accuftomed to derive their theological 
* — ^^"*^ notions from that fource. Thd great prc^rels 
*5'^- which he made in this uncommon courfe of 
ftudy, augmented fo much the fame both of his 
fanftity and of his learning, that Frederick, 
Elcftor of Saxony, having founded an univerfity 
at Wittemberg on the Elbe, the place of his 
refidence, Luther was chofen firft to teach phi- 
lofophy, and afterwards theology there ; and 
difcharged both offices in fuch a manner, that 
he was deemed the chief ornament of that 

Heoppoftt While Luther was at the height of his repu- 
ihefaieof t^tion and authority, Tetzel began to publifh 

Indulgences . i*''.,, i_jr tv)- 

Indulgences m the neighbourhood or \A/ittem- 
berg, and to afcribe to them the fame imaginary 
virtues, which had, in other places, impofed on 
the credulity of the people. As Saxony was 
not more enlightened than the other provinces 

t of Germany. Tetzel met with prodigious fuc- 
cefs there. It was with the utmofl: concern, 
that Luther beheld the artifices of thofe wKo 
fold, and the fimplicity of thofe vho bov^ht 
Indulgences. The opinions of Thonfias Aquinas 
and the other fchoolmen, on which th^ dc^rine 
of Indu^ences was founded, had already loft 

^much of their authority with, him; and the 
Scriptures, which he beg^n to confider ^ the 
great ftaodard of theological truth, aflford^d no 
countenance to a praftice, equally fubverfive 
pf faith aad of morals. His warm and imj>e- 
tuous temper did not fuffer him long to con- 
ceal fuch important difcoveries, or to continue 
a filcnt fpeAator of the delufion of his country- 
men. From the pulpit in the great church of 
Wittemberg, he inveighed bitterly againft the 
^trcgularitics ^4 ^^ces of the monlqs who pub- 



lifhed Indulgences -, he ventured to examine the Book U. 
doftrines which they eaught, and pointed out to ^— > — -* 
the people the danger of relying for falvation '^*°* 
upon any other means than thofe appointed by 
God in his word. The boldnefs and novelty of 
thefe opinions drew great attention, and being 
recommended by the authority of Luther*s per- 
fonal character, and delivered with a popular 
and pcrfuafive eloquence, they made a deep im- 
preffion on his hearers. Encouraged by the 
favourable reception of his dodrines among the 
people, he wrote to Albert, eleftor of Mentz 
and archbiftiop of Magdeburg, to whofe jurif- 
di&ion that part of Saxony was fubjeft, and 
renK)nftrated warmly againft the falfe opinions 
as well as wicked lives of the preachers of Indul- 
gences-, but he found that prelate too deeply 
mtcrefted in their fuccefs to corredl their abufes. 
His next attempt was to gain the fuffrage of 
men of learning. For this purpofe, he pub- S^PPH**^*' 
lilhed nmety-nve theles, contaming his fenti-.g»inft 
mcnts with regard to Indulgences. Thefe he^^«"*- 
propofed, not as points fully cftablifhed, or of 
undoubted certainty, but as fubjeds of inquiry 
and difputation ; he appointed a day, on which 
the learned were invited to impugn them either 
in perfon, or by writing ; to the whole he fub- 
joined folemn protestations of his high refpedt 
for the apoftolick fee, and of his implicit fub- 
miffion to its authority. No opponent appeared 
at the time prefixed; the thefes fpread over 
Germany with aftonilhing rapidity; they were 
read with the greateft eagernefs ; and all ad- 
mired the boldnefs of the man who had ventured 
not only to call in queftion the plenitude of papal 
power, but to attack the Dominicans, armed 
with all the terrors of inquifitorial authority. ^ 


^ Ltttheri Opera Jense, 1612* vol. i. prefat. 3. p. 2» 66. 
Hift. of Counc. «f Tteni by f . Paul, p. 4, Scckcnd. Com. 
Apol.p. 16. 


BookIF. The Friars of St. Auguftine, Lmher's own 
^*— v^-— ' order, though addicted with no lefs obfequiouf- 
SopJoK^e'd ^^fs than the other monaftic fraternities to tlie 
by his own papal fee, gave no check to the publication of 
^' thefe uncommon opinions. Luther had, by his 
piety and learning, acquired extraordinary au- 
thority among his brethren ; he profeffed the 
higheft regard for the authority of the Pope; 
his profeffions were at that time fihcer^; and as* 
a lecret enmity, excited by intercft or emula- 
tion, fubfifts among all the monaftick orders i» 
the Romilh- church, the Auguftinians wepe 
highly pleafed with his inveftives againft the 
Dominicans, and hoped to fee them expofed tc 
the hatred and fcorn of the people. Nor wasi 
his fovereign the Fleftor of Saxony, the wifeft 
prince at that time in Germany, diffatisfied with 
this obftruftion which Luther threw in the way 
of the publication of Indulgences. He fecretly 
encouraged the attempt, and flattered himfelf 
that this difpute among the ecclefiaftics them- 
ielves, might give fome check to the exafl:ion& 
of the court of Rome, which the fecular princes 
had long, though without fuccefs, been endea- 
vouring to oppofe. 

d?a7ur"to Many zealous champions immediately arofe 
coniuichira. to defend opinions on which the wealth and 
power of the church were founded, againft 
Luther's .attacks. In oppofition to his thefes, 
Tetzel publifhed counter-thefes at Francfort oh 
the Oder ; Eccius, a celebrated divine of Aug- 
fburg, endeavoured to refute his notions-, and 
Prienas, a Dominican friar, matter of the facred 
palace and Inquifitor-general, wrote againft him 
with all the virulence of a fcholaftic difputant. 
But the manner in which they conducted the 
controverfy, did little fdvice to their caufe. 



Luther attempted to combat Indulgences by Book If. 
arguments founded in reafon, or derived from "^""^^ 
fcripturc ; they produced nothing in fupport of ^ 
them but the fentiments of fchoolmcn, the con- 
cliifions of the canon law, and the decrees of 
Popes ™. Thedecifion of judges fo partial and 
intercfted, did not fatisfy the people, who began 
to call in queftion the authority even of thefe 
venerable guides, when they found them (land- 
ing in diredl oppofition to the dictates of reafon^ 
and the determination of the divine law ". * 


» F Paul, p. 6. Scckcnd. p. 40. Palavic. p. 8. 

n Seckend. p. 30. 

* Guicciardini has afl*erted two things with regard to 
the firft promulgation of Indulgences ; i. That Leo bc- 
Hoived a gift of the profits arifing from the fale of Indul- 
gences in Saxony, and the adjacent provinces of Germany, 
upon his (ifter Magdalen, the wife of Francefcetto Cibo» 
Guic. lib. 13. 168. 2. That Arcemboldo, a Gcnoefe ec- 
clefiaftic, who had been bred a merchant, and ilill retained 
all the arts of that profeOion, was appointed by her to col- 
led the money which (hould be raifed. F. Paul has fol- 
lowed him in both thefe particulars, and adds, that the 
Aoguftinians in Saxony had been immemorially employed 
in preaching Indulgences ; but that Arcemboldo and his 
deputies, hoping to gain more by committing this iruft to 
the Dominicans, had made their bargain with Tetzel, and 
that Luther was prompted at firft to oppofe Tetzel, and his 
alTociates, by a defire of taking revenge for this injury of- 
fered to his order. F. Paul, p. 5. Almoft all the hifto- 
rians fince their time, popifh as well as proteilant, have, 
without examination, admitted thefe afTertions to be true 
upon their authority. But notwithftanding the concurring 
teftimony of two authors fo eminent both for exadnefs 
and veracity, we may obferve, 

!• That Felix Contolori, who fearched the pontifical, 
archives of purpofe, could not find this pretended grant in 
any of thofe regifters where it muft neceflarily have been 
recorded. Palav. p. 5. — 2. That the profits arifing from 
Indulgences in Saxony and the adjacent countries, had been 
granted not to Magdalen, but to Albert archbilhop of 
Mentz, who had the right of nominating thofe who pub- 
Hfhed them. Seek. p. 12. Luth. Oper. i. prasf. p. i. 
Palav. p. 6—3. That Arcemboldo never had concern in the 





Book II. Meanwhile, thefe novelties in Luther's doc- 

* '""^ trines which interefted all Germany, excited 

Th^ court of ^i^^^ attention and no alarm in the court of 
R.meat Romc. Lco, fond of elegant and refined plea- 
girded'* fures, intent' upon great fchemes of policy, a 
Luther. ftranger to theological controverfies, and apt to 
dcfpifc them, regarded with the utmoft indif- 
ference the operations of an obfcure Friar, who, 
in the heart of Germany, carried on a fcholaftick 
dilputation in a barbarous ftyle. Little did he 
apprehend, or Luther himfelf dream, that the 
effects of this quarrel would be fo fatal to the 
papal fee. Leo imputed the whole to monaftick 


pobltcation of Indulgences in Saxony ; his diftrid was 
V landers and the Upper and Lower Rhine. Seek. p. 14. 
Palav. p. 6. — 4. I'hat Luther and his adherents never 
mention this grant of Leo's to his (iHer, though a circum- 
fiance of which they could hardly have been ignorant, and 
%»hich they would have been careful not to fupprefs. — 5. 
I'he publication of Indulgences in Germany, was not ufu- 
aliy conrtmitted to the Auguftinians. The proroulgation 
of them at three different periods under Julius 11. was 
granted to the Francifcans ; the Dominicans had been em- 
ployed in the fame office a ihort time before the prefent 
period. Palav. p. 46. — 6. The promulgation of thofe In- 
dulgences, which £ril excited Luther's indignation, was 
entruiled to the archbifhop of Mentz in conjundion with 
the guardian of the Francifcans ; but the latter having de- 
clined accepting of that truft, the fole right became veiled 
in tte archbifliop. Falav. 6. Seek. 16, 17.— 7. Luther 
W3S not inftigaced by his fuperiors among the Auj^uilinians 
to attack the Dominicans their rivals, or to depreciate in- 
dulgences becaule they were promulgated by them; his 
oppofition to their opinions and vices proceeded from more 
laudable motives >eck. p. 15. 32. Lutheri Opera i. 
p. 64. 6 8. A diploma of Indulgences is publilhed by 
Herm. Vonder Hardt, from which it appears, that the 
name of the guardian of the Francifcans is retained to- 
gether with that of the archbi(hop, although the former 
cid not aO. The limits of the country to which their com- 
miflions extended, viz. the diocefes of Mentz, Magdeburg, 
Halberftadt, and the territories of the marquis of Branden- 
burgh, are mentioned in that diploma. Hill. Ltterarift 
Reioimat. pars iv, p. 14. 






eamty and emulation, and feemed inclined not Book If. 
to interpofe in the conteft, but to allow thc^""*?" ^ 
Auguftinians and Dominicans to wrangle about '^^^* 
the matter with their ufual animofity. 

The Iblicitations, however, of Luther's ad-TJ>«pro. 
verfaries, exafperated to an high degree by the Sw*i'*4^n1^ 
boldnefs and leverity with which he animad-ont. 
verted on their writmcs, together with the fur- 
prizing progrefs which his opinions made in 
(Afferent parts of Germany, routed at laft the* 
attendon of the court of Rome, and obliged 
Leo to take meafures for the fecurity of the 
church againil an attack that now appeared too 
ferious to be defpifed. For this end, he fum- He ji ram- 
moncd Luther to appear at Rome, within fixty J^"^^ ][^ 
days, before the auditor of the chamber, andkomV/ 
the fame Prierias who had written againft him, ^^^^ '^''* 
whom he empowered to examine his doftrines, 
and to decide concerning them. He wrote, at 
the fame time, to the eleftor of Saxony,^ be- 
feeching him not to proted a man whofe here- 
tical and profane tenets were fo fhocking to 
pious ears ; and enjoined the Provincial of the 
Auguftinians to check by his authority the rafh- 
nefs of an arn^ant monk, which brought dif- 
grace upon the order of St. Auguftine, and gave 
offence and difturbance to the whole church. 

From the ftrain of thefe letters, as well as. The Pope 
from the nomination of a judge fo prejudiced •rjP^^^^^Jj* 
Md partial as Prierias, Luther eafily faw what to try him 
fentcnce he might expeft at Rome. He dif- "^""'•"y- 
covered, for that reafon, the utmoft folicitude, 
to have his caufe tried in Germany, and before 
a kfs fufpedted tribunal. The profeflbrs in the 
univerfity of Wittemberg, anxious for the fafcty 
of a man who did fo much honour to their 
fociety, wrote \Q the Pope, and after employing 

Vol, IL H feveral 


Book IL fisvcral pretexts to excufe Luther from appear- 
^"""^''""^ ing at Rome, increated Leo to commit the cxa- 
'^^^ mination of his dodrines to fome perfons o£ 
learning and authority in Germany. The Elec- 
tor requcftcd the fame thing of the Pope's legate 
at the diet of Augfburg ; and as Luther mm- 
felf, who, at that time, was fo far from having 
any intention to dilclaim the papal authority, 
that he did not even entertain the fmalleft fuif- 
picion concerning its divine original, had written 
to Leo a mod fubmiflive letter, promifing an 
unreferved compliance with his will^ the Pope 
gratified them fo far as to empower his legate 
in Germafiy, cardinal Cajetan, a Dominican^ 
eminent for fcholaflic learning, and paffionately 
devoted to die Roman fee, to near and determine 
the caufe. 

Luther tp- LuTHBRy though he had good reafon to decline 
S^?€^te!^ a judge cholen among his avowed adverfaries, did 
not ''hefitate about appearing before Cajetan^ 
and having obtained the Emperor^s fafe-con- 
dudt, imniediately repaired to Augiburg. The 
Cardinal received him with decent refpeA, and 
endeavoured at firft to gain upon him oy gentle 
treatment : But thinking it beneath the d^ity 
of his (tation to enter mto any formal di^ice 
with a perfoiv of fuch inferior raijk, he required 
him, by virtue of the apoftolick powers with 
which he was clothed, to rctraift the errom which 
fie had uttered with regard to Indulgences, and 
die nature of fakh; and to abftatn, for the 
future^ from the publication of new and dan- 
gerous opinions, Luther, fully perfuaded <^ 
the truth of his own tenets, and confirmed in 
the belief of th^m by the approbation which 
they had met with among prions confpicuous 
both for ih^r learning and piety, was furpri^ed 
a^this abrupt mentioii of a recanta^on^ before 



tny endeavours were ofed to convince him that Book II. 
he was miftaken. He had flattered himfelf, ^ -i^^^J 
that in a conference concerning the points in ^^^* 
difpute, with a prelate of fuch diftinguifhed 
abilitifcs, he would be able to remove many of 
thofe imputations with which the ignorance or 
malice or his antagonifts had loaded him ; but 
the high tone of authority that the Cardinal 
affumed, extinguiftied at once all hopes of this 
kind, and cut off every profpeft of advantage 
from the interview. His native intrepidity of His intrepid 
mind, however, did not defert -him. He de- *^***'^'*'- 
dared, with the utmoft firmhefs, that he could 
not, with a fafe confcience, renounce opinions 
which he believed to be true ; nor (hould any 
confideration ever induce him to do what would 
be fo bafc in itfclf, and fo offenfive to God. 
At the fame time, he continued to exprefs no 
lefs reverence than formerly for the authority 
of the apoftolick fee "* ; he fignified his willing- 
Befs to fubmit the whole controverfy to certain 
viniverfities which he named, and promifed 
neither to write nor to preach concerning Indul- 
gences for the future, provided his adverfaries 
were Kkewife enjoined to be filent with refpedt 
to them P. All thefe offers Cajetan difregardcd 
or rejefted, and ftill infifted peremptorily on a 
fimple recantation, threatening him with eccle- 
fiaftical cenfures, and forbidding him to appear 
again in his prefence, unlefs he refolvcd in- 
ftantly to comply with what he had required. 
This haughty and violent manner of proceed- 
ing, as well as other circumftances, gave Lu- . 
that's friends fuch ftrong reafons to fufpeft, that 
even the Imperial fafe-conduft would not be 
able to protetft him from the legate's power and 
rcfentment, that they prevailed on him to with- 

H % draw 

• Luth, Opcr. vrf. I. p. 164. JP Ibid. p. 169. 


Book II. draw fecretly from Augfburg, and to return to 
*— ""^^"^his own country. But before his departure, 
*^^^ according to a form of which there had been 
His tppeai. fome cxamplcs, he prepared a folemn appeal, 
oaobcr 1 8. f^^^ ^^^ Pope, ill informed at that time concern- 
ing his caufe, to the Pope, when he fhould re- 
ceive more full information with refpeft to it ^. 

He is fup- Cajetan, cnragcd at Luther's abrupt retreat, 
thrEicaor ^"d at the publication of his appeal, wrote to 
•f Saxony, the Elcftor of Saxony, complaining of both; 
and requiring him as he regarded the peace 
of the church, or the authority of its head, 
either to fend that feditious monk a prifoner to 
Rome, or to banilh him out of his territories. 
It was not from theological confiderations that 
Frederick had hitherto countenanced Luther; 
he feems to have been much a ftranger to con- 
troverfies of that kind, and to have been little 
interefted in them. His proteftion flowed al- 
moft entirely, as hath been already obferved, 
from political motives, and was afforded 'with 
great fecrecy and caution. He had neither heard 
any of Luther's difcourfes, nor read any of his 
books ; and though all Germany refounded with 
his fame, he had never once admitted him into 
his prcfence ^ But upon this demand which the 
cardinal made, it became neceflfary to throw 
off fomewhat of his former referve. He had 
been at great expence, and had beftowed much 
attention on founding a new univerfity, an objedt 
of confiderable importance to every German 
prince; and forefeeing how fatal a blow the 
removal of Luther would be to its reputation % 
he, under various pretexts, and with many pro- 
feffions of efteem for the cardinal, as well as 
of reverence for the Pope, not only declined 


q Sleid. Hift. of Reform, p. 7. Sccfccnd. p. 45. Luth. 
Oper. i. 163. r Seckend. p. 27. Sleid. Hiit. p. iz. 

s Seckend. p. 59. 


complying with cither of his requefts, but Book II. 
openly difcovered great concern for Luther's^ ^^^ 

fafcty '. 


The inflexible rigour with which Cajetan in- Motivei ©r 
lifted on a fimple recantation, gave great offence condul!*'''' 
to Luther's followers in that age, and hath fince 
been cenfured as imprudent, by feveral Popifli 
writers. But it was impoffible for the legate to 
aft another part. The judges before whom 
Luther had been required to appear at Rome, 
were fo eager to dilplay their zeal againil his 
errors, that, without waiting for the expiration 
of the fixty days allowed him in the citation, 
they had already condemned him as an here- 
tick ». Leo had, in feveral of his brieves and 
letters, ftigmatized him as a child of iniquity, 
and a man given up to a reprobate fenfe. No- 
thing lefs, therefore, than a recantation could 
fave the honour of the church, whofc maxim it 
is, never to abandon the fmalleft point that it 
has eftablifhed, and which is even precluded, by 
its pretenfions to infallibility, from having it in 
its power to do fo. 

Luther's fituation, meanwhile, was fuch as uther't 
would have filled any other perfon with the moft ^^a. 
difquieting apprehenfions. He could not ex- 
peft that a prince fo prudent and cautious as 
Frederick, would, on his account, fet at defiance 
the thunders of the church, and brave the papal 
power, which had crufhed fome of the moft 
powerful of the German Emperors. He knew 
what veneration was paid, at that time, to eccle-- 
iiaftical decifions ; what terror ecclefiaftical cen- 
fures carried along with them, and how eafily 


^ Sleid. Hifi. p. lo. Lath. Oper. i. 172. » Lath. 

Opcr. i. 161. 



Book II. thefe might intimidate and ihake a prince, who 
^"^""■"^was rather his protcftor from policy, than his 
*5^<^' difciple from conviftion. If he ftiould be ob- 
liged to quit Saxony, he had no profpcdl of any 
other afylum, and muft ftand expofed to what- 
ever puniftiment the rage or bigotry of his 
enemies could inflift. Though fenfiblc oif hi$ 
danger, he difcovered no fymptoms of timidity 
or remiflfnefs, but continued to vindicate his 
own conduft and opinions, and to inveigh againft 
ihofe of hi* adverfarics with niore vehemence 
than ever ^. 

Hc«ppea!t BuT as cvcry ftep taken by the court o( 
^J'Ja"®*'*^ Rome, particularly the irregular fcntence by 
which he had been fo precipitately declared a 
here^ick, convinced Luther that Leo would foon 
proceed to the moft violent meafurcs againft 
nim, he had recourfa to the only expedient in 
his power, in order to prevent the cScGt of. the 
|>apal cenfures. He appealed to a genera) coun* 
cil, which he affirmed to be the mpreientativo 
of the catholic church, and fuperior in powes 
to the Pope, who being a fallible man, m^t 
err, as St. Peter, the moft perfedt of his predc-^ 
ceflbrs, had erred 3% 

A new bnn It foon appeared, that Luther had wt fotnicd 
indulgences ^^ conjo&utcs conceming the intentions of th^ 
Romiih church. A \m\i, of a date piior to hi$ 
appeal, was ifiued by the Pope, in which ha 
tnagniSes the virtue and efficacy of Indulgences^ 
in terms as extravagant as any of his preckce^ 
ibrs had ventured to ufe in the darkeft ages; 
and without applying fuch palHatives, or men- 
tioning fuch conceffiohS) as the jundhire &eined| 
io call for, he required all Chriftians to affcnt 
to v(hat he delivere4 as the do^rinc of the 


X Seckend. p. 59. y Sleid. Hifi, 1 z. Lucb. Open i. 1 79* 


Catholic church, aed fubjcfted thofe who fhould Boax H. 
hold or teach any contrary opinion to the hea- --^v-^'^ 
rkft cccldiaflical eenfurca* ' '*^* 

Amono Luther's followers, this boll, which 
they confidered as an unjuftifiable effort <^ the 
Pope in order to preferv^ that rich branch of his 
revenue, which . arofe from Indulgences, pro- 
duced little eScA. But, amcHig the reft of his 
countrymen, fuch a clear decifion of the foTO- 
reign pontiff againft him, and coforccd by fbch 
dreadful penalties, muft have been attendea whh 
eonfequences very fatal to his caufe ; if thefe 
had not been prevented in a great mcajfure by 
the death of the Emperor MaxinuHan, whom JJ^^Juii 
both his principks and his iniereft prompted to of advutaet 
fupport the authority of the ho^ fee. In con- j^i;",'^*^* 
^quence of this event, the vicariat of that part >s<9- 
of Germany which is governed by the Saxon 
laws, devolved to the Ek&or of Saxony ) and 
under the flielter of his friendly adminiftration, 
Luther no« only ei^oyed tranquillity, bat hk 
opinions were fuffered, during the ioter-regnum 
which preceded Charles's cleftion, to take root 
in diSfercm places^ and to grow up to fame de- 
^ee of ftrength and firmnefs. At the iame 
time^ as the eliodipn of an Enoperor was a point 
more imcreftrng to Leo than a theological con* 
trovcrfy, which he did not uoderltarndv and of 
wliich he could i|ot forefec the eodequences, he 
waa fe eactremely fotidtous not to irritate a Prince 
of lud» Gonfiderable mfiuence in the ele^boral 
€(A\qffi as Fr^ierick) f hat he difcovered a great 
unwittingnefs 10 pronounce the fcntence of estt* 
CMUBumcadoiB againft Luther, which his advert 
iwiei continually demanded wi4l th* looft cl9* 
morons iiq|K)r9ui|kyt 



Book II. To thefe political views of the Pope, as well 
''''"^^'""*^ as to his natural averfion from fevere meafures, 
suf^nfom was owiflg the fufpenfion of any further pro- 
of ^proceed- ceedings againft Luther for eighteen months, 
LmheT*" Perpetual negociations, however, in order to 
bring the matter to fome amicable iffue, were 
carried on during that fpace. The manner in 
which thefe were conducted having given Luther 
many opportunities of obferving the corruption 
of the court of Rome ; its obftinacy in adher- 
ing to eftablifhed errors; and its indifference 
about truth, however clearly propofcd, orftrongly 
He begins to proved, he began to utter lome doubts with re- 

"on tirp^t- g^^^ ^^ ^^^ divine original of the papal authority. 
i>tUutho- A public difputation was held upon this impor- 
'"^' tant queftion at Leipfick, between Luther and 
Eccius, one of his moft learned and formidable 
antagonifts ; but it was as fruitlefs and indecifive 
as fuch fcholaftick combats ufually prove. Both 
parties boafted of having obtained the viftory 5 
both were confirmed in their own opinions ; and 
no progrefs was made towards deciding the point 
in controverfy *. 

Reformat;- NoR did this fpirit of mutiny againft the doc- 
^^li^J""**" trines and ufurpations of the Romifli church 
break out in Saxony alone ; an attack no le^ 
fierce, and occafioned by the fame caufes, was 
made upon them about this time in Switzer- 
land. The Francifcans being entrufted with the 
promulgation of Indulgences in that country, 
executed their commiflion with the fame indifcre- 
tion and rapacioufnefs, which had rendered the 
Dominicans fo odious in Germany. They pro- 
ceeded, neverthelefs, with uninterriipted fuccels 
till they arrived at Zurich. There Zuinglius, 
a man not inferior to Luther himfelf in zeal 


» Luih. Opcr. i. 199. 



and intrepidity, ventured to oppofe them ; and Booc IL 
being animated with a republican boldnefs, and ' ~^^^ 
free fix)m thofe reftraints which fubjedion to the '^*^ 
will of a prince impofed on the German refor- 
mer, he advanced with more daring and rapid 
fleps to overturn the whole fabric of the efta- 
bJiihed religion \ The appearance of fuch a 
vigorous auxiliary, and the progrefs which he 
made, was, at firft, matter or great jov to Lu- 
ther. On the other hand, the decrees or the uni- 
verfities of G>logne and Louvain, which pro- 
nounced his opinions to be erroneous, afforded 
great caufe of triumph to his adverfaries. 

But the undaunted fpirit of Luther acquired Lmfan^ 
frefli vigour from every inftance of oppoution ; Si**^Ieft 
and pufhing on his inquiries and attacks from 
one dodrine to another, he began to (hake the 
firmeft foundations on which the wealth or 
power of the church were eftabliflied. Leo 
came at laft to be convinced, that all hopes of 
reclaiming him by forbearance were vain ; feve- 
ral prelates of great wifdom exclaimed no lefs 
than Luther's perfonal adverfaries againft the 
Pope's unprecedented lenity in permitting an 
incorrigible heretic, who during three years had 
been endeavouring to fubvert every thing fa- 
cred and venerable, ftill to remain within the 
bofom of the church -, the dignity of the papal 
fee rendered the mod vigorous proceedings ne- 
ceflaryj the new Emperor, it was hoped, would 
fupport its authority ; nor did it feem probable 
that the Eleftor of Saxony would fo far forget 
lus ufual caution, as to fet himfelf in oppofition 
to their united power. The college of Cardi- 
nals was often afiembled, in order to prepare the 
fentence with due deliberation, and the ableft 


A Sleid. Hifi. 22. Seckend. 59. 


Book il.canontfts were confulted how it might be ez*- 
^"^-"^^ ' preffed with unexceptionable formality. At laft, 
BnH^Jfex- ^^ ^^c fifteenth of June, one thouland five hon- 
communi- dred and twenty, the bull, fo fatal to the church 
iSft^"^of R<^"^> was iflued. Forty-one propofitions, 
gaioa him, extraftcd out of Luther's works, are therein con- 
demned as heretical, fcandalous, and offenfive 
to pious ears ; all perfons are forbidden to read 
his writings, upon pain of excomoiunication % 
fuch aa had any of them in their cuftody, arc 
commanded to commit ^em to the ftames •, he 
himielf^ if he did not, within fixty days, pub* 
lickly recant his errors, and burn hta books, i$ 
pronounced an obftinate heretic ; is excommuni^ 
Cj^ted, and delivered unto Satan for the deftruc- 
tipn of his flelh ; and all iiocular princes are n* 
quired, under pain of incurring the fame cenfore, 
to feize his peribn, that he might be puoifhed as 
his cringes defcrvcd \ 

The eflTeet Thb publication of this bull in Germany, esct 
celmwy, ^^^ varipus paffions in different places, JLu* 
tber's adver&ries enuked, as if his ps^rty and 
opinions had been crufhed at caiice by fi^k a de^ 
clfive blow. His foUowet », whofe revereocc fbf 
|he papa) authority daily dtminifhed, read Leo^s 
anathemas with more indignation than terror4 
la f(i>Q3e cities, the peopk vkdently obftrude^ 
the promulgation of the bull; m others, tb9 
peffons who attempted to publifh it were m-» 
^Ited, and the bu^ itietf tofn in pieces^ an^ 
trodden under foot % i 

tnd upon Thi^ foitence, which he had ^ Ibcne time cs^m 

Ji^Ty. P^^» ^id ^^ difconcert or inttmklate Lqther, 

^ter renewing his appeal to the ra^eraj coun-i 


* Pal^vic. 27. Luth, Op^r. h 423;. c Sfqkcn^. 


fill, he pubH(bed remarks upon the bull of ex- Book ff, 
communication ; and being now perfuadcd that ' -■^■' --^ 
Leo had been guilty both of impiety and injuf- ^ 
tice in his proceedings agathft him, he boldly 
declared the Pope to be that man of fin, or 
Anti'Chrift, whole appearance is foretold in the 
New Ttllanicnt ; he declaimed againft his ty- 
ranny and ufurpations with greater violence than 
ever ; he exhorted all Chnftian princes to (hake 
off fuch an ignominious yoke ; and boafted of 
his own happinefs in being marked out as the 
€t)je6t of ecclefiaftical indignation, becaufe he 
had ventured to aflert the liberty of mankind. 
Nor did he conBne his exprellions of contempt 
for the papal power to words alone ; Leo having^ 
in execution of the bull, appointed Luther's 
boob to be burnt at Rome, he, by way of reta« 
iudoo, aQenibled all the profefibrs and ftudents 
in the univerfity of Wittemberg, arui with great 
pomp, in prefence of a vaft multitude of fpeda-r 
lors, caft the volumes of the canpn law, toge- 
ther with the bull of excommunication, into the 
flames ; and his example was imitated in Icveral 
pdes of Germany. The manner in which he 
juftified this adion, was dill more ofienfive thaii 
the adioa itfelf. Having collected from the ca- 
flcinlaw fome of the moft extravagant propofition^ 
with regard to the plenitude and omnipotence 
of the Pope's power, as well as the fubordina- 
^n of all fecular jurifdi£tion to his authority, 
lie publil^ed theiie with a coonmentary, pointing 
out the impiety c^ fuch tenets, and their evid|ent 
fendoicy to fubvert all civil government \ 

SvcH was the progrefe wluch Luther had st$te <»r tti<t 
ttadc, and fuch the ftate of his party, when ^.l^'^ll 
^barks arrived in Germaay. No fccuhwr prince Chtrie* u^ 

^ Luth.OpCf, 11.316. 



Boor II. had hitherto embraced Luther's opinions; no 
'^'^~ ~^ change in the eftablilhed forms of worfhip had 
^' been introduced; and no encroachments had 
been made upon thepofleffionsor jurifdidtion of 
the clergy ; neither party had yet proceeded to 
aftion ; and the controverfy, though conduced 
with great heat and paflion on both fides, was ftill 
carried on with its proper weapons, with thefes, 
difputations, and replies. A deep impreflion, 
however, was made upon the minds of the people ; 
their reverence for ancient inftitutions and doc- 
trines was fhaken ; and the materials were al- 
ready fcattercd which kindled into the combuf- 
tion that foon fpread over all Germany. Stu- 
dents crowded from every province of the Empire 
to Wittemberg ; and under Luther himfelf Me- 
landthon, Carlolladius, and other mafters, then 
reckoned eminent, imbibed opinions, which, on 
their return, they propagated among their coun- 
trymen, who liftcned to them with that fond at- 
tention, which truth, when accompanied with 
novelty, naturally commands % 

Refleakms DuRiNG the courfc of thefe tranfaftions, the 
c^dna^of court of Rome, though under the direftion of 
^*^'*/>^one of its ableft Pontiffs, neither formed its 
fchemes with that profound fagacity, nor exe- 
cuted them with that fteady perfeverance, which 
had long rendered it the mod perfedt model of 

e)litical wifdom to the reft of Europe. When 
uther began to declaim againft Indulgences^ 
two different methods of treating him lay before 
the Pope ; by adopting one of which the attempt, 
it is probable, might have been crufhed, and bj 
the other it might have been rendered innocent. 
If Luther's firft departure from the dodrines of 
the church had inftantly drawn upon him the 


€ Seckend. 59. 


weight of its ccnfures, the dread of thefe might Book II. 
have reftraincd the Eledor of Saxony from pro- ^--"^^*^^ 
tcfting him, might have deterred the people trom ' S*^^ 
liftening to his difcourfes, or even might have 
overawed Luther himfelf ; and his name, like 
that of many good men before his time, would 
now have hctn known to the world only for his 
honeft but ill-timed effort to corrcft the cor- 
ruptions of the Romifli church. On the other 
hand, if the Pope had early teftificd fome dif- 
pleafure with the vices and excefies of the friars 
who had been employed in publilhing Indul- 
gences ; if he had forbidden the mentioning of 
controverted points in difcourfes addreffed to the 
people; if he had enjoined the difputants on 
both fides to be filent ; if he had been careful 
not to rifque the credit of the church by defin- 
ing articles which had hitherto been left unde- 
termined, Luther would, probably, have ftopt 
fliort at his firft difcoveries : He would not have 
been forced in fclf-defence to venture upon new 
ground, and the whole controverfy might pofil- 
bly have died away infenfiblv j or being confined 
entirely to the fchools, might have been carried 
on with as little detriment to the peace and unity 
of the Romifh church, as that which the Fran- 
cifcans maintain with the Dominicans, concern* 
ing the immaculate conception, or that between 
the Janfenifts and Jefuits concerning the ope- 
rations of grace. But Leo, By fludtuating be- 
tween thefe oppofite fyftems, and by embracing 
them alternately, defeated the effcfts of both. 
By an improper exertion of authority, Luther 
was exafperated, but not reftrained. By a mif- 
taken excrcife of lenity, time was given for his 
opinions to fpread, but no progrefs made to- 
wards reconciling him to the church ; and even 
the fentence of excommunication, which at ano- 
ther junfture might have been decifive, was de- 



Book II. layed fo long^ that it became at laft fcarcely an 

^""""^"^ ^ objeft of terror. 
1520. "^ 

•nd upon Such a ferics of errors in the meafurcs of a 
•£*Liuher. court, fcldooi Chargeable with miftaklng its own 
true intcrcft, is not more aftoniftiing than the 
wifdom which appeared in Luther's conduft. 
Though a pcrfed ftranger to the maxims d 
human prudence, and incapable, from the im* 
petuofity of his temper, o£ obferving tkem, hd 
was led naturally by the method in which h« 
made his difcoveries, to carry on his operations 
in a manner which contributed more to their fuc-^ 
cefs, than if every ftep be took had been pre- 
fer! bed by the moft artful policy. At the time 
when he fct himfelf to oppofe Tetzel, he was 
far from intending that reformation which he 
afterwards effeded; and would have trembkd 
, with horror at the thoughts of what at iaft 
he gloried in accomplifliing. The knowledge 
of truth was not poured into his mind, all at 
once, by any fpecial revelation ; he acquired it 
by induftry and meditation, and his progrefs, of 
confcquence, was gradual. The ooftrines €>f 
Popery are lb clofely connected, that the expof- 
ing of one error conduded him naturally to the 
deteftion of others ; and all the parts of that 
artificial fabrick were fo linked together, that the 
pulling down of one loofened the foundation 
of the reft, and rendered it more eafy to over- 
turn them. In confuting the extravagant tenets 
concerning Indulgences, he was obliged to in- 
quire into the true caufe o( our juttification and 
acceptance with God. The knowledge of that, 
difcoyered to him by degrees the inutility of 
pilgrimages and penances ; the vanity of rely- 
ing on the interceffion cf faints j the impiety of 
worfhipptog them ; the abufes of auricular con- 
fefiion •, aod the imaginary exiftence of purga^ 




1017. The detedioa of fo many errors, led him Book If. 
of courfe to confidcr the charaftcr of the clergy '^--v**-^ 
who taught them ; and their exorbitant wealth, '^*^* 
the ievere injundion of celibacy, together with 
the intolerable rigour of nK>naftick vows, ap- 
peared to him the great ibprces o£ their corruption* 
from thence, it was but one Hep to call in quef* 
tion the divine original of the papal power, 
which authorized and fupported iuch a fyftem 
of errors. As the unavoidable refult c£ the 
whole, he difclaimed the infallibility of the Pope, 
the decifions of fchoolmen, or any other human 
authority, and appealed to the word of God as 
the only ftandard a£ theological truth. To this 
gradual progreis Luther owed his fuccefs. His 
hearers were not (hocked at firft by any propo-* 
fition too repugnant to their ancient prejudices, 
or too remote rrom eftablifhed opinions. They 
were conducted infenfibly from one dodrine to 
another. Their faith and convidion were able 
to keep pace with his difcoveries. To the fame 
caufe was owing the inattention, and even indif* 
ierence, with which Leo viewed Luther's firft 
proceedings. A dired: or violent attack upon 
the authority of the church, would at once have 
drawn upon Luther the whole weight of its ven- 
geance *, but as this was far from his thoughts, 
u he continued long to profefs great refped for 
the Pope, and made repeated offers of iubmif- 
fion to his decifions, there feemed to be no 
leafon for apprdiencUng that he would prove 
the author of any defp^ate revolt y and he was 
foffcred to proceied ftcp by ftep, in undermin- 
ing the conftitution of the church, until the 
remedy applied at laft came too late to produce 

But whatever advantages Luther's caufe de« 
Wed ather from the miftakes of his adverfaries, 



Book II. or from his own good condud, the fuddcn pro- 
^"^"^^'"'^ grefs and firm eftabliihment of his dodtrincs, 
Anm^itj niuit not be afcribed to thele alone. The fame 
"**^**»« corruptions in the church of Rome which he 
mtrib!!ted condemned, had been attacked long before his 
^ ft* rib ^PP^'^^w^ce. The fame, opinions which he now 
Simatioir propagated, had been publiflied in different 
places, and were fupported by the fame argu- 
ments. Waldus in the twelfth century, Wick- 
liff* in the fourteenth, and Hufs.in the fifteenth, 
had inveighed againft the errors of Popery with 
great boldnefs, and confuted them with more 
yl ingenuity and learning than could have been 
expedted in thofe illiterate ages in which they 
flourifhed. But all thefe premature attempts 
towards a reformation proved abortive. Such 
feeble lights, incapable of difpelling the dark- 
nefs which then covered the church, were foon 
extinguiflied ; and though the doftrines of thefe 
pious men produced fome effeds, and left feme 
traces in the countries where they taught, they 
were neither extenfive nor confiderable. Many 
powerful caufes contributed to facilitate Lu- 
ther*s progrefs, which either did not exift, or 
did not operate with full force in their days ; 
and at the critical and mature jun£ture when 
he appeared, circumftances of every kind con- 
curred in rendering each ftep that he took fuc- 

The loot The long and fcandalous fchifm which di- 

ihi*^Su" vided the church, during the latter part of the 

iMAthcen- fourteenth, and the beginning of the fifteenth 

**^' centuries, bad a great effed in diminifliing the 

veneration with which the world had been ac- 

cuftomed to view the papal dignity. . Two or 

three contending Pontiffs roaming about Europe 

at a time i fawning on the Princes whom they 



wanted to gain; fqucczing the countries which Booc 11. 
acknowledged their authority ; excommunicat- ^^'****' 
ing their rivals, and curfing thofe who adhered '^^^' 
to them, difcredited their pretenfions to infal- 
libility, and expofed both their perfons and their 
office to contempt. The laity, to whom all 
parties appealed, came to learn that fome right 
of private judgment belonged to them, and ac- ^ 
quired the excrcife of it fo far as to chufe, 
among thefe infallible guides, whom they would 
pleafe to follow. The proceedings of the coun- 
cils of Conftance and Bafil, fpread this dif- 
refped for the Romifh fee ftill wider, and by 
their bold exertion of authority in depofing and 
cleAing Popes, taught the world that there was 
in the church a jurifdiftion fuperior ev^jn to the 
papal power, which they had long believed to be 

The wound given on that occafion to the The pomifi- 
papal authority was fcarcely healed up, when ^f^^'^°^^^ 
the pontificates of Alexander VI. and Julius II. vi. and ot 
both able princes, but deteftable ecclefiafticks, J"''"^*'* 
raifcd new fcandal in Chriftendom. The pro- ^ ^ 
fligate morals of the former in private life •, the 
fraud, the injuftice and cruelty of his publick 
adminiflrarion, place him on a level with thofe 
tyrants, whofe deeds are the greateft reproach 
to human nature. The latter, though a ftranger 
to the odious paffions which prompted his pre- 
deceflbr to commit fo many unnatural crimes, 
was under the dominion of a reftlefs and ungo- 
vernable ambition, which fcorned all confidcra- 
tions of gratitude, of decency, or of jurtice, 
when they obftrufted the execution of his 
fchemcs. It was hardly poflible, to be firmly 
pcrfuadcd that the infallible knowledge of a 
religion, whofe chief precepts are purity and 
humility, was depofited in the breafts ot the 

Vol. II, I impious 


Book II. impious Alexander, or the overbearing Julius, 
^^ ^/-— ^ Tj^g opinion of thofe who exalted the authority 
»5^o* Qf a council above that of the Pope, fpread 
wonderfully under their pontificates: And as 
the Emperor and French Kings, who were alter- 
nately engaged in hoftilities with thofe a6tive Pon- 
tiffs, pernaitted and even encouraged their fub- 
jedls to expofe their vices with all the violence of 
invedive, and all the petulance of ridicule, 
men's ears being accuftomed to thefe, were not 
fhocked with the bold or ludicrous difcourfes of 
Luther and his followers concerning the papal 

The immo- NoR wetc fuch exccfTes confined to the head 
thecIeV/. ^f ^he church alone. Many of the dignified 
clergy, fecular as well as regular, being the 
younger fons of noble families, who had affumed 
the ecclefiaftical charafter for no other reafon 
but that they found in the church ftations of 
great dignity and affluence, were accuftortied 
totally to negleft the duties of their office, and 
indulged themfelves without referve in all the 
vices to which great wealth and idlenefs natu- 
rally give birth. Though the inferior clergy 
' were prevented by their poverty from imitating 
the cxpenfive luxury of their fuperiors, yet grofs 
ignorance and low debauchery rendered them 
as contemptible as the other were odious ^. The 


f The corrupt flate of the church prior to the Reforma- 
tion, is acknowledged by an author, who was both abun- 
dantly able to judge concerning this matter, and who was 
not overforward to confefs it. •* For fome years (fays 
Bellarmine) before the Lutheran and Calviniftick herefies 
were publiihed, there was not (as contemporary authors 
tcfiify) any feverity in ecclefiaftical judicatories, any dif- 
cipline with regard to rhorals, any knowledge of facred 
literature, any reverence for divine things, there was not 
almoll any religion remaining." Bellarmin. Concio. xxviii. 



fevere and unnatural law of celibacy, to which Book IL 
both were equally fubjedV, occafioned fuch irre- ^-—v^-^ 
gularities, that in feveral parts of Europe the '^**^' 
concubinage of priefts was not only permitted, 
but enjoined. The employing of a remedy fo 
contrary to the genius of the Chriftian religion, 
is the ftrongeft proof that the crimes it was 
intended to prevent were both numerous and 
flagrant. Long before the fixteenth century, 
many authors of great name and authority give 
fuch defcriptions of the diffolute morals of the 
clergy, as feem almoft incredible in the prefent 
age K The voluptuous lives of ecclefiafticks 

I 2 occafioned 

Oper. torn. vi. col. 296, edit Colon. 1617. apud Gerdcfii 
Hill. Evan. Renovatiy vol. i. p. 25. 

S Centom Gravaminfi Nationif. German, in Fafciculo 
Rer. Expetend. & Fugiendarum, per OrtuinumGratium» 
^1. i. 361. See innumerable paiTages to the f.me pur- 
pofe in the appendix, or fecond volume, publiflied by Edw. 
Brown. See alfo Herm.Vonder Hardl, Hift. Lit. Reform, 
pars iii. and the vai! coltettions of Walchius in his four 
volumes of Monumenta medii aevi. Gotting. 1757. 

The authors 1 have quoted enumerate the vices of the 

clergy. When they ventured upon actions manifellly cri- 

minaJ, we may conclude that they would be lefs fcrupuloua .^ 

with re/peft to the decorum of behaviour. Accordingly 

their negledl of the decent conduft fui table to their pro- 

feffion, leems to have given great offence. In order to il- 

loftrate this, I fhall tranfcribe one paiTage, becaufe it is 

taken not from any author whofe profelTed purpofe it wa» 

to defcribe the improper condudt of the clergy ; and who, 

from prejudice or artifice, may be fuppofed to aggravate 

the charge againft them. The Emperor Charles IV. in a 

letter to the archbilhop of Mentz, A. D. 1359. exhorting 

him to reform the diforders of the clergy, thus expreffcs 

himfelf : ** De ChrilH patrimonio, ludos, haftiludia & tor- 

neamenta exercent ; habitum militarem cum prastextis au- 

reis & argenteis geftant, 8c calceos militares ; comam 8c 

barbam nutriunt, 8c nihil quod ad vitam 8c ordinem eccle* 

fiailicum fpe£lat, oilendunt. Militaribus fe duntaxat 8c 

fecularibus a^tibus, vita 8c moribus, in fuse falutis difpen- 

diom, & generale populi fcandalum, immifcent/' Codex 

Diplomaticus Anecdotorum> per Val. Ferd. Gudenum, 

4to. vol, iii. p. 438. 


Book UvOccafioned great fcandal, not only becaufe their 
^ — "^ ' manners were inconliftent with their facred cha- 
'5^^' rafter •, biut tlj^e laity being accuftomed to fee fe- 
veral of them raifed from the loweft ftations to 
the greateft affluence, did not Ihew the fame in- 
dulgence to their excefles, as to thofe of perfons 
pofieiTed of Vre;ditary wealth or grandeur ; and 
vie.wix^ their condition with more envy, they 
cenfured their crimes with greater feverity. No- 
thing, therefore, could be more acceptable to 
Luther's hearers, than the violence with which 
he exclaimed againfl: the immoralities of church- 
men, and every perfon in his audience could, 
from his own oblervation, confirm the truth of 
his inveftives. 

The facility The fcandal of thcfe crimes was greatly in- 
theivimmol creafed by the facility with which fuch as com- 
raiiric«wcre mitted them, obtained pardon. In all the Eu- 
pirdoned. j-^pg^^ kingdoHis, the impotence of the civil 

magiftrate, under forms of government ex- 
tremely irregular and turbulent, made it necef- 
fary to relax the rigour of juftice, and upon 
payment of a certain fine or compofition prc- 
tcribed by law, judges were accuftomed to remit 
farther punifhment, even of the moft atrocious 
crimes. The court of Rome, always attentive 
to the means of augmenting its revenues, imi- 
tated . this praftice, and by a prepoftcrous ac- 
commodation of it to religious concerns, granted 
its pardons to fuch tranfgreflbrs as gave a fum 
of money in order to purchafe them. As the 
idea of a compofition for crimes was then fami- 
liar, this ftrange traffick was fo far from Ihock- 
ing mankind, that it foon became general ; and 
in order to prevent any impofition in carrying 
it on, the officers of the Roman chancery pub- 
lilhed a book, containing the precife fum to be 




cxafted for the pardon of every particular fin. Book II. 
A deacon guilty of murder was abfolved for •^'^''"•^ 
twenty crowns. A biftiop or abbot might aflaf. '^'^* 
finate for three hundred livres. Any ecclefiaftick 
might violate his vows of chaftity, even with 
the moft aggravating circumftances, for the 
third part of that fum. Even fuch fhocking 
crimes, as occur feldom in human life, and per- 
haps exift only in the impure imagination of a 
cafuift, were taxed at a very moderate rate. 
When a more regular and perfeft mode of dif- 
pcnfing juftice came to be introduced into civil 
courts, the praftice of paying a compofition for 
crimes went gradually into difufe ; and mankind 
having acquired more accurate notions concern- 
ing religion and morality, the conditions on 
which the court of Rome beftowed its pardons 
appeared impious, and were confidered as one 
great fource of ecclefiaftical corruption K 

This degeneracy of manners among the The exorbi- 
clcrgy might have been tolerated perhaps, with o" ^e ~*'*^ 
greater indulgence, if their OKorbitant riches and church, 
power had not enabled them^ at the fame time, 
to opprefs all other orders of men. It is the 
genius of fuperftition, fond of whatever is pom- 
pous or grand, tofet no bounds to its liberality 
towards perfons whom it efteems facred, and to 
think its exprcffions of regard defeftive unlefs 
it hath raifed them to the heighth of wealth 
and authority. Hence flowed the extenfive re- 
venues and jurifdidtion pofTefled by the church 
in every country of Europe, and which were 
become intolerable to the laity from whofe un- 
difceming bounty they were at firft derived. 


*» FafcicoK Rer. Expet. & Fug. i. 355. J. G. Schelhor- 
nil Amaenit. Literar. Francof. 1725, vol. 11. 369. Didion. 
dc Bayle, Artie. Banck & Tuppius. Taxa Cancellar. Ro- 
manae. Edit. Francof. i6;i. paflim. 


Book II. The burden, hov/ever, of ecclefiaftical op- 
^■"'"^^''^ preffion had fallen with fuch peculiar weight on 
particularly thc Germans, as rendered them, thoiigh natu- 
\n Germany rally excmpt from levity, and tenacious of their 
ancient cuftoms, more inclinable than any people 
in Europe to Irften to thofe who called on them 
to affert their liberty. During the long contefts 
between the Popes and Emperors concerning 
the right of inveftiture, and the wars which 
thefe occafioned, moft of the confiderable Ger- 
man ecclefiafticks joined the papal faftion ; and 
while engaged in rebellion againft the head of 
the Empire, they feized the Imperial revenues, 
and ufurped the Imperial jurifdiftion within 
their own diocefes. Upon the re-eftablilhment 
of tranquillity, they ftill retained thefe ufurpa- 
tions, as if by the length of an unjuft poffeflion 
they had acquired a legal right to them. The 
Emperors, too feeble to wreft them out of their 
hands, were obliged to grant the clergy fiefs of 
thofe vaft territories, and they enjoyed all the 
. immunities as well as honours which belonged to 
feudal barons. By means of thefe, many bifliops 
and abbots in Germany were not only eccle* 
fiafticks, but princes, and their charafter and 
manners partook more of the licence, too fre- 
quent among the latter, than of the fanftity 
which became the former *• 

where the The unfettled ftate of government in Ger- 
fl?p1:d r tnany, and the frequent wars to which that 
grrat pa t Qountry was expofed, contributed in another 

of the pro- '. j*" ,. . i r n* i 

perty. manner towards aggrandizmg eccktialticks. 
The only property, during thofe times of anar- 
chy, which enjoyed fccurity from the oppreflion 
of the great, or the ravages of war, was that 
which belonged to the church. This was owing, * 


» F. Paul, Hiftory of Ecclefiaft. Benefices, p. 107. 



not only to the great reverence for the facredBooic If. 
char^after prevalent in thofe ages, but to a fuper- ^ — v-— *^ 
ftitious dread of the fentence of excommuni- '^^'^' 
cation, which the clergy were ready to denounce 
againft all who invaded their poffeflions. Many 
obferving this, made a furrender of their lands 
to ecclefiafticks, and confenting to hold them in 
fee of the church, obtained as its vaflals a* de- 
gree of fafety, which without this device they 
were unable to procure. By fuch an increale 
of the number of their vaflals, the power of 
ecclefiafticks received a real and permanent aug- 
mentation ; and as lands, held in fee by the 
limited tenures common in thofe ages, often re- 
turned to the perfons on whom the fief depended, 
confiderable additions were made in this way to 
the property of the clergy ^. 

The folicitude of the clergy in providing for The vafi 
the fafety of their own perfons, was ftill greater ^^^nUies'Tf 
than that which they difplayed in fecuring their ecciefiaf- 
poffeflions; and their eflTorts to attain it were^*'^'* 
ftill more fuccefsful. As they were confecrated 
to the prieftly ofiice with much outward folem- 
nity ; were diftinguiflied from the reft of man- 
kind by a peculiar garb and manner of life ; 
and arrogated to their order many privileges 
which do not belong to other Chriftians, they 
naturally became the objefts of exceflive vene- 
ration. As a fuperftitious fpirit fpread, they 
were regarded as beings of a fuperior fpecies to 
the proiane laity, whom it would be impious to 
try by the fame laws, or to fubjedt to the fame 
punifhments. This exemption from civil jurif- 
didion, granted at firft to ecclefiafticks, as a 
mark of refpeft, they foon claimed as a point 


k F. Paul, Hift. of Ecclef. Bencf. p. 66. Boulainvilliers, 
E tat. de France, torn. i. 169. Lend. 1737. 


Book II. of right. This valuable immunity of the prieft* 
^'"'^^^"^*^ hood is aflerted, not only in the decrees of 
*52o- Popes and councils, but was confirmed in the 
moft ample form by many of the greateft Em- 
perors . As long as the clerical charaftcr re- 
mained, the perfon of an ecclefiaftick was facred; 
and unlefs he were degraded from his office, 
the unhallowed hand of the civil judge durft 
not touch him. But as the power of degra- 
dation was lodged in the fpiritual courts, the 
difficulty and expence of obtaining fuch a fen- 
tence, too often fecured abfolute impunity to 
offenders. Many affumed the clerical charadtcr 
for no other reafon, than that it might fcreen 
them from the puniffiment which their a£tions 
deferved °™, The German nobles complained 
loudly, that thefe anointed malefaftors, as they 
call them ", feldom fuffered capitally, even for 
the moft atrocious crimes; and theif indepen- 
dence on the civil magiftrate is often mentioned 
in the remonftrances of the diets, as a privilege 
equally pernicious to fociety, and to the morals 
of the clergy. 

Their en- While the clcrgy aflcrtcd the privileges of 

onfhcTuHf-^^^^i'' own order with fo much zeal, they made 

diaion of continual encroachments upo» thofe of the laity. 

t e aity. ^j ^^^^f^^ rclativc to matrimony, to teftaments, 

to ufury, to legitimacy of birth, as well as thofe 

which concerned ecclefiaftical revenues, were 

thought to be fo conneftcd with religion, that 

they could be tried only in the fpiritual courts. 

Not fatisfied with this ample jurifdiftion, which 

extended to one half of the fubjcfts which give 

rife to litigation among men, the clergy, with 


* GoldaHi Conftitut. Imperial. Francof. 1675. vol. ii. 
92, 107. m Rymcr's Foedcra, vol. xxxiii. 532. 

n Centum Gravam. § 31. 


veonderful induftry, and by a thoufand invcn-Booic If. 
tions, endeavoured to draw al] other caufcs into "^ — ^ ' 
their own courts**. As they had engroffcd the '^^^' 
whole learning known in the dark ages, the 
Ipiritual judges were commonly fo far fuperior 
in knowledge and abilities to thofe employed in 
the fecular courts, that the people at firft fa- 
voured any ftretch that was made to bring their 
affairs under the cognizance of a judicature, on 
the decifions of which they could rely with 
more pcrfeft confidence. Thus the intcreft of 
the church, and the inclination of the people, 
concurring to elude the jurifdidion of the lay- 
magiftrate, foon reduced it almoft to nothing K 
By means of this, vaft power accrued to ecclefi- 
ailicks, and no inconfiderable addition was made 
to their revenue by the fums paid in thofe ages 
to fuch as adminiftered juftice. 

The penalty by which the fpiritual courts Ti.e dreid- 
enforced' their fentences, added great weight and of VpinJild 
terror to their jurifdiftion. The cenfure of ex- ceafurc*. 
communication was inftituted originally for pre- 
fcrving the purity of the church; that obftinate 
offenders, whofe impious tenets or profane lives 
were a reproach to Chriftianity, might be cut 
offfrom the fociety of the faithful : This, eccle- 
fiafticks did not fcruple to convert into an engine 
for promoting their own power, and inflided 
it on the moft frivolous occafions. Whoever 
defpifed any of their decifions, evert concerning 
civil matters, immediately incurred this dreadful 
cenfure, which not only excluded them from all 
the privileges of a Chriftian, but deprived them 
of their rights as nfien and citizens ^ j and the 


« Giannonc Hift. of Naples, book xix. § 3. P Cen- 
tum Gravasn. § 9, 56, 64. H Ibid. § 34, 


Book II dread of this rendered even the moft fierce and 
^ — ^^"""^ turbulent fpirits obfequious to the authority of 
'^'°- the church. 

The devices NoR did the clerjgy negleft the proper me- 
ticks to^fe-' thods of preferving the wealth and power which 
cure their ^hejT had acquircd with fuch induftry and ad- 
*"'^**°°''drefs. The poffeffions of the church, being 
confecrated to God, were declared to be unalien- 
able ; fo that the funds of a fociety which was 
daily gaining, and could never lofe, grew to 
be immenfe. In Germany, it was computed 
that the ecclefiafticks had got into their hands 
more than one half of the national property ^. 
In other countries, the proportion varied j but 
the (hare belonging to the church was every 
where prodigious. Thefe vaft poffeffions were 
not fubjedb to the burdens impofed on the lands 
of the laity. The German clergy were exempted 
by law from all taxes ^ ; and if, on any extraor- 
dinary emergence, ecclefiafticks were pleafed to 
grant fome aid towards fupplying^ the publick 
exigencies, this was confidered as a free gift flow- 
^ ing from their own generofity, which the civil 
magiftrate had no title to demand, far lefs to ex- 
ad. In confequence of this ftrange folecifm in 
government, the laity in Germany had the mor- 
tification to find themfelves loaded with exceffive 
impofitions, becaufe fuch as poffeffed the greateft 
property were freed from any obligation to fup* 
port, or to defend the ft ate. 

TheGerman Grievous, howevcr, as the exorbitant wealth 
"cksmJftiy^'^d numerous privileges of the clerical order 
foieigaers. were tQ the other menibers of the Germanick 


r Centum Gravam. § 28. « Ibid. Goldafti Conft. 

Imper. ii. 79. io8. PfeflFel Hift. du Droit Publ. 350. 374. 



body, they would have reckoned it fome miti-BooK If. 
gation of the evil, if thefe had been poflcfled^-* ' v **^ 
only by ecclefiafticks refiding among themfflvcs, *^*^* 
who would have been lefs api to make an im- 
proper ufe of their riches, or to exercife their 
rights with unbecoming rigour. But the bifliops 
of Rome having early put in a claim, the boldeft 
that ever human ambition fuggefted, of being 
fupreme and infallible heads of the Chrlftian 
church ; they, by their profound policy and 
unwearied perfeverance, by their addrefs in avail- 
ing themfelves of every circumftance which 
occurred, by taking advantage of the fuperfti- 
tion of fome Princes, of the neceflities of others^ 
and of the credulity of the people, at length 
eftabliftitd their pretenfions, in oppofition both 
to the intereft and common fenfe of mankind, 
Germany was the country which thefe eccle- 
fiaftical fovereigns governed with moft abfolutc 
authority. They excommunicated and depofed 
fome of its moft illuftrious Emperors, and ex- 
cited their fubjedls, their minifters, and even their 
children, to take arms- againft them. Amidft 
thefe coivefts, the Popes continually extended 
their own immunities, fpoiling the fecular 
Princes gradually of their moft valuable prero- 
gatives, and the German church felt all the 
rigour of that opprcffion which flows from fub- 
j^ftion to foreign dominion, and foreign ex- 

The right of conferring benefices, which the Nominated 
Popes ufurped during that period of confufion,^^'*'*^^''^' 
was an acquifition of great importance, and 
exalted the ecclefiaftical power upon the ruins 
of the temporal. The Emperors and other 
princes of Germany had long been in pofleflion 
of this right, which ferved to increafe both their 
authority and their revenue. But by wrefting 



Book II. it out of thcir hands, the Popes were enabled 
"^ — ^^^*-^to fill the Empire with their own creatures; 
'5*°* they accuftomed a great body of every prince's 
fubjefts to depend not upon him but upon the 
Roman fee ; they bellowed upon ftrangers the 
richeft benefices in every country, and drained 
their wealth to fupply the luxury of a foreign 
court. Even the patience of the moft fuperftiti- 
ous ages mutinied under fuch oppreflion •, and fo 
loud and frequent were the complaints arid mur- 
murs of the Germans, that the Popes, afraid of 
irritating them too far, confented, contrary to 
their ufual praftice, to abate fomewhat of their 
pretenfions, and to reft fatisfied with the right 
of nomination to fuch benefices as happened to 
fall vacant during fix months in the year, leav- 
ing the difpofal of the remainder to the princes 
and other legal patrons ^ 

Theexpedi- BuT the court of Rome eafily found expedi- 
ftrlinUigthis^"^^ for eluding an agreement which put fuch 
powerofthercftraints on its power. The praftice of refer- 
ftftuai.*"*^' ving certain benefices in every country to the 
Pope's immediate nomination, which had been 
long known, and often complained of, was ex- 
tended far beyond its ancient bounds. All the 
benefices poflefled by Cardinals, or any of the 
numerous officers in the Roman court; thofe 
held by perfons who happened to die at Rome, 
or within forty miles of that city on their journey 
to or from it •, thofe which became vacant by 
tranflation, with many others, were included in 
the number of referved benefices ; Julius II. and 
Leo, ftretching the matter to the utmoft, often 
collated to benefices where the right of referva- 
tion had not been declared, on pretence of hav- 

t F. Paul, Hift. of Ecdcf. Bcnef. 204. Gold. Conftit. 
Im^tT, i. 408. 


iflg mentally refervcd this privilege to them- Book ir. 
fclves. The right of refervation, however, ev en ' ^^"^"^^ 
with this extcnfion, had certain limits, as it '^^^ 
could be exercifed only where the benefice was 
aftually vacant ; and therefore, in order to ren- 
der the exertion of papal power unbounded, 
expeStative graces^ or mandates nominating a 
perfon to fucceed to a benefice upon thenrft 
vacancy that (hould happen, were brought into 
ufe. By means of thefe, Germany was filled 
with perfons depending on the court of Rome, 
from which they received fuch reverfionary 
grants ; princes were defrauded, in a great de- 
gree, of their prerogatives ; the rights of lay-pa* 
trons were pre- occupied, and rendered almolt en- 
tirely vain ». 

The manner in which thefe extraordinary venantj of 
powers were exercifed, rendered them ftill more ^^l^^^^ ^^ 
odious and intolerable. The avarice and ex- 
tortion of the court of Rome, were become ex- 
ceffive almoft to a proverb. The fale of bene- 
fices was fo notorious, that no pains were taken 
to conceal, or to difguife it. Companies of 
merchants openly purchafed the benefices of 
different diftrifts in Germany from the Pope's 
minifters, and retailed them at an advanced 
price *• Pious men beheld with deep regret 
thefe fimoniacal tranfadions, fo unworthy the 
minifters of a Chriftian church •, while politicians 
complained of the lofs fuftained by the ex- 
portation of io much wealth in that irreligious 



« Centam Gravam. f ti. Fafcic. Rcr. Expet. &c. 334. 
Gold. Coiift. Impcr. i. 391, 404, 405. F. Paul, Hift. of 
Eol. Bcnff. ifyj^ 199. ^ Fafcic. Rcr. Expct. i, 359. 


Book II. The fums, indeed, which the court of Rome 
" '^ drew by its dated and legal impofitions from all 
u dwned the countrics acknowledging its authority, were 
•*^'^^°"°-fo confiderable, that it is not ftrange that 
^«t)th, ^'"^ Princes, as well as their fubjedts, murmured at 
the fmalleft addition made to them by unnecef- 
fary or illicit means. Every ecclefiaftical perfon, 
upon his admiflion to his benefice, paid annats^ 
or one year's rent of his living, to the Pope ; 
and as that tax was exafted with great rigour, 
its amount was prodigious. To this muft be 
added, the frequent demands made by the Popes 
of free gifts from the clergy, together with the 
extraordinary levies of tenths upon ecclefiaftical 
benefices, on pretence of expeditions againft the 
Turks, feldon) intended, or carried into execu- 
tion •, and from the whole, the vaft proportion 
of the revenues of the church, which flowed conr 
tinually to Rome, may be eftimated. 

TK« united SucH were the diflblute manners, the exor- 
^d"f cattfcs. bitant wealth, the vaft power and privileges of 
the clergy before the Reformation ; fuch the op- 
preffive rigour of that dominion which the Popes 
had eftabliflied over the Chriftian world; and 
fuch the fentiments concerning them that pre- 
vailed in Germany at the beginning of the fix- 
teenth century. Nor has this fketch been copied 
from the controverfial writers of that age, who, 
in the heat of difputation, may be fufpedted of 
having exaggerated the errors, or of having mif- 
reprefented the condudt of that church which they 
laboured to overturn ; it is formed upon more au- 
thentic evidence, upon the memorials and re- 
monftrances of the Imperial diets, coolly enume- 
rating the grievances under which the Empire 
;rQaned, in order to obtain the redrefs of them. 
Uflatisfaftion muft have rifen to a great height 
among the people, when thefe grave aflemblies 



exprefled themfelves with fuch acrimony •, and if Book IF. 
they demanded the abolition of thofe cnorihities " ""^"^ 
with fo much vehemence, the people, we may be *^^^* 
affured, uttered their fentiments and deiires in 
bolder and more virulent language. 

To men thus prepared for fhaking off the ^^en pre- 
yoke, Luther addreffed himfelf with certainty ofZ^tn!^' 
fuccefs. As they had long felt its weight, and 'her*s opi- 
had borne it with impatience, they liftened with°'^°** 
joy to the firftpropofal for procuring deliver- 
ance. Hence proceeded the fond and eager 
reception that his dodrines met with, and the 
rapidity with which they fpread over all the pro- 
vinces of Germany. Even the impetuofity and tnd to toie- 
fiercenefs of Luther*s . fpirit, his confidence in fl^^^^* ^' 
aflerting his own opinions, and the arrogance as 
well as contempt wherewith he treated all who 
differed from him, .which, in ages of greater 
moderation and refinement, have been reckoned 
defeats in the charadter of that reformer, did not 
appear exceflive.to his contemporaries, whofc 
minds were ftrongly: agitated by thofe interefting 
controverfies which he carried on, and who had 
themfelves endured the rigour of papal tyranny, 
and feen the corruptions in the church againft 
which he exclaimed. 

Nor were they offended at that grofs fcurr 
rility with which his polemical writings are 
filled, or at the low buffoonery which he fome- 
times introduces into his graveft difcourfes. No 
difpute was managed in thofe rude times with- 
out a large portion of the former -, and the lat- 
ter was common, even on the moft folemn oc- 
cafions, and in treating the moft facred fubjefts. 
So far were either of thefe from doing hurt to 
his caufe, that inveftive and ridicule had. fomc 
cffed, as well as more laudable arguments, in 





Book II. cKpofing the errors of popay, and in determining 

* — ^'^^^ mankind to abandon them, 

Theeffeft Beside all thcfc caufes of Lutlier's rapid 
^onof prrn°t" P^ogrcfs, arifing from the nature <rf his enter* 
ing ©n the prizc, and the junfture at which he undertook 
the^Refo?- it> he reaped advantage from fomc foreign and 
mation : advcntitious circumftances, the beneficial influ- 
ence of which none of his forerunners in the fame 
courfe had enjoyed. Among thefe may be rec- 
koned the invention of the art of printing, 
about half a century before his time. By this 
fortunate difcovery, the facility of acquiring and 
of propagating knowledge was wonderfully in* 
creafcd, and Luther*s books, which muft other- 
wife have made their way flowly and with un- 
certainty into diftant countries, fpread at once 
all over Europe. Nor were they read on\y by 
the rich and the learned, who alone had accefs 
to books before that invention*, they got into 
the hands of the pec^le, who, upon this appeal to 
them as judges, ventured to examine and to re- 
ject many doftrines, which they had fomicrly 
been required to believe, without being taught 
to underftand them. 

And of the The revival of learning at the fame period, 
iMrnfig!^ was a circumftance extremely friendly to the 
Reformation. The ftudy of the ancient Greek 
and Roman authors, and the difcovery of that 
liberal and found knowledge which they contain, 
rouzed the human mind from the profound 
lethargy in which it had been funk during feve- 
ral centuries. Mankind fcem, at that period, to 
have recovered the powers of inquiring and of 
thinking, faculties of which they had long loft 
the ufe ; and fond of the acquifition, they exer- 
cifed them with great boldnefs upon all fubjefts. 
They were not now afraid of entering an un- 



common path, or of embracing a new opinion. BookII, 
Novelty appears rather to have been a recom- ^- ■^■■*^ 
mendation of a doftrine; and inftead of being *^*^* 
ftarded when the daring hand of Luther drew 
afide, or tore the veil which covered eftablilhed 
errors, the genius' of the age applauded and 
aided the attempt. Luther, though a ftrariger 
to elegance in tafte or compofition, zealoufly 
promoted the cultivation of ancient literature ; 
and fenfible of its being neccflary in ftudying 
the fcriptures, he himfelf had acquired confi- 
dcrable knowledge both in the Hebrew and 
Greek tongues. Melanfthon, and fome other 
of his difciples, were eminent proficients in the 
polite arts ; and as the fame barbarous monks, 
who oppofed the introduftion of learning into 
Germany, fet themfelves with equal fierceneft 
againft Luther's opinions, and declared the good 
reception of the latter to be the effeft of the 
progrefs which the former had made, the caufe 
of learning and of the Reformation came to be 
confidered as clofely connefted, and, in every 
country, had the fame friends and the fame ene- 
mies. This enabled the reformers to carry on 
the conteft at firft with great fuperiority. Eru- 
dition, induftry, accuracy of fentiment, purity 
of compofition, even wit and raillery, were wholly 
on their fide, and triumphed with eafe over illi- 
terate monks, whofe rude arguments, expreflcd 
in a perplexed and barbarous ftyle, were found 
infufficient for the defence of a fyftem, the er- 
rors of which, all the art and ingenuity of its 
later and more learned advocates have not been 
able to palliate. 

That bold fpirit of inquiry, which the revi- Luther aid- 
val of learning excited in Europe, was fo favour- fots VhT 
able to the Reformation, that Luther was aided did not wifb 
in his progrefs, and mankind were prepared to ^'* ^""*^** 

Vol. n. K embrace 


Book II. embrace his doftrines, by perfons Who did not 
^""'"^^""**^ wifh fuccefs to his undertaking. The greater 
' ^^ ' part of the in genious men who applied to the 
ftudy of ancient literature, towards the clofe of 
the fifteenth century, and the beginning of the 
fixteenth, though they had no intention, and 
perhaps no wifh, to overturn the eilabliihed 
fyftem of religion, had difcovered the abfurdity 
of many tenets and practices authorized by the 
church, and perceived the futility of thofe argu- 
ments, by which illiterate monks endeavoured 
to defend them. Their contempt of thefe advo- 
cates for the received errors, led them frequently 
to expofe the opinions which they fupported, 
and to ridicule their ignorance with great free- 
dom and feverity. By this, men were pre- 
pared for the more ferious attacks made upon 
them by Luther, and their reverence both for 
the dodrines and perfons againft whom he in- 
veighed, was confiderably abated. This was 
particularly the cafe in Germany. When the 
firft attempts were made to revive a taftc for 
ancient learning in that country, the Ecclefiafticks 
there, who were ftill more ignorant than . their 
brethren on the other fide of the Alps, fet them- 
felves to oppofe its progrefs with more adtive 
zeal ; and the patrons of the new ftudies, in re- 
turn, Attacked them with greater violence. In 
the writings of Reiichlin, Hutten, and the other 
revivers or learning in Germany, the corruptions 
of the church of Rome are cenfured with an 
acrimony of ftyle, little inferior to that of Lu- 
ther himfelf y. 

Particularly From thc fame caufe proceeded the frequent 
Erafmus. ftrift^res of Erafmus upon the errors or the 



y Gerdefius Hift. Evang. Renov. vol. i. p. 141. 157. 
Seckend. lib. i. p. 103. Vonder Hardt. Hift. Ucerar. Re- 
form . pars ii. " . 


church, as well as upon the ignorance and vices Book IL 
of the clei^. His reputation and authority ^^ — ^^"*^ 
were fo high in Europe at the beginning of the '^**' 
fixtcenth century, and his works were read with 
fuch univerfal admiration, that the efFed of thefe 
deferves to be mentioned as one of the circum- 
ftances which contributed moft confiderably to- 
wards Luther's fuccefs. Erafmus, having been h 
deftined for the church, and trained up in the 
knowledge of Ecclefiaftical literature, applied 
lumfclf more to theological inquiries than any 
of the revivers of learning in that age. His 
acute judgment and vaft erudition enabled him 
to difcover many errors, both in the doftrinc 
and worlhip of the Romifh church. Some of 
thcfe he confuted with great folidity of reafon- 
ing, and force of eloquence. Others he treated 
as objcfts of ridicule, and turned againft them 
that irrefiftible torrent of popular and fatirical 
mt, of which he had the command. There was 
fcarcely any opinion or pradtice of the Romifh 
church which Luther endeavoured to reform, 
but what had been previoufly animadverted upon 
by Erafmus, and had afforded him fubjeft either 
of cenfure or of raillery. When Luther firft be- 
gan his attack upon the church, Erafmus feemed 
to applaud his conduft ; he courted thefriendfhip 
of feveral of his difciples and patrons, and con- 
demned the behaviour and fpirit of his adver- 
iaries ''. He conciirred openly with him in in- 
veighing againft the fchool divines, as the teach- 
ers of a fyftem equally unedifying and obfcure. 
He joined him in endeavouring to turn the at- 
tention of men to the ftudy of the holy fcrip- 
tures, as the only ftandard of religious truth *. 

K 2 Various 

* Seckend. lib. i. p. 40. 96. » Vender Hardt. 

Hiftor. Literar. Reform, parsi. Gerdef. Hift. Evang. Re* 
nov. i. 147. 


Various circumftances, however, prevented 
Erafmus from holding the fame courfe with 
*52o. Luther. The natural timidity of his temper; 
his want of that force of mind which alone can 
prompt a man v to affume the charafter of a re- 
former ^ ; his exceflive deference for perfons in 
high ftation ; his dread of lofing the penlions 
and other emoluments which their liberality 
had conferred upon him; his extreme love of 
peace, and hopes of reforming abufes gradually, 
and by gentle methods -, all concurred in deter- 
mining him not only to reprefs and to moderate 
the zeal, with which he had once been animated 
againft the errors of the church \ but to aflume 
the charafter of a mediator between Luther 
and his opponents. But though Erafmus foon 
began to cenfure Luther as too daring and im- 
petuous, and was at laft prevailed upon to 
write againft him, he muft, neverthekfs, be 
confidered as his forerunner and auxiliary in 
this war upon the church. He firft fcattered 
the feeds, which Luther cherifhed and brought 
to maturity. His raillery and oblique cenfures 
prepared the way for Luther's insreftives and 
more direft attacks. In this light Erafmus ap- 
peared to the zealous defenders of the Romifh 
church in his own times ^ In this light he 
myft be confidered by every perfon convcrfant 
in the hiftory of that period. 


* Erafmus himfelf is candid enough to acknowledge this : 
*« JLucher," fays he, *« has given us many a wholefome 
doctrine, and many a good counfel. I wiHi he had not 
defeated the ^fieA of them by intolerable faults. But if he 
had written every thing in the moft unexceptionable man- 
ner, I had no inclination to die for the fake of truth. 
Every man hath not the courage requifite to make a mar- 
tyr ; and I am afraid, that if I were put to the trial, £ 
Ihould imitate St. Peter.*' Epift. Eraftni in Jortin's Life 
of Erafm. vol. i. p. 273. 

c Jortin's Life of Erafmus, vol. i. p. 258. 

^ Vonder Hardt. Hid. Liierar. Reform, pars i. p. 2. 


In this long enumeration of the circumftances Book IL 
which combined in favouring the progrefs of ''^*'*'^'"*^ 
Luther's opinions, or in weakening the refiftance '5*o- 
of his adverfaries, I have avoided entering into 
any difcuffion of the theological doftrbes of 
popery, and have not attempted to Ihew how 
repugnant they are to the fpirit of Chriftianity, 
and how deftitute of any roundation in reafon, 
in the word of God, or in the praftice of the 
primitive church, leaving thefe topics entirely 
to ecclefiaftical hiftorians, to whofe province 
they peculiarly ' belong. But when we add the 
effedt of thefe religious confiderations to the 
influence of political caufes, it is obvious that | 
the united operation of both on the human 
mind, mud have been fudden and irrefiflible. 
Though, to Luther's contemporaries, who were 
too near perhaps to the fcene, or too deeply 
interefted in it, to trace caufes with accuracy, 
or to examine them with coolnefs, the rapidity 
with which his opinions fpread, appeared to be 
fo unaccountable, that fome of them imputed 
it to a certain uncommon and malignant pofition 
of the ftars, which fcattered the fpirit of gid- 
dinefs and innovation over the world *. It is 
evident, that the fuccefs of the Reformation was 
the natural effeft of many powerful caufes pre- 
pared by peculiar providence, and happily con- 
fpu'ing to that end. This attempt to inveftigate 
thefe caufes, and to throw light on an event fo. 
lingular and important, will not, perhaps, be 
deemed an unnecelTary digreffion.— — I return 
from it to the courfe of the hiftory. 

The Diet at Worms condufted its delibera-lP'oceedings 
dons with that flow formality peculiar to fuch»[wom8. 
aflemblies. Much time was fpent in eftablifli- "$*«• 


« Jovii Hiftoria, Lut. 1553. fol. p. 134. 


Book U. ing fome regulations with regard to the internal 
L- ■y^-i-i police of the Empire. The jurifdidtion of the 
*^*'* Imperial chamber was confirmed, and the forms 
of its proceeding rendered more fixed and. 
regular. A council of regency was appointed 
to affift Ferdinand in the government of the 
Empire during his brother*s abfence; which, 
from the extent of the Emperor's dominions, 
as well as the multiplicity of his afi^airs, was an 
event that might be frequently expefted ^. The 
ftate of religion was then taken into confide- 
The Empe- ration. There were not wanting fome plaufible 
with re*g«d rcafons which might have induced Charles to 
to Lui|er. havc declared himfelf the protedor of Luther's 
caufe, or at leaft to have connived at its pro- 
grels. If he had poflefled no other dominions 
but thofe which belonged to him in Germany, 
and no other crown befides the Imperial, he 
might have been difpofed perhaps to favour a 
man, who aflerted fo boldly the privileges and 
immunities for which the Empire had ftruggled 
fo long with the Popes. But the vaft and dan- 
gerous fchemes which Francis I. was forming 
againft Charles, made it neceffary for him to 
regulate his conduft by views more extenfive 
than thofe which would have fuited a German 
prince ; and it being of the utmoft importance 
to fecure^the Pope's friendfliip^ this determined 
him to treat Luther with gredt feverity, as the 
moft eflfeftuit' method of Toothing Leo into a 
concurrence with his* meafures. His eaeernefs 
to accomplifh this, tendered him not unwilling 
to gratify the. papal legates in Germany, who 
infifted that, without any delay or formal deli- 
beration, the diet ought^ to condemn a man 
whom the Pope had already excommunicated 
- ■ ' . ..... ■ ' as 

f Pont. Heuter. Rer. Auftr. lib. viii. c. ii. p. 195.' 
PfeiFel Abregf5€hro«nol. p. 598. ' ' 


as an incorrigibk herctick. Such an abrupt B^ook IF. 
manner of proceeding, however, being deemed ^"'^^^''^^ 
unprecedented and unjuft by the members of ^ 
the diet, they made a point of Luther's appear- hc is fum- 
ing in perfon, and declaring whether he adhered ^p^t^/** 
or not to thole opinions, which had drawn upon 
him the cenfures of the church^. Not only 
the Emperor, but all the princes through whofe 
territories he had to pafs, granted him a fafe- 
conduft ; and Charles wrote to him at the fame Mtrch 6. 
time, requiring his immediate attendance on the 
diet, and renewing his promifes of protedtion 
from any injury or violence ^. Luther did not 
hefitate one nK>ment about yielding obedience, 
and fet out for Worms, attended by the herald 
who had brought the Emperor's letter and fafe- 
conduft. While on his journey, many of hi* 
friends, whom the fate of Hufs, under fimilar 
circumftances, and notwithftanding the fame 
fecurity of an Imperial fafe-condud, filled with 
folicitude, advifed and intreated him not to rulh 
wantonly into the midft of danger. But Lu- "j*^^^ 
ther, fuperior to fuch terrors, filenced themfp^J. 
with this reply, ** I am lawfully called,** faid 
he, " to appear in that city, and thither will I 
go in the name of the Lord, though as many 
devils as there are tiles on the boufes, were there 
combined againft me '." 

The reception which he met at Worms, ^J*^;**^*?'*'- 
was fuch as he might have reckoned a fullwormt. 
reward of all his labours, if vanity and the love 
of applaufe had been the principles by which 
he was influenced. Greater crowds aflembled 
to behold him, than had appeared at the Em- 
peror's public entry ; his apartments were daily 
filled with princes and perfonages of the higheft 


g P. Mart. E p. 722. ^ Luth. Opcr. ii. 41 1. 

^ i Luth. Oper. ii. 412. 


Book II. rank ^, and he was treated with all the refpeft 
^•*'"^^'**^ paid to thofe who poilefs the power of dire&ing 
'^^*' the underftanding and fentiments of other men ; 
an homage, more fincere, as well as more flat- 
tering, than any which preeminence in birth 
The manner or condition Can command. At his appearance 
^arwce. before the diet, he behaved with great decency, 
and with equal firmnefs. He readily acknow- 
ledged an excefs of vehemence and acrimony in 
his controverfial writings, but refufed to retraft 
J his opinions unlefs he were convinced of their 
falfehood •, or to confent to their being tried by 
any other rule than the word of God. When 
neither threats nor intreaties could prevail on 
him to depart from this refolution, fome of the 
ecclefiafticks propofed to imitate, the example 
of the council of Conftance, and by puniihing 
the author of this peftilcnt herefy, who was 
now in their power, to deliver the church at 
once from fuch an evil. But the members of 
the diet refufing to expofc the German integrity 
to frefti reproach by a fecond violation of pub- 
lick faith ; and Charles being no lefe unwilling 
to bring a ftain upon the beginning of his admi- 
niftration by fuch an ignominious afbion, Lu- 
Aprii a6. ther was permitted to depart in fafety '. A 
Maagiinftfe^ days after he left the city, a fevere cdift 
was publifhed in the Emperor's name, and by 
authority of the diet, depriving him, as an ob- 
ftinate and excommunicated criminal, of all the 
.privileges which he enjoyed as a fubjedl of the 
Empire^ forbidding any prince to harbour or 
proteft him, and requiring all to concur in feizing 
his perfon as foon as the term Ipecified in his 
lafenconduft was expired "". 


k Scckend. 156. Lath, Open ii.414. J F. Paul. 

Hiil. of Counc. p. 13. Seckend. i6o. ni Gold. 

Conft. Imperial it. 468. 



But this rigorous decree had no conliderable Boor If. 
ciFedt, the execution of it being prevented' — ^^**^ 
partly by the multiplicity of occupations which He^i^iVed 
the commotions in Spain^ together with the«ndconcciU 
wars in Italy and the Low Countries, created blrg^. ^*'^" 
to the Emperor •, and partly by a prudent pre- 
caution employed by the Eledor of Saxony, 
Luther's faithful patron. As Luther, on his 
return from Worms, was pafling near Alten- 
ftein in Thuringia, a number of horfemen in 
mafks ruihed fuddenly out of a wood, where 
the Eledor had appointed them to lie in wait 
for him, and furrounding his company, carried >^ 
him, after difmifling all his attendants, to Wart- 
burg, a ftrong cattle not far diftant. There 
the Eledor ordered him to be fupplied with 
every thmg neceflary or agreeable ; but the place 
of his retreat was carefully concealed, until 
the fury of the prefent ftorm againft him began 
to abate, upon a change in the political fitua- 
tion of Europe. In this folitude, where he re- 
mained nine months, and which he frequently 
called his Patmos, after the name of that ifland 
to which the apoftle John was baniihed, he 
exerted his ufual vigour and induftry in defence 
of his do&rines, or in confutation of his adver- 
iaries, publiOiing feveral treatifes, which revived 
the ipirit of his followers, aftonifhed to a great 
degree, and difheartened at the fudden difap- 
pearance of their leader. 

During his confinement, his opinions con- p^gr^f, ,^f 
tinued to gain ground, acquiring the afcendantWc opinion. 

in almott every city of Saxony. At this time, 
the Auguftinians of Wittemberg, with the ap- 
probation of the univerfity, and the connivance 
of the Eleftor, ventured upon the firft ftep 
towards an alteration in the eftabliflied forms of 
public worlhip, by aboliihing the celebration 



* • 

Book II. of private mafles, and by giving the cup as well 
' — '^"^ as the bread to the laity in adminiftcring the fa- 
*5^*' crament of the Lord's fupper. 

Decree of WHATEVER confolation the couragc and fuc- 
^^ifvlris ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ difciples, or the progrefs of his doc- 
coJd'cronYng trincs in his own country, afforded Luther in his 
tLem. retreat, he there received information of two 
events, which confiderably damped his joy, as 
they feemed to lay infuperable obftacks in the 
way of propagating his principles in the two 
moft powerful kingdoms of Europe. One was, 
a folemn decree, condemning his opinions, pub- 
lilhed by the univerfity of Paris, the moft 
ancient and at that time the moft refpedtable 
of the learned focieties in Europe. The other 
was, the anfwer written to his book concerning 
Henry vriL the Babylonifli captivity by Henry VIII. of 
^aina England. That young monarch, having been 
tfeeni' educated under the eye of a fufpicious father, 
who, in order to prevent his attending to bufi- 
nefs, kept him occupied in the ftudy of litera- 
ture, ftill retained a greater love of learning, 
and ftronger habits of application to it, than 
are comnron among Princes of fo aftive a dif- 
polition, and fuch violent paffions. Being am- 
bitious of acquiring glory of every kind, as well 
as zealoufly attached to the Romifh church, and 
highly exafperated againft Luther, who had 
treated Thomas Aquinas, his favourite author, 
with great contempt, Henry did not think, it 
enough to exert his royal authority in oppofing 
the opinions of the reformer, but refolved lilce- 
wife to combat them with fcholaftic weapons. 
With this view he publifhed his treatife on tne 
Seven Sacraments, which, though forgotten at 
prefent, as books of controveify always are, 
when the occafion that produced them is paft, 
is not deftitute of polemical ingenuity and acute- 



ncfs, and was repfefented by the flattery of his Book 11. 
courtiers to be a work of fuch wonderful fciencc '^ '''"**^ 
and learning, as exalted him no lefs above other ^ 
authors in merit, than he was diftinguifhed 
among them by his i'ank. The Pope, to whom 
it was prefented with the greateft formality in 
full iconfiftory, fpoke of it in fuch terms, as if 
it had been dldtated by immediate infpiration ; 
and as a teftimony of the gratitude of the church 
for his extraordinary zeal, conferred on him the 
title of Defender of the Faith^ an appellation 
which Henry foon forfeited in the opinion of 
thofe from whom he derived it, and which is 
ftill retained by his fucceflbrs, though the avowed 
enemies of thofe opinions, by contending for 
which he merited that honourable diftindtion. 
Luther, who was not overawed either by theLuther't 
authority of the Univerfity, or the dignity of b^flj ^** 
the monarch, foon publiflied his animadverfions 
on both in a ftyle no lefs vehement and fevere, 
than he would have ufed in confuting his 
meaneft antagonift. This indecent boldnefs, 
inftead of fhocking his contemporaries, was 
confidered by them as a new proof of his un- 
daunted fpirit. A controverfy managed by dif- 
putants fo illuftrious, drew more general atten- 
tion ; and fuch was the contagion of the fpirit 
of innovation, diffufed through Europe in that 
age, and ib powerful the evidence Which accom- 
panied the dodtrines of the reformers on their, 
firft publication, thatj in fpite both of the civil 
and ecclefiaftical powers combined againfl: them, 
they daily gained converts both in France and 
in England. 

How defirous Ibever the Emperor might be sute of af. 
to put a ftop to Luther's progrefs, he was^often [j^^n *' 
obliged, during the diet at Worms, to turn his chiries and 

thoughts ^'"*'"- 


Book II. thoughts to matters ftill more interefting, and 
^"""^ — ' which demanded more immediate attention. A 
'5**- war was ready to break out between him and 
Francis in Navarre, in the Low Countries, and 
in Italy ; and it required either great addrefs to 
avert the danger, or timely and wife precautions 
to refill it. Every circumftance, at that junc- 
ture, inclined Charles to prefer the former mea- 
fure. Spain was torn with inteftine commo- 
tions. In Italy, he had not hitherto fecured 
the affiftance of any one ally. In the Low- 
Countries, his fubjefts trembled at the thoughts 
of a rupture with France, the fatal effefts of 
which on their commerce they had often experi- 
enced. From thefe confiderations, as well as 
from the folicitude of Chievres, during his whole 
adminiftration, to maintain peace between the 
two monarchs, proceeded the Emperor's back- 
wardnefs to commence hoftilities. But Francis 
and his minifters did not breathe the fame 
pacific fpirit. He eafily forefaw that concord 
could not long fubfift, where intereft, emula-* 
tion, and ambition confpired to difTolve it ; and 
he poffeffed feveral advantages which flattered 
him with the hopes of furprifing his rival, and 
of overpowering him before he could put him- 
felf in a pofture of defence. The French 
King's dominions, from, their compaft fituation, 
from their fubjeftion to the royal authprity, from 
the genius of the people, fond of war, and 
attached to their fovereign by every tie of duty 
and afFeftion, were tnore capable of a great or 
fudden cflfort, than the larger but difunited ter- 
ritories of the Emperor, in one part of which 
the people were in arms againft his minifters, 
and in all his prerogative was piore limited thjan 
that of his rival 




The only princes, in whofe power it was to Book II. 
have kept down, or to have extinguifhed this^ — ^ ' 
flame on its firft appearance, either neglefted to Hen^^viii. 
exert themfelves, or were aftive in kindling and favours the* 
fpreading it. Henry VIII. though he affcfted ^"^'"'• 
to aflTume the name of mediator, and both par- 
ties made frequent appeals to him, had laid 
afide the impartiality which fuited that charadter. 
Wolfey, by his artifices, had eftranged him fo 
entirely from the French King, that he fecrctly 
fomented the difcord which he ought to have 
compofed, and waited only for fome decent 
pretext to join his arms to the Emperor's "• - 

Leo*s endeavours to excite difcord between ^^^^^ 
the Emperor and Francis were more avowed, cween the 
and had greater influence. Not only his duty, "^»*'* 
as the common father of Chriftendom, but his 
interefts as an Italian potentate, called upon the 
Pope to aft as the guardian of the public tran- 
quillity, and to avoid any meafure that might 
overturn the fyfl:em, which after much blood- 
Died, and many negociations, was now efta- 
bliflied in Italy. Accordingly Leo, who infl:ant- 
Jy difcerned the propriety of this conduft, had 
formed a fcheme, upon Charles's promotion to 
the Imperial dignity, of rendering himfelf the 
umpire between the rivals, by foothing them 
alternately, while he entered into no clofc con- 
federacy with either ; and a pontiff Icfs am- 
bitious and cnterprizing, might have faved Eu- . 
rope from many calamities by adhering to this 
plan. But this high-foirited prelate, who was 
ftill in the prime of lifc^ longed paflionately to 
diftinguifh. his pontificate by fome fplendid 
aftion. He was impatient to wafl:i away the 
infamy of having lofl: Parma and Placentia, the 


■ Herbert. Fiddcs's Life of Wolfey, 258. 


Book II. acquifition of which reflcdcd io much luftre on 
^ ^^"""^ the adminiftration of his predeceffor Julius. He 
*^^'' beheld, with the indignation natural to Italians 
in that age, the dominion which . the TranfaU 
pine, or as they, in imitation of the Roman arro- 
gance, denominated them, the barbarous nations, 
had attained in Italy. He flattered himfclf, 
, that after affifting the one monarch to ftrip the 
other of his pofleflions in that country, he 
might find means of driving out the viftor in 
his turn, and acquire the glory of reftoring 
Italy to the liberty and happinefs which it en- 
joyed before the invafipn of Charles VIII. when 
every ftate was governed by its native princes, 
or its own laws, and unacquainted with a fo- 
reign yoke. JExtravagant and chimerical as this 
projed may fecm, it was the favourite objefl: 
of almoft every Italian eminent for genius <m* 
enterprize during great part of the fixteenth 
century. They vainly hoped, that by fuperior 
fkiU in the artifices and refinements of negocia- 
tion, they Ihould be able to baffle the eflbrts 
of nations, ruder indeed than themfelves, but 
much more powerful and warlike. So alluring 
was the profpeft of this to Leo, that notwith- 
ftanding the gentlenefs of his difpofition, and 
his fondnefs for the pleafures of a refined and 
luxurious eafe, he haftened to difturb the peace 
of Europe, and to plunge himfelf in a danger- 
ous war, with an impetuofity fcarcely inferior 
to that of the turbulent and martial Julius ^ 

It was in Leo's power, however, to chufe 
which of the monarchs he .would take for his 
confederate againft the other. Both of them 
courted his friendftiip; he wavered for fomc 
time between them, and at firft concluded an 
alliance with Francis. The objeft of this treaty 


" Guic. lib. XIV. p. 173^ 


was the conquefl: of Naples, which the confedc- Book !!• 
rates agreed to divide between them. The Pope, ^— v— -^ 
it 1s probable, flattered himfelf, that the brilk '5^*' 
and adive fpirit of Francis, feconded by the 
fame qualities in his fubjedts, would get the ftart 
of the flow and wary councils of the Emperor, 
and that they might over-run with eafe this de- 
tached portion of his dominions, ill provided 
for defence, and always the prey of every in- 
vader. But whether the French King, by dif- 
covering too openly his fufpicions of Leo's fin- 
cerity, difappointcd thefe hopes; whether the 
treaty was only an artifice of the Pope's, to cover 
the more ferious negociations which he was car- 
rying on with Charles; whether he was en- 
ticed by the profpedl of reaping greater advan- 
tages from an union with that prince ; or whe- 
ther he was foothed by the zeal which Charles 
had manifefl:ed for the honour of the church in 
condemning Luther ; certain it is, that he foon Concludes* 
deferted his new ally, and made overtures ofj^^*^^^* 
friendfliip, though with great fecrecy, to the 
Emperor r. Don John Manuel, the fame man 
who had been the favourite of Philip, and whofc 
addrefs had difconcerted all Ferdinand's fchemes, 
having been delivered, upon the death of that 
monarch, from the prifon to which he had been 
confined, was now the Imperial ambaflador at 
Rome, and fully capable of improving this fa- 
vourable difpofition in the Pope to his matter's 
advantage 9. To him the conduft of this nego- 
ciation was entirely committed ; and being care- 
fully concealed from Chievres, whofc averfion 
from a war with France would have prompted 
him to retard or defeat it, an alliance between 
the Pope and Emperor was quickly con-Miyt. 


P Guic. lib. xiv. p. 175. Mem. deBellay* Par. 1573. p. 24. 
^ Jovii Vita Leonis, lib. iv. p. 89 


Book H. eluded ^ The chief articles in this treaty, which 
^^ — "^""^^ proved the foundation of Charles's grandeur in 
'^^*' Italy, were, that the Pope and Emperor fliould 
join their forces to expel the French out of the 
MiJanefe, the pofleflion of which fhould be 
granted to Francis Sforza, a fon of Ludovico 
the Moor, who had refided at Trent fince the 
time his brother Maximilian had been difpof- 
fefled of his dominions by the French King ; 
that Parma and Placentia fhould be reftored to 
the church ; that the Emperor fhould aflifl the 
Pope in conquering Ferrara-, that the annual 
tribute paid by the kingdom of Naples to the 
Holy See fhould be increafed ; that the Emperor 
fhould take the family of Medici under his pro- 
tection ; that he fhould grant to the Cardinal of 
that name a penfion of ten thoufand ducats upon 
the archbifhoprick of Toledo ; and fettle lands 
in the kingdom of Naples to the fame value 
upon Alexander the natural fon of Lorenzo de 

Detthof 'j'jjg tranfading an affair of fuch moment 

Chievres, .it- . P . i ^i • 

the Empe- without his participation, appeared to Chievres 
hJ'lnSmT*^ decifivc a proof of his having lofl the afcen- 
Hitler. dant which he had hitherto maintained over the 
mind of his pupil, that his chagrin on this ac- 
count, added to the melancholy with which he 
was overwhelmed on taking a view of the many 
and unavoidable calamities attending a war 
againfl France, is faid to have fhortened his 
days •. But though this, perhaps, may be only 
the conjecture of hiftorians, fond of attributing 
every thing that befals illuftrious perfonages to 
extraordinary caufes, and of afcribing even their 


r Guic. l.xiv. i8i. Mem. dc Bellay, p. 24. DuMont. 
Corps Diplom. torn. iv. fnppi. p. 96. « Bclcarii Com- 

ment. de reb. Gallic. 483. 


^iieafep and de^ tf> the e£k& of political paUJ- ^°o^ I'- 

fifi^t wbid? jje more apt to tlifturb the enjoymc;Dt " ' 

thap jto abridge the period of life, it is certain '^''' 

ihjt his ic?^ ?f tifis 

^uin^Qd ail hc^$ of a 

fr^ncc '. T^ij event, 

^ofP i tninifte^, -to whc 

^cvA:Qm<^ from his inf 

j^^icit deference, as cl 

j^iiifr 31^4 fetjt.ii;ied hiii 

uabc£(;vi?i>7^ hff yiC^rs at 

jeftraitit being renioved, the native powers of 

his ,mind were permitted to unfold themfelves, 

^A^ he j^g^a to difplay fuch great talents, bot|i 

jn C9VW^ ^d in eKCCUti9n, as ejcceeded the 

hopes qf his t^optempor^ies ", and command the 

li^miraypn .of pc^erity. 

^HiL? tjhe p^c and ^mperor were pre- coramtMt- 
fju^g, ^n <jpnfeqiieoce ,of their fccrct alliance, |^i;,"';'l„'"''^ 
XO fi,tiC^k ,Mi^^., hoflilitie^ cociunencq^ in ano-N>*urc. 
A^r q«?jler. J'i},e children of John d'Albret, 
^jfi^ (if N^v^re, hjtving 9ftcn demanded the 
r^iti^ic^ipf th?ir /hereditary dpnynifln^ in terms 
pf lihij: wgiity <^ N^ypri, And Ch?r)es having as 
^i^n el^^^d their reyi^fls upon very frivolous 
prcte^, Francis ;thoug|HthiiTire^autJ;iorized by 
that ijreaijy ;t9 ^fljft jhc exileij family. The 
')!l/^l^&\}fS ^pp«ar<efi,eiKtreniely favourable for fiich 
an jefl^erprize. Charles was at a diftance from 
th^ pafi of t:)i5 dominions ; the troops ufually 
g^tioiwd -there, :h^ iiccn called away to quell 
t^ cpm^otions in Sp^ifi^ tlie Spanifh male< 
t^<^af^af^ V^riply .fqlicited him to invade Na- 
varre ", in which aconfidcrable faftion was ready 
to declare for the defcendants of their ancient 
iQCui^a^chs. i^ut in or^r to avoid, as much as 

Vo^'ll ' ' h poffible, 

■ P. Heater. Rer. AuAriac, lib. viii, c. n. p, 197. 
" F. Man. Ep. 735. * P. M^in.Ep. 711. 


•Book H. poffible, giving offencc to the Emperor, or 
^"'■'"'' ^ King of England, Francis direfted forces to be 
'5^^' levied, and the war to be carried on, not in his 
own name, but in that of Henry d* Albret. The 
conduft of thefe troops was committed to An- 
drew de Foix, de I'Efparre, a young nobleman, 
whom his near alliance to the unfortunate king 
whofe battles he was to fight, and what was ftill 
more powerful, the intereft of his fifter, madame 
de Chateaubriand, Francis's favourite miftrefs, 
recommended to that important trufl:, for which 
progref.of hc had neither talents nor experience. But as 

the French. ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^y, '^^ ^(^g g^jj ^^ Oppofc him, 

he became mafter, in a few days, of the whole 
kingdom of Navarre, without meeting with any 
obftrudion but from the citadel of Pampeluna. 
The additional works to this fortrefs, begun by 
• Ximenes, were ftill unfinifhed; nor would its 
flight refiftance have deferved notice, if Ignatio 
Loyola, a Bifcayan gentleman, had not been 
dangeroufly wounded in its defence. During 
the progrefs of a lingering cure^ Loyola hap- 
pened to have no other amufement than what 
he found in reading the lives of the faints : 
The efFeft of this on his mind, naturally enthu- 
fiaftic, but ambitious and daring, was to infpire 
him with fuch a defire of emulating the glory of 
thefe fabulous worthies of the Romilh church, 
as led him into the wildeft and moft extravagant 
adventures, which terminated at laft in inftitut- 
ing the fociety of Jefuits, the moft political and 
bcft regulated of all the monaftick orders, and 
from which mankind have derived more advan- 
tages, and received greater hurt, than from any 
other of thefe religious fraternities. 

They enter If, upon the rcduction of Pampeluna, L'Ef- 
^'^'^^' parre had been fatisfied with taking proper pre- 


cautions for fecuring his conqueft, the kingdom Book n. 
of Navarre might ftill have remained annexed ' — -v-*-^ 
to the crown of France, in reality, as well as in '^*'* 
tide. But, pu(hed on by youthful ardour, and 
encouraged by Francis, who was too apt to be 
dazzled with fuccefs, he ventured to pafs the 
confines of Navarre, and to lay fiege to Lo- 
grogno, a fmall town in Caftile. This rouzed 
the Caftilians, who had hitherto beheld the rapid 
progrcfs of his arms with great unconcern, and 
the diflenfions in that kingdom being almofl: 
compofed, both parties exerted themfelves with 
emulation in defence of their country ; the one, 
that it might efface the memory of paft mifcon- 
duft by its prefent zeal ; the other, that it might 
add to the merit of having fubdued the Empe- 
ror's rebellious fubje6b, that of repulfing his 
foreign enemies. The fudden advance of their 
troops, together with the gallant defence made 
by the inhabitants of Logrogno, obliged the 
French general to abandon his ralh enterprize. 
The Spanifh army, which increafcd every day, 
haraflSng him during his retreat, he, inftead of 
taking fhelter under the cannon of Pampeluna, 
or waiting the arrival of fome troops which were 
marching to join him, attacked the Spaniards, They «re 
though far fuperior to him in number, with great ^nd^'dHvin 
impetuofity, but with fo little conduft, that his o«t ^f Na^ 
forces were totally routed, he himfclf, together 
with his principal officers, was taken prifoner, 
and Spain recovered pofleffion of Navarre in ftill 
Ihorter time than the French had fpent in the 
conqueft of it y. 


While Francis endeavoured to juftify hisHoftiiitics 
invafion of Navarre, by carrying it on in the|hfL"ow 
name of Henry D*Albret, he had recourfe to an countries. 

L 2 artifice 

7 Mem. de Pellay, p. 21. P. Mart. Ep. 726. 


Book FI. artifice much of the fame kind, in attacking ano- 
""^ thcr part of the Emperor's territories. Robert 
'^*'' de la Mark lord of the fmall but independent 
territory of Bouillon, fituated on the frontiers 
of Luxembourg and Champagne, having aban- 
doned Charles's fervice on account of an en- 
croachment which the Aulick council had made 
on his jurifdidioo^ and having thrown htmfelf 
upon France for protcftion, was ea£ly perfuaded, 
in the heat of his refcntment, to fend a herald to 
Worms, and to declare war againft the Emperor 
in form. Such extravagant infolence in a petty 
prince furprized Charles, and appeared to him 
a certain proof of his having received promifes 
of powerful fupport from the French king. 
The juftnefs of this conclusion ibon became 
evident. Robert entered Luxembourg with 
troops levied in France, by the King's conni- 
vance, though feemin^y in contradiftion to his 
orders, and after ravaging the open country, 
laid ficge to Vireton. Of this Charles com- 
plained loudly, as a direfl violation of the peace 
fubfifting between the two crowns, and lum- 
nroned Henry VHI. in terms of the treaty c^i- 
cluded at London in the year cane thousand five 
hundred and eighteen, to turn his arms againft 
Francis as the fiiift aggreflbr. Francis pretonfed 
that he was not anfwerable for Robert's conduA, 
whofe army fought under his owniland^pds, ^nd 
in his own quarrel ; and affirmed, that, contrary 
to an exprcfs prohibition, he had fcduccd fame 
fubjefts of Fxance into , his fervice ; but Heniy 
paid fo little regard to this evafion, that the 
French iCing, rather than irritate a prince whom 
he ft ill hoped to gain, comnianded deiaMark 
to difband his troops *. 


^ Mem. de Bcllay, p. 22, &c. Mem. de Fleuranges, 
p. 335, &c. 


Ths Emperor, mean while, was aflembling Book 1L 
ao army to chaftife Robert's infokrK^. Twenty ^-'">^**-^ 
thoufand men, under the count of Nnf&u, in- ^^^'' 
vaded his little territories, and in a few days 
became mafters of every place in them but Sedak. 
After making him feel 10 fenfibly the weight of 
his mafter's indignation, Nafiau advanced to- 
wards the frontiers of France ; and Charles know- 
\ttg that he might prefume (o far on Henry's 
partiality in his favour, as not to be over-awed 
by the fame fears which had rcftrained Francis, 
Ofdered his general to befiege Moufon. The 
cowardice of the garrifon having obliged the go* 
vernor to furrender almoft without refiftance, 
Nafiau invefted Mezieres, a place at that time siege of 
of no confideraUe ftrength, but fb advantage- b/dlH^ 
oufly fituaiied, that by getting pofieffion of it, p«i*iiiit 
the Imperial army might have penetrated into 
the heart of Champagne, in which there was 
hardly any other town capabfe of obftrtiAing its 
progreis. Happily for France, its monarch, 
ien&ble of the importance of this fortrefs, and 
oi the danger to which it was expofed, com- 
mitted the defence of it to the chevalier Bayard, 
diftinguiihed stwong his contemporaries by the 
appdilation of ?*/frf Knigbi wiib(mi ftar^ md wM- ^ 
out nfTHicb \ This man, whofe proweis in com- 
bat, whofe pun&ilious honour and foonal gal- 
lafitry, bear a nearer refemblance, than any thing 
reeofded in hiftory, to the charafter aicribed to 
the heroes of chivalry, poflefibd all the talents 
whkh form a great general Tbefe he had 
many occa&ons of exerting in the defence of 
&^kres 5 partly by his valour, partly by his 
cQftdudk, he protrafied the ficge to a great length, 
and in the end obliged the Imperialifts to ni& 


• Oeuvres de Brantome, torn. vi. 114* 


Book II. it, with infamy and lofs ^. Francis, at the head 
^ — ^ ^ of a numerous army, foon retook Moufon, and 
rtifedf'' entering the Low Countries, made feveral con- 
quers of fmall importance. In the neighbour- 
hood of Valenciennes, through an excefs of cau- 
tion, an error with which he cannot be often 
charged, he loft an opportunity of cutting off 
the whole Imperial army ^ •, and what was ftill 
of more confcquence, he difgufted the conftable 
Bourbon, by giving the command of the van to 
the duke D*Alenfon, though this poft of ho- 
nour belonged to Bourbon, as a prerogative of 
his office. 

Aaenft. DuRiNG thefc Operations in the field, a cpn- 
cTz\^\n' g^^f^ ^^s held at Calais under the mediation of 
dcr tnc me- Henry VIII. in order to bring all difierences to 
EngUadf ^" amicable iflbe ; and if the intentions of the 
mediator had correfponded in any degree to his 
profeflions, it could hardly have failed of pro- 
ducing fome good cfkGt. Henry committed the 
fole management of the negociation, with unli- 
mited powers, to Wolfey ; and this choice alone 
was fufficient to have rendered it abortive. That 
prelate, bent on attaining the papal crown, the 
great obje<5t of his ambition, and ready to facri- 
fice every thing in order to gain the Emperor's 
intereft, was fo little able to conceal his par- 
tiality, that, if Francis had not been well ac- 
quainted with his haughty and vindidtive tem- 
per, he would have declined his mediation. 
Much time was fpent in inquiring who had be- 
gun hoftilities, which Wolfey afFefted to repre- 
fent as the principal point ; and by throwing the 
blame of that on Francis, he hoped to juftify, 
by the treaty of Lx)ndon, any alliance into which 
^ ^ his 

«> Mem. dc Bellay, p. 25, &c, c p. Mart. Ep. 

747. Mem. de Bellay, 35. 


his mafter fhould enter with Charles. The con* Book il. 
ditions on which hoftilities might be terminated, ^•'''^' ' 
came next to be confidered ; but with regard withl!/lny 
to thefe, the Emperor's propofals were fuch as effca. 
difcovercd either that he was utterly averfe to 
peace, or that he knew Wolfey would approve 
of whatever terms fhould be offered in his name. 
He demanded the reflitution of the dutchy of 
Burgundy, a province, the pofTefrion of which 
would have given him accefs into the heart of 
the kingdom ; and required a difcharge of the 
homage due to the crown of France for the 
counties of Flanders and Artois, which none of 
his anceflors had ever refufed, and which he 
had bound himfelf by the treaty of Noyon to 
renew. Thefe terms, to which an high-fpirited 
prince would fcarcely have liflened, after the 
difaflers of the mofl unfortunate war, Francis 
rejeAed with great difdain ; and Charles fhew- 
ing no inclination to comply with the more 
equal and moderate propofitions of the French 
monarch, that he fhould reflore Navarre to its 
lawful prince, and withdraw his troops from the 
fiege of Tournay, the congrefs broke up without 
any other efFcft, than that which attends unfuc- 
cefsful negociations, the exafperating of the par- 
ties, whom it was intended to reconcile ^ 

During the continuance of the congrefs, Letgue 
Wolfey, on pretence that the Emperor himfelf f?1o°cc be- 
would be more willing to make reafonable con- tj»c«o the 
cef&ons than his miniflers, made an excurfion ao'd Henry 
to Bruges, to meet that monarch. He was 
received by Charles, who knew his vanity, with 
as much refpefk and magnificence as if he had 
been king of England. But inflead of advan- 
cing the treaty of peace by this interview, 


d p. Mart. Ep. 739. Herbert. 


Book It. Wolfcy, in his maftcr's name, conchided d 
'"~''*'''''*^ league with the Emperor a^inft Francis v ih 
'5*'* Vvhich it was ftipulated, that Charles flbcmld iw- 
vadc France oh the fide of Spain, and Henry 
in Picardy, each with an army of forty thotifeiid 
men •, and that, in order to ftrengthen their vmioir^ 
Charles fhotild efpoufe the Princefe Marjr^ 
Henry's only child, and the apparent ben* of bis 
dominions *. Henry produced no better tti* 
fons for this meafute, equally urijuft and bh^ 
litick, than the article in the treaty of Loiidori^ 
by which he pretended that he was bound td 
take arms againft tht French King ^ the firft 
aggrfeflbr; and the injury ^hich he alkged 
Francis had done him, in pei-rfihtihg the dirkd 
6f Albany, the head of a fa&ion in Scothaid 
which oppofed his intef-eft, to rtturn into that 
kingdom. He was influenced; however, by 
other confiderations. The advantages which 
accrued to his fubjefts fnom maintaining an 
exaft rieotrality, or the honour that rfcftilted to 
himfelf from afting as fche Arbiter bctwieen the 
contending princes, appeared to his yotithful 
imagination lb iftcdnfiderable, when compared 
with the glory which Charles and Francis reaped 
from leading armies or conquering provinces, 
that he determined to remain no longcfr in a 
ftate of inaftivity. Having once taken this re- 
folution, his inducements to prefer an alliirice 
^ith Charks werfe obviods. He bad no claim 
upon any part of that Prince's dominions, m«fk 
of i^hich were fo fituated; that he could ndt 
attack them withom grfeat difficirlty and dif- 
aflvantJ^; whereas festal nrirhirile prbvinccs 
df Frince had bceh long In th^ bands of the 
Englifh iRo^wntbs, ^hofe prbtenfions, cvin to 
the cTDWii of that kmgdom, were not as vet 


e Rymcr, Fdbdif. xiff. Hirhnt. 


srttD^her forgottefl ; and the pafleflion of Ca- ^0% !i. 
kis noi only gave him eafy accefs into (otm of^ — ^ — ■ 
tkftr provifices, but in csrfecf ariy difaftcr, rf* *^**' 
ferded him a fecwe retreat. While Ckarks at- 
laekcd France iipon one frontier, Henry flat- 
ted hintfelf thtft he wookl ftnd little refiftancci 
Oil the other, and that the glory of fe-aniiexiAg 
to the crown of Engliind the ancient inheritance 
rf its monarchs on the continent, was referved 
for hfe reign, Wolfey artfully encouraged theft 
Yain hopes, which led his mafter into fuch mea- 
fiifCi ad Were moft firbfervient to his own fecret 
fehemes 5 and the Englilh, Whofe hereditary ani- 
mofir^ againfl' the French was apt to rekindle on 
every occ^on, did not difapprove of the n>artial 
fpirit of their fovcreign. 

MtAwWuiLE the league between the Pope Hon iiuies 
alid Bmperor produced great eflfefts in Italy, *° ^^**^* 
and rendered Lombardy the chief theatre of 
war. There was, at that time, ftich contrariety 
bctweeh the charafter of the French and Ita- 
lians^ that the latter fubmitted to the govern- 
rticnt of the former with greater innfpatience, 
than they expreffed under the dominion of other 
foreigners. The phlegm of the Germans and 
gravity of the Spaniards^ fuited their jealous 
terhper and ceremonious manners better thai^ 
the French gaiety, too prone to gallantry, and 
too little attentiviB to de<»rum. L€wis XIL 
however, by the equity and gentlenefs of his 
^mtt^lration^ and by granting the Miknefe 
more extend ve privileges than tbdfe they bad 
enjoyed undbr their natife princes, had ever- 
ccrfne, in a great meafure, their prejudiced^ aAd 
reomeiied tbem to the French gdvernnfitot. 
Francis^ on recov^ing thAt dutc^, did iiot 
imitate tkc exitmpte of hi^ prpdecefibr. Though 
tw geclenms himMf to op^ft bin p9&pk^ his 



Book II. boundlefs confidence in his favourites, and his 
''■■■''^^'■*^ negligence in examining into the condudt of 
'^^'* thofe whom he entrufted with power, embol- 
dened them to venture upon many adts of 
The Milt- oppreffion. The government of Milan was 
efwitif the" committed by him to Odet do Foix, Mare- 
French go- chal dc Lautrec, another brother of Madame 
Ttrament. j^ Chateau-Briand, an officer of great expe- 
rience and reputation, but haughty, imperious, 
rapacious, and incapable either of liftening to 
advice, or of bearing contradi£Uon. His info- 
knee and exaftions totally alienated the affec- 
tions of the Milanefe from France, drove many 
of the confiderable citizens into banifhment, 
and forced others to retire for their own fafety. 
Among the laft was Jerome Morone, vice- 
chancellor of Milan, a man whofe genius for 
intrigue and enterprize diftinguiihed him in an 
age and country, where violent factions, as well 
as frequent revolutions, affording great fcope 
for fuch talents, produced or called them forth 
in great abundance. He repaired to Francis 
Sforza, whofe brother Maximilian he had be- 
trayed j and fufpedting the Pope's intention of 
attacking the Milanefe, although his treaty with 
the Emperor was not yet made publick, he 
propofcd to Leo, in name of Sforza, a fcheme 
for furprizing feveral places in that dutchy by 
means of * the exiles, who, from hatred to the 
French, and from attachment to their former 
matters, were ready for any defperate enter- 
prize. Leo not only encouraged the attempt, 
but advanced a confiderable fum towards the 
execution of it ; and when through unforefeen 
accidents it failed of fuccefs in every part, he 
allowed the exiles, who had affembled in a body, 
to retire to Reggio, which belonged at that time 
to the church. The Marechal dc Foix, who 
commanded at Milan in abfence of his- brother 




Lautrec, who was then in France, tempted with Book H. 
the hopes of catching at once, as in a fnare, all ''-*"v*^^ 
the avowed enemies of his mailer's government jui^*^* 
in that country, ventured to march into the 
eccleliaftical territories, and to inveft Reggio. 
But the vigilance and good conduft of Guic- 
ciardini the hiftorian, governor of that place, 
obliged the French general to abandon the en- 
terprize with difgracc ^. Leo, on receiving this The Pop« 
intelligence, with which he was highly pleafed, Jg^l*^ 
as it furniihed him a decent pretext for a rup- Fmicii. 
ture with France, immediately aflembled the 
confiftory of Cardinals. After complaining bit- 
terly of the hoftile intentions of the French 
King, and magnifying the Emperor's zeal for 
the church, of which he had given a recent proof 
by his proceedings againft Luther, he declared 
that he was conftrained in felf-defence, and as 
the only expedient for the fecurity of the ecclefi- 
aftical date, to join his arms to thofe of that 
princt. For this purpofe, he now pretended to 
conclude a treaty with Don John Manuel, al- 
though it had really been figned fome months be- 
fore this time; and he publickly excommu- 
nicated De Foix, as an impious invader of St. 
Peter's patrimony. 

. Leo had already begun preparations for war watid the 
by taking into pay a confiderable body of^*^*^^** 
Swifs; but the Imperial troops advanced fo 
flowly from Naples and Germany, that it was 
the middle of autumn before the army took the 
field under the command of Profper Colonna, 
the molt eminent of the Italian generals, whofe 
extreme caution, the cffedt of long experience 
in the art of war, were oppofed with great pro- 
priety to the impetuoQty of the French. In 


^ Goic. lib. m. 183, Mem. de Bellay, p. 38^ 5ec. 


Book II. thc mean time, De Foix difpatched courier 
^ — ^^ ^ after courier to inform the King of the dangct 
*5''* which was approaching. Francis, whojfe forces 
were either employed in the Low Cotmtms^ ov 
aflembling on the frontiers of Spain, and wbo 
did not exped fo fudden an attack in that 
quarter, fent ambaffadors to his allies the Swifs, 
to procure from them the immediate levy of an 
additional body of troops; and commanded 
Lautrec to repair forthwith to his government. 
That general, who was well acquainted with 
the great negle£t of oeconomy in the adminiilrii-> 
tion of the King's finances, and who knew how 
much the troops in the Milanefe had idready 
fuffered from the want of their pay, refufed to 
fet out, unlefs the fum of three hundred thou^ 
fand crowns was immediately put into his hands^ 
But the King, Louife of Savoy, his mother^ 
and Semblancay, the fuperintendttit of finances, 
having promifed, even with an oath^ that ofi 
his arrival at Milan he fhould find remittances 
for the fum which he demanded; upon the 
faith of this^ he depM^. Unt^appilf for 
J France, Louife, a WOrnan d^eitful, viftdi^ive, 
rapatious, and capable of facrificing any thin| 
to the gratification of her paflions, but who had 
acquired an abfolute afcendant over her fon by 
her ipatcrnal tcndcrncfe, hef care of his e4u- 
cation, and her great abilities^ was refolved not 
to perform this pfOmife. Lautrec having ift- 
curred her dlfpleafure bf his haughtin^s i^ 
Bcglefting 10 pay court to her, and by the fret- 
dam lArith which he had talked cokioerning fome 
ef hir adventures in gallantry, (he, in order <o 
Sepmt him of the honour which he might hnvc 
gained by a fucoe^fui defence of the Milanefey 
felzed the rfirae hundred thouftftd crowns def- 
tiled for that fervice, and detained them for her 
own ufe. 



Lautrec, notwithftanding this cruel difap^ Bo«Klf« 
pointmcnt, found tnetns to aflemble a confi- ^— v-— ' 
derable army, though far inferior in number to Prog^^rl'of 
that of the confederates. He adopted the plan the impe- 
of defence mofl: fuitable to his fituation, avoids "**'"•' 
ing a pitched battle with the greateft care^ 
while he harafibd the enemy continually with 
Us light troops, beat up their quarters, inter- 
cepted their convoys, and covered or relieved 
every place which they attempted to attack. By 
this fMiident condudt, he not only retarded their 
progrefs, but would have foon wearied out the 
Pope, who had hitherto defrayed almoft the 
whole expence of the war, as the Emperor, 
whofe revenues in Spain were diflipated during 
the commotions in that country, and who was 
ob%6d to iupport a numerous army in the 
Netl^rlands, could not make any confiderable 
rcBiictances into Italy. But an unforefeen acci- 
dent diiconcerted all his meafures, and Qcca*> 
fioncd a fatal rcverfe in the French aflfairs. A 
body of twelve thoufend Swifs fcrvcd in Lau- 
titc^ army ucnkr the banners of the republick, 
with which France was in alliance. By a law, 
no kk political than humane, eftabliflied anK>ng 
the eantons, their troops were not hired out by 
publick authority to both the contending par* 
tics in any war. This law, the love of gain 
had fomettmes eluded, and private pcrfons had 
been allowed to enlift in what fervice they 
pka&d, thov^ not under the publick banners, 
but under thde of nheir officers. The Cardinal 
of Sioo, who»ftill ptJeferved his intereft anpng 
his countrymen, and his enmity to France, hav- 
mg prevailed on them to permit a levy of this 
kind, twelve thoufond SwUs joined the army of 
the confederancs. The cantons, when they faw 
fo many of their countrymen marching under hof- 



Book II. tile ftandards, and ready to deftroy each other, 
^ -^y — -^ became fo fenfible of the infamy to which thcf 
*^*** would be expofcd, a»well as the lofs they might 
fuffer, that they difpatched couriers, command- 
ing their people to leave both armies, and to 
return forthwith into their own country. The 
Cardinal of Sion, however, had the addrefs, by 
corrupting the meflengers appointed to carry 
this order, to prevent it from being delivered 
to the Swifs in the fervice of the confederates ; 
but being intimated in due form to thofe in 
the French army, they, fatigued with the length 
of the campaign, and murmuring for want of 
pay, inftantly yielded obedience, in Ipite of 
Lautrec*s remonftrances and intrcaties. 

After the defertion of a body which formed 
the ftrength of his army, Lautrec durft no 
longer face the confederates. He retired to- 
wards Milan, encamped on the banks of the 
Adda, and placed his chief hopes of fafety in 
preventing the enemy from palfing the river; 
Become an expedient for defending a country fo preca- 
MiU^!* *^^ rious, that there arc few examples of its being 
employed with fuccefs againft any general of 
■ experience or abilities. Accordingly Colonna, 
notwithftanding Lautrec's vigilance and aftivity, 
paffed the Adda with little lofs, and obliged 
him to (hut himfelf up within the walls of 
Milan, which the confederates were preparing 
to beficge when an unknown perfbn, who never 
afterwards appeared either to boaft of this fer- 
vice, or to claim a reward for it, came from the 
city and acquainted Morone, that if the army 
would advance that night, the Ghibellinc or 
Imperial faftion would put them in pofieflion 
of one of the gates. Colonna, though no friend 
to rafh cnterprizes, allowed the marquis de 
Pcfcara to advance with the Spanifh infantry, 



and he himfelf followed with the reft of his Book IJ. 
troops. About the beginning of night, Pefcara ^"" — "^ — ' 
arriving at the Roman gate in the fuburbs, *5*'* 
furpriied the foldiers whom he found there; 
thofe pofted in the fortifications adjoining to 
it, immediately Bed; the marquis, feizing the 
works which they abandoned, and pufliing for- 
ward inceffantly, though with no lefs caution 
than vigour, became mafter of the city with 
little bloodfhed, and almoft without refiftance ; 
the viftors being as much aftonifhed as the van- 
quiflied at the facility and fuccefs of the attempt. 
Lautrec retired precipitately towards the Vene- 
tian territories with the remains of his (battered 
army j the cities of the Milanefe, following the 
fate of the capital, furrendered to the confede- 
rates ; Parma and Placentia were united to the 
ecclefiaftical ftate, and of all their conquefts in 
Lombardy, only the town of Cremona, the caftle 
of Milan, and a few inconfiderable forts remained 
in the hands of die French ^. 

Leo received the accounts of thi? rapid fuc- Death of 
ceflion rf profperous events with fuch tranfports ^^ ^' 
®f j^> as brought on (if we may believe the 
French hiftorians) a flight fever, which' being 
neglefted, occafioned his death on the fecond 
of December, while he was ftill of a vigorous 
age, and at the height of his glory* By this 
uncxpefted accident, the fpirit of the confede- 
racy was broken, and its operations fufpended. 
The Cardinals of Sion and Medici left the 
army that they might be prefent in the con-^ 
clave -, the Swife were recalled by their fuperi- 
ors 5 fome other mercenaries dift)anded for want 


e Guic. I. xiv. 190, &c. Mem. dc Bellay, 42, &c. 
Galencii Capella de reb. gefl. pro reftitut. Fran. Sfbrtiae 
Comment, ap. Scardimn^ vol. ii. i8o> &c* 


Bo^ H. of p*y 5 mi only lUje SpaiPwrds, and fi few Ger- 

^^"""^'^""^ nian« in the Enaperw^ fervice, renw,inc4 to cjc- 

*5^*' &q4 tbe Milanefe. B\Hi JL^trec, dcjftitute hioth 

of mei> and of njoney, w^ unabk to i^iprpve 

thk f^vow^bk -opportunity in the ipwfl^r which 

he woqjd have wiftie^. The vigila{3ce qf IN^- 

rone, mi the gogd iCpndiH9t of CqIq^A*, 4if^- 

poioitcid his feeble attempt^ on the M^l^^^' 

1511.7^. Guicci^dioi, by his>a44rcl^ an4 valour, rjepiilfed 

9 bojdipr mi m9ir^ ^^w^crg^s 9^0}^ which he 

m^dc on P^m^ ^' 

Adritn Gr«at dif^ofd prey^^ijed ii) the QQDc^^ye, 

•leaedPope ^j^j^ follov€(J Mpofl J^eo's death, ftod *Jl 
)the wts ngtgraj to mtt^ grown <?A^ ia in- 
trigimie, vfcep contcQi^ng for a prize fp v^lu- 
.i^le, ^ft€r^ pra^ifed. W4)4fey'^ njime, /lotjvitli- 
^aoding ftll tfce Eniper^r'is ^i^gQ^Qcnt pi:Qrnifes 
i;o fjivowr JM^ pretenfion^, ,<^ jwhiob ,t;h^ pl»la«e 
di4 W>t fi^il tp re^.in^ i^im, w^3 hardly 0iq^\- 
tioned in the conclave. Julip C^rdini^l 4c Me- 
dici, Leo's nephew, who was more eminent than 
^y pthcr 9ifi9iber,pf ithe fac^^d co^cige for his 
^iliticp, his w^Uhj 9^ ki^ ejcperieoce jn tr^f- 
S^ing gregt gfifeirs, h^d ^Ir^dy Jfe<:uced fifteen 
vpiscs, ^ f>utDl;)er fi;jft<;ieftt, acQpr#;^ tp tjhc 
^foKo? of rthp Q9ac|*vc, tp ,t3cclu^ ^py od^r 
.cftpdid^e, tbpugh i\pt jto ^^arry his p^p ele^^iqi?. 
Ailj vthe pW sai^inai^ ?pmttine4 ^ak^ t^im, 
,withput Jpeing iipij»^ in fjivpur ^tany o^^r 
j>§rfpo. WhiJp th^fe ^ftftipas ^i^crc ,^^vi>vir- 
ing ft) gft>n5 .tp CPC^"upt, or to yfCf^ry put «<ii 
xK^fr, Mfldici j^ his ^herent^ iwtcd om 
xmmng ;^t th? Xcrptiny, which ^c^rd^iig .to 
fytff> w^ mwk e\f€iy .^3 fpr Cardinal A4f ko 
^ Utrecht, who at that time governed Spain 
in the Emperor's name. This they did merely 



to protraft time. But the adverfe party in-Booic If. 
ftantly clofing with them^ to their own amaze- ^^ ^^'"'^ 
jmcnt and that of all Europe, a ftrangcr to Italy, '^^^* 
unknown to the perfons who gave their fufirages 
in his favour, and unacquainted With the man- 
ners of the people, or the intereft of the ftate, 
the government of which they conferred upon 
him, was unanimouQy raifed to the papal throne^ jmaary ^. 
at a juncture fo delicate and critical, as would 
have demanded all the fagacity and experience 
of one of the moft able prelates in the facred 
college. The Cardinals themfelves, unable to 
give a reafon for this ftrange choice, on account 
of which, as they marched in proceflion from 
the conclave, they were loaded with infults and 
curfes by the Roman people, afcribed it to an 
immediate impulfe of the Holy Ghoft. It may 
be imputed with greater certainty to the infkir 
ence of Don John Manuel, the Imperial ambaf- 
fador, who by his addrefs and intrigues facility- 
ted the eleftion of a perfon devoted to his mailer's 
fervice, from gratitude, ftom intereft, and from 
inclination '• 

Beside the influence which Charles acquired Wtr renew- 
by Adrian's promotion, it threw great luftrc on Miunefc. 
his adminiftration. To beftow on his preceptor 
fuch a noble recompence, and to place on the 
papal throne a creature whom he had raifed, 
were afts of uncommon magnificence and power. 
Francis obferved, with the ftnfibility of a rival, 
the pre eminence which he was gaining, and 
rcfolved to exert himfclf with frelh vigour, in 
order to wreft from him his late conquefts in 
Italy. The Swifs, that they might make fome 

Vol. Ih M reparation 

» Hcrm. Moringi Vita Hadriani sp. Cafp. Burman, in 
Analed. de Hadr. p. 52. Conclave Hadi*. Ibid. p. 
144, &c 


Book II. reparation to the French King, for having with- 
^--;^—> drawn their troops from his army fo unfeafon- 
'5*^' ably, as to occafion the lofs of the Milanefe, 
permitted him to levy ten thoufand men in the 
republick. Together with this, reinforcement; 
Lautrec received from the King a fmall fum of 
money, which enabled him once more to take 
the field, and after feizing by furprize, or force, 
feveral places in the Milanefe, to advance within 
a few miles of the capital. The confederate 
armv was in no condition to obftrudt his pro- 
grels ; for though the inhabitants of Milan, by 
the artifices of Morone, and by the popular de- 
clamations of a monk whom he employed, were 
inflamed with fuch enthufiaftick zeal againft the 
French government, that they confcnted to 
raife extra6rdinary contributions, Colonna muft 
foon have abandoned the advantageous camp 
which he had chpfen at Bicocca, and have dii- 
mifled his troops for want of pay, if the Swifs in 
the French fervice had not once more extricated 
him out of his difficulties. 

The French The infolcnce or caprice of that people 
the^bluie'of^^^^ often no lefs fatal to their friends, than 
Bicocca. their valour and difcipline were formidable to 
their enemies. Having now ferved fome months 
' without pay, of which they complained loudly, 
a fum deftined for their ufe was fent from France 
under a convoy of horfe; but Morone, whole 
vigilant eye nothing efcaped, ported a body of 
troops in their way, fo that the party which ef- 
corted the money durft not advance. On receiving 
intelligence of this, the Swifs loft all patience, 
and officers as well as foldiers crowding around 
Lautrec, threatened with one voice inftantly to 
retire, if he did not either advance the pay 
which was due, or promife to lead them next 
morning to battle. In vain did Lautrec remon- 



ftrate ^g^jnfl: thefe demands, rcprcfentjng to Book If. 
tlieai the impoIBbility of the fqrmer, and the ^ " ^'^'^ 
rafliqefs of the Utfter, which muft be attended *^^** 
with certain deftru£kion, as the enemy occupie4 
a camp naturally of great ftrength, and which 
by art they had rendered almoft inacceflible. 
The Swifs, deaf to reafon, and perfuaded tjiat 
Aeir valour was capable of fucmounting every 
obftacle, renewed their demand with greater 
ftercenefs, oiFcring themfclves to form the van- 
guard, and to begin the attack. Lautrec^ 
unable to overcome their obftinacy, complied 
with their reqyeft, hoping, perhaps, that fome 
of thofc unforefeen accidents, which fo often 
determine the fate of battles, might crown this 
ralh enterprize with undeferved fuccefs; and 
conyioced that the eflfefts of a defeat could not 
be mpre fatal than th,ofe which would certainly 
follow upon the retreat of a body which com- 
pofcd one half of his army. Next morning the May. 
Swife were early ip . the field, and marched with 
the greateft intrepidity againft an enemy deeply 
intrenched on every fide, furrounded with artil- 
lery, and prepared to receive them. As they 
advaaced, they fuftained a furious cannonade 
with great firmnefs, and without waiting for 
their own artillery, ruflied impetuoufly ^on the 
intrenfhments. Bup after incredible eflfbrts of 
valour, which were feconded with great Ipirit by 
the French, haviiig loft their braveft officers and 
beft foldiers, and finding that they could make 
no impreflion on the enemy's works, they founded 
a retreat j leaving the field of battle, however, 
like men repulfed, but not vanquifhed, in clofe 
array, and without receiving any moleftation 
from the enemy. 

Next day, fuch as furvived fct out for their Driven out 
own country ; and Lautrec, d^fpairing of being ^^^^^ ^'**" 

M z able 

i64 TH£ REIGN Of TttE 

BodK n. able to make any farther refiftance, retired into 

^'''T^ ^ France, after throwing garrifons into Cremona, 

^^^' and a few other places ; all which, except the 

citadel of Cremona^ Colonna foon obliged to 


LofeGeflot. Genoa, howcver, and it$ tefritories, remain- 
ing fubjeft to France, ftill gave Francis confi- 
derable footing in Italy, and made it eafy for 
him to execute any fcheme for the recovery of 
the Milanefe. But Colonna, rendered enter- 
prizing by continual fuccefs, and excited by the 
folicitations of the fadtion of the Adorni, the 
hereditary enemies of the Frcgofi, who under 
the proteftion of France poflefled the chief au- 
thority in Genoa, determined to attempt the rc- 
duftion of that ftate ; and accompliftied it with 
amazing facility. He became matter of Genoa 
by an accident as unexpefted as that which had 
given him poffeffion of Milan ; and almoft with- 
out oppofition or bloodflied, the power of the 
Adorni and the authority of the Emperor were 
cftabliihed in Genoa ^. 

Menry VIII. SucH a cruel fucccffion of misfortunes afFe<5led 

^*^**^\inft Francis with deep concern, which was not a 

Prance, little augmcntcd by the unexpected arrival of 

^*^*^* an EnglTfti herald, who, in the name of his 

fovereign, declared war in form againft France. 

This ftep was taken in confequence of the treaty 

which Wolfey had concluded with the Emperor 

at Bruges, and which had hitherto been kept 

fecret. Francis, though he had reafon to be 

furprized with this denunciation, after having 

been at fuch pains to footh Henry and to gain 

his minifter, received the herald with great 


k Jovii Vila Fcrdin, Davalii p, 344. Guic, 1. xiv. ^33. 


compofure and dignity *•, and without abandon- Book h 
ing any of the fchemes which he was forming *— v**-^ 
againft the Emperor, began vigorous prepara- ^^^' 
tions for refilling this new enemy. His trea- 
fury, however, being exhauftcd by the efforts 
which he had already made, as well as by the 
fums he expended on his pleafures, he had re- 
courfe to extraordinary expedients for fupplyin] 
it, Several new offices were created and expofec 
to fale ; the royal demefnes were alienated •, yn- 
ufual taxes were impofed -, and the tomb of St, 
Martin was dripped of a rail of maflive filver, 
with which Loyis XI- in one of his fits of devo- 
tion, had encircled it. By means of thefe expe- 
dients he was enabled to levy a confiderable army, 
and to put the frgntier towns in a good pofture 
of defence, 

The Emperor, meanwhile, was no lefs foli- chtriai 

cjtous to draw as much advantage as poffible J[^* ^°*" 

from the acceffion of fuch a powerful ally ; and 

the profperous fituation of hh affairs, at this 

time, permitting him to fet out for Sp^in, where 

his prefence was extremely neceOary, he vifited 

the court of Epgland in his way to that coun-r 

try. He propqkd by this interview not only 

to ftrengthen the bonds of friendlhip whic^ 

united hini with Henry, and to excite him to 

pufli the war againft France with vigour, but 

hoped to rempve any difguft or refentmeqt that 

Wolfey Height have conceived on accovjnt of the 

cruel difappointniept which he had uiet with in 

the late conclave, His fuccefs exceeded his 

mod fanguine expectations ; and by his artfuii 

jj^drefs, during a refidence qf fix weeks i^ 

^England, he gained not only the ICing and the 

Riinifter, but the nation itfelf, Henry,^ whof^ 


\ journal d« Louife d^ Sayoie^ p. 199. 


tooK 1!. vanity was fenfibly flattered by fuch i vifit, as 
"""^^"^^ well as by the ftudied refpeft with^ which the 
* Emperor treated him on every occafion, entered 
warmly into all his fchemes. The Cardinal, 
fofefeeing from Adrian's age and infirmities, 4 
fudden vacancy in the papal fee, diffembled or 
forgot his refentment •, and as Charles, befides 
augmenting the penfions which he had already 
fettled on him, renewed his pfomife of favour- 
ing his pretenfions to the papacy, with all his in- 
tereft, he endeavoured to merit the former, and 
to fecure the accomplilhment of the latter, by 
frefh fer vices. The hatiort, (haring in the glory 
of its monarch, and pleafcd with the confidence 
which the Emperor placed in the Englifh, by 
creating the earl of Surrey his high-admiral, dis- 
covered no lefs inclination to commertce hoftili- 
tiea than Henry himfelf. 

' ;" ■ ; V. • 

The Eogii* In order, to give Charles, before he left Eng- 
fVwcc ^^^» ^ proof of this general ardour, Surrey 
failed ^ith fijich forces as Were ready, arid ra- 
vaged the coifts of Normandy. He then madq 
'a defcent on'' Bretagne, where he plundered and 
bufnt Morlaix, and fottie other placed of lefs 
confeqqence. After thefe flight excurfiofts, at- 
tended with' greater difhonour than damage to. 
Prance, he repaired t6 Calais, and took the com- 
mand of the principal army, confifting of fixteen 
rhoufand men; with which, having joined the 
Flemifii trtjops under the count de Buren, he 
advanced into Picardy. The army which Fran- 
cis had Mferfibled, was far inferior in number 
with little to thel^' united bodies. But during the long 
fucccfs. ^^^5 betWeeti the two nations, the French had 
difcove^ed the proper method of defending their 
country againll the Englilh. They had been 
taught by their misfortunes to avoid a pitched 
battle with the utmoft c^re, and (6 endeavour, 



by throwing garrifons into every place capable Book If. 
of refiftance, by watching all the enemy's mo- ^*"~>^"*^ 
tions, by intercepting their convoys, attacking '^^^' 
their advanced pofts, and harafling them conti- 
nually with their numerous cavalry, to ruin them 
with the length of the war, or to beat them by 
piece-meal. This plan the duke of Vendome, 
the French general in Picardy, purfued with no 
lefs prudence than fuccefs j and not only pre- 
vented Surrey from taking any town of impor- 
tance, but obliged him to retire with his army 
greatly reduced by fatigue, by want of provide 
ons, and by the tofs which it had fuitained in fe- 
veral unfuccefsful fkirmi(bes. 

Thus ended the fecond campaign in a war the Soiymm's 
moft general that hitherto had been kindled in R^^f ""^ 
Europe ; and though Francis, by his mother's 
illrtimed refentment, by the difgufting infolence 
erf" his general, and the caprice of the mercenary 
troops which he employed, l^*d loft his con- 
qucfts in Italy, yet all the powers combined 
againft him had not been able to make any im- 
preffion on his hclteditary dominions ; and wher- 
ever they either intended or attempted an attack, 
he was well prepared to receive them. 

While the Chriftian princes were thus waft- 
ing each other's ftrength, Solyman the Magni- 
ficent entered Hungary with a numerous army, 
^d invefting Belgrade, which was d^med the 
dwef barrier of that kingd<?m againft the 
Turidlh arms, foon forced it to fi,u:render, En- 
-courag^ by this fuccefs, he turned his vifto- 
rious arois againft the ifland of Rhodes, the 
feat, at that time, ctf the knights of St. John 
<of Jerufalem, This finall ftftte he attacked 

irith fticl^ a numeroijfSi army, ^s the lords of 


Book IJ.Afia have been accuftomed in every age to 
"^"""^ 'bring into the field. Two hundred thoufand 
'^^?* men, and a fleet of" four hundred fail appeared 
agaihft a town defended by a garrifon confifting 
of five thoufand foldiers, and fix hundred 
knights, under the command of Villiers de 
L'ifle Adam, the grand matter, whofe wifdoni 
and valour rendered him worthy of that ftation 
at fuch a dangerous junfture. No fooner did 
he begin to fufpeft the deftination of Solyman*s 
vaft armaments, than he difpatched meffengers 
to all the Chriftian courts, imploring their aid 
againft the common enemy. But though every 
prince in that age acknowledged Rhodes to be 
the great bulwark of Chriftendom in the eaft, 
and trufted to the gallantry of its knights as 
the bed fecurity againft the progrefs of the 
Ottoman arms-, though Adrian, with a zeal 
which became the head iand father of the churchy 
exhorted the contending powers, to forget their 
private quarrels, and by uniting their arms, to 
J)revent the Infidels from deftroying a fociety 
Vhich did honour to the Chriftian name ; yet fo 
violent and implacabl(? was the animofity of 
both parties, that, regardlefs of the danger to 
which they expofed all Europe, and unmoved 
by the intreaties of the grand mafter, or the 
admonitions of the Pope, they fuffered Soly* 
man to carry on his operations againft Rhodes 
without difturbance. The grand mafter, after 
incredible eflPorts of courage, of patience, and 
of military conduct during a fiege of fix months; 
after fuftaining many alTaults, and difputinj 
every poft with amazing obftinacy, was obligci 
at laft to yield to numbers, and having oh-» 
tained an honourable capitulation from thcr 
Sultan, \irho admired and refpefted his virtue^ 
he furtendered th^ town, ^hich was reduced to 



a heap of rubbilh, and deftitute of every re- BQQ' ^ M - 
fourcc ™. Charles and Francis, aftiamcd of hav- ,J^ 
ing occafioned fuch a lofs to Chriftendom by 
t(ieir arpbitious ?ontefts, endeavoured to throw 
the blame of it on each other, while all Europe, 
with greater juftice, imputed it equally to both. 
The Emperor, by way of reparation, granted 
the Knights of St. Jqhn the fmall iQand of 
Malta, in which they fixed their refidence, re- 
taining, though with lefs power and fplendour, 
their ancient fpirit, and implacable enmity to 
the Infidels. 

^ Fpntai^os 4^ Bellp Rl^odio ap. S^ard. Script. Rer. 
Qetman. Vol. ii. p. 88. P. Barre. Uift. d'Allem. torn. 
m. 5;. 


T H E 






9 o o K III; 

BooKlir./^HARLES, having had the fatisfaftion 
c, - v - - i^ v^ ^f feeing hoftilities begun between France 
Civ1i^**r-n ^"^ England, took leave of Henry, and arrive4 
fimic. in Spain on the feventeenth of June. He found 
that country juft beginning to recover order ancj 
ftrength after the miferies of a civil war to which 
it had been expofed during his abfence ; an ac- 
count of the rife and progrefs of which, as it was 
but little connected with the other events which 
happened in Europe, hath been referved to tbi^ 

ijruneaion >lo fooncr was it known that the Cortes af- 

^^ ^' fembled in Galicia had voted the Emperor a 

fre^-pfit without obtaining the redrefs of any 

one grievance, than it excited univerfal indigna- 

May, 1540. tion. The citizens of Toledo, who confidered 
themfelves, on account of the great privileges^ 
which they enjoyed, as guardians of the liberties 
of the Caftiliar^^coipLmpns, finding thait no t^-^ 

THE REIGN, &c. 171 

gard was ptiid to the remonftrances of their de- Book III, 
puties againft that unconftitutipnal grant, took ''""^ 
arms with tumultuary violence, and feizing the *^"' 
gates of the city which were fortified, attacked 
the al-cazar, or caftle, which they foon obliged 
the governor to Surrender. Emboldened by this 
fuccefs, they deprived of all authority every per- 
jbn whom they fufpefted of any attachment to 
the court, eftablilhed a popular form of govern- 
mentj compofed of deputies froip the fcveral pa- 
rifhes in the city, and levied troops in their own 
detence. The chief leader of the people in thefe 
infuij-eftions was don John de PadiUa, the eldeft 
fon of the comniendador of Caftile, a young no- 
bleman of a generous temper, of undaunted cou- 
rage, and poflefled of the talents as well as of 
jlie ambition which, in times of civil difcord, 
raife men to power and eminence *. 

The refentment of the citizens of Segovia or s^ovU* 
produced effedts ftill niore fatal. Tordefillas, 
one of their reprefentativcs in the late Cortes, 
had voted for the donative ; and being a bold 
and haughty man, ventured, upon his return, tq 
call together his feilow-citi5:ens in the great 
church, that he might give them, according to 
ctiftom, an account of his conduft in that al- 
fembly. iftut the multitude, unable to bear his 
infqlence, in attempting to juftify what they 
thought inexcufable, burft open the gates of the 
chprch with the utmoft fury, and feizing the 
unhappry TprdefiUas^ dragged him through the 
ftrects, with a thoufand curies and infults, to- 
wards the place of public execution. In vain 
did the dean at^d canons come forth in proceffion 
with the haly iacranient, in order to appeafe their ^ 
rage. In vain did the monks of thofe mona- 
ftcrics by which they paffed, conjur^ theni on 

• their 

a Sandoy. p. 77, 


Book III. their knees to fpare his life, or at leaft to allow 
'^■'**^^'*^ him time to confefs, and to receive abfolution 
'5^** of his fins. Without liftening to the dilates 
either of humanity or religion, they cried out, 
*' That the hangman alone could abfolve fuch 
a traitor to his country,** they hurried him 
along with greater violence ; and perceiving that 
he had expired under their hands, they hung 
him up with his head downwards on the com-? 
mon gibbet ^. The fame fpirit feized the inhabit 
tants of Burgos, Zamora, and feveral other ci- 
ties; and though their reprefentatives, taking 
warning from the fate of Tordefillas, had beca 
fo wife as to fave themfelves by a timely flight, 
they were burnt in effigy, their houfes razed to 
the ground, and their effeds confumed with fire; 
and fuch was the horror which the people h^ 
conceived againft them as betrayers of the pub-, 
lick liberty, that not one in thofe licentious mul- 
titudes would touch any thing, however valua-* 
ble, which had belonged to tpem S 

AdrtlT'in^ Adk^ian, at tha? time regent of ^ Spain, had 
ord«"i pu- fcarcely fixed the feat of his government at Valla-r 
i!I^^ 5^"' dolid, when he was alarmed with an account 'of 
i5aio. * thefe infurreftions. He immediately aflembled 
the council to deliberate concerning the proper 
method of fuppreffing them. The counfeUors; 
diflfered in opinion •, Tome inQfting that it was 
neceflary to (;heck this audacious fpirit in its in- 
fancy by a feyere execution of juf^ice -, others; 
adviflng to treat wjth lenity a people who had 
fome reafon to be incenfed, and not tq drive them 
beyond all the bounds of duty by an ill-time4 
rigour. The fentiments of the former being 
Y^armly fupjported by the archbiftiop of Granada^ 
prefident of the qoqncil, a perfoq of great au- 


»> P, M^t. E|), 671. c Saad. 10^. P, ^art. ?:^ 67^, 


thority, but cholerick and impetuous, were ap-BooK III. 
proved of by Adrian, whofe zeal to fupport his ^ ^^^^^^ 
maftePs authority hurried him into a meafure, *^*^' 
to which, from his natural caution and timidity, 
he would otherwife have been averfe. He com- 
manded Ronquillo, one of the King's judges, 
to repair inftantly to Segovia, which had fet the 
firft example of mutiny, and to proceed againft 
the delinquents according to law ; and left the 
people fliould be fo outrageous as to refift his 
authority, a confiderable body of troops was 
appointed to attend him. The Segovians, fore- Hit troops 
feeing what they might expeft from .a judge fo g^'P^IJf^** '^ 
well known for his auftere and unforgiving tem- 
per, took arms with one confent, and having 
muttered twelve thoufand men, fhut their gates 
againft him. Ronquillo, enraged at this infult, 
denounced them rebels and outlaws-, and his 
troops feizing all the avenues to the town* hoped 
that it would foon be obliged to furrender for 
want of provifions. The inhabitants, howe- 
ver^ defended themfelves with vigour, and hav- 
ing received a confiderable reinforcement from 
Toledo, under the command of Padilla, at- 
.tacked Ronquillo, and forced him to retire, 
with the lofs of his baggage and military cheft **. 

Upon this Adrian ordered Antonio de Fonfeca, tnd tt mc- 
whom the Emperor had appointed commander Ji^JJ^p** 
in chief of the forces in taftile, to aflemble an 
army, and to befiege Segovia in form. But the 
inhabitants of Medina del Campo, where Cardi- 
nal Ximenes had eftablilhed a vaft magazine of 
military ftores, would not fufFer him to draw 
from it a train of battering cannon, or to deftroy 
their countrymen with tnofe arms which had 
been prepared againft the enemies of the king- 

^ Sandov. 112. P. Mart. Ep. 679. Miniana, Contin, 
p. 15. 


Book III. dom, Fonfeca, who could not execute his orders 
^""^ ^ without artillery, determined to feize the m^a- 
*^^' zine by force, and the citizens ftanding oa their 
Attgttftzi., defence, he aflaulted the town with great briflk- 
nefs : But his troops were fo warmly received^ 
that defpairing of carrying the place, he fet fira 
to fome of the houfes, in hopes that the citizens 
would abandon the walls, in order to fave their 
families and efFefts. Inftead of that, the expedient 
to which he had recourfe ferved only to increafc 
their fury, and he was repulfed with great in- 
famy, while the flames fpreading from ftreet to 
ftreer, reduced to afhes almoft the whole town, 
one of the moft confiderable at that time ia 
Spain, and the great mart for the manufaftures 
of Segovia, and feveral other cities* As tlie 
warehoufes were then filled with goods for the 
approaching fair, the lofs was immenfe, and was 
felt univerlally. This, added to the impreffion 
which fuch a cruel aftion made on a people long 
unaccuftomed to the horrors of civil war^ en- 
raged the Caftilians almoft to madncfs. Fonfeca 
became the objedt of general indignation, and 
was branded with the name of incendiary, and 
enemy to his country. Even the citizens of 
Valladolid, whom the prefence of the cardinsJ 
had hitherto reftrained, declared that they could 
no longer remain inactive fpedtators of the fuffer- 
ings of their countrymen. Taking arms with 
no lefs fury than the other cities, they burnt 
Fonfeca's houfe to the ground, elefted new ma- 
gi lirates, raifed foldiers, appointed oiHcers to 
command them, and guarded their walls with as 
much diligence as if an enemy had been ready 
to attack them. 

Adrian dir- The Cardinal, though virtuous and difinte- 

r troVs. *^ refted, and capable of governing the kingdom 

with honour in times of tranquillity, poffeflfed 



neither the courage nor fagacity neceflary at fuchBoox III. 
a dangerous jundture. Finding himfclf unable ^^ - y ^ 
to check thefe outrages committed under his *^*^ 
own ejre, he attemptai to appeafe the people, 
by protefting that Fonieca had exceeded his 
orders, and had by his rafh conduA offended 
him, as much as he had injured them. This 
condefceniion, the eSeA of irrefolution and ti- 
midity, rendered the malecontents bolder and 
m(>re infolent ; and the Cardinal having foon af- 
ter^ recalled Fonfeca, and difmiffed his troops, 
whith he could no longer afibrd to pay, as the 
treafury, drained by the rapacioufnefs of the 
Flemiih minifters, had received no fupply from 
the great cities, which were all in arms, the peo- 
ple were left at full liberty to aft without con- 
troul, and fcarcely any ihadow of power re- 
mained in his hands. 

Nor were the proceedings of the commons The viewt 
the effefts liierely of popular and tumultuary J""^ P'f,?**' 

, . < I *• • 1 r r 1 -^ fionsofthe 

rage ; they aimed at obtainmg redrefs of their commoni rf 
political grievances, and an eftablifhment of^**^*^** 
publick liberty on a fecure bafis, objefts worthy 
of all the zeal which they difcovered in con- 
tending for them. The feudal government in 
Spain was at that time in a ftate more favour- 
able to liberty than in any other of the great 
European kingdoms. This was owing chiefly 
to the number of great cities in that country, 
a circumftance I have already taken notice of, 
and which contributes more than any other to 
mitigate the rigour of the feudal inftitutions, and 
to introduce a more liberal and equal form of 
government. The inhabitants of every city 
formed a great corporation, with valuable immu- 
nities and privileges •, they were delivered from 
a ftate of fubjcftion and vaffalage ; they were 



Book III. admitted to a confiderable fhare in the legi(la>i 
u — y i-^ ture ; they acquired the arts of induftry, with- 
*5*2* out which cities cannot fubfift-, they accumu* 
lated wealth, by engaging in commerce; and 
being free and independent themfelves, were the 
guardians of the publick freedom and indepen- 
dence. The genius of the internal government 
eftabliihed in cities, which even in countries 
^ where defpotick power prevails moft, is democra- 
tical and republican, rendered the idea of liberty 
familiar and dear to them. Their reprefentatives 
in the Cortes were accuftomed, with equal fpirit, 
to check the encroachments of the King, and the 
oppreflion of the nobles. They endeavoured to 
extend the privileges of their own order ; they 
laboured to Ihake off the remaining incumbran- 
ces, with which the feudal tyranny had burdened 
them ; and confcious of being one of the moft 
confiderable orders in the ftate, were ambitious 
of becoming the moft powerful. 

Their con- The prefcnt junfturc appeared favourable for 
'^J^^^^J^y puOiing any new claim. Their fovereign was 
the Holy ° abfent from his dominions •, by the ill-conduft 
juntt. of his minifters he had 16ft the efteem and afFec- 
' tion of his fubjefts •, the people exafperated by 

many injuries had taken arms, though without 
concert, almoft by general confent •, they were 
animated with rage capable of carrying them to 
the moft violent extremes ; the royal treafury was 
cxhaufted; the kingdom deftitute of troops; 
and the government comrpitted to a ftranger, of 
great virtue indeed,, but of abilities unequal to 
fuch a truft. The firft care of Padilla, and the 
other popular leaders who obferved and deter- 
mined to improve thefe circumftances, was to 
cftablifh fome form of union or aflbciation among 
the malecontents, that they might a£t with 





greater regularity, and purfue one common end ; Book ill. 
and as the different cities had been prompted ^' — -v^ -^ 

• ^ I C 2.2 

to take arms by the fame motives, and were ^ 
accuftomed to confider themfelves as a diftin£t 
body from the reft of the fubjefts, they did not 
find this difficult. A general convention was 
appointed to be held at Avila. Deputies ap- 
peared there in name of almoft all the cities en- 
titled to have reprefentatives in the Cortes, They 
all bound themfelves by folemn oath, to live and 
die in the fervice of the King, and in defence of 
the privileges of their order ; and alTuming the 
name of the holy Junta or aflbciation, proceeded 
to deliberate concerning the ftate of the nation, 
and the proper method of redreffing its griev- 
ances. The firft that naturally prefented itfelf. They dif- 
was the nomination of a foreigner to be regent ; tu4™uth<^* 
this they declared with one voice to be a vio- ^'^^y- 
lation of the fundamental laws of the kingdom, 
and refolved to fend a deputation of their mem- 
bers to Adrian, requiring him in their name to 
lay afide all the cnfigns of his office, and to ab- 
ftain for the future from the exercife of a jurif- 
diftion which they had pronounced illegal \ 

While they were preparing to execute this bold Get poffcifi- 
rcfolution, Padilla accomplilhed an enterprize of ^l^oni***'* 
the greateft advantage to the caufe. After reliev- 
ing Segovia, he marched fuddenly to Tordefiilas, Auguft 49. 
the place where the unhappy Queen Joanna 
had rcfided fince the death of her hulband, and 
being favoured by the inhabitants, was admitted 
into the town, and became mafter of her perfon, 
for the fecurity of which Adrian had neglefted 
to take proper precautions ^ Padilla waited 
immediately upon the Queen, and accofting her 

Vol. II, N with 

« P. Mart. Ep. 691. ^ Vita deir Impcr. Carl V. da!l 
Alf. Uiloa.Vcn. 1509 p. 67. Miniana, Contin. p. 17. 

178 THEREiGNOF'tttfi 

Booic III. with that profound refpeft, which fhe exafted 
^^^^ 'from the few perfons whom fhe deigned to ad- * 

IC22 • 

^ ' mit into her prefence, acquainted her at large 
with the miferable condition of her Caftilian 
fubjefts under the government of her fon, who 
being deftitute of experience himfelf, permitted 
his foreign minifters to treat them with fuch 
rigour, as had obliged them to take arms in de- 
fence of the liberties of their country. The 
Qiieen, as if fhe had been awakened out of a 
lethargy, exprefTed great aftonifhment at what 
he faid, and told him, that as (he had never 
heard, till that moment, of the death of her 
father, or known the fufFerings of her people, 
no blame could be imputed to her, but that now 
fhe would take care to provide a fufficient re- 
medy 5 and in the mean time, added fhe, let it 
be your concern to do what is necefTary for the 
publick welfare. Padilla, too eager in forming a 
conclufion agreeable to his wifhes, miflook this 
lucid interval of reafon for a perfect return of that 
faculty ; and acquainting the Junta with what 
had happened, advifed them to remove to Tor- 
defillas, and to hold their meetings in that place. 
This was inftantly done; but though Joanna 
received very gracioufly an addrefs of the Junta, 
befeeching her to take upon her the government 
of the kingdom, and in token of her compli- 
ance, admitted all the deputies to kifs her hand ; 
though fhe was prefent at a tournament held on 
that occafion, and feemcd highly fatlsfied with 
both thefe ceremonies, which were condudbed 
with great magnificence in order to pleafe her, 
fhe foon relapfed into her former melancholy 
and fullennefs, and could never be brought, by 
any arguments or intreaties, to fign any one paper 
necefTary towards the difpatch of bufinefs s. 


g Sandov. 164. P. Mart. Ep. 685, 686. 


The Junta concealing as much as poffibleBook UL 
this lad circumftance, carried on all their deli- ""^ "^ *^ 
berations in her name; and as the Caftilians, ca!ry"n 
who idolized the memory of Ifabclla, retained g°^«''o"»«°' 
a wonderful attachment to her daughter, no*° ernam« 
fooner was it known that fhe had confented to 
affume the reins of government, than the people 
cxprefled the moft univerfal and immoderate 
joy ; and believing her recovery to be compleat, 
afcribed it to a miraculous interpofition of heaven^ 
in order to refcue their country from the oppref- 
fion of foreigners. The Junta, confcious of thq tnd deprive 
reputation and power which they had acquired iaf power, 
by feeming to aft under the royal authority, were 
no longer fatisfied with requiring Adrian to refigri 
the office of regent ; they detached Padilla to 
Valladolid with a confiderable body of troops, 
ordering him to feize fuch members of the coun- 
cil as were ftill in that city, to conduft them to 
TordefiUas, and to bring away the feals of the 
kingdom, the publick archives, and treafury 
books. Padilla, who was received by the citi- 
zens as the deliverer of his country, executed his 
commiflion with great exaftnefs-, permitting 
Adrian, however, ftill to refide in Valladolid, 
though only as a private perfon, and without any 
fliadoysr of power K 

The Emperor, to whom frequent accounts of The cmper- 
thefe tranfaftions were tranfmitted while he was ^^ ^^^^^^^' 
ftill in Flanders, was fenfible of his own impru- 
dence and that of his minifters, in having de- 
fpifed too long the murmurs and remonftrances 
of the Caftilians. He beheld, with deep con- 
cern, a kingdom, the moft valuable of any he 
poffeffpd, and in which lay the ftrength and 
fincws of his power, juft ready to difown his 

N 2 authority^ 

^ Sandof. 174; P. Mart. Ep. 791. 


Booic HI. authority, and on the point of being plunged in 
''^ ^ ^ all the miferies of civil war. But thoush his 
^ ' prefence might have averted this calamity, he 
could not, at that time, vifit Spain without en- 
dangering the Imperial crown, and allowing the 
French King full leifure to execute his ambi- 
His met- tious fchemcs. The only point now to be deli- 
rerca'to** Iterated upon, was whether he (hould attempt 
the male- to gain the malecontents by indulgence and con- 
contenif. ctflions, or prepare dire£lly to fupprefs them by 
force ; and he rcfolved to make trial of the for- 
mer, while, at the fame time, if that fhould fail 
of fucceis, he prepared for the latter. For this 
purpofe, he iflued circular letters to all the 
cities of Caftile, exhorting them in moft gentle 
terms, and with aflfurances of full pardon, to 
lay down their arms ; he promifed fuch cities as 
had continued faithful, not to exaft from them 
the fubfidy granted in the late Cortes, and of- 
fered the fame favour to fuch as returned to 
their duty ; he engaged that no office (hould be 
conferred for the future upon any but native 
Caftilians. On the other hand, he wrote to the 
nobles, exciting them to appear with vigoqr in 
defence of their own rights, and thofe of the 
. crown, againft the exorbitant claims of the com- 
mons ; he appointed the high admiral, Don Fa- 
drique Enriquez, and the high conftable of Caf- 
tile, Don Inigo de Velafco, two noblemen of 
great abilities as well as influence, regents of the 
kingdom in conjundtion with Adrian -, and he 
gave them full power and inftrudions, if theob- 
uinacy of the malecontents (hould render it ne- 
ceflTary, to vindicate the royal authority by force 
of arms *. 


« P. Hcutcr. Rer. Aullr. lib. viii. c. 6. p. i88. 


These concefCons, which, at the time of his Book III, 
leaving Spain, would have fully fatisfied the peo- "^ ^^"^^ 
pie, came now too late to produce any effeft. rLSVf^ 
The Junta, relying on the unanimity with which ""^ra^n- 
the nation fubmitted to their authority, elated fh *j?nu 
with the fuccefs which hitherto had accompanied concerning 
all their undertakings, and feeing no military incJ*.^'*'** 
force coUefted to defeat or obftrudt their de- 
figns, aimed at a more thorough reformation of 
political abufes. They had been employed for 
fome time in preparing a remonft ranee, contain- 
ing a large enumeration not only of the griev- 
ances, of which they craved redrefs, but of fuch 
new regulations as they thought neceffary for 
the fecurity of their liberties. This remon- 
ftrance, which is divided into many articles re- 
lating to all the different members of which the 
conftitution was compofed, as well as to the 
various departments in the adminiftration of 
government, furniflies us with more authentick 
evidence concerning the intentions of the Junta, 
than can be drawn from the teftimony of the 
later Spanifti hiftorians, who lived in times when 
it became fafliionable and even neceffary to re- 
prefent the conduft of the malecontents in the 
worft light, and as flowing from the word mo- 
tives. After a long preamble concerning the 
various calamities under which the nation 
groaned, and the errors and corruption in govern- 
ment to which thefe were to be imputed, they 
take notice of the exemplary patience wherewith 
the people had endured them, until felf-pre- 
fervation, and the duty which they owed to 
their country, had obliged them to affemble, in 
order to provide in a legal manner for their own 
fafety, and that of the conftitution: For this 
purpofe, they demanded that the King would 
De pleafed to return to his Spanifh dominions, 



Book III. and refide there, as all their former monarchs 
■^ "-''-^ had done •, that he would not marry but witli 
,^^. * confent of the Cortes.; that if he fhduld be ob- 
liged at any time to leave the kingdom, it fliall 
not be lawful to appoint any foreigner to be 
regent ; that the prefent nomination of Cardinal 
Adrian to that office (hall inftantly be declared 
void -, that he woulid- not, at his return, bring 
along with him any Flemings or other ftrangers •, 
that no foreign troops fliall, on any pretence 
Nvhatever, be introduced into the kingdom-, 
that none but natives fliall be capable of hold- 
ing any office or benefice either in church or 
ftate; that no foreigner fliall be naturalized; 
that free quarters fliall not be granted to fol- 
diers, nor to the members of the King's houfe- 
hold, for any longer time than fix days, and that 
only when the court is in a progrefs ; that all the 
taxes fliall be reduced to the fame ftate .they 
were in at the death of Queen Ifabella ; that 
^11 alienations of the royal demefnes or revenues 
fmce that Queen's death fliall be refumed ; that 
all new offices created fince that period fliall be 
aboliflied; that the fubfidy granted by the late 
Cortes in Galicia fliall not be exafted ; that in 
all future Cortes each city fliall fend one repre- 
fentative of the clergy; one of the gentry, and 
6ne 6f the cotnmons, each to be elefted by his 
own Order ; that ihe crown fliall not influence 
or diredt any city with regard to the choice of 
its reprefentatives ; that no member of the 
Cortes fliall receive an office or penfion from 
the King, either for himfelf or for any of his 
family, under pain of death, and confifcation of 
his goods ; that each city or community fliall 
j)ay a corripetent falary to its reprefentative fof 
his niaintenance during his attendance on the 
Cortes; that the Cortes fliall aflemble once ini 
three years at leafl:, whether fuxpmoned by tho 


Vi<i^« ■•» ' •». ' , ■ \ t. <».»>. 


King 6t nor, and (hall then enquire into the^ooicnT. 
obfervation of the articles now agreed upon, ^"^Jm 
and deliberate concerning publick affairs ; that 
the rewards which have been given or promifed 
to any of the members of the Cortes in Galicia, 
fliall be revoked; that no gold, filver, or 
jewels, (hall, upon pain of death, be fent out 
of the kingdom; that judges (hall have fixed 
falaries adigned them, and (hall not receive any 
Aare of the fines and forfeitures of perfonjs 
condemned by them; that no grant of the 
goods of perfons accufed (hall be valid, if given 
before fentence was pronounced againft them ; 
that all privileges which the nobles have at any 
time obtained, fo the prejudice of the commons, 
(hall be revoked ; that the government of cities 
or townis (hall not be put into the hands of no- 
blemen; that the po(rc(rions of the nobility 
Aall be fubjeft to all publick taxes in the fame 
manner as thole of the commons ; that an en- 
quiry be made into the conduft of fuch as have 
been entrufted with the management of the 
royal patrimony finee the acceffion of Ferdi- 
nand; and if the King do not within thirty 
days appoint perfons properly qualified for that 
fervice, it (hall be lawful for the Cortes to 
nominate them ; that Indulgences (hall not be 
preached or difperfed in the kingdom until the 
caufe of publilhing them be examined and ap- 
proved or by the Cortes ; that all the money 
irifing from the fale of Indulgences, (hall be 
faithfully employed in carrying on war agaiiill 
the Infidels ; that fuch prelates as do not refide 
in their diocefes fix months in the year, (hall 
forfeit their revenues during the time they are 
abfent ; that the ecclefiaftical judges and their 
officers (hall not exadt greater fe^s than tho(c 
which are paid in the. fecular courts ; that the 
prcfent archbilhop of Toledo being a foreigner^ 



Book nr. be compelled to refign that dignity, which {hall 
^ "^ ' be conferred upon a Caftilian •, that the King 
'^^** fhall ratify and hold as good fervice done to 
him and to the kingdom, all the proceedings of 
« the Junta, and pardon any irregularities which 
the cities may have committed from an excels 
of zeal in a good caufe : That he (hall protnile 
and fwear in the moft folemn manner to obferve 
all thefe articles, and on no occafion attempt ei- 
ther to elude, or to repeal them ; and that he 
fhall never folicit the Pope or any other prelate 
to grant him a difpenfation or abfolution from 
this oath and promHc ^. 

The fpirit SucH wcrc. the chief articles prefented by 
whii*it^ the Junta to their fovereign. As the feudal in- 
breathed, ftitutions in the feveral kingdoms of Europe 
were originally the fame, the genius of thofe 
governments which arofe from them bore a 
ftrong refemblance to each other, and the regu- 
lations which the Caftilians attempted to efta- 
blifh on this occafion, differ little from thofe 
which other nations have laboured to procure in 
their flruggles with their monarchs for liberty. 
The grievances complained of, and the reme- 
dies propofed by the Englifh commons in their 
contefts with the princes of the houfe of Stuart, 
particularly refemble thofe upon which the 
Junta now inGfted. But the principles of liberty 
feem to have been better underftoood at this 
period, by the Caftilians, than by any other 
people in Europe-, they had acquired more 
liberal ideas with refpcd to their own rights and 
privileges ; they had formed more bold and ge« 
nerous fcntiments concerning government ; and 
difcovered an extent of political knowledge to 
which the Englifh themfelves did not attain until 
more than a century afterwards. 


k Sandov. 206. P. Mart. Ep. 686. 


It is not improbable, however^ that the fpiritBooK III. 
of reformation among the Caftilians, hitherto '-^''"■'^ 
tinreftrained by authority, and emboldened by '^*** 
fuccefs, became too impetuous, and prompted 
the Junta to propofe innovations which, by 
alarming the other members of the conftitution, 
proved fatal to their caufe. The nobles, who, 
inftead of obftru£bing, had favoured or con- 
nived at their proceedings, while they confined 
their demands of redrefs to fuch grievances as 
had been occafioned by the King's want of 
experience, and by the imprudence and rapa-r 
cioufnefs of his foreign mmiflers, were filled irritates the 
with indignation when they began to touch the ^^^^^*' 
privileges of their order, and plainly faw that 
the meafures of the commons tended no lefs to 
break the power of the ariftocracy, than to li- 
mit the prerogatives of the crown. The refent- 
tnent which they had conceived on account of 
Adrian's promotion to the regency, abated con- 
fiderably upon the Emperor's raifing the con- 
ftable and admiral to joint power with him in 
that office ; and as their pride and dignity were 
lefs hurt by fuffering the prince to poflcfs an ex- 
tenfive prerogative, than by admitting the high 
pretentions of the people, they determined to 
give their fovereign the alfiftance which he had 
demanded of them, and began to aflemble their 
vafials for that purpofe. 

The Junta, meanwhile, expefted with im-Thedepu- 
patience the Emperor's anfwer to their remon- j *'tf ^trt 
ftrance, which they had appointed fome of their not prefeot 

number to prefent. The members entrufted J^VrVoce. 
with this commiifion fct out immediately foroa. »o. 
Germany; but having received at difierent places 
certain intelligence from court, that they could 
not venture to appear there without endanger- 
ing their lives, they ftopt fliort in their journey, 



Book IIL and acquainted the Junta of the information 
V-— ^-.^ which had been given them \ This excited 
'^^^' fuch violent paflions as tranfported the whole 
party beyond all bounds of prudence, or of 
moderation. That a Caftilian King Ihould deny 
his fubjefts accefs into his prefence, or refufe to 
liften to their humble petitions, was reprefented 
as an aft of tyranny fo unprecedented and in- 
tolerable, that nothing now remained but with 
arms in their hands to drive away that ravenous 
band of foreigners which encompafled the throne, 
who after having devoured the wealth of the 
kingdom, found it neceflary to prevent the cries 
of an injured people from reaching the ears of 
their fovereign. Many infifted warmly on ap- 
proving a motion which had formerly been 
made, for depriving Charles, during the life 
vi lent pro- of his mother, of the regal titles and authority 
r^j"'^'""* ^^ which had been too rafhly conferred upon him 
* ** from a falfe fuppofition of her total inability for 
government. Some propofed to provide a pro- 
per perfon to aflift her in the adminiftration of 
publick affairs, by marrying the Queen to the 
Prince of Calabria, the heir of the Aragonefe 
Kings of Naples; who had been detained in 
prifon fince the time that Ferdinand* had dif- 
poffed his anceftors of their crown. All agreed 
that, as the hopes of obtaining redrefs and le- 
* curity merely by prefenting their requefts to their 
fovereign, had kept them too long in a ftatc 
of inaftion, and prevented them from taking 
advantage of the Unanimity with which the na- 
tion declared in their favour, it was now. necef- 
fary to colleft their whole force, and to exert 
themfelves with vigour, in oppofing this fatal 
combination of the King aqd nobles againft tlieir 

\ Sandov. 143. n\ P. Mart. Ep. 688. 


They foon took the field with twenty thou- Book IIL 
fand men. Violent difputes arofe concerning — ^^"^^ 
the command of this army. Padilla, the dar- TakcIS^ 
ling of the people and foldiers, was the only per-£ad. 
fon whom they thought worthy of this honour. 
Bnc Don Pedro de Giron, the eldeft fon of the 
Conde de Uruena, a young nobleman of the 
firft order, having lately joined the commons out * 
of private refcntment againft the Emperor, the 
refpeft due to his birth, together with a fecret 
defire of difappointing Padilla, of whofe popu- 
larity many members of the Junta had become 
jealous, procured him the office of general ; November 
though he loon gave them a fatal proof that he *^* 
poffefled neither the experience, the abilities, 
nor the fteadinefs which that important ftation 

The regents, meanwhile, appointed Riofeco as J^^^l^^ 
the place of rendezvous for their troops, which, trm. 
though far inferior to thofe of the commons in 
number, excelled them greatly in difcipline and 
in valour. They had drawn a confiderable body 
of regular and veteran infantry out of Navarre. 
Their cavalry, which formed the chief ftrength 
of their army,' confided moftly of gentlemen ac- 
ciiftonried to the military life, and animated with 
the martial fpirit peculiar to their order in that 
age. The infantry of the Junta was formed en- 
tirely of citizens and mechanicks, little acquainted 
with the ufc/ of arms. The fmall body of ca- 
valry which they had been able to raife, was com- 
pofed of perfons of ignoble birth, and perfedt 
ftrangers to the fervice into which they entered. 
The charadter of the generals difiered no lefs than 
that of their troops. The royalifts were com- 
manded by the Conde de Haro, the conftable's 
•1... . ............. ^YdtQ: 


Book III. cldeft fon, an officer of great experience, and of 
^'"'^^ ' diftineuilhed abilities. 

15x2. o 

impnidencc GiRON Hiarched with his army direftly to Rio- 
ceft of thJ feco, and feizing the villages and pafles around 
^rV** ^ ^^* hoped that the royalifts would be obliged ei- 
ther to furrender for want of provifions, or to 
fight with difadvantage before all their troops 
were affemblcd^ But he had not the abilities, 
nor his troops the patience and difcipline necef- 
fary for the execution of fuch a fcheme. The 
Conde de Haro found little difficulty in condu6t- 
ing a confiderable reinforcement through all his 
polls into the town; and Giron defpairing of 
being able to reduce it, advanced fuddenly to 
Villa-panda, a place belonging to the Conftable, 
in which the enemy had their chief magazine of 
provifions. By this ill-judged motion, he left 
TordefiUas open to the royalifts, whom the Condd 
Dccemb. 5 dc Haro led thither in the night, with the utmoft 
fecrecy and difpatch ; and attacking the town, 
in which Giron had left no other garrifon than a 
regiment of priefts railed by the bifhop of Za- 
mora, he, by break of day, forced his way into 
it, after a defperate refiftance, became mafter of 
the Queen's perfon, took prifoners many mem- 
bers of the Junta, and recovered the great feal, 
with the other enfigns of government. 

By this fatal blow the Junta loft all the repu- 
tation and authority which they derived from 
feeming to aft by the Queen's commands j fuch 
of the nobles as had hitherto been wavering or 
undetermined in their choice, now joined the re- 
gents with all their forces ; and an univerfal con- 
ftemation feized the partizans of the commons. 
This was much increafed by the fufpicions they 
began to entertain of Giron, whom they loudly 



accufed of having betrayed TordefiUas to the Book Iff. 
enemy ; and though that charge feems to have ^--'"^''-"*-' 
been deftitute of foundation, the fuccefs of the ' ^**' 
royalifts being owing to Giron's ill-condu6t ra- 
ther than to his treachery, he fo entirely loft cre- 
dit with his party, that he refigned his commit 
fion, and retired to one of his caftles \ 

Such members of the Junta as had ^fc^pcd ^Jl*^ ^"** 
the enemy's hands at TordefiUas, fled to Valla- their fynem. 
dolid ; and as it would have required long time 
to fupply the places of thofe who were pnfoners 
by a new ele£tion, they made choice among them- 
felres of a fmall number of perfons, to whom 
they committed the fupreme direftion of affairs. 
Their army, which grew ftronger every day by 
the anival of troops from difierent parts of the 
kingdom, marched likewife to Valladolid ; and 
Padilla being appointed commander in chief, the 
fpirits of the foldiery revived, and the whole 
party forgetting the late misfortune, continued 
to exprefs the fame ardent zeal for the liberties 
of their country, and the fame implacable ani- 
mofity againft their oppreflbrs. 

What they ftood moft in need of, was money Jjenw f^ 
to pay their troops. A great part of the current rtiGng mo- 
coin had been carried out of the kingdom by the °*^* 
Flemings-, the ftatcd taxes levied in times of 

Eeace were inconfidcrable ; commerce of every 
ind being interrupted by the war, the fum 
which they yielded decreafed daily -, and the Junta 
were afraid of difgufting the people by burdening 
them with new impofitions, to which, in that age, 
they were little accuftomed. But from this dif- 

° MifcellaDeous TraAs by Dr. Mich. Geddes* vol, L 
p. 278. 


Book III. ficulty they were extricated by Donpa Maria Pa- 
^^ — ^^"^^ checo, Padilla's wife, a woman of noble birth, 
*S^** of great abilities, of boundlefs ambition, and 
animated with the moft ardent zeal in fupport of 
the caufe of the Junta. She, with a boldnefs 
fuperior to thofe fu perditions fears which often 
influence her fex, propofed to feize all the rich 
and magnificent ornaments in the cathedral of 
Toledo ; but left that aftion, by its appearance 
of impiety, might ofiend the people, Ihe and her 
retinue marched to the church in folemn procef- 
fion, in mourning habits, with tears in their eyes, 
beating their breafts, and falling on their knees, 
implored the pardon of the faints whofe fhrines 
ftie was about to violate. By this artifice, which 
fcreened her from the imputation of facrilege, 
and perfuaded the people that neceflity and zeal 
for a good caufe had conftrained her, though 
with reluftance, to venture upon this aftion, Ihe 
procured a confiderable fupply of money for the 
Junta **. The regents, no .lefs ^t a lofs how to 
maintain their troops, the revenues of the crown 
having either been diflipated by the Flemings, 
or feized by the comrrtons, were obliged to take 
the Queen's jewels, together with the plate be- 
longing to the nobility, and apply them to that 
purpofe ; and when thefe failed, they obtained 
a fmall fum, by way of loan, from the King of 
Portugal P. 

Lorctimcin The nobility difcovered great unwillingnefs 
w1th*thc*no! to proceed to extremities with the Junta. They 
wuty. were animated with no lefs hatred than the com- 
mons againft the Flemings ; they approved 
much of feveral articles in the remonftrancc; 


o Sandov. p. 308. Dift^ de Bayle, Art. Padilla. 
P P. Mart. Ep. 718. 




they thought the jundu re favourable, not only Book IIL 
for redreffing pad grievances, but for rendering ' — ^^^^ 
the conftitution more perfeft and fecure by new ^^**' 
regulations -, they were afraid, that while the two 
orders of which the legiflature was compofcd, 
wafted each other's ftrength by mutual hoftiliries, 
the crown would rife to power on the ruin or 
weaknrfs of both, and encroach no lefs on the 
independence of the nobles, than on the privi- 
leges of the commons. To this difpofition were 
owing the frequent overtures of peace which the 
regents made to the Junta, andthe continual ne- 
gociations they carried on during the progrefs of 
their military operations. Nor were the terms 
which they offered unreafonable -, for on condi- 
tion that the Junta would pafs from a few arti- 
cles moft fubverfive of the royal authority, or 
inconfiftent with the rights of the nobility, they 
engaged to procure the Emperor's confent to 
their other demands, which, if he, through, the 
influence of evil counfellors, ftiould refuTc, fe- 
veral of the nobles promifed to join with them 
in order to extort it ^. Such divifions, however, 
prevailed among the members of the Junta, as 
prevented their deliberating calmly, or judging 
with prudence. Several of the cities which had 
entered into the confederacy, were filled with 
that mean jealoufy and diftruft of each other, 
which rivalfhip in commerce or in grandeur is 
apt to infpire •, the conftable, by his influence 
and promifes, had prevailed on the inhabitants 
of Burgos to abandon the Junta, and other no- 
blemen had Ihaken thp fidelity of fome of the 
lefler cities ; no perlbn had arifen among the 
commons of fuch fuperior abilities or elevation 
of mind, as to require the direftion of their 
aflfairs. Padilla, their general, was a man of 


q P. Mart. Ep. 695, 713. Geddcs*s Trafts, i. 261. 


Book III. popular qualities, but diftrufted for that reafon 
' — "" ^ by thofe of highcft rank who adhered to the 
'5**' Junta; the conduft of Giron led the people to 
view with fufpicipn every perfon of noble birth 
who joined their party ; fo that the ftrongeft 
marks of irrefolution, mutual diftruft, and me- 
diocrity of genius, appeared in all their pro- 
ceedings at this time. After many confultations 
held concerning the terms propcfed by the re- 
gents, they fuffered/themfelves to be fo carried 
away by refentment againft the nobility, that 
rejcfting all thoughts of accommodation, they 
threatened to ftrip them of the crown-lands, 
which they or their anceftors had ufurped, and 
to re-annex thefe to the royal domain. Upon 
this prcpofterous fcheme, which would at once 
have annihilated all the liberties for which they 
had been ftruggling, by rendering the kings of 
(J^aftile ablblute and independent on their fub- 
jcfts, they were fo intent, that they now ex- 
claimed with lefs vehemence againft the exac- 
tions of the foreign minifters, than againft the 
immenfe power and wealth of the nobles, and 
fcemed to hope that they might make peace 
with Charles, by offering to enrich him with their 
Elated with The fucccfs which PadiUa had met with in 
S*fomr*^' feveral fmall encounters, and in reducing fome 
fuidi rfn- inconfiderable towns, helped to precipitate the 
cowiters. n^^mbcrs of the Junta into this meafure, filling 
them with fuch confidence in the valour of their 
troops, that they hoped for an eafy viftory over 
the royalifts. PadiUa, that his army might not 
remain inadtive, while fluftied with good for- 
tune, laid fiege to Torrelobaton, a place of 
greater ftrength and importance than any that 
he had hitherto attacked, and which was de- 
fended by a lufHcient garrifon ; and though the 



bcfieged made a defperate refiftance, and the ad- Book I If, 
miral attempted to relieve them, he took the' — -v-— ^ 
town by ftorm, and gave it up to be plundered March 3, 
by his foldiers. If he had marched inftantJy with "5»i. 
his viftorious army to TordefiUas, the head-quar- 
ters of the royalifts, he could hardly have failed 
of making an efFeftual impreflion on their troops, 
furprizcd at the briflcnefs of his operations, and 
far from being of fufficient ftrength to give him 
battle. But the ficklenefs and imprudence of the ^"^pra^Jcn^* 
Junta prevented his taking this ftep. Incapa- dua. 
ble, like all popular aflbciations, either of carry- 
ing on war, or of making peace, they liftened 
again to overtures of accommodation, and even 
agreed to a fhort fufpenfion of arms. This ne- 
gociation terminated in nothing; but while it 
was carrying on, many of Padilla's foldiers, un- 
acquainted with the reftraints of difcipline, went 
oflF with the booty which they had got at Torre- 
lobaton ; and others, wearied out by the unufual 
length of the campaign, deferted ^ The confta- 
ble too had leifure to affemble his forces at Bur- 
gos, and to prepare every thing for marching ; 
^nd as foon as the truce expired, he efFefted a 
junftion with the Conde de Haro, in fpite of all 
Padilla*s efforts to prevent it. They advanced 
immediately towards Torrelobaton •, and Pad ilia 
finding the number of his troops lb diminifhcd 
that he durft not . rifle a battle, attempted to re- 
treat to Toro, which if he could have accom- 
pliflied, the invafion of Navarre at that junfture 
by the French, and the nccefltfy which the regents 
muft have been under of detaching men to that 
kingdom, might have faved him from danger. 
But Haro, fenfible how fatal would be the confe- J,^,Vk'Ibe' 
quences of fuffcring him to efcape, marched with a. my of the 
fuch rapidity at the head of his cavalry, that he^p^''^*'''^ 
Vol. II. O came 

' Sandov. 336. 


Book III came up with him near ViliaUir, aad wicKout 
^ -y- ^ ^ waiting for his infantry, advanced to the attack* 
* 5**' Padilla's army, fatigued and difheartencd by tiycir 
precipitant retreat, which they could not diftin- 
guiih from a flight, happened at that time io be 
paffing over ^ ploughed fields on whi^h {jack a 
violent rain had fallen, that the foldiers Au>k al- 
moft to the knees at every flep, and ren^ained 
CTi^pofed to the fire of fome field- pieces whkh 
pid <wrtM the royalifts had brought along with them. AU 
'^' thefe circumftances io difconcerted ami iiitimi- 

dated raw foldiers, that without facing the enemy, 
or making any refiitance, th^ fl^ in the utnu>ft 
confufion. Padilla exerted himfelf with extra- 
ordinary course and adivity in order co rally 
them, tnough in vain ^ fear rendering them deaf 
both to his threats and intreaties : Upon 
which, finding matters irretrievable, and reviv- 
ing not to furvive the di%race of that d^y, and 
the ruin of his party, he ru(hed into the thickeft 
of the enemy ; but being wounded and dif- 
mounted, he was taken prifoner. His princi- 
pal officers fhared the fame fate & the common 
Ibldiers were allowed to depart unhurt ^ the no- 
bles being too generous to kill men who threw 
down then: arms \ 

The refentment of his enemies did not fuffer 
Padilla to linger long in expedtation of vthsfi 
fliould befal him. Next day he was condemned 
to lofe his head, though without any regular 
trial, the notoriety of the crime being fuppofed 
fufiicient to fuperfede the formality of a legal 


« Sandov. 345, &c. P. Mart. Bp. yzo. Miniana. Contin. 
p. 26. Epitome de la vida y Hechos del Emper. Carlos V. 
per D. Jtt2(n. Anton, de Vera y Ztiniga, 410. Madr. 1627. 
p. 19. 


proccfe. He was led inftantly to execution, to- Book III. 
gethcr with Don John Bravo, and Don Francis ^^^"^ 
ftfaldonada, tht fortnei commander of the Scgo Ptduuf * 
viaos^ and ihe latter of the troops of Salamanca. **»«•' ««»>«• 
Padilla viewed the approach of death with calm dea'tS^ ^ 
but undaunted fortitude ; and when Bravo, his 
fcllow-fufferer, expreffed fome indignation at 
hiring himfelf proclaimed a traitor, he checked 
hi®, by obfcrvmg, *' That yefterday was the 
time to have difplayed the fpirit of gentlemen, 
this day to die with the meeknefs of Chriftians/* 
Being permitted to write to his wife and to the 
community of Toledo, the place of his nativity, 
he addreflfed the former with a manly and vir- 
tuous tendernefs, and the latter with the exul- 
tation natural to one who confidered himfelf as 
a martyr for the liberties of his country ^ After 


^ The (b-aio of tbefe kttcrs is A> eloquent and high-fpi- 
r'mdt that I have traniUted the« for the enteriainmeDt of 
my If adeis. 

^be Utter of Dw John Padilla to his Wife, 

'* If >our grief did not afflift me more than my own 
death, I (hould deem myfelf perfedly happy. For the end 
of life being certain to all men, the Almighty confers a 
mark of diHinguiihing favour upon that perion, for whom 
he appoints a death fuch as mine, which, though lamented 
by many, is neverthelefs acceptable unto him. It would 
require more time than I now have, to write any thing that 
coald afford you confolation. That my enemies will not 
grant me, nor do I wi(h to delay the reception of that 
crown which I hope to enjoy. You may bewail your own 
lofs, but not my death, which, being fo honourable, ought 
not to be lamented by any. My foul (for nothing elfe is 
left to me) I bequeath to you. You will receive it, as the 
thing in this world which you valued mod. I do not write 
to my father Pcro Lopez, becaufe I dare not ; for though 
I have (hewn myfelf to be his fon in daring to lofe my life, 
I have not been the heir of his good fortune. I will not 
attempt to fay any thing more, that I may not tire the 
executioner, who waits for me, and that I may not excite 

O 2 a fufpi- 


Book III. this, he fubmitted quietly to his fate. Moft of 
^"'^'^ ^the Spanifh hiftorians, accuftomed to ideas of 
^ ^' government, and of regal power, very different 
from thofe upon which he afted, have been fo 
eager to teftify their difapprobation of the caufe 
in which he was engaged, that they have negleft- 
ed, or have been afraid to do juftice to his vir- 
tues ; and by blackening his memory, have en- 
deavoured to deprive him of that pity, which is 
feldom denied to illuftrious fufFerers. 


a fufpicion, that, in order to prolong my life, I lengthen 
out my letter. My fervant So^a, an eye-witnefs, and to 
whom I have communicated xj^r moft fecret thoughts, will 
inform you of what I cannot now write; and thus I reft, 
expedting the inftrumenc of your grief, an^ of my deli- 


His Letter to the City of Toledo. 

** To ihee, the crown of Spain, and light of the whole 
world, free from the time of the mighty Goths ; to thee, 
who by ihedding the blood of ftrangers, as well as thy own 
blood, haft recovered liberty for thyfelf, and thy neighbour- 
ing cities; thy legitimate fon Juan de Padilla gives infor- 
mation, how by the blood of his body, thy ancient vidlories 
are to be refrelhed. If fate hath not permitted my actions 
to be placed among your fuccefsful and celebrated exploits, 
the fault hath been in my ill fortune, not in my good will. 
This I reqaeft of thee, as of a mother, to accept, iince God 
hath given me nothing more to lofe for thy fake, than that 
which I am now to relinquifh. I am more folicitous about 
thy good opinion than about my own life. The (hiftings 
of fortune, which never ftands ftill, are many. But this I 
fee with infinite confolation, that I, the leaft of thy chil- 
dren, fufFer death for thee; and that thou haft nurfed at 
thy breafts fuch as may take vengeance for my wrongs. 
Many tongues wUI relate the manner of my death, of which 
1 am ftill ignoiant, though I know it to be near. My end 
will teftify what was my defire My foul I recommend to 
thee, as to the patronefs of Chriftianity. Of my body I fay 
nothing, for it is not mine, I can write nothing more, for 
at this very moment I feel the knife at my throat with 
greater dread of thy difpleafure, than apprehenfion of Oiy 
own pain." 6andov. Hift. vol. i. p. 478. 


The viftory at Villalar proved as decifive as Book \il. 
it was compleat. Valladolid, the moft zealous ^-""*^'**^ 
of all the affociated cities, opened its gates im- Ruin oHhe 
mediately to the conquerors, and being treated pany- 
with great clemency by the regents, Medina del 
Campo, Segovia, and many other towns, followed 
its example. This fudden diflblution of a con- 
federacy, formed not upon flight difgufts, or 
upon trifling motives, into which the whole 
body of the people had entered, and which had 
been allowed time to acquire fome degree of 
order and confiftence by eft:ablifliing a regular 
plan of government, is the ftrongeft proof of 
the inability of its leaders, or of fome fecrct 
difcord reigning among its members. Though 
part of the army by which they had been fub- 
dued, was obliged, a few days after the battle, 
to march towards Navarre, in order to check 
the progrefs of the French in that kingdom, no- 
thing could prevail on the dejedted commons of 
Caftile to take arms again, and to embrace fuch 
a favourable opportunity of acquiring thofe 
rights and privileges for which they had ap- 
peared fo zealous. The city of Toledo alone, Pidiiu's 
animated by Donna Maria Pacheco, Padilla's ^^^f,^//;^^^^^^ 
widow, who, infl:ead of bewailing her huft^and great fpirit. 
with a womanifti forrow, prepared to revenge his 
death, and to profecute that caufe in defence of 
which he had fufFered, muft be excepted. Re- 
fpeft for her fex, or admiration of her courage 
and abilities, as well as fympathy with her mif- 
fortunes, and veneration for the memory of her 
hufl)and, fccured her the fame afcendant over 
the people which he had poflfefled. .The pru- 
dence and vigour with which ftie adted, juftified 
that confidence they placed in her. She wrote 
to the French general in Navarre, encouraging 
him to invade Cafl:ile, by the ofier of powerful 
affiftancc. She endeavoured, by her letters and 



Book III. (emiflkries, to revive the fpirit and hopes of Other 
^ ^''^^^ cities. She raifed foldiers, and exadtcd a great 
■ ^^?* funn from the clergy belonging to the cathedral, 
to defray the expence of keeping them on foot ". 
She employed every artifice that could intereft 
or inflame the populace. For this purpofe flie 
ordered crucifixes to be ufed by her troops in- 
ftead of colours, as if they had been at war 
with infidels, and enemies of religion ; (he 
marched through the ftreets of Toledo with her 
ifon, a young child, clad in deep moiirning, fcated 
on a mule, having a ftandard carried before 
him, reprefenting the manner of his father*^ exe- 
cution ^. By all thefe means (he kept the mind$ 
of the people in fuch perpetual agitation as 
prevented their paflions from fubfiding, and ren- 
dered them infenfible of the dangers to whkh 
they were cxpofed, by (landing alone ift oppo- 
fition to the royal authority. While the army 
was employed in Navarre, the Regents wcrb 
unable to attempt the reduftion of Toledo by 
force ; and all their endeavours either to dimi- 
hi(h Donna Maria's credit with the people, or 
to gain her by large promilcs and the (blici- 
tations of her brother the Marquis de Mondciar, 

? roved ineffeftual. Upon the e^tpulfion of the 
rench out of Navarre, part of^ the army re- 
turned into Caftile, and inveflied Toledo. Even 
this made no imprefllon on the intrepid and 
obftinate courage of Donna Maria. She de- 
fended the town with vigour, her troops beat 
the Royalifts in feveral fallies, and no progrefs 
was made towards reducing the place, until the 
clergy, whom (he had highly offended by invad- 
ing their property, ceafed to fupport Iw. As 
foon as they received information of the death 
pf William de Croy archbi(hop of Tolcda, 


p. Mart. Bp. 727. x Sandov. 375. 


whofe poflfeflion of that fee wa« their chief gricv- Book ill. 
attce^ attd that the Emperor had named a Cafti- ^^"^^^"^ 
Kafif to fiKcccd him, thejr openly turned againfl: '**** 
her, and perAiaded the people that (he had ac* 
<quiyed fuch infiuence over them by the forc^ 
Off enchantments ; that ihe was affiftcd by a fa- 
miliar demon, whkh attended her in the fbrm 
of a Negro-maid ; and that by its fuggeftions 
Ihe regulated every part of her conduft ^ The 
cmdu^s multitvidc, whom their impatience of a 
iMg blockade, and defpa^ of obtaining fM« 
cours either from tiie cities formerfy in confe- 
deracy with them, or from the F^Kh, rendered 
<d«6roiis of peace, took artns againft her, and 
living hcp out of the city, furrendercd it to 
the Royalifts. She retired to the citadel, which oaober id. 
Ae ^fended with amaizmg fortitude four months 
longer ; and when reduced to the laft extremi- 
ties, fhe made her efcape in difguife, and fled to Fet>- to, 
Fortogal, where flie had many relations *, '^*** 

Upoff hcF ffight, the citadel furrcndered. ^•J*^.«^^« 
TranqutHity was re*^aWilhed in Caftile; andww."^*^' 
^19 &oId attempt of the commmn, like all un- 
fvicceftfal infurrAflions, contributed to confirm 
9fld exttftd the power of the crown, which it 
was intended to moderate and abridge. The 
Coites ftilt' continued to m^ke a part ol the Ca£- 
tiKan confllicution, and were^ Annmoned to meet 
iAittsc^t t?hc King ftood in need of money j 
bm infleadf of adhering to therr ancient and cau- 
nous Hofm of examinmg and redrefling pubtici; 

ie^^anced^ be^re they proceeded to grant any 
ipplf, the ttWre coiKtly cuftom of voting a 
ftMHktiye in the firft place was introduced ; and 
^hc Sovewign having obtained aH that he wanted, 


y P. Mart. Ep. 727. « Si^n4ov, 375. f • Mart, 

¥f 754. Ferrer, yiii. 565. 


Book III. never allowed them to enter into any inquiry, or 
^"•"^ — -* to attempt any reformation injurious to his au- 
'5^^* thority. The privileges which the cities had en- 
joyed were gradually circumfcribed or abolifh- 
ed i their commerce began from this period to 
* decline j and becoming lefs wealthy and lefs po- 
pulous, they loft that power and influence which 
they had acquired in the Cortes. 

The pro- While Caftile was expofed to the calamities 
grefs of the of civil War, the kingdom of Valencia was torn I 

In vlk^cu! by inteft:ine commotions ftill more violent. The I 

aflbciation which had been formed in the city of 
Valencia in the year one thoufand five hun- 
dred and twenty, and which was diftinguifhed 
by the name of the Germanada, continued to 
fubfift after the Emperor's departure from Spain ; 
and the members of it, upon pretexts of defend- | 

incr the coalls againft the defcents of the Corfairs 
of Barbary, and under fanftion of that permif- 
fion, which Charles had rafhly granted them, re- 
fufed to lay down their arms. But as the griev- 
ances which the Valencians aimed at redrefling, 
proceeded from the arrogance and exactions of 
the nobilijy, rather than from any unwarrantable 
exercife of the royal prerogative, their refent- 
ment turned chiefly againft the former. As foon 
as they were allowed the ufe of arms, and be- 
came confcious of their own ftrength, they grew 
impatient to take vengeance of their oppreflbrs. 
They drove the nobles out of moft of the cities, 
plundered their houfes, wafted their lands, and 
aflaulted their caftles. They then proceeded to 
eled thirteen perfons, one from each company of 
tradefmen ertablifhed in Valencia, and committed 
the adminiftration of government to them, under 
pretext that they would reform the laws, eftabJifh 
one uniform mode of difpenfingjuftice without 



partiality or regard to the diftinftion of ranks. Book II r. 
and thus reftore men to fome degree of their ^— >/-*^ 
original equality. *5^*' 

The nobles were obliged to take arms in felf- 
defence. Hoftilities began, and ^Y^re carried 
on with all the rancour, with which refentment 
at oppreffion infpired the one party, and the 
idea of infulted dignity animated the other. As 
no perfon of honourable birth or of liberal 
education joined the Germanada, the councils 
as well as troops of the confederacy were con- 
duced by low mechanicks, who acquired the 
confidence of an enraged multitude chiefly by 
the fiercenefs of their zeal, and the extravagance 
of their proceedings. Among fuch men, the 
laws introduced in civilized nations, in order to 
reftrain or moderate the violence of war, were 
unknown or defpifed ; and they committed the 
wildeft afts of cruelty and outrage. 

The Emperor occupied with fupprefling the 
infurredion in Caftile, which more immediately 
threatened the fubverfion of his power and pre- 
rogative, was unable to give much attention to 
the tumults in Valencia, and left the nobility 
of that kingdom to fight their own battles. 
His viceroy, the Conde de Melito, had the 
fupreme command of the forces which the nobles 
raifed among their vaflals. The Germanada 
carried on the war during the years one thou- 
fand five hundred and twenty and twenty- one, 
with a more perfevering courage, than could 
have been cxpefted from a body fo tumultuary, 
under the conduft of fuch leaders. They de- 
feated the nobility in feveral aftions, which, 
though not confiderable, were extremely fharp. 
They repulfed them in their attempts to reduce 
different towns. But the nobles, by their fupe- 
rior fkill in war, and at the head of troops 



Bo oE in. more accuftomed to fcrvice, gained the advan- 
^^ — "^ *tagc in moft of the rencounters. At length, 
'^**' they were joined by a body of Caftilian cavalry, 
which the regents dilpatched towards Valencia, 
foon after their viAory over PadiUa at Vilklar, 
and by their affiftance they acquired fueh fupe- 
ricwity, that they entirely broke and ruined the 
Gernunada. The leaders of the party were 
put to death, almoft without any formality of 
legal trial, and fuffered fuch cruel punifhments, 
as the fenfe of recent injuries prompted the 
nobles to inflkSfc. The governmem of VaTcncia 
was re-eftabli(hed ia its ancient form \ 

Appearin- In AragOH, vioknt fymptoms of the fame 
aft^aLn hi ^P^^^ of difafifeftion and mutiny, which reigned 
Aragon. in the other kingdoms of Spain, began Ho ap^ 
pear -^ bat by the prudent comJuft of the rieeroy, 
Don John de Lanufa^ they were ft) far cowr- 
pofed, as to prevent their breaking o»t info- any 
Formidable open infutreftion. But in the ifland of Ma- 
laMzj^cl^ 30tc^ annexed to the crown of Aragon, the 
fame caufes which had exci^d tb€^ eommotions 
in Valencia^ produced effeft^ no* lefr violent. 
The people, impatient of the hardftips which 
they cftdwed under the rigid jurifdiflion of the 
March 19, nobility, took arms ia a tumultuary njanner ; 
*5*'- depofecJ their viceroy, drove him out of the 
ifland; and maffacred every gentleman wlio 
was fo unfortunate ais to fall into thejr hands. 
The obftinacy wich which the people of Ma- 
jorca perfifted in their rebeltien, was equal 
to the rage with which they began it. Many 
and vigorous efforts were requifite in order to 
Reduce them to obediences^ and tranquBfky 


S^t^ *r«. 


was re-cftablilhed in every part of Spain be- Book iir. 
fore they could be brought to fubmit to their "" ^^"""^ 
fovcrcign \ *5"- 

While the fplrit of difafFeftion was fo general Ciwre, 
among the Spaniards, and fo many caufes con- ycaudlh^ 
currcd in precipitating them into fuch violent union of the 
meafures, in order to obtain the redrcfs of their t"*^"*"' 
grievances, it may appear ftrangc, that the 
malecontents in the different kingdoms ihould 
have carried on their operations without any 
mutual concert, or even any intercourfc with 
each other. By uniting their councils and 
arms, they might have aded both with greater 
force, and with more effeft. The appearance 
of a national confederacy would have rendered 
it no lefs refpedtable among the people than 
formidable to the crown; and the Emperor, 
unable to refift fuch a combination,^ muft have 
complied with any terms which the members of 
it thought fit to prefcribe. Many things, how- 
ever, prevented the Spaniards from forming 
thcmfclves into one body, and purfuing com- 
mon meafures. The people of the different 
kingdoms in Spain, thougn they were become 
the fubjcdks of the fame fovereign, retained, in 
full force, their national antipathy to each other. 
The remembrance of their ancient rivalfhip and 
hoftilities was ftill recent, and the fenfe of rcci- 
ptocal injuries fo entire, as to be incompatible 
with their acting in confidence and concert. 
Each nation chofe rather to depend on its own 
efibrts and to maintain the ftruggle alone, than 
to implore the aid of neighbours, whom they 
diftrulled and hated. At the fame time the 
forms of g;overnnient in the ^veral kingdoms 



..^ Argcnfoli^ Anales de Aragon, c. 113. Ferrer. Hift, 
▼iii. ;4a. Styas Anatet de Aragon, cap. y. 11. 14. 76. Su 
Fcrrcrw Hift. d'Efpigac, viii. 579, Sec. 609. 


Book III. of Spain were fo different, and the grievances 
^^ — "^ * of which they complained, as well as the altera- 
'^^^* tions and amendments which they attempted td 
introduce, fo various, that it was not eafy to 
bring them to unite in any common plan. To 
this difunion Charles was indebted for the pre- 
fervation of his Spanifh crowns ; and while each 
of the kingdoms followed feparate meafures, all 
of them were obliged at laft to conform to the 
will of their fovereign. 

, The Empe- The arrival of the Emperor in Spain filled 
iTni'i'n.'i ge ^is fubjefts who had been in arms againft him 
fierousbe- with dcep apprehcnfions, from which he foon 
^"^rthc delivered them by an aft of clemency, no lefs 
makcon- prudcnt than generous. After a rebellion (o 
general, fcarcely twenty perfons, amqng fo many 
criminals obnoxious to the law, had been 
punifhed capitally in Caftile. Though ftrongly 
folicited by his council, Charles refufed to fhed 
any more blood by the hands of the execu- 
oa.2?. tioner; and publiftied a general pardon, ex- 
tending to all crimes committed fince the com- 
mencement of the inlurredtions, from which 
only fourfcore were excepted* Even thefe he 
fcems to have named, rather with an intention 
to intimidate others, than from any inclination 
to feize them j for when an officious courtier 
offered to inform him 'where one of the mofl 
confiderable among them was concealed, he 
avoided it by a good-natured pleafantry ; " Go,** 
fays he, " I have now no reafoa to be afraid of 
that man, but he has fome caufe to keep at a 
diflance from me; and you would be better 
employed in telling him that I am here, than in 
acquainting me with the place of his retreat ^.** 
By this appearance of magnanimity, as well as 


c Sandov. 377, &c. Vida deL Emper. Carlos por I>o« 
Jnan. Anton, de Vera y Zuniga, p. 30. 



by his care to avoid every thing which had Book fir. 
difgufted the Caftilians during his former re(i- ^ — ^ ^ 
dence among them ; by his addrefs in affuming *5^^* 
their manners, in fpeaking their language, and 
in complying with all their humours andcuf- 
toms, he acquired an afcendant over them which 
hardly any of their native monarchs had ever 
attained, and brought them to fupport him in 
all his enterprizes with a zeal and valour to 
which he owed much of his fuccefs and gran- 
deur • 

About the time that Charles landed in Spain ^^^^"'*^°^^'* 
Adrian fet out for Italy to take poffeflion of his Rome, tad 
new dignity. But though the Roman people ^^^" J"*' 
longed extremely for his arrival, they could there, 
not, on his firft appearance, conceal their fur- 
prize and difappointment. After being accuf- 
tomed to the princely magnificence or Julius, 
and the elegant fplendour of Leo, they beheld 
with contempt an old man of an humble deport- 
ment, of auftere manners, an enemy to pomp, 
deftitute of taftc in the arts, and unadorned with 
any of the external accomplilhments which the 
vulgar expeft in thofe raifed to eminent ftations ^ 
Nor did his political views and maxims feem 
lefs ftrange arid aftoniihing to the pontifical 
minifters. He acknowledged and bewailed the 
corruptions which abounded in the church, as 
well as In the court of Rome, and prepared to 
reform both; he difcovcred no intention of 
aggrandizing his family; he even fcrupled at 
retaining fuch territories as fome of his pre- 
dcceffors had acquired by violence or fraud, 
rather than by any legal title, and for that 
reafon he inverted Francefco Maria de Rovere 


* d Ulloa Vita de Carlo V. p. 85. « Goic. 1. xv. 238. 

Jovii Vita Adriani, 117. Bellcfor. Epitr. dcs Princ. 84. 


Book IU. anew in the duchy of Urbino, of which Lea 
^"'^ ^ had ftrippcd him, and furrendcred to the duke 
*5**' of Ferrara fcvcral places wrefted from him by 
the church ^. To men little habituated to fe« 
princes regulate their conduct by the maxims 
of morality and the principles of juftice, thefe 
actions of the new Pope appeared inconteftablc 
proofs of his weaknefs or inexperience, Adrian, 
whov was a perfeft ft ranger to the complex 
and intricate fyftem of Italian politicks, and 
who could place no confidence in perfons whofe 
fubtile refinements in bufinefs fuited fo ill with 
his natural fimplicity and candour, being often 
cmbarraffed and irrefolutc in his deliberations, 
the opinion of his incapacity daily increaiS^, 
until both his perfon and government became 
objects of ridicule among his fubjedts s. 

^ur?fo*ri. Adrian, though devoted to the Emperor, 
flore peace endeavoured to affume the impartiality which 
lo Europe. \y^^^^^ jj^^ common father pf Chriftendom, and 

laboured to reconcile the contending princes, 
. that they might unite in a league againft Soly- 
man, whofe conqueft of Rhodes rendered him 
more formidable than ever tq Europe^- But 
this was an undertaking far beyond his abilities. 
To examine fuch a variety of pretenfions, to 
adjuft fuch a number of interfering interefts, to 
extinguifh the paflions which ambition, emula* 
tion, and mutual injuries had kindled, XQ bring 
fo many hoftile powers to purfue the fame 
fcheme with unanimity and vigour, required 
not only uprightnefs of intention, but a great 
fuperiority both of underftanding and addrefs. 


f Guic lib. XV. 240. S Jov. Vita Adr. 118. P. 

Mart. Ep. 774. Ruicelli Lettres de Princ. vol. i. 87. 96. 
101. t Bellcfor. Epitr. p. 86. 


TtiE Italian ftatcs were no kfs defirous of Book III. 
peace than the Pope. The Imperial army under ^ — ^ — ^ 
Colonna was ftill Lept on foot ; but as the Em- *^*^* 
peror's revenues in Spain, in Naples, and in 
the Low Countries, were either exhaufted, or 
applied to feme other purpofe, it depended 
entirely for pay and fubfiftence on the Italians. 
A great part of it was quartered in the eccle- 
fiaftical ftate, and monthly contributions were 
levied upon the Florentines, the Milanefe, the 
Genoefe, and Lucchefe, by the viceroy of Na- 
ples; and though all exclaimed againft fuch 
oppreflion, and were impatient to be delivered 
from it, the dread of worfe confequences from 
the rage of the army, or the refentment of the 
Emperor, obliged them to fubmit '. 

60 much regard, however, was paid to the^ '513. 
Pope's exhortations, and to a bull which heietgul 
iffued requiring all Chriftian princes to confent J?^i,°^.^^^'' 
to a truce for three years, that the Imperial, the King. 
French, and Englifh ambafladors at Rome were 
empowered to treat of that matter ; but while . 
th^ wafted their time in fruitlefs negociations, 
their mafters continued their preparations for 
war. The Venetians, who had hitherto adhered 
with great firmnefs to their alliance with Francis, 
being now convinced that his affairs in Italy 
were in a defperate fituation, entered into a 
league againft him with the Emperor ; to which 
Adrian, at the inftigation of his countryman Juncas. 
and friend Charles de Lannoy, viceroy of Na- 
ples, who perfuaded him that the only obftacles 
to peace arofe from the ambition of the French 
King, foon after acceded. The other Italian 
ftates followed their example; and Francis was 


* Guic. l.xv. 238. 


Book III. left, without a fingle ally, to refill the eflForts 
*— -v-^-'of fo many enemies, whofe armies threatened; 
* 5^^' and whofe territories encompaffed, his dominions 
on every fide ^. 

FrtncU'e The dread of this powerful confederacy, it 
m^afures in ^^^ thought, would havc obliged Francis to 
oppofiiion keep wholly on the defenfive, or at leafl: have 
***''' prevented his entertaining any thoughts of 
marching into Italy. But it was the charadler 
of that prince, too apt to become remifs, and 
even negligent on ordinary occafions, to rouze 
at the approach of danger, and not only to 
encounter it with fpirit and intrepidity, qualities 
which never forfook him, but to provide againft 
it with diligence and induftry. Before his ene- 
mies were ready to execute any of their fchemes, 
Francis had aflembled a numerous army. His 
authority over his own fubjefts was far greater 
than that which Charles or Henry pofiefied over 
theirs. They depended on their diets, their 
cortes, and their parliaments for money, which 
was ufually granted them in fmall fums, very 
flowly, and with much reluftance. The taxes 
he could impofe were more confiderable, and 
levied with greater difpatch ; fo that on this, as 
well as on other occafions, his army was in the 
field while they were devifing ways and means 
for raifing theirs. Senfible of this advantage, 
Francis hoped to difconcert all the Emperor's 
fchemes by marching in perfon into the Mila- 
nefe ; and this bold meafure, the more formida- 
ble, becaufe unexpefted, could fcarcely have 
sufpended failed of producing that effedl. The vanguard 
dii^ovcr%fOf his army had already reached Lyons, and he 
theconfta- himfclf was haflicning after it with the fecond di- 
bWs wo- vifion of his troops, when the difcovery of a 
¥"<^y- domeftick 

k Guic. 1. XV. 241. 248. 


domeftick confpiracy which threatened the ruin Book II[« 
of the kingdom, obliged him to ftop fhort, and ' ^ ' 
to alter his meafures. ' ^^^* 

The author of this dangerous plot was Charles J^J* <^^»"^- 
duke of Bourbon, lord high conftable, whofe . 
noble birth, vaft fortune, and hi^h office, raifed 
him to be the moft powerful fubjedb in France, 
as his great talents, equally fuited to the field 
or the council, and nis fignal fervices to the 
crown, rendered him the moft illuftrious and 
defer ving. The near refemblance between the 
King and him in many of their qualities, both 
being fond of war, and ambitious to excel in 
manly exercifes, as well as their equality in age, 
and their proximity of blood, ought naturally 
to have fecured him a confiderable fliare in that 
Monarch's favour. But unhappily Louife, ^he jJ:J"'*.*^*^ 
King's mother, had contracted a violent aver- tion.' * *^ 
fion to the houfe of Bourbon,^ for no better 
reafon than becaufe Anne of Bretagne, the 
Queen of Louis the Twelfth, with whom fhe 
lived in perpetual enmity, difcovered a peculiar 
attachment to that branch of the royal family ; 
and (he had taught her fon, who was too fuf- 
ceptible of any impreffion which fhe gave him, 
to view all the conftable's aftions with a mean 
and unbecoming jealoufy. His diftinguiOied 
merit at the battle of Marignano had not been 
fufficiently rewarded; he had been recalled 
from the government of Milan upon very frivo- 
lous pretences, and had met with a cold recep- 
tion, which his prudent conduft in that difficult 
ftation did not deferye; the payment of his 
penfions had been fufpended without any good 
caufe ; and during the campaign of one thou- 
fand five hundred and twenty-one, the King, as 
has already been related, had affronted him in 
prefence of the whole army, by giving the com- 
VoL. I^ P mand 


Book III. mand of the van to the duke of Alen^on. The 
^**-v— ' conftable, at firft, bore thefe indignities with 
'5*^* greater moderation than could have been cx- 
pcfted from an high-fpirited Prince, confcious 
of what was due to his rank, and to his fervices. 
Such a multiplicity of injuries, however, ex- 
haulled his patience ; and infpiring him with 
thoughts of revenge, he retired from court, and 
began to hold a fecret correfppndence with fome 
of the Emperor's minifters. 

About that time the dutchefs of Bourbon 
happened to die without leaving any children. 
Louife, of a difpofition no lefs amorous than 
vindidive, and flill fufceptible of the tender 
paflions at the age of forty-fix, began to view 
the Conftable, a Prince as amiable as he was 
accompliftied, with other eyes; and notwith- 
ftanding the great difparity of their years, (he 
formed the fcheme of marrying him. Bourbon, 
who might have expefted every thing to which 
an ambitious mind can afpire, fnom the doting 
fondnefs of a woman who governed her fon and 
the kingdom, being incapable either of imitating 
the Queen in her fudden tranfition from hatred 
to love, or of diflembling fo meanly as to pre- 
tend affcdion for one who had perfecuted him 
fo long with unprovoked malice, not only re- 
jefted the match, but embittered his refufal by 
fom^ fevere raillery on Louife's perfon and cha- 
rafter. She finding lierfelf not only contemned, 
but infulted, her difappointed love turned into 
hatred, and fincc fhe could not marry, (he re- 
folved to ruin Bourbon. 

For this purpofe (he confultcd with the chan- 
cellor Du Prat, a man, who, by a bafe profti- 
tution of great talents and of fuperior (kill in 
his profeflTion, had rifcn to that high office. 




By his advice a law-fuit was comimnced againft Book III. 
the Conftable, for the whole eftate belonging to * — >^'**^ 
the houfe of Bourbon. Part of it was claimed '^*^* 
in the King's name, as having fallen to the 
crown*, part in that of Louife, as the nearefl: 
heir in blood of the deceafed Dutchefs. Both 
thcfe claims were equally deftitute of any foun- 
dation in juftice •, but Louife, by her folicita- 
tions and authority, and Du Prat, by employ- 
in| all the artifices and chicanery of Uw, pre- 
vailed on the judges to order the eftate to be 
fequcftered. This unj uft decilion drove the Con- ^^* ^««^5' 
ftable to defpair, and to meafures which defpair ^fSr****** 
alone could have diftated. He renewed his in-^"*P«^- 
trigues in the Imperial court, and flattering 
himfelf that the injuries which he had fufiered 
would juftify his having recourfe to any means 
in order to obtain revenge, he offered to transfer 
his allegiance from his natural fovereign to the 
Emperor, and to aflift him in the conqueft of 
France. Charles, as well as the King of Eng- 
land, to whom the fecr^t was communicated ', 
expeding prodigious advantages from this revolt, 
were ready to receive him with open arms, and 
fpared neither promifes nor allurements which 
might help to confirm him in his refolution. 
The Emperor offered him in marriage his fitter 
Eleanor, the widow of the King of Portugal, 
with a vaft portion. He was included as a prin- 
cioal in the treaty between Charles and Henry. 
The counties of Provence and Dauphine were 
to be fettled on him, with the title of King« 
The Emperor engaged to enter France by ^hc 
Pyrenees, and Henry, fupported by the Flem- 
ings, to invade Picardy ; while twelve thoufand 
Germans, levied at their common charge, were 
to penetrate into Burgundy, and to ad in con-* 

P 2 cert 

' Rymcr's Fader, xiii. 794. 


Book III. cert with Bourbon, who undertook to raife fix 
^""^■"■■ ^ thoufand men among his friends and vaffals in 
^^^^' the heart of the kingdom. The execution of 
this deep laid and dangerous plot was fufpended, 
until the King fhould crofs the Alps with the 
only army capable of defending his dominions ; 
and as he was far advanced on his march for 
that purpofe, France flood on the brink of de- 
ftruftion ™. 

difcovercd. Happily for that kingdom, a negociation 
which had now been carrying on for feveral 
months, though condufted with the moft pro- 
found fecrecy, and communicated only to a 
few chofen confidents, could not altogether 
efcape the obfervation of the reft of the Con- 
ftable's numerous retainers, rendered more in- 
quifitive by finding that they were diftrufted. 
Two of thefe gave the King fome intimation of 
a myfterious correfpondence betwen their matter 
and the Count de Roeux, a Flemifh nobleman 
of great confidence with the Emperor. Francis, 
who could not bring himfelf to fufpeft that the 
firft prince of the blood would be fo bafe as to 
betray the kingdom to its enemies, immediately 
repaired to Moulins, where the Conftable was 
in bed, feigning indifpofition, that he might not 
be obliged to accompany the King into Italy, 
/ and acquainted him of the intelligence which he 
had received. Bourbon, with great folemnity, 
and the moft impofing afFeftation of ingenuity 
and candour, aflerted his own innocence ; and 
. as his health, he faid, was now more confirmed, 
he promifed to join the army within a few days. 
Francis, open and candid himfelf, and too apt 
to be deceived by the appearance of thofe vir- 

m Thuani Hift. lib. i. c. lo. Heutcr. Rer. Auftr. lib. 
viii. c. 1 8. p. toy. 


tues in others, gave fuch credit to what he faid,BooK III. 
that he refufed to arreft him, although advifed ^ -y* ^ 
to take that precaution by his wifeft counfellors ; *^^^' 
and as if the danger had been over, he con- 
tinued his march towards Lyons. The Con- September, 
ftable fet out foon after, feemingly with an in- 
tention to follow him ; but turning fuddenly to Flies to 
the left he crofled the Rhone, and after infinite '^"'y* 
fatigues and perils, efcaped all the parties which 
the King, fenfible too late of his credulity, fent 
out to intercept him, and reached Italy in 
fafety °. 

Francis took every poflible precaution to 
prevent the bad effefts of the irreparable error 
which he had committed. He put garrifons 
in all the places of ftrength in the Confta- 
ble's territories. He feized all the gentlemen 
whom he could fufpedt of being his ailbciates ; 
and as he had not hitherto difcovered the whole 
extent of the confpirator's fchemes, nor knew 
how far the infeftion had fpread among his fub- 
jefts, he was afraid that his abfence might en- 
courage them to make fome defperate attempt, 
and for that reafon relinquiflied nis intention of 
leading his army in perfon into Italy. 

He did not, however, abandon his defign on French in, 
the Milanefe -, but appointed admiral IJonnivet JJIJ^Jj^, 
to take the fupreme command in his (lead, and 
to march into that country with an army thirty 
thoufand ftrong. Bonnivet did not owe this 
preferment to his abilities as a general ; for of 
all the talepts requifite to form a great com- 
mander, he poflefled only perfonal courage, the 
lowed and the mod common. But he was the 
moil accompliihed gentleman in the French 


^ Mem. de Bellay, p. 64, &c. Pai^uier Recherches de 
|a France, p. i^Si. 


Book III. court, of agreeable manners, an infinuating 
"^^ ^ addrefsy ^ and a fprightly converfation ; and Fran- 
^* cis, who lived in great fanniliarity with his cour- 
tiers, was fo charmed with thefe qualities, that 
he honoured him, on all occafions, with the mod 
partial and diftinguilhing marks of his favour. 
He was, befides, the implacable enemy of Bour- 
bon ; and as the King hardly knew whom to truft 
at that junfture, he thought the chief command 
could be lodged no where fo fafely as in his 

^^^d^a Colon N A, who was cntrufted with the de- 
fence of the Milanefe, his own conqueft, was in 
• no condition to refift fuch a formidable army. 
He was deftitute of money fufficient to pay his 
troops, which were reduced to a fmall number by 
ficknefs or defertion, and had, for that reafon, 
been obliged to neglcft every precaution necef- 
fary for the fecurity of the country. The only 
plan which he formed was to defend the paflage 
of the river Teffino againft the French ; and as 
if he had forgotten how eafily he himfelf had 
difconcerted a fimilar fcheme formed by Lautrcc, 
he promifed with great confidence on its being 
cfFedtual. But in fpite of all his caution, it fuc- 
ceeded no better with him than with Lautrec. 
Bonnivet paflcd the river without lofs, at a ford 
which had been neglected, and the Imperialifts 
retired to Milan, preparing to abandon the town 
as foon as the French fhould appear before it. 
By an unaccountable negligence, which Guic- 
ciardini imputes to infatuation % Bonnivet did 
not advance for three or four days, and loft thfe 
opportunity with which his good fortune pre- 
fented him. The citizens recovered from their 
confternation ; Colonna, ftill aftive at the age 
of fourfcore, and Morone, whole enmity to France 


o Guic. lib. XV. 254, 


was indefatigable, were employed night and day Book llf. 
in repairing the fortifications, in amafling provi- ^— "v"*^ 
fions, in coUcfting troops from every quarter; *^*^* 
and by the time the French approached, had 

gut the city in a condition to ftand a fiege, 
onnivet, after fome fruitlefs attempts on the 
town, which haraffed his own troops more than 
the enemy, was obliged, by the inclemency of 
the feafon, to retire into wipter quarters. 

During thefc tranfadions Pope Adrian died i ^}^ ^ 
an event fo much to the fatisfaftion of the ""* 
Roman people, whofe hatred or contempt of 
him augmented every day, that the night after 
bis deceafe, they adorned the door of nis chief 
phyfician's houfe with garlands, adding this in- 
HIS COUNTRY?. The Cardinal de Medici 
initantly renewed his pretentions to the papal 
dignity, and entered the conclave with high ex- 
pedations on his own part, and a general opU 
nion of the people that they would be fuccefsfuK 
But though fupportcd by the Imperial fadtion, 
poflefled of great perfonal intereft, and capable 
of all the artifices, refinements, and corruption, 
which reign in thofe aflcmblies, the obftinacy 
and intirigues of his rivals protrafted the con- 
clave to th^ unufual length of fifty days. The Ej«^'oo o£ 
addrefs and perfcverance of the cardinal at laft vilT*"' 
furmounted every obftacle^ He was raifed to ^^"^^ *'• 
the head of the church, and aflumed the go- 
Yernmcnt <^ it by the name of Clement VII. ^ 
The choice was univerf^Uy approved of. High 
expe6l;atipns were conceived of a Pope, whofe, 
jreat talents, and long es^perience in bufinefs^ 
.bemed to qualify hi^ n.Q. lefs for defending thq. 
^iritu^l interefts of the church, expof^d to im- 


Pjpviiyit. Adr. 127* 


Book lll.minent danger by the progrefs of Luther's opi- 
*■ — ^^-^^nions, than for condudling its political opera- 
*^^^' tions with the prudence requiiite at fuch a diffi- 
cult jundture ; and who, befidcs thefe advan- 
tages, rendered the ecclefiaftical ftate more 
refpedable, by having in his hands the govern- 
ment of Florence, together with the wealth of 
the family of Medici ^. 

v/oifeydif. CARDINAL WoLSEY, not difhcartened by the 
andfjicri difappointment of his ambitious views at the 
with reient- former elcdion, had entertained more fanguinc 
"^*" hopes of fuccefs on this occafion. Henry wrote 

to the Emperor, reminding him of his engage- 
ments to Iccond the pretenfions of his minifter. 
Wolfey beftlrred himfelf with aftivity fuitable 
to the importance of the prize for which he 
contended, and inftrufted his agents at Rome 
to fpare neither promifes nor bribes in order to 
gain his end. But Charles had either amufed 
him with vain hopes which he never intended 
to gratify, or he judged it impolitick to oppofe 
a candidate who had fuch a profpedt of fucceed- 
ing as Medici ; or perhaps the cardinals durft 
not venture to provoke the people of Rome, 
while their indignation ao;ainft Adrian's memory 
was ftill frefh, by placing another Uhra-mon- 
tane in the papal throne. Wolfey, after all his 
expeftations and endeavours, had the morti- 
fication to fee a Pope eieded, of fuch an age, 
and of fo vigorous a conftitution, that he could 
not comfort himfelf much with the chance of 
furviving him. This fecond proof fully con- 
vinced Wolfey of the Emperor's infincerity, and 
it excited in him all the refentment which an 
haughty mind feels on being at once difap- 
pointed and deceived -, and though Clement en- 
deavoured to foothe his vindiftive nature by 


<3 Guic. 1. XV. 263. 


granting him a commiffion to be legate in Eng- Book Iif, 
land during life,- with fuch ample powers as ' — ^~*-' 
veftcd in him almoft the whole papal jurifdic- '^^^" 
tion in that kingdom, the injury he had received 
entirely diffolved the tie which had united him 
to Charles, and from that moment he meditated 
revenge. It was neceflury, however, to conceal 
his intention from his mafter, and to fufpend 
the execution of it, until, by a dexterous im- 
provement of the incidents which might occur, 
he (hould be able gradually to alienate the King's 
afifeftions from the Emperor. For this rcafon, 
he was fo far from exprefling any uneafinefs on 
account of the repulfe which he had met with, 
that he abounded on every occafion, private as 
well as publick, in declarations of his high fatif- 
fadion with Clement's promotion \ 

Henry had, during the campaign, fulfilled Henry's 
with great fincerity whatever he was bound top^rtncc!'"*" 
perform by the league againft France, though 
more flowly than he could have wilhed. His 
thoughtlefs profufion, and total negled: of oeco- 
nomy, reduced him often to great ftraits for 
money. The operations of war were now car- 
ried on in Europe in a manner very different 
from that which had long prevailed. Inftead of 
armies fuddenly aflembled, which under diftindt 
chieftains followed their prince into the field 
for a (hort fpace, and ferved at their own cofl, 
troops were now levied at great charge, and 
received regularly confiderable pay. Inllead of 
impatience on both fides to bring every quarrel 
to the iffue of a battle, which commonly de- ^ 
cided the fate of open and defencelefs countries, 
and allowed the barons, together with their vaf- 
fals, to return to their ordinary occupations^ 

town I 

r Fiddes's Life of Wolfcy, 294, &c. Herbert. 


Book III. towns were fortified with great art, and defended 

^^^'^ ' with much obftinacy ; war, from a very fimple, 
'^*^* became a very intricate fcience ; and campaigns 
grew of courfe to be more tedious, and lefs 
decifive. The expence which thefe alterations 
in the military fyftem neceflarily created, ap- 
peared intolerable to nations hitherto unaccuf- 
tomed to the burden of heavy taxes. Hence 
proceeded the frugal, and even parfimonious 
fpirit of the Englifti parliaments in that age, 
which Henry, with all his authority, was feldom 
able to overcome. The commons, having re- 
fufed at this time to grant him the fupplies which 
he demanded, he had recourfe to the ample and 
almoft unlimited prerogative which the Kings 
of England then poffeffed, and by a violent 
and unufual exertion of it, raifed the money he 

Sq[»t. %7. wanted. This, however, wafted fo much time, 
that it was late in the feafon before his army, 
under the duke of Suffolk, could take the field. 
Being joined by a confiderable body of Flemings, 
UufFolk marched into Picardy, and Francis, from 
his extravagant eagernefs to recover the Mila- 
nefe, having left that frontier almoft unguarded, 
he penetrated as far as the banks of the river 
Oyfe, within eleven leagues of Paris, filling that 
capital with confternation. But the arrival of 
fome troops detached by the King, who was ftill 
at Lyons ; the aftive gallantry of the French* 
officers, who allowed the allies no refpite night 
or day -, the rigour of a moft unnatural feafon„ 
together with fcarcijty of provifions, compelled 

NoTcmber. Suffolk to retire ; andLa Tremoiiille, who com-* 
manded in thofe parts, had the glory of having,, 
with an handfpl of men, checked the progrefs of 
a formidable army, and of driving them with ig- 
nominy out of the French territories \ 

» Herbert. Mem. de Beltay, 73, &c. 


The Emperor's attempts upon Burgundy and Book IIL 
Guicnne were not more fortunate, though in "" ^ ^ 
both thefe provinces Francis was equally ill pre- AndA^ofe 
pared to refift them. The conduft and valour ^^ ^^ ^•^- 
of his generals fupplied his want of forefight ; sjlllil^ 
the Germans who made an irruption into one 
of thefe provinces, and the Spaniards who 
attacked the other, were rcpulfcd with great dif- 

Thus ended the year 1523, during Which Eod of the 
Francis's good fortune and fuccefs had been ^^*°*^'*^ 
fuch as gave all Europe an high idea of his 
power and refources. He had difcovered and 
difconcerted a dangerous confpiracy, the author 
of which he had driven into exile, almoft without 
an attendant ; he had rendered abortive all the 
fchemes of the powerful confederacy formed 
againft him; he had protefted his dominions 
when attacked on three different fides; and 
though his army in the Milanefe had not made 
fuch progrefs as might have been expefted from 
its fuperiority to the enemy in number, he had 
recovered and ftill kept pofTeflion of one half of 
that dutchy. 

The enfuing year opened with events more «$*4. 
difaftrous to France. Fontarabia was loft by ff^thT!""* 
the cowardice or treachery of its governor. In p^«- 
Italy, the allies refolved on an early and vigo- *'*^ 
rous effort in order to difpoflefs Bonnivet of 
that part of the Milanefe which lies beyond the 
Tefino. Clement, who, under the pontificates 
of Leo and Adrian, had difcovered an impla* 
cable enmity to France, began now to view the 
power which the Emperor was daily acquiring 
in Italy, with fo much jealoufy, that he refufed 
to accede, as his prcdeceflTors had done, to the 
league againft Francis, and forgetting private 




Book lil. paffions and animofities, laboured with the zeal 
^— V — -» which became his character, to bring about a 
'^^^' reconciliation among the contending parties. 
Imperial ar-Bgt all his cttdeavours wcrc incffcdual ; a nu- 
ukeThe^ ^" mcrous army, to which each of the allies fur- 
fieid early, nifhed their contingent of troops, was affembicd 
at Milan by the beginning of March. Lannoy, 
viceroy of Naples, took the command of it 
upon Colonna's death, though the chief direc- 
tion of military operations was committed to 
Bourbon, and the marquis de Pefcara-, the 
latter the ablcft and molt enterprifing of the 
Imperial generals -, the former infpired by his 
refentment with new adtivity and invention, and 
acquainted fo thoroughly with the charafters 
of the French commanders, the genius of their 
troops, and the ftrength as well as weaknefs of 
their armies, as to be of infinite fervicc to the 
party which he had joined. But all thefe ad- 
vantages were nearly loft through the Emperor's 
inability to raife money fulHcient for executing 
the various and extenfive plans which he had 
Retarded by formed. When his troops were commanded to 
ihrtroops?* niarch, they mutinied againft their leaders, de- 
manding the pay which was due to them for 
fome months; and difregarding both the me- 
naces and intreaties of their officers, threatened 
to pillage the city of Milan, if they did not in- 
ftantly receive fatisfadion. Out of this difficulty 
the generals of the allies were extricated by Mot 
rone, who prevailing on his countrymen, over 
whom his influence was prodigious, to advance 
the fum that was requifite, the army took the 

The French BoNNivET was deftitute of troops to oppofe 
abandon the ^his army, and ftill more of the talent5 which 

MJlancfe. CQUlc^ 

^ Guic. 1. XV. 267. Capella, 190. 


could render him an equal match for its leaders. Book IIL 
Aifter various movements and encounters, de-'"^^"'^ 
fcribed with great accuracy by the contemporary 
hiftorians, a detail of which, at this diftance of 
time, would be equally unintercfting and un- 
inttrudtive, he was forced to abandon the ftrong 
camp in which he had intrenched himfclf at 
Biagrafla. Soon after, partly by his own mif- 
conduft, partly by the activity of the enemy, 
who haraffed and ruined his army by continual 
Ikirmiflies, while they carefully declined a battle 
which he often offered them; and partly by 
the caprice of 6000 Swifs, who refufed to join 
his army, though within a day's march of it 5 he 
was reduced to the neceflity of attempting a 
retreat into France through the valley of Aoft. 
Juft as he arrived on the banks of the Seflia, 
and began to pafs that river, Bourbon and Pef- 
cara appeared with the vanguard of the allies, 
and attacked his rear with great fury. At the 
beginning of the charge, Bonnivet, while exert- 
ing himfelf with much valour, was wounded 
fo dangeroufly as obliged him to quit the field ; 
and the conduft of the rear was committed to 
the chevalier Bayard, who, though lb much a 
ftranger to the arts of a court that he never rofe 
to the chief command, was always called, in 
times of real danger, to the pofts of greateft 
difficulty and importance. He put himfelf at 
the head of the men at arms, and animating 
them by his prefence and example to fuftain 
the whole (hock of the enemy's troops, he 
gained time for the reft of his countrymen to 
make good their retreat. But in this fervice Death of 
he received a wound which he immediately per-?!** ^*^*^'^*', 
ceived to be mortal, and being unable to con- md ruin of' 
tinue any longer on horfeback, he ordered one ^^^ ^''*^"^^ 
of his attendants to place him under a tree, with 
his face towards the enemy 5 then fixing his 



Book III. cycs on the guard of his fword, which he held 
"^-^"^^^"^ up inftead of a crofs, he addrcfled his prayers 
' ^'^^ to God, and in this pofture, which became his 
charafber both as a foldier and as a Chriftian, 
he calmly waited the approach of death. Bour- 
bon, who led the foremoft of the enemy's 
troops, found him in this fituation, and ex- 
prefled regret and pity at the fight. *' Pity not 
•* me,'* cried the high-fpirited chevalier, ** I die 
«^ as a man of honour ought, in the difcharge. 
•* of my duty: They indeed arc obje£ts of 
pity, who fight againil their King, their 
country, and their oath.'* The marquis dc 
Fefcara, pafiing foon after, manifefted his admi- 
ration of Bayard's virtues, as well as his forrow 
for his fate, with the generofity of a gallant 
enemy ; and finding that he could not be re- 
moved with fafety from that fpot, ordered a tent 
to be pitched there, and appointed proper per- 
fons to attend him. He died, notwithftanding 
their care, as his anceftors for feveral generati- 
ons had done, in the field of battle. Pefcara 
ordered his body to be embalmed, and fent to 
his relations ; and fuch was the refpeft paid to 
military merit in that age, that" the duke of Sa- 
voy commanded it to be received with royal ho- 
nours in all the cities of his donnnions ; in Dau- 
phine, Bayard's native country, the people of 
all ranks came out in a folemn procefiion to 
meet it «. 

BoNNiVET led back the fliattered' remains of 
his army 'into France ; and in one fhort cam- 
paign, Francis was (tripped of all he had pof- 
fefled in Italy, and left without one ally in that 


« Bellefor. Epitr. p. 75. Mem.de Bellay^ 75. Oeuv. 
ie Brant, torn. vi. 108, &c» Pafquier Recherches, p. 526. 


While the war kindled by the emulation of Book HI, 
Charles and Francis fpread over fo many coun- ' ^^ ' 
tries of Europe, Germany enjoyed a profound prog^reft'of 
tranquillity, extremely favourable to the refor- ^^e refor- 
mation, which continued to make progrefs cJImM^. 
daily. During Luther's confinement in his 
retreat at Wartburg, Carloftadius, one of his 
difciples, animated with the fame zeal, but pof- 
feffed of lefs prudence and nioderation than his 
.mailer, began to propagate wild and dangerous 
' opinions, chiefly among the lower people. En- 
couraged by his exhortations, they rofe in fe- 
veral villages of Saxony, broke into the churches 
with tumultuary violence, and threw down and 
deftroyed the images with which they were, 
adorned. Thefe irregular and outrageous pror' 
cccdings were fo repugnant to all the Elcftor'i 
cautious maxims, that, if they had not received 
a timely check, they could hardly have failed 
of alienating from the reformers a prince, no 
lefs jealous of his own authority, than afraid 
of giving offence to the Emperor, and other 
patrons of the ancient opinions. Luther, {en- 
able of the danger, immediately quitted his re- 
treaty without waiting for Frederick's permif- 
fion, and returned to Wittemberg. Happily for ^^^^ ^• 
the reformation, the veneration for his perfon '^**' 
and authority were ftill fo great, that his appear- 
ance alone fuppreffed that fpirit of extravagance 
which began -to feize his party. Carloftadius 
and his fanatical followers, ftruck dumb by his 
rebukes, declared that they heard the voice of 
an angel, not of a man ^. 

Before Luther left his retreat, he had begun L"*^*' 
to tranflate the Bible intp the German tongue, Ihe^B^we. 
an undertaking of no lefs difficulty than im- 

K Sleid. Hift. 5 1 . Seckend. 19;. 


Book III. portance, of which he was extremely fond, and 
' ^ ' tor which he was well qualified : He had a 
^^ *' competent knowledge in the original languages;' 
a thorough acquaintance with the ft yle and fenti- 
ments ot the infpired writers ; and though his 
co4Tipofitions in Latin were rude and barbarous, 
he was reckoned a great mafter of the purity 
of his mother tongue, and could exprefs himfelf 
with all the elegance of which it is capable. 
By his own afliduous application, together with 
the afliftance of Melandhon and feveral other of 
his difciples, he finiflied part of the New Tefta- 
ment in the year 1 522 ; and the publication of 
it proved more fatal to the church of Rome, 
than that of all his own works. It was read 
with wonderful avidity and attention by perfons 
of every rank. They were aftonilhed at dif- 
covering how contrary the precepts of the 
Author of our religion are, to the inventions of 
thofe priefts who pretended to be his vicege- 
rents ; and having now in their hand the rule 
of faith, they thought themfelves qualified, by 
applying it, to judge of the eftablifhed opinions, 
and to pronounce when they were conformable 
to the ftandard, or when they departed from it. 
The great advantages arifing from Luther's 
tranflation of the Bible, encouraged the advo- 
cates for reformation, in the other countries of 
Europe, to imitate his example, and to publifh 
verfions of the Scriptures in their refpeftive lan- 


Several CI- About this time, Nuremberg, Francfort, 
Ihe nu''of Hamburdi, and feveral other cities in Germany 
the Popifh of the firft rank, openly embraced the reformed 
church. religion, and by the authority of their magi- 
ftrates abolifhed tlie mafs, and the other fuper- 


tr t- 


ftitious rites of Popery J. The eleftor of Book III. 
Brandenburgh, the Dukes of Brunfwick and * ^^"*^*^ 
Lunenburgh, and prince of Anhalt, became ^*^* 
avowed patrons of Luther's opinions, and coun- 
tenanced the preaching of them among their 

The court of Rome beheld this growing de- Metfures 
feftion with great concern; and Adrian's firftt^AdJun 
care, after his arrival in Italy, had been to de- in order to 
liberate with the Cardinals, concerning the pj'ogl^^fj^ 
proper means of putting a ftop to it. This <»»« Re^r- 
Pope was profoundly fkilled in fcholaftick theo- "*^*''°* 
logy, and having been early taken notice of on 
that account, he ftill retained fuch an exceffive 
admiration of the fcience to which he owed his 
reputation and fuccefs in life, that he confidered 
Luther's inveftives againft the fchoolmen, par- 
ticularly JThomas Aquinas, as little lefs than 
blafphemy. All the tenets of that do6lor ap- 
peared to him fo clear and irrefragable, that he 
fuppofed every perfon who called in queftion 
or contradifted them, to be either blinded by 
ignorance, or to be ading in oppolition to the 
convidtion of his own mind: Of courfe, no 
Pope was ever more bigotted or inflexible with 
regard to points of dodtrine than Adrian •, he 
not only maintained them as Leo had done, 
becauie they were ancient, or becaufe it was 
dangerous for tlie church to allow of innova- 
tions, but he adhered to them with the zeal of 
a theologian, and with the tenacioufnefs of a 
difputant. At the fame time his own manners 
being extremely limple, and uninfefted with 
any of the vices which reigned in the court of 
Rome, he was as fenfible of its corruptions as 
the reformers themfelves, and viewed them with 

Vol. II. Q^ no 

y Seckend. 241. Chytrasi Contm. Kraiitzii, 205. 


Book IU. no lefs indignation. The brief which he ad- 
''"'^ ^ drefled to the diet of the Empire affembled at 
Nov?^sa*- Nuremberg) and the inftrudtions he gave Chc- 
regato, the nuncio whom he fent hither, were 
framed agreeably to thefe views. On the one 
hand, he condemned Luther's opinions with 
more afperity and rancour of cxpreflion than 
Leo had ever ufed ^ he feverely cenfured the 
Princes of Germany for fufFering him to fpread 
his pernicious tenets, by their neglefting to 
execute the edift of the diet at Worms, and 
required them, if Luther did not inftantly re- 
traft his errors, to deftroy him with fire as a 
gangrened and incurable member, in like man- 
ner as Dathan and Abiram had been cut off by 
Mofes, Ananias and Sapphira by the apoftles, 
and John Hufs and Jerome of Prague by their 
anceftors *. On the other hand, he, with great 
candour, and in the moft explicit terms, ac- 
knowledged the corruptions of the Roman court 
to be the fource from which had flowed moft of 
the evils the church now felt or dreaded; he 
promifed to exert all his authority towards re- 
forming thefe abufes, with as much difpatch as 
the nature and inveteracy of the diforders would 
admit ; and he requefted of them to give him 
their advice with regard to the moft efFeftual 
means of fupprefling that new herefy which had 
fprung up among them *• 

Diet of Nu- The members of the Diet, aftpr praifing the 
ptoj^fe^a Pope's pious. and laudable intentions, excufed 
general thcmfdves for not executing the edi(5t of Worms, 
thrp^rojTc'r by alleging that the prodigious incrcafe of 
remedy. Luther's followcrs, as well as the averfion to 
the court of Rome among their other fubjedts 


* Fafcic. Rcr. Expet. & Fugiend. 34a. » Ibid. p. 545* 


on account of its innumerable exadtions, ren-BooKlif. 
dered fuch an attempt not only dangerous, but ' ^^^^^^ 
impoffible. They affirmed that the grievances ^^^* 
of Germany, which did not arife from imaginary 
injuries, but from impofitions no lefs real than 
intolerable, as his Holinefs would learn from a 
catalogue of them, which they intended to lay 
before him, called now for fome new and effica- 
cious remedy; and in their opinion, the only 
remedy adequate to the difeafe, or which afforded 
them any hopes of feeing the church reftored to 
foundnefs and vigour, was a General Council. 
Such a council, therefore, they advifed him, 
after obtaining the Emperor's confent, to aflem- 
ble without delay, in one of the great cities of 
Germany, that all who had right to be prefent 
Blight deliberate with freedom, and propofe 
their opinions with fuch boldnefs, as the dan- 
gerous fituation of religion at this jundture re- 
quired \ 

The nuncio, more artful than his matter, and Artifices of 

better acquainted with the political views and ^Vudelt, 

interefts of the Roman court, was ft ar tied at 

the propofition of a council ; and eafily forefaw 

how dangerous fuch an aflembly might prove 

at a time when many openly denied the papal 

authority, and the reverence and fubmiffion 

yielded to it vifibly declined among all. For 

that reafon he employed his utmoft addrefs, in 

order to prevail on the members of the Diet to 

proceed themfelves with greater feverity againft 

the Lutheran herefy, and to relinquiih their 

propofal concerning a general council to be 

held in Germany. They, perceiving the nuncio 

to be more folicitous about the interefts of the 

Roman court, than the tranquillity of the Em- 

Q^ 2 pire, 

^? Fafcic. Rcr. Exp«t. & Fugicnd. p. 346. 


Book Ul.pirc, or purity of the church, remained in- 
^"*'^' ^ flexible, and continued to prepare the catalogue 
*^^^" of their grievances to be prefentcd to the Pope ^ 
The nuncio, that he might not be the bearer of 
a remonftrance fo difagreeable to his court, left 
Nuremberg abruptly, without taking leave of 
the Diet ^. 

The -Diet The fecular Princes accordingly, for the 
of*tn*hun^^ eccleliafticks, although they gave no oppofition, 
dred griev- did not think it decent to join with them, drew 
ancestothc ^j^^ |j{j. ^f^ famous in the German annals) 

of an hundred grievances, which the Empire 
imputed to the iniquitous dominion of the papal 
fee. This lift contained grievances much of 
the fame nature with that prepared under the 
reign of Maximilian. It would be tedious to 
enumerate each of them; they complained of 
the fums exafted for difpenfations, abfolutions, 
and indulgences*, of the expence arifing from 
the law-fuits carried to Rome; of the innu- 
merable abufes occafioned by refervations, com- 
mendams, and annates ; of the exempdon from 
civil jurifdiftion which the clergy had obtained ; 
of the arts by which they brought all fecular 
caufes under the cognizance of the ecclefiaftical 
judges; of the indecent and profligate lives 
which not a few of the clergy led; and of 
various other particulars, many of which have 
already been mentioned among the circum- 
ftances which contributed to the favourable 
reception, or to the quick progrefs of Luther's 
doftrines. In the end they concluded, that if 
the holy fee did not Ipeedily deliver them from 
thofe intolerable burdens, they had determined 
to endure them no longer, and would employ 


« Fafclc. Rcr.Expet. 8c Fugiend. J49, ^ Ibid. 376. 


the power and authority with which God had en- Book HI. 
trufted them, in order to procure relief *. '^■*'^' ^ 

Instead of fuch feverities againft Luther and The recefs 
his followers as the nuncio had recommended, ^J^^ ^'*^* 
the recefs or cdi£t of the Diet contained only a >s»3* 
general injunftion to all ranks of men to wait 
with patience for the determinations of the 
council which was to be aflembled, and in the 
mean time not to publifh any new opinions 
contrary to the eftablifhed doctrines of the 
church; together with an admonition to all 
preachers to abftain from matters of controverfy 
in their difcourfes to the people, and to confine 
themfelves to the plain and inftruftive truths of 
religion ^. 

The reformers derived great advantage from Thi« diet of 

the tranfaftions of this diet, as they afforded f^'^h^lTe.^' 
them the fuUeft and moft authentick evidence fonnAtion. 
that grofs corruptions prevailed in the court of 
Rome, and that the Empire was loaded by the 
clergy with infupportable burdens. With re- 
gard to the former, they had now the teftimony 
of the Pope himfelf, that their inveftives and 
accufations were not malicious or ill-founded. 
As ^o the latter, the reprefentatives of the Ger- 
manick body, in an aflcmbly where the patrons 
of the new opinions were far from being the 
moft numerous or powerful, had pointed out, 
as the chief grievances of the Empire, thofe 
very pradices of the Romifh church againft 
which Luther and his difciples were accuftomed 
to declaim. Accordingly, in all their contro- 
verfial writings after this period, they often 
appealed to Adrian's declaration, and to the 


e Fafcic. Rcr. Expct. & Fugicnd. 354, ^ Ibid. 348- 


Book III. hundred grievances, in confirmation of what- 
^""P^*"*^ ever they advanced concerning the diflblute 

manners, or infatiable ambition and rapaciouf- 

nefs of the papal court. 

A^iritn'f At Rome, Adrian's conduct was confidered 
ccnfurtd at ^ a proof of the moft- childifh fimplicity and 
Rome. imprudence. Men trained up amidft the arti- 
fices and corruptions of the papal court, and 
accuftomed to judge of adkions not by what 
was juft, but by what was uleful, were afto- 
nifhed at a PontifFj who, departing from the 
wife maxims of his predeceflbfs, acknowledged 
difordcrs which he ought to have concealed; 
ahd forgetting his own dignity, afked advice of 
thofe, to whom he was entitled to prefcribe. By 
fiich an excefs of impolitick fincerity, they were 
afraid that, inftead of reclaiming, he would 
render the enemies of the church more pre- 
fumptuous, and inftead of extinguifhing herefy, 
would weaken the foundations of the papal 
power, or ftop the chief fources from which 
wealth flowed into the church •. For this reafon 
they induftrioufly oppofed all his fchemes of 
reformation, and by throwing objeftions and 
difficulties in his way, endeavoured to retard or 
to defeat the execution of them. Adrian, ama- 
zed on the one hand, at the obftinacy of the 
Lutherans, difgufted on the other, with the 
manners and maxims of the Italians, and finding 
himfelf unable to corfeft either the one or the 
other, often lamented his own fituation, and 
often looked back with pleafure on that period 
of his life when he was only dean of Lou vain, a 
more humble but happier ftation, in which little 
was expeded from him, and there w^s nothing 
to' froftrate his good intentions h/ 

•. ^- ■ * •• ' "• • pLEMENT 


8 F. Paul. Hill, of Counc. p. 28. Palavic. Hjft. 58. 
b Jovii Vit. Adf. p. 'ii8. •• ^^ 



Clement VII. his fucccflbr, excelled Adrian Book III. 
as much in the arts of government, as he was '" "^""^ 
inferior to him in purity of life, or uprightnefs cici^em'« 
of intention. He was animated not only with "*^*{^* •" 
the averfion which all Popes naturally bear to fhcr, tndhis 
a council, but having gained his own eleftion ''^^^^^j^ * 
by mesLns very uncanonical, he was afraid of an louncii 
aflembky that might fubjedt it to a fcrutiny 
which it could not ftand. He determined, 
therefore, by every poflible means to elude the 
dcniands of the Germans, both with refpeft to 
the calling of a council, and reforming abufes 
in the papal court, which the rafhncfs and in- 
capacity of his predeceflbr had brought upon 
him. For this purpofe he made choice of car- 
dinal Campeggio, an artful man, often cntrufted 
by the Popes with negotiations of importance, 
as his nuncio to the diet of the Empire aflem- 
bkd again at Nuremberg. 

Campbggio, without taking any notice of Febmiry. 
what had paffed in the laft meeting, exhorted .tio*nr<?hlt 
the diet in a long difcourfe, to execute the edift j?.""^^ j"^* 
of Worms with vigour, as the only efFeftual trNarem^ 
means of fuppreffing Luther's doftrines. The ***'8* 
diet, in return, defired to know the Pope's in- 
tentions concerning the council, and the redreft 
of the hundred grievances. The former, the 
i^uncio endeavoured to elude by general and 
unmeaning declarations of the Pope's refqlution 
to purfue flich meafures as would be for the 
greateft good of the church. With regard to 
the latter, as the catalogue of grievances did 
not reach Rome till after Adrian's death, and 
pf confequence had not been regularly laid 
before the prefent Pope, Campeggio took ad- 
vantage of this circumftance to decline making 
{iny definitive anfwer to them in Clement's 



232 T H E R E I G N, &c. 

Book III. name ; though, at the fame time, he obfer^ed 

^""'^]^^"^*' that their catalogue of grievances contained 

'5*^' niany particulars extremely indecent and un- 

dutiful, and that the publifhing it by their own 

authority was highly difrefpeftful to the Roman 

fee. In the end, he renewed his demand of 

their proceeding with vigour againft Luther 

tttcnded and his adherents. But though an ambaifador 

^c^!^^ from the Emperor, who was at that time very 

felicitous to gain the Pope, warmly feconded 

the nuncio, with many proieflions of his mailer's 

zeal for the honour and dignity of the papal fee, 

April 18. the recefs of the diet was conceived in terms of 

almoft the fame import with the former, without 

enjoining any additional feverity againft Luther 

and his party *. 

Before he left Germany, Campeggio, in 
order to amufe and foothe the people, publilhed 
certain articles for the amendment of fome difor- 
ders and abufes which prevailed among the infe- 
rior clergy ; but this partial reformation, which 
fell fo far fhort of the expedtations of the Luther- 
ans, and of the demands of the diet, gave no fa- 
tisfaftion, and produced little efFedt. The nun- 
cio,., with a cautious hand, tenderly lopped a 
few branches -, the Germans aimed a deeper blow, 
and by ftriking at the root wifhed to exterminate 
the evil ^, 

i Seckend. 286. Sleid. Hill. 66. k Seckend. 292. 





O F T H E 





TH E expulfion of the French, both out of Book IV^ 
the Milanefe, and the rcpubhck of Genoa, ^— ^/---> 
was confidercd by the Italians as the conclufion yj^'Jf jjp 
of the war between Charles and Francis ; and as the itaiim 
they began immediately to be apprchenfive of j^Jj**'^^^** 
the Emperor, when they faw no power remain- charie« and 
ing in Italy capable either to conrroul or oppofe ^""^^'•* 
him, they longed ardently for the re-cftabli(h- 
ment of peace. Having procured the reftora- 
tion of Sforza to his paternal dominions, which 
had been their chief motive for entering into 
confederacy with Charles, they plainly difcovered 
their intention to contribute no longer towards 
increafing the Emperor's fuperiority over his 
rival, which was already the objeft of their jea- 
loufy. The Pope efpecially, whofe natural 
timidity increafed his fufpicions of Charles's de- 
figns, endeavoured by his remonftrances to in- 



Book IV. fpirc him with moderation, and incline him t6 

"^""^ ' peace. 

cka^iesre. BuT thc^Emperof, intoxicated with fuccefs, 
vtieFrau'c"'. ^^^ ufgcd on by hJs own ambition, no lefs than 
by Bourbon's defire of revenge, contemned Cle- 
ment's admonitions, and declared his refolution 
of ordering his army to pafs the Alps, and to 
invade Provence, a part of his rival's dominions, 
where, as he leaft dreaded an attack, he was leaft 
prepared to refift it. His moft experienced 
minifters difTuaded him from undertaking fuch 
an enterprize with a feeble army, and an ex- 
haufted treafury : But he relied fo much on 
paving obtained the concurrence of the King of 
England, and on the hopes which Bourbon, 
with the confidence and credulity natural to 
fcxiles, entertained of being joined by a nume- 
rous body of his partifans as foon as the Impe- 
rial troops fhould enter France, that he perfifted 
pbftinately in the meafure. Henry undertook 
to fumifti an hundred thoufand dp(^ts towards 
defraying the expence of the expfn^ition during 
the firft month, and had it in his choice either 
to continue the payment of that fum monthly, 
or to invade Picardy before the end of July with 
a powerful army. The Emperor engaged to 
attack Guienne at the fame time with a con- 
fiderable body of men ; and if thefe enterprizes 
proved fuccefsful, they agreed, that Bourbon, 
befides the territories which he had loft, fhould 
be put in pofleffion of Provence, with the title 
of King, and (houtd do homage to Henry as 
the lawful King of France, for his new domi- 
nions. Of all the parts of this extenfiye but 
extravagant projeft, the invafion of Provence 
was the only one which was executed. For al- 
though Bourbon, witlji a fcrupubus delicacy, 


b^ « >^ t 




altogether uncxpefted afrer the part which hcBooK IV. 
had afted, pofitively refufed to acknowledge ' "-'"*-' 
Henry -s title to the crown of France, and thereby '^*^ 
abfolved him from any obligation to promote 
the enterprize, Charles's eagcrnefs to carry his 
own plan into execution did not in any degree 
abate. The army he employed for that purpofc 
amounted only to eighteen thoufand nien ; the 
fupreme command of which was given to the 
Marquis de Pefcara, with inibudions to pay the 
greatefl: deference to Bourbon's advice in ail his 
operations. Pefcara pafled the Alps without "Hwio^pc- 
oppofition, and entering Provence, laid fi^ to Pn^J^ 
Marfeilles. Bourbon had advifed him rather to ^t^ «» 
march towards Lyons, in the neighbourhood of 
which city his territories were (ituated, and where 
of courfe his influence was moft extenfive : But 
the Emperor was fo defirous to get polleflion of 
a port, which would, at all times, fecuir him 
cafy accefs into France, that by his authority he 
over-ruled the Conftable's opinion, ^id dircAed 
Pefcara to make the reduflion of MarfdUes his 
chief objedt \^*^ ' 

Francis, who forefaw, but was unable toFm^oft 
prevent this attempt, took the moft proper pre- T**"^ ^ 
cautions to defeat it. He laid wade the adja- 
cent country, in order to render it more difficult 
for the enemy to fubfift their army ; he razec| 
the fuburbs of the city, ftrengthened its fortifica- 
tions, and threw into it a numerous garrifoa 
under the command of brave and experienced 
officers. To thefe, nine thoufand of the citi- 
zens, whom their dread of the Spanifli yoke in- 
fpired with contempt of danger, jomed diem- 
felves; by their united courage and indoftry, 
all the efforts of Pefcara's military fkill, and of 


« Quic. 1. XV. 273f &c. Mem. de Belhy, p. io. 



Book IV.Bourbou's adivity and revenge, were rendered 
^''"^^"■^^ abortive- Francis, meanwhile, had Icifure to 
'^^^* aflemble a powerful aroiy under the walls of 
Avignon, and no fooner began to advance to- 
wards Marfeilles, than the Imperial troops, ex- 
haufted by the fatigues of a fiege which had 
imperuiifts laftcd forty days, weakened by difeafes, and al- 
letfcat.** moft deftitute of provifions, retired with prcci- 
8«pt. i> pitation towards Italy **. 

If, during thcfe operations of the army in 
Provence, cither Charles or Henry had attacked 
France in the manner which they had projefted, 
that kingdom muft have been expofed to the 
moft imminent danger. But on this, as well as 
on many other occafions, the Emperor found 
that the extent of his revenues was not adequate 
to the greatntfs of his power, or the ardour of 
his ambition, and the want of money obliged 
him, though with much reluftance, to circum- 
fcribe his plan, and to leave part of it unexe- 
cuted, Henry, difgufted at Bourbon's refufing 
to recognize his right to the crown of France ; 
alarmed at the motions of the Scots, whom the 
felicitations of the French King had perfuaded to 
march towards the borders of England; and 
no longer incited by his minifter, who was be- 
come extremely cool with regard to all the Em- 
peror's interefts, took no meafures to fupport an 
cnterprize, of which, as of all new undertakings, 
he had been at firft exceflively fond ^. 

Fr<BCK e- Ip thc King of France had been fatisfied with 
kii&cctfs. having delivered his fubjedts from this formi- 
dable invafion, if he had thought it enough to 
fliew all Europe the facility with which the in- 

^ Guic. 1. \v. 277. Ulloa Vita dell Carlo V. p. 93. 
« Fiddcs's Life of Wolfcy. Append. N^. 70, 71, 72.^ 


ternal ftrength of his dominions enabled him to Book IV. 
refift the impreflion of a foreign enemy, even **— v — -^ 
when fcconded by the abilities and pov;crful cf- '^^^ 
forts of a rebellious fubjeft, the campaign, not- 
withftanding the lofs of the Milanefc, would have 
been far from ending inglorioufly. But Francis, 
animated with courage more becoming a foldier 
than a general ; pufhed on by ambition, enter- 
prizing rather than confiderate ; and too apt to 
be elated with fuccefs -, was fond of every under- 
taking that feemed bold and adventurous. Such 
an undertaking the fituation of his affairs, at 
that jundhire, naturally prefented to his view. Refoire* u 
He had under his command one of the moft •"T***^ ^*^ 
powerful and beft appointed armies France had ' *°* ^ 
ever brought into the field, which he could not 
think of diftanding without having employed 
it in any fervice. The Imperial troops had been 
obliged to retire, almoft ruined by hard duty, 
and diflieartened with ill fuccefs ; the Milanefe 
had been left altogether without defence •, it was 
not impoffible to reach that country before Pef- 
cara, with his fhattered forces, could arrive there; 
or if fear (hould add fpeed to their retreat, they 
were in no condition to make head againft his 
frefli and numerous troops 5 and Milan would 
now, as in former inftances, fubmit without 
rcfiftance to a bold invader. Thefe confidera- 
tions, which were not deftitute of plaufibility, 
appeared to his fanguine temper to be of the 
utmoft weight. In vain did his wifeft minifters 
and generals reprefent to him the danger of 
taking the field at a feafon fo far advanced, with 
an army compofed chiefly of Swifs and Germans, 
to whole caprices he would be fubjeft in all his 
operations, and on whofe fidelity his fafcty muft 
abfolutely depend. In vain did Louife of Savoy 
advance by hafty journies towards Provence, 





Book IV. that Ihc might exert all her authority in diffuad- 
^^"^"X"^^ ing her fon from fuch a rafti enterprize. Francis 
•$*4* diiregarded the remonftrances of his fubjedts ; and 
that he might fave himfelf the pain of an interview 
with his mother, whofe councils he had deter- 
> mined to reje<5t, he began his march before herar- 

Appoinuiiit rival; appointing her, however, byway of atonc- 
^ntLlIi^ ment for that negle6t, to be regent of the king- 
li^abftBce. dom during his abfence. Bonnivet by his per- 
fuafions, contributed not a little to confirm 
Francis in this refolution. That favourite, who 
ftrongly refembled his matter in all the defeftive 
parts of his charafter, was led, by his natural im- 
pctuofity, warmly to approve of fuch an enter- 
prize ; and being prompted befides by his im- 
patience to revifit a Milanefe lady, of whom he 
had been deeply enamoured during his late expe- 
dition, he is faid, by his flattering defcriptions (^ 
her beauty and accomplifhments, to have infpired, 
I Francis, who was extremely fufceptible of fuch 

h paflions, with an equal defire of feeing her \ 


operttioot The French pafled the Alps at Mount Cenls^ 

l^^^^iJ^and as their fuccefs depended on difpatch, they 

advanced with the greateft diligence. Pefcara, 

who had been obliged to take a longer and more 

difficult rout by Monaco and Final, was foon 

I informed of their intention ; and being fenfible 

that nothing but the prefence of his troops could 
fave the Milanefe, marched with fuch rapidity, 
that he reached Alva on the fame day that the 
French army arrived at Varcelli. Francis, in- 
ftru£ted by Bonnivet's error in the former cam- 
paign, advanced dired\ly towards Milan, where 
the unexpefted approach of an eneipy fo power- 
ful, occafioned fuch confternation and diforder, 
that although Pefcara entered the city with feme 


d Oeav. de Brant, torn. ?i. 253, 


of his beft troops, he found that the defence of Book IV. 
Jt could not be undertaken with any probability ^ ^ y -^ 
of fuccefs ; and having thrown a garrifon into the *^'^^' 
citadel, retired through one gate, while the 
French were admitted at another ^. 

These brilk motions of the French Monarch EmUmf- 
difconcerted all the fchemes of defence which Ihei^JJj^u 
the Imperialifts had formed. Never, indeed, »i»^'- 
did generals attempt to oppofe a formidable in- 
vafion under fuch circumftances of difadvantage. 
Though Charles pofleffed dominions more ex- 
tenfive than any other Prince in Europe, and 
had, at this time, no other army but that which 
was employed in Lombardy, which did not 
amount to fixteen thoufand men, his prerogative 
in all his different dates was fo limited, and his 
fubjefts, without whoieconfent he could raifeno 
taxes, difcovered fuch unwillingnefs to burden 
themfelves with new or extraordinary impofitions, 
that even this fmall body of troops was in want 
of pay, of ammunition, of provifions, and of 
clothing. In fuch a fituation, it required all 
the wifdom of Lannoy, the intrepidity of 5ef- 
-cara, and the implacable refentment of Bourbon, 
to pfeferve them from finking under defpair, 
^nd to infpire them with refolu;ion to attempt, 
or fagacity to difcover, what was cflential to 
their fafety: To the efforts of their genius, and 
the aftivity of their zeal, the Emperor was more 
indebted for the prefcrvation of his Italian do- 
minions than to his own power. Lannoy^ by 
mortgaging the revenues of Naples, procured 
fomq money, which was immediately applied to- 
wards providing the army with whatever was 
xnoft neceflary^ Pefcara, beloved and almoll 


« Mfm. deBcllay, p. 8;- Guic. }. xv. 278. f Guic. 
1. XV. 280. 


Book IV. adored by the Spanifti troops, exhorted them to 
^^^^^ — ^ Ihew the world, by their engaging to ferve the 
*5*4- Emperor, in that dangerous exigency, without 
making any immediate demand of pay, that they 
were animated with fentiments of honour very 
different from thofe of mercenary foldiers; to 
which proposition, that gallant body of men, 
with an unexampled generofity, gave their con- 
fent s. Bourbon having raifed a confiderable 
fum, by pawning his jewels, fet out for Gerniany, 
where his influence was great, that by his pre- 
fence he might haften the levying of troops for 
the Imperial fervice K 

Francis be- Francis, by a fatal error, allowed the Em- 
fiege*p*via.peror*s gcncrals time to derive advantage from 
all thefe operations. Inftead of purfuing the 
enemy, who retired to Lodi on the Adda, an 
untenable poll, which Pefcara had refolved to 
abandon on his approach, he, in compliance, 
with the opinion of Bonnivet, though contrary 
oaober a8. to that of his other generals, laid fiege to Pavia 
on the Tefino ; a town, indeed, of great impor- 
tance, the poflfeflion of which would have opened 
to him all the fertile country lying on the banks 
of that river. But the fortifications of the place 
were ftrong ; it was dangerous to undertake a 
difficult fiege, at fo late a feafon ; and the Im- 
perial generals, fenfible of its confequence, had 
thrown into the town a garrifon compofed of fix 
thoufand veterans, under the commiand of An- 
tonio de Leyva, an officer of high rank ; of 
great experience ; of a patient, but enterprizing 
courage ; fertile in refources -, ambitious of dif- 


g Jovii Vit. Davali» lib. v. p. 386. Sandov. vol. t. 
621. Ulloa Vita dell Carlo V, p. 94, &c. Vita dell 
• £mper. Carlos V. per Vera y Zuniga, p. 36. *» Mem. 
<ic Bellay, p. 83. 


tinguifhing himfelf ; and capable, for that rca- BookJV> 
fon, as well as from his having been long ac- ^^^"^ 
cuftomed both to obey and to command, of fuf- ' '*** 
fcring or performing any thing in order to pro* 

Francis profecuted the fiege with obftinacyHitvigproiis 
equal to the rafhnefs with which he had under- •^°'^** 
taken it. During three months, every thing 
known to the engineers of that age, or that 
could be effbi^ed by the valour of his troops, 
was attempted in order to reduCe the place; 
while Lannoy and Pefcara, unable to obftrud): 
his operations, were obliged to remain in fuch 
an ignominious ftate of inadion, that a Pafqui- 
nade was publifhed at Rome, offering a reward 
to any perion who could find the Imperial army, 
loft in the month of Odtober in the mountains 
between France and Lombardy, and which had 
not been heard of fince that time ' * 

Leyva, well acquainted with the difficulties The tovim 
under which his countrymen laboured, and the ^^^^[^ ^ 
impolfibility of their facing, in the field, fuch 
a powerful army as formed the fiege of Pavia, 
plac^ his only hopes of fafety in his own vigilance 
and valour. The efforts of both were extraor- 
dinary, and in proportion to the importance of 
the place, with the defence of which he was en- 
trufted. He interrupted the approaches of the 
French by frequent and furious (allies. Behind 
the breaches made by their artillery, he eredtcd 
new works, which appeared to be fcarcely in- 
ferior in ftrength to the original fortifications. 
He repulfed the beficgers in all their affaults ; 
and by bis own example, brought not only the 
garrifon, but the inhabitants, to bear the moft 

Vol. II. R intolerable 

1 Sandov. i. 608. 


Ha TttE kEIGK OF Tttfi 

Bod^ i\r. intolerable fatigufes^ and to eh€diinter the git&t^ 
'""p' — ' eft dahgtrt without murtnuriftgv The figpur rf 
*^^** the feafon conrpii^ irMi hb tghdeavours in «* 
tafding the t>r6grers c^ the French. Frauds 
attempting to Kcome mafter of thfe Wiih^ ^ 
diverting the courfe of the Tefino, which is its 
Mhtitt bn 6he i3d«^, a fuddM ihUtld^^sMi of the 

rivet defltoyed) m one day^ the IftbMi- ttf mafif 
weeks, ^ aiid fw^ away all titt mtttinds which his 
ant^y had t*tfed With iilfiftfitt Sdil^ is Well U lil 
great txfjencfe K 

The Pope ^ Not^itHstAWiJiim tftft fld# |)t0gl«6 crf thC 

utAtfof^ befifc^ers, afid the gl9ty which Lcyva iic^iiiftd 

oeutrtiity. by his pliant defem*, it wai Mt ddubttd bat 

that the tOWn Would M hft b» dMiged tt> fufi* 

itnder. The Pope, Who ilitfedy (itmfldeiCd thft 

^ttttdx atms a^ hiperibr ih Italy^ bMranM im- 

)pzdent to difen^tge hiAifelf fr^M hb e^iUiec^ 

cions with the EWipttbr^ bf Wboft ddfigte hi 

was extremely jealous, and to enter into terms 

fef fMehdttiip With Frahcis. As CletneUt^ timid 

ttid cautious xttctptr renda^ Miti ihc^bte l^ 

foUowiirig the boU pkn whtth Leo had (ortMii, 

, ttf delivering ttaly frbm 13* yokfc of both the - 

rivah, he retutned to d^ ^^fiore bbfidM and 

Sr^rcable fchemc of empteyin^ the power «f 
le one to bakittce and to itftraih thiit ^f the 
Other. For this reafon, he ^d not di0teible his 
fetisfaftion at feeing the Fuehdi Kihg retotfcfe' 
Mihti, as he hoped thiat the dmA Si tuch Ibl 
iteighbour wouW be feme cheek upon the Em- 
peror's ambitibrt. Which no power tftJttly W» 
How aWe to tontrouL He kboumi hard l» 
i)ring about a peace that would fecurej^nci^lk 
|;)oflraion of his tiew conquefts 5 and as Charley. 
, who was dways iaflexit>le in the profeett^n «f 


k Gttic. 1. XV. z2o. UHoa Vita tKOrlo V. p. 95- 


hfs fchemes, reje£t«d the propofition with difdaio. Book iv< 
ami ^ith bitter exclamations againfl: the Pope, ^-■"»'-^ 
1^ whoie perfuafions, while Cardinal de Mc^ *^^^' 
did, be had been induced to invade the Mila- 
neici Clement immediately concluded a treaty 
of neutrali]^ with die King of France, in which 
the rqmldick <^ Florence was incltided K 

Fravcis having, by this tranra£Hon5 deprived Pr«Acii la- 
the Enuieror of has two mod powerful allies, pj^* ^*' 
and at the lam^ time having fecured a pa0ag« 
ibr his own troops throu^ their terntpries^ 
formed a fcheme of attadcmg the kingdom of 
Napka, hoping either to over-run that country, 
«rbK:h was left altogether without defence, or 
that at leaft fuch an une3q>e£ted invalion would 
Qb%e the viceroy to recal part of the Imperial 
army out of the Milanefe. For this purpofe he 
ordered fix thousand men to march under the 
command of John Stuart duke of Albany* But 
Fefcara, foreleeing that the cStGt of this diverfion 
would depend entirely upon the operations of 
the arnues in the Milanefe, perfuadra Lannoy to 
difi?^ard Albany's motbns % and to bend his 
'Wiko£ force againft the King himfelf ^ fo that 
Francis not only weakened his army very unfea^* 
ibnably by this greai: detachment, but incurred 
the reproach of engaging too ralhly in chimeri- 
cal a^d extravagant projeds« 

By this time the garrifon of Pavia was re* Effbrti of 
docod to extremity ; meir ammunition and pro- ^i,7b *n."^ 
yiOaQs bepan to fail ; the Germans, o£ whom 
it was chiefly compofed, having received no 
pay for feven months ", threatened to deliver 
the town into the enemy's hands, and could 
hardly be reftrained from mutiny by all ^cy va*s 

R 2 addrefs / 

1 Goic. h XV. 282. 285. « Guic. 1. XV. 285. « Gold. 
Wit, Imperial. 875, 

i ^ 


Boor IV. addrcfs and authority. ' The Imperial generals, 
^"'"'^^T*^ who were no ftrangers to his fituation, faw the 
'^*^* neceffity of marching without lofs of time p 
his relief. This they had now in their power : 
Twelve thouland Germans, whom the zeal and 
aftivity of Bourbon taught to move with un- 
ufual rapidity, had entered Lombardy under 
his command, and rendered the Imperial army 
nearly equal to that of the French, greatly 
diminiflied by the abfence of the body under 
Albany, as well as by the fatigues of the ficgc, 
and the rigour of the feafon. But the more 
their troops increafed in number, the more fen- 
fibly did they feel the diftrefs arifing from want 
of money. Far from having funds for paying 
a powerful army, they had fcarcely what was 
fufficient for defraying the charges of conduft- 
ing their artillery, and of carrying their ammu- 
nition and provisions. The abilities of the gene- 
rals, however, fupplied every defeft. By their 
own example, as well as by magnificent promifes 
in name of the Emperor, they prevailed on the 
troops of all the different nations which com- 
pofed their army, to take the field without pay ; 
they engaged to lead them direftly towards the 
enemy ; and flattered them with the certain prof- 
peft of viftory, which would at once enrich them 
with fuch royal fpoils as would be an ample re- 
ward for all their fervices. The foldiers fenfible 
that, . by quitting the army, they would forfeit 
the vaft arrears due to them, and eager to get 
poflfefTion of the promifed treafures, demanded a 
battle with all the impatience of adventurers who 

fight only for plunder ^ 


• •• 

o Eryci Peuteani Hift. Cifalpina ap. Graevii Thcf. An- 
tiquit. (tal. iii- p. 1170. 1179^ 



Thb Imperial generals, without fuffering the Book IV. 
ardour of their troops to pool, advance^ im-'' "^ ^ 
mediately towards the French camp. On th^CThiymVrch 
firft intelligence of their approach, Francis called j^*"«ckthf 
a council of war, to deliberate wh^t courfe he pjlruiry 3. 
ought to take. All his officers of greateft ex- 
perience were unanimous in advifing him to 
retire, and to decline a battle with ai) enemy 
who courted it from defpair. The leaders of 
the Imperialifts, they obferved, would either 
be obliged in a few weeks to difband an army^ 
which they were unable to pay, and which they 
kept together only by the hope of pillage, or 
the foldiers enraged at the non-performance of 
the promifes to which they had trufted, would 
rife in fome furious mutiny which would allow 
them to think of nothing but their own fafety : 
That, meanwhile, he mi^ht encamp in fome 
ftrong poft, and waiting m fafety the arrival 
'^ of frefti troops from France and Switzerland, 
might, before the end of fpring, take poiTefliop 
of all the Milanefe, without danger or blood« 
ihed. But in oppofition to them, Bonnivet, 
whofe deftiny it was to give counfels fttal to 
.France during the whole campaign, reprefcnted 
the ignominy that it would reflcft on their fovc- 
reign, if he fhould abandon a fiege which be 
had profecuted fo long, or turn his back befoce 
. an enemy to whom he was (till fuperior in nun)- 
^r; and infilled on the neceflity of fighting 
die Imperialifts rather than relinquifh an under- 
taking, on the fuccefs of which the King's fu- 
ture fame depended. Unfortunately, Francis's 
notions of honour were delicate to an excels that 
bordered on what was romantick. Having of- 
ten faid that he would take Pavia, or perifti in 
the attempt, he thought himfelf bound not tp 
depart from that refolution ^ and rather than ex- 
pofe himfelf to the flighteft imputation, he chofe 

^ to 


Boo* IV- to forego all the advantages which were the ccr- 
'^■'"^^T^^^'tam confcqucnccs of a recreat, and determined 
^^*** to wait for the Impcrialifts before the waUs of 

B»tt!e of Thb Imperid generals found the Frendi fo 
^*^'** ftrongly entrenched, tfiat notwithftandtng the 
powerful motives which iirged them on, they 
tiefitated long before they ventured to attack 
them ; but at laft the neceflities of tiic befiegcd, 
and the mturmur s <rf their own Ibidiers, oWjged 
Teb. 14. them to put every thing to hazard. Never did 
atmies engage with greater ardour, or with an 
higher opmion of the importance of the battle 
which they were going to fight; never were 
troops more ftrongty animated with ^mubtion, 
national antipathy, mutual tefentment, and aU 
the paflions which inlpire obftinate bravery. 
On the one hand, a gallant young M(Uiarch, 
feconded by a generous nobiHty, and followed 
by fubjeflrs to whofe natural impetuofity, indig- 
nation at the tjppofition which they had encoun- 
tered, added new force, trontended for viftory 
and honour. On the other fide, troops more 
tompletdy tSifciplined, and condiifted by gene- 
rals of greater abilities, fought from neoelSty, 
ivith couraRe heightened by defpair. The Im- 
^rirdifts, however, were tinaibie to refift the 
fiifl: efforts of the French valour, ar^d th«r 
firmeft battalions began to dveway. Cift the 
fortune of the day was quickly changed. The 
Swifs in the fervicc of Fraiwre, unnrindftri «f 
the reputation of their cotmtfy for fidelity and 
'martiail glmy, abandoned ilieir j^ctA m a cow-i 
ardly manner. Ley va, whh hts garrifon, TaWied 
but iind aWacfced the rear t>f i9ie French, tiuring 
the heat of the aftion, with luch ftny as threw 

!» 'Guicl.xv. z^u 




EM?f RQR QH A»LES V. ^7 

it ijitQ WHiftj^oni 9p^ Pcfpv? falling OR thcJr?ao^ ly. 
tavftlryt ^|h ihg frpppr^l horf?, ^rnopa whpci^ TczT^ 
i^9 ^^ 9fu4cn(ly inurminglo} ^ cpn(^lerab|9 ^^* 
number of Spaniih foot, armed with the h^vy 
mulkets then in ufe, broke this formidable 
bo^y by m I»yfu9l meiM of ^pt^lc, agjtinft 
wfokb they wpr? wholly unjprQvicJed. The ropt The French 

meft uvery JWfc bo$ whew thp King was in ppr- 
^ wbp foyg)»|: ni^Wt not for faine or vi&ory, 
but for f^f^fV* Though woun4ed in iever|l 
^9Pt^ WV) tmQW^ frpni his hprfe, which W9S 
ttn4^r ]^n}, Fr$u|c}s defended himielf pn 
fim wi^ ftp twrptck f:o!;(r^. Many of t)js 
Ivay^ Olipers g«fe«riog roup4 hifn, ?nd cn- 
(iewouring to ^e l)i$ life gt the expence pf 
th^ (Hm, fell At bi? ffet. Am^qg th^e W4s 
Bomivett tbs awh/wr pf rfus grca? calamity, 
who alone died unlamented. The King e^- 
faaufted with fatigue, and fcarcely capable of 
fyr^m ijefiflwif ^ w*9 left M«floft ?lppp, p»ppfed 
(0 tbe fury pf jl^m^ Spiinifl) foldiers, ftrangjsrs 
to kk rwk, im4 ^fftg^ 9t his pbfti^iacy. At 
tb»t HHmfnj; (;a):qe wo Poajperanf, A French 
gemJeman, wfeo k^ entered tp^ether wi*h 
B^u^'bm int» the jE^peror's ferv^ce, ^nd placing 
hmifii ^ lb» Ac^K pf tlje monarch ggainft 

whom be h«# »b4l?d> pflift.^ In prptc^ipg 

km fmn tfee yjplwce pf th^ fpJ/iieF* 5 at the 
(anse tioie befe^cbilig km to forrcn/der fp Bmir- 
fcon, whft 9|irw ftot f»r 4iftai?t. Jm^aiflieiH: ys 

riwB ^nger wu vfhkh mv fonpwdcd Fr^cifi 

hfi rf^&pi wisb iftdiffi^tipn tim fiamght& pf an 
Bi^m wbkh mik^d kdve aferjied fych nia^r 
I9if triumph to his traitorous fubjed *, and calling Frtocitttk- 
for Lannoy, who happened likewUe to be near *" p^°"* 
at hand, gave up liis Iword tp him ; which he, 
fcneding to kils fiie jCir^'^ h^, reeeivcd with 
profound refped, ar)4 jaK^qg l^ia pw.n fwqrd 



Book IV. from his fide, prefentcd it to him, faying. That 
'^""■^^'^^ it did not become fo great a Monarch to remain 
?^^^* difarmed in the prefence of one of the Emperor^s 
fubjedts % 

Ten thoufand men fell on this day, one of 
the moft fatal France had ever feen. Among 
thefe were many noblemen of the higheft dif 
tinftion, who chofe rather to perifti than to turn 
their backs with diflionour. Not a few were 
. taken prifoners, of whom the moft illuftrious 
^ was Henry D'Albret, the unfortunate king of 
Navarre, A fmall body of the rear guard made 
its efcape under the command of the duke 
Alenfon j the feeble garrifon of Milan, on the 
firft news of the defeat, retired without being 
purfucd, by another road; and in two weeks 
after the battle, not a Frenchman remained m 

Lannoy, though he treated Francis with all 
the outward marks of honour due to his rank 
and charafter, guarded him with the utmoft 
attention. He was (olicitous, not only to pre- 
vent any poffibility of his efcaping, but afraid 
that his own troops might feize his perfon, and 
detain it as the beft fecurity for the payment 
of their arrears. In order to provide againft 
both thefe dangers, he condudled Francis, the 
day after the battle, to the ftrong caftle of 
Pizzichitone near Cremona, committing him to 
the cuftody of Don Ferdinand Alarcon, general 
of the Spanifli infantry, an officer of great bra- 
very, and of ftria honour, but remarkable for 


q Guic. }. xy. 292. Oeuv. de Brant, vi. 355. M«»- 
de fellay, p. 90. Sandov. Hift. i. 638, Sec, P. Matt. 
Ep. SocJ 810. Rufcelli Lettere de Principi, ii. p. 70. 
IMIoaVitodcliCarloV. p.08/ ^ ^ ' 


that fevcre and fcrupulous vigilance which fuch Book IV, 
a truft required. ^"cic 

Francis, who formed a judgment of the 
Emperor's difpofitions by his own, was ex- 
tremely defirous that Charles fhould be in« 
formed of his fituation, fondly hoping that, 
from his gcneroGty or fympathy, he fhould 
obtain ipeedy relief. The Imperial generals 
were no lefs impatient to give their fovereign 
an early account of the decifivc viftory which 
they had gained, and to receive his inftrudions 
with regard to their future conduft. As the 
moft certain and expeditious method of con- 
veying intelligence to Spain, at that feafon of 
the year, was by land, Francis gave the Com- 
mendador Pennalofa, who was charged with 
Lannoy's difpatches, a paflport to travel through 

Charles received the account of this fignal ^^, 


and unexpe&ed fuccefs that had crowned hisMChaiiSl 
arms, with a moderation, which, if it had been ^"<* '^ 
real, would have done him more honour than 
the greateft viftory. "Without uttering one 
word expreffive of exultation, or of intemperate 
joy, he retired immediately into his chapel, and 
having fpent an hour in offering up his thankf- 
givings to heaven, returned to the prefence* 
chamber, which by that time was filled with 
grandees and foreign ambafiadors, afTembled in 
order to congratulate him. He accepted of 
their compliments with a modeft deportment; 
he lamented the misfortune of the captive King, 
as a ftriking example of the fad reverfe of 
fortune, to which the moft powerful Monarchs 
are fubje£t ; he forbad any public rgoicings, as 
indecent in a war carried on among Chriftians, 
referving them until he Ihould obtain a vi£bory 



Book IV. equally illuftriou3 over the Infidels i and feemed 
^^^^y*^^ to take pleafure in the advantage which he had 
'^'*' gained, only as it would prove the occafion of 
reftoring peace to Chrifteadom % 

Tiie Charles, however, hdd already l^effun t6 

btf^U*** f^^^ fchcmes in his own mind, which litdc 
form. fuked fuch external appearances. Ambidon, 
not generofity, was the ruling paflipn ia his 
mind ; and the vuElory at Pavia opeoad fuch 
new and unbounded profpe&s of gratiiying it, 
as allured him with irrefiftible force : But it 
being no eafy matter to execute the v^ defigas 
which he meditated, he thought it neceflary, 
while proper meafures were taking 6}r th^t pur* 
pofe, to afieft the greateft moderauon, Kopiag 
under that veil to coaceal his real intentioas from 
the other Princes of Europe. 

The Rene- Meanwhile Francc was filled with confter* 
TiiSr!^' nation. The King him&lf had eaiiy tranf- 
Frtoce. fitted an account of the rout at Pavia, in a 
letter to his mother, delivered by Punfuda^ 
which contained only thefe words, ^^ Madand, all 
is loft, except our honour*^' The oHicers who 
made their efcape, when they arrived from Italy, 
fan>ughc fuch a oaelaocholy detail of pamcplars 
as made all raoks of men feofibiy fod th^ great- 
nefs and extent of the calamity. France with- 
out its fovereign, without money in hqr in?a£iiry, 
witfaouc aA army, wkhout mfierak tt> commaiid 
it, and encompailed oa aU fides by a viftoiious 
and aftive enemy, fkemai lo he on the i^ry 
The pni. j^ink of 4eftmAi&a. &ur ^m that loosafim ^^ 
doa ^"""be gi^t abilities s£ Louife the regi^nt fared the 
tcseot. kingdom, whidi the vioteKe i^ her pai&aiis hfld 
mgiie tkm oooe ^ppiied lo the g^ejitoft danger* 


t SandcY. Hift. L 65 1. UUoaViu dell Carlo V. p. i io» 



InAcad of giykig herfdf up to fuch lamenu- Book IV. 
ttons as were natural to a woman fo remarkable ^— "v^^ 
fiw her maternal tendemefs, (hedBcovered all ^^*** 
the forefight, and exerted all the aftivity, of a 
confummate politician. She aflembled tt^ no- 
bles at Lions, and animated chem by her ex- 
ample, no lefs than by her words, with fuch zeal 
in defence of their country, as its pieieot (itua- 
tion itauired. She colleoed the remains of the 
army tmich had ferved in Itidy, ranlbmed the 
prifoners, paid dieir arrears, and put them in a 
condition to take the field. She levied new 
troops, provided for the Security of the fnm- 
tkrs, and nufed fums fufficienc for defraying 
thefe extraordinary ezpences. Her chief care, 
h o we v e r, was to appeafe the refentment, or to 
gain the friendlhip of the King of England ; 
and from that quarter, the firft ray of comfort 
fer^e in upon the French affairs. 

Thouoh Ifcmy, in entering into alliances ^ff«^« o^ 
with Charles or Francis, fcldom followed anyttVIlfi^SL 
legular or concerted plan of policy, but was **"nr viii. 
timuenced chiefly by me caprice or temporary 
paffions, fuch occurrences often happened as 
recalled his attention towards that equal balance 
of power which it was neceffary to keep be- 
tween the two contending potentates, the pre- 
servation of which he always boafted to be his 
peculiar office. He hadexpeftcd that his union 
Wfrti i3ie Emperor mi^ afford him an oppor- 
tunity »of recovering fome part -ol thofe terricories 
m France w*hich had belonged to his anccftors •, 
and <for the fake of fuch an acquifition he did 
m>t Icruple to give his al&ftance towards rai^g 
Chaxies to ^ confiderable pre-eminence alsove 
Francis. He bad never dreamrt, however, c(f 
lany event fo dccifive and fo fatal as Ae viftoiy 
m ravia, jfAAdi feemed not^only to have ^oken, 
- - but 


Book IV. but to have annihilated the power of one of 
'^""'^ the rivals ; fo that the profpedl of the fudden 
*^^^' and entire revolution which this would occafion 
in the political fyftem, filled him with the moft 
difquieting apprehenfions. He faw all Europe 
in danger of being over-run by an ambitious 
prince, to whofe power there now remained no 
counterpoife ; and though he himfelf might at 
firft be admitted, in quality of an ally, to fome 
fhare in the fpoils of the captive monarch, it 
was eafy to difcern that with regard to the man- 
ner of making^^the- partition,' as well as his 
fecurity for keeping poffeflion of what (hould 
be allotted him, he muft abfolutely depend upon 
the will of a confederate, to whofe forces his 
own bore no proportion. He was fenfible that 
if Charles were permitted to add any confider- 
^ble part of France to the vaft dominions of 
which he was already mafter, his neighbourhood 
would be much more formidable to England 
than that of the ancient French Kings ; while, 
?t the fame time, the proper balance on the 
continent, to which England owed both its 
fafety and importance, would be entirely loft. 
Concern for the fituation of the unhappy mor 
narch co-operated with thofe political confider- 
ations ; his gallant ^haviour in t^e battle of 
Pavia had excited an high degree of admiration, 
which nev?r fails of augmenting fympathy ; and 
Jienry, naturally fufceptible of generous fenti- 
ments, was fond of appearjng as the 4eliyerer 
of a vanquilhed enemy from a ftate of captivity. 
The paffions of the Englifli minifter fecond<^ 
the inclinations of the Monarch. Wolfey, who 
had (lot forgotten the difappointment qf (lis 
hopes in two fucceffive conclaves, which he inv- 
puted chiefly to the Emperor, thought this a 
proper opportunity of taking revenge; and 
]Louif^9 $:ourtin^ the friendihip of England with 


E M P E R O R C H A.R L E S V. 253- 

fach flattering fubmiffions as were no kfs agree- Book IV. 
able to the King than to the Cardinal, Henry ^— ^r-*w 
gave her fccret aflurances that he would not '^*5* 
lend his aid towards opprefling France, in its 
prefent helplefs ftate, and obliged her to pro- 
mife that (he would not confent to difmember 
the' kingdom, even in order to procure her fon's 

But as Henry's connexions with the Emper- 
or made it neceflary to adt in fuch a manner 
as to fave appearances, he ordered publick re- 
joicings to be made in his dominions for the 
fuccefs of the Imperial arms *, and as if he had 
been eager to feize the prefent opportunity of 
ruining the French monarchy, he tent ambaifa- 
dors to Madrid, to congratulate with Charles 
upon his viftory ; to put him in mind, that he, 
as his ally, engaged in one common caufe, was 
entitled tO' partake in the fruits of it ; and to 
require that, in compliance with the terms of 
their confederacy, he would invade Guienne 
with a powerful army, in order to give him pof- 
feffion of that province. At the (ame time, he 
offered to fend the princefs Mary into Spain or 
the Low Countries, that (he might be educated 
under the Emperor's dire&ion, until the conclu- 
fion of the marriage agreed on between them ; 
ancl in return for that mark of his confidence, 
he infifted that Francis fhould be delivered to 
him, in confequence of that article in the treaty 
of Bruges, whereby each of the contrafting 
parties was bound to furrender all ufurpers to 
him whofc rights they had invaded. It was 
impoffible that Henry could expedl that the 
Emperor would liften to thefe extravagant de- 
mands, which it was neither his intereil, nor in 


« Mem. de Bdlay^ 94. Gnic 1. zvl. 318. Herbert. 


Book IV. his power to grant. They appear evtdeody to 
'^ — """""^ have been made with no other intention iYaok 
"^*5* to furnifh him with a decent pretext for enter- 
ing into fuch ei^agements with France as the 
jundure required K 

oo the itt- It was among the Itdian ftates^ howtvor, that 
liwpowcjt. ^g vidtory at Pavia occafioned the greateft alana 
and terror. That balance of power on which 
they relied for their iecurity, and wliicfa it had 
been the conftant dbjdSt o£ ail their nejEOCiationft 
and refinements to maintain, was deftroyed in 
a moment. They were expokd by their fitua- 
tion to feel the firft eflfe£b of the uncontrookd 
authority which Charles had acquired. They 
obferred many fympcoms of a boundle& am-» 
bition in that young prince, and were ienfible 
that, as Emptrw^ or King of Naples, he could 
either fbrni dangerous pretenfions upon eadi of 
their terriiories, or kirade them with great 
advantaoe. They deliberated, therefione, wkh 
much midtude cooceminff the means of raifing 
Aich a force as might (diftruft his pmgteb ^ 
But their confukations, conduced widi Iktlc 
vaioo, and executed widi lefs vigour, had no 
cBk£L Clement, inftead of purfumg the mea^ 
iwes which he had concerted with the Venetians 
for fecuring the libnty of Italy, was (b intimi- 
dated by Lannoy's threats, or overcome by Us 
^prii I. i^'omifes, that he entered imo a feparate treaty, 
binding himfeif to advance a conuderable fum 
in return for certain emoluments whkfa he was 
to receive. The money was inftantly paidi 
Charles afterwards ref ufed to ratify the treaty ; 
and the Pope remained ocpofed at once to in- 
famy and to ridicule ; to the former, becau& 


« Herbert, p. 6^. » Guic. 1. xvi. 300. Ruf- 

celli Lett«re 4e PriflC* ii, 74. 76^ icQ. ThMfki Htft. lib. 
i. c. zi. 


he had defeited the public caufe for4iis private Book iv. 
intereft \ to the latter, becauie he had been a " ' 
Irfcr hj that unworthy a&ion «. *5*5- 

How difhonourable foever the artifice might Matioy in 
be which was employed in order to defraud the iJ^'^^"^ 
Pk^ of this fttm, it came very feafonably into 
the viceroy's haiids, and put it in his power to 
extricate faimfelf out of an imminent danger. 
Soon after the defeat of the French army, the 
Qtrman troops, which had defended Pavia with 
fuch meritorious coura« and perfeverance, 
growing infoknt upon the fan^ that they had 
acquired^ and impatient of relying any longer 
on fruittefe promifes with which they had b^n 
S> often amuted, rendered themfelves mafters of 
the town^ with a refdution to keep pofledion 
of it as a fecurity for the payment of their ar* 
itars; and the reft of the army difcovered a 
much fltonger tnclinatioti to aflift, than to puniih 
the mutineers/ By dividing among them the 
money exaded from the Pope, Lannoy quieted 
die tumultuous Germans; but though this fatis- 
fied 'their prefent demands^ he had 10 little pro- 
feed of being able to pay them or his other 
rorces nceularly for the future, and was under 
fuch continual apprehenfions of their feizing the 
peribn of the captive King, that, not long after, 
he was obliged to difmifs all the Germans and 
Italians in the Imperial iervice y. Thus, from 
a circumftance that now appears very fmgUlar^ 
but atifing naturally from the conftitution of 
moft European governments in the (ixteenth 
century, while Charles was fufpeftcd by all his 
neighbours of aiming at univerfal monarchy, 


« Guic. lib. xvi. 305. Ma^iroceni Hiftor. Vcnct. arp» 
Iftoricfoi dell cofe Vekiez. V. 131. 136. 7 Guic. 

I. xvik p, 30*, 


Book IV. and while he was really forming vaft prcjefti 

^"'"^^ ^ of this kind, his revenues were fo limited, that 

*■* he could not keep on foot his vi£borious army, 

though it did not exceed twenty-four thoufand 


Tbe empe- DuRiNG thcfc tranfaftions, Charles^ whofe 
J^^^*J^'^^" pretenfions to moderation and difiiitereftednefe 
cerningj ,ihe were foon forgottcn, deliberated, with the utmoft 
!^pro^iii°g folicitude, how he might derive the greateft ad- 
h\» viaory. vantages from the misfortune of his adverfary. 
Some of his counfellors advifed him to treat 
Francis with the magnanimity that became a 
victorious prince, and inftead of taking advan- 
tage of his fituation to impofe rigorous con- 
ations, to difmifs him on fuch equal tern!s, as 
would bind him for ever to his intereft by the 
ties of gratitude and affeftion, more forcible as 
well as more permanent than any which could 
be formed by extorted oaths and involuntary 
fiipulations. Such an exertion of generofity is 
not, perhaps, to be expefted in the conduft of 
political affairs, and it was far too refined for 
that Prince to whom it was propofed. The 
more obvious, but lefs fplendid, fcheme of en- 
deavouring to.make the utmoft of Francis's ca- 
lamity, had a greater number in the council to 
recommend it, and fuited better with the Em^ 
peror's genius. But though Charles ad(^ted 
this plan, he did not execute it in a proper 
manner. Inftead of making one great effort to 
pe,nctrate into France with aU the forces of Spain 
and the Low-Countries *, inftead of crufliing the 
Italian- ftates before they recovered from the 
confternation which the fuccefs of his arms had 
pccafioned, he had recourfe to the artifices of 
intrigue and negociation. This proceeded partly 
from neccflity, partly from the natural dilpo- 
fition of his mind. The fituation of his 
4 finances. 

^MP£ROR Charles V. 457 

finances, at that time, rendered it extremely dif- Boot IV. 
ficult to cariy on any extraordinary armament ; - - ^ 
and he himfeli having never appeared at the head * ^^^ * 
of his armies, the command of which he had 
hitherto committed to his generah, was averfe 
to bold and martial counfels, and trufted mor^ 
to the arts with which he was acquainted. He 
laid, befides, too much ftrefs upon the victory of 
Pavia, as if by that event the ftrength of France 
had been annihilated, its refoufces exhaufted, and 
the kingdom itfelf, no lefs than the perfon of its 
Monarch, had been fubjefted to his powen 

Full of this opinion, he determined to let the J^* (^f^^ 
higheft price upon Francises freedom ; and having he propofe* 
ordered the Count de Roeux to vifit the captive ^*^ *'»°^"- 
King in his name, he inflrufted him to propofe 
the following articles, as the conditions on wnich 
he would grant him his liberty : That he (hould 
reftore Burgundy to the Emperor, from whofe 
anceftors it had been unjuftly wrefted % that he 
(hould furrender Provence arid Dauphind, that ^ 
they might be erefted into an independent king- 
dom for the Conftable Bourbon y that he (hould 
make full fatisfadion to the King of England 
for all his claims, and finally renounce the pre* 
tenfions of France to Naples, Milan, or any 
other territory in Italy. When Francis, who had 
hitherto flattered himfelf that he (hould be 
treated by the Emperor with the gcnerofity be- 
coming one great Prince towards another, heard 
the(c rigorous conditions, he was fo trartfported 
with indignatian, that dfatving his dagger hafti- 
ly, he cried out, •' 'Twere better that a King , 
(hould die thus/' Alarcon, alarmed at his ve- ^ 
hemence, laid hold on his handi ; but though he 
foon recovered greater compofure, he ftill declar* 
cd, in the molk folemn manner, that he would 

YoL. \l S rather 


Book IV. Father remain a prifoner during Ufc, than purchaib 
^^"'^y^y^ liberty by fuch ignominious conceflions *• 

riST rifowr '^"^^ mortifying difcovcry of the Emperor's 
to Sf»IlnT' intentions, gready augmented Francis's chagrin 
and impatience under his confinement^ and mud: 
have driven him to abiblute defpair, if he had 
not laid hold of the only thing which could ftill 
adminifter any comfort to him. He perfuaded 
himfelf that the conditions which Roeux had 
propofed, did not flow originally from Charles 
himfelf, but were didated by the rigorous policy 
of his Spaniih council, and that therefore he 
might hope, in one perfonal interview with him, 
to do more towards haftening his own deliver^ 
ance, than could be eSeded by long negocia- 
tions pafling through the fubordinate hands of 
his minifters. Relying on this fuppofition, which 
proceeded from too favourable an opinion of 
the Emperor's character, he offered to vifit him 
in Spain, and was willing to be carried thither 
as a fpe£|acle to that haughty nation. Lannoy 
employed all his addrefs to confirm him in thefe 
fentiments; and concerted with him in fecret 
the manner of executing this refolution. Francis 
was fo eager on a fcheme which fcemed to open 
fome profpeft of liberty, that he furniflied the 
gallies necefTary for the voyage,. Charles being 
at that time unable to fet any fleet to fea. The 
viceroy, without communicating his intention 
cither to Bourbon or Pefcara, conduced his pri- 
foner towards Genoa, under pretence of tranfr 
porting him by fea to Naples ; though fbon after 
they fet fail, he ordered the pilots to fteer di- 
redly for Spain; but the wind happening to 
carry them near; the French coaft,, the unfortu-. 
nate Monarch had a full profpeA of his own 


2 Mem. de Bellay, 94. Ferreras, Hift. ix. 43. 


domirtions, towards which he caft many a for- Book IV. 
rowful and defiring look. They landed, how- ^^— v*— ' 
ever, in a few days at Barcelona ; and foon after ^*^' 
Francis was lodged, by the Emperor's command, 
in the Alcazar of Madrid, under the care of the Augoft 24, 
vigilant Alarcon, who guarded him with as much 
circumipedtion as eyer *. 

A FEW days after Francis's arrival at Ma- Henry viir. 
drid, and when he began to be fenfible of his u«ty with* 
having relied without foundation on the Empe- ^'*°^*» •'* 
ror*s generofity, Henry VIII. concluded a treaty procur J hit 
with the Regent of France, which afforded him '«'"'«• 
fome hope of liberty from another quarter. 
Henry's extravagant demands had been received 
at Madrid with that negledt which they deferved, 
and which he probably expefted. Charles, in- 
toxicated with profperity, no longer courted him 
in that refpeftful and fubmiffive manner which 

E leafed his haughty temper. Wolfey, no Icfs 
aughty than his mafter, was highly irritated at 
,the Emperor's difcontinuing his wonted carefles 
and profcffions of friendfhip to himfelf. Thefe 
flight offences, added to the weighty confide- 
rations formerly mentioned, induced Henry to-' 
enter into a defenfive alliance with Louife, ih 
which all the differences between him and her 
fon were adjufted ; at the fame time he engaged 
that he would employ his beft offices in order to 
procure the deliverance of his new ally from a 
ftate of captivity ^ 

While the open defedion of fuch a pk^werful ^^^ron^'s 

^, ^^*;,-^, - -ii intrigues, m 

confederate affefted Charles with deep concern, order to 
a fecret confpiracy was carrying on in Italy, ^^^^^^'^^l'^ 
which threatened him with conlcquences flill ror's power 
more fatal. The reftlels and intriguing genius '" ^'**y- 

S 2 of 

» Mem. deBellay, 95. P. Mart. Ep. ult. Gu|c. lib. 
xvi, 323. b Herbert. Fiddes's Life of Wolfey, 337. 


Book IV. of Morond, chancellor of Milan, gave rife to 
''■'*'^'^*^ this. His revenge had been amply gratified by 
'^*^' the expulfion of the French out (h Italy ^ and 
his vanity no lefs foothed by the re-eftabltfli- 
ment of Sfor2a, to whofe intereft he had at- 
tached himfelf, in the dutchy of Milan. The 
delays, however, and evafions of the Imperial 
court in granting Sforza the invelliture of his 
new-acquired territories, had long alarmed Mo- 
rond; thefe were repeated fo often, and with 
fuch apparent artifice, as became a full proof to 
his fulpicious mind diat the Emperor mtended 
to ftrip his mafter of that rich country which he 
had conquered in his name. Though Charles, 
in order to quiet the Pope and Venetians^ no 
lefs jealous of his defigns than Morond, g^ve 
Sforza, at laft, the inveiliture which had been 
fo l(Hig defired \ the charter was clogged wish, 
fo many refervations^ and fubjedted him tp fuch 
grievous burdens, as rendered the duke of Milan 
a dependant on the Emperor, rather than a vaf- 
fal of the Empire, and afforded him hardly any 
other fecurity for his poflelfions, than the good 
pleafure of an ambitious fuperior. Such an ac* 
celfion of power as would have accrued fron^ 
the addition of the Milanefe to the kingdom of 
Naples^ was confidered by Morone as fatal to 
the liberties of Italy, no lefs than to his own 
power and importance. Full of this idea> he 
began to revolve in his mind the poflibility of 
reicuing Italy from the yoke of foreigners^ the 
darling fcheme, as has been already obferved^ 
o( the Italian polkitiatis in that age^ and which it 
was the great obje£b of their ambition to accocn.- 
plifli. If to the glory of having been the chief 
inftrument in driving the French out of Milan» 
he could add that of delivering Naples from the 
dominion of the Spaniards, he thought that no- 
thing would be wanting to complete his fame. 




His fertile genius foon fuggefled to him a project Book IV. 
for that purpofe ; a djfjkulr, indeed, and daring '"~v^*^ 
one, but, for that very reafop, mofip agreipable to '**^ 
his bold dn4 en^erprizi^ temper^ 

Bourbon and Pefeara were equall/ enraged Jj!»^"^*«^' 
at Lannoy*s carrying the French King into Spain Vdklt! 
without their knowledge. The former, being 
afraid that the two Monarchs might, in his ab* 
fence, conclude fome treaty in which his interefls 
would be entirely facrificed, haftened to Madrid, 
in order to guard ^againft that danger. The 
latter^ on whom the command of the army now 
devolved, was obliged to remain in Italy *, bur, 
in every company, he gave vent to his indigna* 
tion againft the vicer(^, in expreflions full of 
r^cour and con^mpt •, he acculed him, in a let- 
ter to the Emperor, of cowardice in the time of 
ganger, and of Iniblence after a victory, toward^ 
the obtaining of which he had contributed no«> 
thing either by his valour or his condudt ; nor 
did he abftain from bitter complaints againft 
the Emperor himfelf, who had not difcovered, 
as he imagined, a fufficient fenfe of his merit^ 
nor beftowed any adequate reward oa hi^ fer- 
vices. It was on this difguft of P^^ar^, that 
Morond founded his whol^ lyftem. He knew 
the boundlefs ambitiop of hi§ nature, the vaf}: 
extent of his abil^ic; in peace as wdl as war, 
and the iijtrepidi^ of his mind^ capable alike of 
undemjcing and qf e;fcecuting th(^ mpftdefpp- 
^fte d^Qgns. The c^tonmeiKt of the Spaniii> 
tfoops on the frontier of tl^e Mflay^efe, gavp oc- 
cgfiop to many interv^ws petween him and ^0- 
rpne, in which the latter took q^vp fce^uently 
to turn the conyerfation to the ti:anfa£tioi)s fub* 
iequent (o the battle of ^avia, a fubjeft upon 
which t(>e inarquis a|way^ ep^ered willingly, and 
with paJQiqn 5 ^4 Moi'one obferving his refent- 



Book IV. mcnt to bc uniformly violent, artfully pointed 
* — ^''"■^out and aggravated every drcumftance that 
*5^5- could incrcafe its fury. He painted, in the 
ftrongeft colours, the Emperor's want of dif- 
cernment, as well as of gratitude, in preferring 
Lannoy to him, and in allowing that prefump- 
tuous Fkming to difpofe of the captive King, 
without confulting the man to whole bravery 
and wifdom Charles was indebted for the glory 
q{ having him in his power. Having warmed 
him by fuch difcourfcs, he then began to infinu- 
ate, that now was the time to be avenged for 
thefe infults, and to acquire immortal renown as 
the deliverer of his country from the oppref- 
fion of ftrangers ; that the ftates of Italy, weary 
of the ignominious and intolerable dominion of 
barbarians, were at laft ready to combine in 
order to vindicate their own independence •, that 
their eyes were fixed on him, as the only leader 
wbofe genius and good fortune could enfure the 
happy fuccefe of that noble enterprize ; that the 
attempt was ho lefs pradkicable than glorious, it 
being in his power fo to difperfe the Spanifli in- 
fantrfs <he only body of the Emperor's troops 
in Italy, through the villages of the Milanefe, 
that, in one night, they might be deftrbyed by 
the people, who, having fuffered much fronri 
their exad^idf^ and infolence, would gladly un- 
dertake this fervice ; that he might then, with- 
out oppofitlor), take poflefliOn of the thfone of 
Napl^, thd ftatioh deftined for him, and a re- 
ward o6t'uhworthy the reftbrer of liberty to 
Italy ; thiat the Pope, of whom that kingdom 
held,' kd t^feofe pfed^efibr^ had difpofed of it 
on ffi^liy fbrmei' occafibns, would willingly grant 
him the right of invcftfture; that the Venetians^ 
the Flotentine^i the duke of Milan, to whom he 
bad codimunicated the fcheme, together with the' 
French, Would be the guarantees of his right ^ 



that the Neapolitans would naturally prefer the Book IV. 
government of one of their countrymen, whom ^--v-**' 
they loved and admired, to that odious domi- '5*^' 
nion of ftrangers, to which they had been fo 
long fubjeifted ; and that the Emperor, aftonifhed 
at a blow fo unexp^ed, would find that he had 
neither troops nor money to refift fuch a power- 
ful confederacy ^. 


PtscARA, amazed at the boldnefi and extent B«trijjBd 
of the fcheme, liftened attentively to Mor6nd, "ifoner*by 
but with the countenance of a man loft in pro- **«f«»««« 
found and anxious thought. On the one hand, 
the infamy of betraying his fovereign,' under 
whom he bore fuch high command, deterred 
him from the attempt ; on the other, the pro- 
fpeft of obtaining a crown allured him to ven- 
ture upon it. After continuing a fhort fpace 
in fufpcnce, the leaft commendable motives, as 
is ufual after fuch deliberations, prevailed, and 
ambition triumphed over honour. In order, 
however, to throw a colour of decency on his 
conduft, he infifted that fome learned cafuifts 
fliould give their opinion, ** Whether it was 
lawful for a fubjeft to take arms againft his im- 
mediate fovereign, in obedience to the Lord 
Paramount of whom the kingdom itfelf was' 
held ?'* Such a refolution of the cafe, as he ex- 
pefted, was foon obtained from the divines and 
civilians both of Rome and Milan ; the nego- 
ciation went forward; and meafures feemed to^ 
^ taking with great fpirit for the fpeedy execd- 
tion of the defign. 


^ 6uic. 1. xvi. 325. ' Jovii Vita Davali, p. 417. Oeuv. 
«f Brao^omc, iv. 17 li Rufcelli Lcttre dc Princ. ii. 91. 
Thuaai Hift. lib. i. c, 11. P. Hcotcr. Rcr. Auftr. Ub,.tt. 
^* 3- p. 207* 


BpoK IV. During this interval, Pefcara, either {hocked 
^-"^y/^-^ pt the treachery of the aftion that he was going 
.M*f' to committ ordefpairing of its fucccfs, began to 
entertain thoughts of abandoning the engage- 
ments which h^ had come under. The indilpo-^ 
fition of Sforza, who happened at that time to 
be taken ill of a dift^mpcr which was thought 
mortal, confirmed this refolution, and deter* 
jnined him to make known the whole confpiracy 
to the Emperor; deeming it more prudent to 
expeft the dutchy of Milan from him, gs th^ 
t'ewar4 of this dilcovery, than to aim at a king^ 
dom, to be pyrchafed by a feries of crimes^ 
This refolytion, however, proved the fourcc of 
lidions har41y lef^ crin^inal ^nd ignominious* 
The Emperor, who had already receive^ full 
information concerning the confpiracy from 
pther hands, feemed to be highly pleafed. wicl\ 
Pefcar?-s fidelity, and comm?^nded him to con- 
tinue his intrigues for fome ^im? wi^h the Pop^ 
and Sforza, both that he might diicoyer their 
intentions more fully, and l^e able to convidfc 
them of the crime with greater certainty. Pef-r 
car^, confcious of guilt, as well as fpnfible how 
fgipipiqus his long filence muft have appeared 
^t Madrid, durfl: not decline that diflionourable. 
office, apd, to his eternal di^race, was oblige4 
to a(Jt thp meaneft of all parts, that of feducing 
with ^ purpofe to |:)etray* Confidcring the abti-r 
litie^ of %hc perfo^s with whom he ha4 ^Q deal, 
the part was fcarpely lefs di^ciilt than bale 5 
but he afted it with (li^ih ?^ddrefs, ^ to (iec^ive 
even the penetrating eye of Morone, who, rely-f 
ing with full confidence on his fmcerity, vifited 
liini at Novara, in qrder to put the laft hand tq 
th^ir machinations, ^^efcara received Jiiitn in 
an apartment where Antonio de Ley va was 
placed behind the tatoeftry, that he might over- 
flew apd bear witnqs to their converfatlon : as 



Morond was abouc to take leave, that officer Book IV 
fuddenly appeared, and, to his aftonifhment, "^ — ""^^^ 
arrefted him prifoncr in the Emperor's name* '^*5* 
He was conducted to the caftle of Pavia *, and 
Fcfcara, who had fo lately been his accomplice, 
had now the afllirance to interrogate him as his 
jud^. At the fame time, the Emperor de- 
clared Sforfa to have forfeited all right to the 
dutchy of MilaHf by his engaging in a con* 
fpir;^y ^ainft the fovereign of whom he held *, 
Pefcara, oy his command, feized on every place 
jn the Milanefe, except the caftles of Cremona 
and Milan» which, the unfortunate duke attempt* 
ing to defend, were clofely blockaded by the Im* 
pcrial troops ^, 

But though this unfuccefsful confpiracy, in-Thc rig©, 
dead of ftripping the Emperor of what he al-^^^/^'- 
ready pofleifed in Italy, contributed to extend F«n«*» '»« 
his dominions in that country, it fhewed him thc^*'*^ 
neceflity of coming to fome agreement with the 
French King, unlefs he would draw on himfelf 
a confederacy of all Europe, which the progreis 
of his arms, and his ambition, now as undifguifed 
as it was boundlefs, filled with general alarm. 
Jie had not hitherto treated Francis with the 
jenerofity which that monarch expeded, and 
igrdly with the decency due to his iiation* In- 
ftead of difplaying the fentiments becoming a 
great Prince, he Icems to have aftcd with the 
mercenary art of a corfair, who, by the rigorous 
ufage of his prifoners, endeavours to draw from 
them an high price for their ranfom. The cap- 
tive King was confined in an old caille, under a 
keeper, whofe formal aufterity of manners ren- 
dered his vigilance ftill more difguftful. He was 


^ Guic. 1. xvi. 329. JoviiHift. 319* Capella, lib. v. 
p. aoo. 


Book IV. allowed no excrcife but that of riding on a mule, 
^""""^^ — 'furrounded with armed guards on horfeback. 
*525- Charles, on pretence of its being neceffary to 
attend the Cortes affembled in Toledo, had 
gone to refide in that city, and fufFered federal 
weeks to elapfe without vifiting Francis, though 
he folicited an interview with the moft prefflng 
En^mgert and fubmiffive importunity. So many indig- 
bu iife. nities made a deep impreflion on an high fpirited 
Prince ; he began to lofe all relifli for his ufual 
amufements; his natural gaiety of temper for- 
fook him •, and after languifhing for fome time, 
he was fcized with a dangerous fever, during 
the violence of which he complained conftantly 
of the unexpefted and unprincely rigour with 
which he had been treated, often exclaiming, 
that now the Emperor would have the fatis- 
faftion of his dying a prifoner in his hands, 
without having once deigned to fee his face. 
The phyficians, at laft, defpaired of his life, and 
inforrtied the Emperor that they faw no hope of 
his recovery, unlefs he were gratified with regard 
to that point on which he feemed to be fo ftrongly 
bent. Charles, felicitous to preferve a life, 
with which all his profpefts of farther advantage 
from the viftory of Pavia muft have terminated, 
immediately confulted his minifters concerning 
the courfe to be taken. In vain did the chan- 
cellor Gattinara, the moft able among them, 
reprefent to him the indecency of his vifiting 
Francis, if he did not intend to fet him at 
liberty immediately upon equal terms ; in vain 
did he point out the infamy to which he would 
be expofed, if motives of avarice or ambition 
fhould prevail on him to give the captive Mo- 
narch this mark of attention and fympathy, for 
which humanity and generofity had pleaded fo 
long without efFedt. The Emperor, lefs de- 
licate, or lefs folicitous about reputation than 



his minifter, fct out for Madrid to vifit his pri- Book IV. 
forier. The interview was fhort ; Francis being ^ — "^"-^ 
too weak to bear a long converfation. Charles sep"t? a 1.* 
accofted him in terms full o£ afieftion and re- The Empe- 
fpcft, and gave him fuch promifcs of fpcedy wm^* ^ 
deliverance and princely treatment, as would 
have reflefted the grcateft honour upon him, if 
they had flowed from another fource. Francis 
grafped at them with the ea^rnefs natural in 
his fituation ; and cheered with this gleam of 
hope, began to revive from that moment, re- 
covering rapidly his wonted health *. 

He had foon the mortification to find, that The confta- 
his confidence in the Emperor was not better trti^^i^" 
founded than formerly. Charles returned in-W^dnd. 
ftantly to Toledo ; all negociations were carried 
on by his miniftcrs ; and Francis was kept in 
as drift cuftody as ever. A new indignity, and 
that very galling, was added to all thofe he 
had already fuflfered. Bourbon arriving in 
Spain about this time, Charles, who had fo 
long refufed to vifit the king, received his re- 
bellious fubjeft with the moft ftudied refpeft. 
He met him without the gates of Toledo, em- Nov. 15. 
braced him with the grcateft aflfeaion, and plac- 
ing him on his left hand, conduced him to 
his apartment. Thefc marks of honour to him, 
were fo many infults to the unfortunate Mo- 
narch ; which he felt in a very fenfible manner. 
It aflfordcd him fome confolation, however, to 
obferve, that the fentiments of the Spaniards, 
differed widely from thofe of the fovereign. 
That generous people dctefted Bourbon's crime. 
Notwithftanding his great talents and impor- 
tant fervices, they ftiunned all intercourfe with 
him, to fuch a degree, that Charles having de- 

e Gulc. 1. zvi. 339. Sandov. Hiil. i. 665. 


Baoit IV.fired the marquis de Vill^na to permit Bpur- 
^^'-^'^^''^^ bon to refide in his palace while the court rc- 
'5^5; mained in Toledo, he politely replied, *' That 
he could not refufe gratifying the Emperor in 
that reaueft ;*' but added with a Caftilian dig- 
nity or mind, ^* that he muft not be furprized 
if the moment the conflab}^ departed, he fliould 
burn to the ground a hoijfe, which, having been 
polluted by the piyfeqcje of a traitor, became 
an unfit habitation for a map of honoyr ^** 

Appointed Charles himfelf, ncverthelcfs, ieemed ta^ 
fhrirop^. have it much^ at heart to reward Bourbon's fcr- 
liti amjy vices in a fignal mannej. But as he infifted, in 
^' the firft place, on the accomplilhment of the 
Emperor's promife in giving him in marri^e 
his filter Eleanora, Queen dowager of Por- 
tugal, the honour of which alliance had been 
one of his chief inducements to rebel againft 
his lawful fovereign; as Francis, in order to 
prevent fuch a dangerous union, had offered, 
pcfore he left Italy, to marry that Princefs; 
and as Eleanora herfelf difcovered an inclination 
rather to match with a powerful Monarch, than 
with his exiled fubjedt; all thefe interfering 
circumftances created great cmbarrafiTment to 
Charles, and left him hardly any hope of extri- 
December. cating himfblf With dccency. But the death 
of Pcfcara, who, at the age of thirty-iix, left 
behind him the reputation of being one of the 
greateft generals and ableft politicians of that 
century, happened opportunely at thi? ju^fture 
for his relief. By that event, f he conjm^qd of 
the army in Italy became yac^n^, apd Charles, 
always fertile in refoqrpe§, pierfuaded Bourbon, 
who was in no coi}dipion to difpiate bis will, to 
accept the ojSice of general in cjiief fherc, tp^ 


f Cuic.l.Kvl 335. 


gedier with a grant of the ducchy of Milan Book I v« 
forfeited by Sforza, and in return for thefe to ^ " -^>^ **^ 
rdinquiih all hopes of marrying the Q^een of '^^S* 
Portugal s. 

The chief obftacle that ftood in the way of Negocitti* 
Francis's liberty was the Emperor's continuing ^^^rL 
to infift fo peremptorily on the reftitution of Bur- IrMBci^f 
gundy, as a prehminsuy to that event. Francis *"^'^^' 
often declared that he would never confent to 
diiii^ember his flate; and that even if he 
fhould fo far forget the duties of a Monarch as 
to come to fuch a reiblutiojiy the fundamenul 
laws of the kingdom would prevent its taking 
eSe£t On his part he was willing to nmke an 
abfolute ceffion to the Emperor of ^1 his preten- 
fions in Italy and the Low-Countries ; he pro- 
mifed to rellore Bourbon all his lands which 
had been confifcated ; he renewed his propofal 
of marrying the Emperor's fitter, the Queen 
dowager or Portugal ^ and enga^d to pay a 
great fum by way of ranfbm for his own perfon. 
But all mutual efteem and confidence between 
the two monarchs were now entirely loft ; there 
appeared on the one hand, a rapacious ambition 
labouring to avail itfelf of every favourable cir- 
cumftance i on the other, fufpicion and refent- 
ment, ftanding perpetually on their guard ; fo 
that the profped): of bringing their negociations 
to an imie, feemed to be far diftant* The 
dutcheis of Alen(on, the French King*s fitter, 
whom Charles permitted to vifit her brother in 
his confinement, employed all her addrcfe, in 
order to procure his liberty on more reafonable 
terms. Henry of England interpofed his good Frand* m 
offices to the fame purpofe; but both with fo^p;;\;*- 
little fuccefs, that Francis in defpair took fud- rcfigo hi» 


g Sandov. Hift. i. 676. Ocuv. de Brant, ir. 249 


Book IV.denly the refolution of refigning his crown irith 
^^*'"'^^'*^ all its rights and prerogatives to his fon the 
'^^^' Dauphin, determining rather to end his days in 
prifon, than to purch^e his freedom by con- 
ceffions unworthy of a King. The deed for 
this purpofe he figned with legal formaliQr at 
Madrid, empowering his fifter to carry it into 
France, that it might be regiftered in all the 
parliaments of the kingdom ; and at the (ame 
time intimating his intention to the Emperor, 
be delired him to name the place of his ccmfioe- 
ment, and to aflign him a proper number of 
attendants during the remainder of his days K 

tu^ This refolution of the French King had 
great efieft ; Charles began to be fenfible, that 
by pufliing rigour to excefs, he might defeat 
his own meafures, and inftead of the vaft ad- 
vantages which he hoped to draw from ranlbm- 
ing a powerful monarch, he might at laft find 
in his hands a Prince without dominions or 
revenues. About the fanie time, one of the 
King of Navarre's domeftics happened by an 
extraordinary exertion of fidelity, courage, and 
addrefs, to procure his mafter an opportunity 
of efcaping from the prifon in which he bad 
been confined ever fince the battle of Pavia. 
This convinced the Eniperor, that the mod 
vigilant attention of his officers might be eluded 
by the ingenuity or boldnefs of Francis, or his 
attendants, and One unlucky hour might de- 
prive him of all the advantages which he had 
been fo felicitous to obtain. By thefe coofi- 
derations, he was induced to abate fomewbat 
of his former demands. On the other band, 
Francis's impatience under confinement daily 


h This paper is publiihed inMemoires Hiftoriqaes» &c. 
par M. I'Abbe Rayi^al, torn. ii. p: 151'. 


incfeaied ; and having received certain inteU Book IV. 
ligence of a powerful league forming againft his ^-^^v^^ 
rival in Italy, he grew more compliant with '5^^* 
regard to conceffions, trufting, that, if he could 
once obtain his liberty, he would foon be in a 
conditioQ to refume whatever he had yielded. 

As thefe were the views and fentiments o{^^^^^^^^^ 
the two Monarchs, the treaty which procured Madrid. 
Francis his liberty was figned at Madrid on the 
fouofieenth of January, one thoufand five hun- 
dred and twenty-fix. The article with regard 
to Burgundy, which had hitherto created the 
greateft difficulty, was compromifed, Francis 
^g^ing to rellore that dutcby with all its de- 
pendencies in full foverdgnty to the Emperor ; 
and Charlesconfenting that this reftitution fliould 
not be made until the King was fet at liberty : 
in order to fecure the performance of this, as 
well as the other conditions in the treaty, Francis 
agreed that at the fame inftant he himfelf was 
releafed, he would deliver as hoftages to the 
Emperor, his eldeft fon the Dauphin, his fecond 
fon the duke of Orleans, or in lieu of the latter, 
twelve of his principal nobility, to be named by 
Charles. The other articles fwelled to a great 
number, and though not of fuch importance, 
were extremely rigorous. Among thefe the 
moft remarkable were, that Francis ftiould re- 
nounce all his pretenfions in Italy; that he 
ihould difclaim any title which he had to the 
fovercignty of Flanders and Artois -, that within 
fix. weeks after his releafe, he ftiould reftore to 
Bourbon and his adherents, all their goods, 
moveable and immoveable, and make them full 
reparation for the damages which they had fuf- 
tained by the confifcation of them -, that he 
fliould ufe his intereft with Henry d'Albret to 
relinquifti his pretenfions to the crown of Na- 


Book IV. varre, and fliould not for the future aflift bitrt 
^ — ^^"""^ in any attempt to recover it ; that there (hould 
'5*^ be cftablifhed between the Emperor and Francb 
a league of perpetual friendfliip and confe- 
deracy, with a promife of mutual afliftance in 
every cafe . of neceffity. That in corroboration 
of this union, Francis {hould marnr the Em- 
peror's filler, the Queen Dowager or Portugal •, 
that Francis (hould caufe all the articles of this 
treaty to be ratified bv the States, and regiftered 
in the parliaments or his kingdom ^ that Upon 
the Emperor's receiving this radfidatioi), the 
hoftages (hould be fet at liberty ; but in their 
place, the duke of Angouleme, the King's third 
Ion, (hould be delivered to Charles, that in 
order to manifeft, as well a$ to (trengthen the 
amity between the two Monarchs, he might be 
educated at the Imperial court; and that if 
Francis did not, within the time limited, fulfil 
the ftipulations in the treaty, he (hould promife, 
upon his honour and oath, to return into Spain« 
and to furrender himfelf again a pri(bner to the 
Emperor K 

^fl^entt By this treaty, Charles (!attered himfelf that 
widi^cf^ he had not only efiedualiy humbled his rivals 
toiL but that he had taken fuch precautions as would 
for ever prevent his re-attaining any formidable 
degree or power. The opinion, which the wifeft 
politicians formed concermng it, was very dif- 
ferent ; they could not perfuade themfelves that 
Francb, after obtaining his liberty, would exe-^ 
cute articles againft which he had ftruggled fo 
long, and to which, even amidft.the horrors 
of captivity, he had confented with fuch reluc-^ 
tance. Ambition and refentment, they knew, 


S Recuil d^s Trait, torn. ii. i iz. UHoa Vica dell Caito 

V. p. lC2f &c • 


would confpire in prompting him t6 violate the Book IV. 
hard conditions to which he had been con- ^"^"^''"'^ 
ft rained to fubmit; nor would arguments and ^^ 
cafuiftry be wanting to reprelcnt that which was 
fo manifeftly advantageous, to be neccffary and 

I'uft. If one part of Francis's conduct had been 
:nown, at that time, this opinion might have 
been founded, not in conjedure, but in cer- 
tainty. A few hours before he figned the treaty 5 Frtndt 
he aflcmblcd fuch of his counfellors as were then teft* aga^Mi 
at Madrid, and having exafted from them a the validity 
folemn oath of fecrecy, he made a long enu-^^*^* 
meration in their prefence of the difhonourablc 
arts, as well as unprincely rigour^ which the 
emperor had employed in order to enfnare or 
intimidate him. For that reafon^ he took a 
formal proteft in the hands of notaries, that his 
confent to the treaty fhould be confidered as an 
involuntary deed, and be deemed null and 
Void K By this difingenuous artifice, for which 
even the treatment that he had met with was 
no apology, Francis endeavoured to fatisfy his 
honour and conicience in figning the treaty, and 
to provide at the fame time a pretext on which 
to break it. 

Great, meanwhile, were the outward demon- 
ftrations of love and confidence between the 
two Monarchs; they appeared often together 
in public ; they frequently had long conferences 
in private j they travelled in the fame litter, and 
joined in the fame amufements. But amidft 
thefc figns of peace and friendftiip, the Emperor 
ftiil harboured fufpicion in his mind. Though 
the ceremonies of the marriage between Francis 
and the Queen of Portugal were performed 
foon after the conclufion ot the treaty, Charles 
would not permit him to confummate it until 

Vol. II. T the 

^ Recuell dw Trait, tom. ii. p. 107. 



Book IV. the return of the ratification from France, Even 
then Francis was not allowed to be at full 
liberty ; his guards were ftill continued ; though 
careifed as a brother-in-law, he was (till watched 
like a prifoner ^ and it was obvious to attentive 
obiervers, that an union, in the very beginning 
of which there might be diicerned fuch fymp- 
toms of jealoufy and diftruft, could not be 
cordial, or of long continuance K 

Ratified ia 

Francis fet 
at liberty. 

About a month after the figning of the 
treaty, the Regent's ratification of it was brought 
from France J and that wife Princefs, prefer- 
ring, on this occafion, the publick good to do* 
meftick afiedtion, informed her fon, that, inftead 
of the twelve noblemen named in the treaty, 
flie had ient the duke of Orieans along with 
his brother the Dauphin to the frontier, as the 
kingdom could fuSer nothing by the abfence 
of a child, but muft be left alrnoft incapable of 
defence, if deprived of its ableft (tatefmen, and 
mod: experienced generals, whom Charles had 
artfully included m his nomination. Ac laft 
Francis took leave of the Emperor, whofe fuf* 
picion of the King's fincerity increallng, as the 
time of putting it to the proof approached, he 
endeavoured to bind them ftill fader by ext&ing 
new promiies^ which» after thofe he had already 
made, the French monarch was not flow to 
grant. He fet out from Madrid^ a place which 
the remembrance of many aiB idling circum- 
ftances rendered peculiarly odious to him, with 
the joy natural on fuch an occafion, and began 
the long-wi(hed for journey towards his own 
dominions. He was efcorted by a body of 
horfe under the command of Alarcon, who, as 
the King drew near the frontiers of France,. 


' Guic. 1. XVI. 353. 



guarded him with more fcrupulous exaftnefs Book IV. 
than ever. When he arrived at the river An- ^' '^^ Z/ ^ 
d^jCj which feparates the two kingdoms, Lau- *^ 
tree appeared on the oppofite bank with a 
guard Of horfe equal in number to Alarcgn's* 
An empty bark was moored in the middle of 
the ftream ; the attendants drew up in order on 
the oppofite banks ; at the fame inftant, Lannoy 
with eight gentlemen put off from the Spanifh^ 
and Lautrec with the fame number from the 
French fide of the river ; the former had the 
King in his boat ; the latt^r^ the Dauphin and 
duke of Orleans ; they n^t in the empty vefiel ^ 
the exchange was made in a moment ; Francis, 
after a fiiort embrace to his children, leaped 
into Lautrec's boat,, and reached the French 
ihore. . He mounted that inftant a Turkifh 
horfe, waved his hand over his head, and with 
a joyful voice crying aloud fevcral times, *' I 
am yet a King,'* galloped full fpeed to St John 
de Luz, and from thence to Bayonne. Thi^ 
event, no lefs impatiently defired by the French 
nation than by their Monarch, happened on the 
eighteenth of March, a year and twenty* two 
days after the fatal battle of Pavia "^^ 

Soon after the Emperor had taken Jeave of The Empe- 
Francis, and permitted him to begin bis journey riage with 
towards his own dominions, he fct out for JJ*^«"» j**^ 
Seville, in order to folemnize his marf iage with °''"^* * 
Ifabella, the daughter of Emanuel, the late 
King c£ Portugal, and the fifter of John III. 
who had fucceedcd him in the throne of that 
kingdom. Ifabella was a princefs of uncom- 
mon beauty and accomplifhments ; and as the 
Cortes both in Caftile and Aragon had warmly 
folicited their fovereign to marry, the choice of 

T z a wifi? 

w Sandov, Hlft. i. 735. Guic. 1. xvi. 355. 


Book IV. a wife fo nearly allied to the royal blood of 
'^'""'C^ both kingdoms, was extremely acceptable to his 
^5^^' fubjefts. The Portuguefe, fond of this new 
conneftion with the firft Monarch in Chriften- 
dom, granted him an extraordinary dowry with 
Ifabella, amounting to nine hundred thoufand 
crowns, a fum, which, from the fituation of 
his aflfairs at that junfture, was of no fmall con- 
March u. fequence to the Emperor, The marriage was 
celebrated with that fplendour and gaiety, which 
became a great and youthful Prince. Charles 
lived with Ifabella in perfedt harmony, and 
treated her on all occafions with much diftinc- 
tion and regard °. 

Affairs of DuRiNG thcfe tranfadions, Charles could 
Germany, hardly givc any attention to the affairs of Ger- 
many, though it was torn in pieces by commo- 
tions, which threatened the mod dangerous con- 
fequences. By the feudal inftitutions, which 
ftill fubfifted almoft unimpaired in the Empire, 
the property of lands was vefted in the Princes, 
Gncvances and frcc-barons. Their vaflals held of them by 
fantsf^** the ftridcft and moft limited tenures; while 
the great body of the people was kept in a 
ftate but little removed from abfolute fervitude. 
In fome places of Germany, people of the loweft 
clafs were fo entirely in the power of their 
mafters, as to be fubjeft to perfonal and do- 
meftick flavery, the moft rigorous form of that 
wretched ftate. In other provinces, particularly 
in Bohemia and Lufatia, the peafants were 
bound to remain on the lands to which they 
belonged, and making part of the eftate, were 
transferred like any other property from one 


" Ulloa Vitadi Carlo V. p. 106. Belcarius Com. Rer. 
Gallic, p. 565. Spalatinin ap. Struv. Corp. Hifl. Germ. 
n. 1081. 


hand to another. Even in Suabia, and the Book J V. 
countries on the banks of the Rhine, where their ' ^^"^^ 
condition was moft tolerable, the peafants not '^* 
only paid the full rent of their farms to the 
landlord ; but if they chofe either to change the 
place of their abode, or to follow a new pro- 
feffion, they were obliged to purchafc this pri- 
vilege at a certain price. Befide this, all grants 
of lands to peafants expired at (heir death, 
without defcending to their pofterity. Upon 
that event, the landlord had a right to the beft 
of their cattle, as well as of their furniture ; 
and their heirs, in order to obtain a renewal of 
the grant, were obliged to pay large fums by 
way of fine. Thefe exaftions, though grievous, 
were born with patience, becaufe they were cuf- 
tomary and ancient : But when the prqgrcls of 
elegance and luxury, as well as the: changes in- 
troduced into the art of war, came . to increafe 
the expence of government, and made it necef- 
fary for princes to levy occifional or ftated 
taxes on their fubjefts, fuch inipofitions being 
new, appeared intolerable-, and in Germany, 
thefe duties being laid chiefly upon beer, wine, 
and other neceflaries of life, affoSted the com- 
mon people in the moft fenfible manner. The 
addition of fuch a load to their former burdens, 
drove them to defpair. It was to the valow 
infpired by refentment againft impofitions of 
this kind, that the Swifs owed the acquifition of 
their liberty in the fourteenth century. The 
fame caufe had excited the peafants in feveral 
other provinces of Germany to rebel againft 
their fuperiors towards the end of the fifteenth 
and beginning of the fixteenth centuries; and 
though thefe infurreftions were not attended 
with like fuccefs, they could not, however, be 
quelled without much difficulty and bloodihcd °. 


<* Scckend. lib. ii. p. 2. 6. 


BookIV^ By thcfe checks, the fpirit of the peafatite 
^"'^■"^C^ WIS overawed rather than fubdued ; and their 
ThdHnfur* gtievatices mukiplying continually, they ran %q 
reaionin ^rms, this year, with the moft frantic rage. 
suabia. 'j^hcir firft appearance was near Ukn in Suabia, 
The peafants in the adjacent country Socked to 
their ftandard with the ardour and impatience 
natural to men, who haying groaned long under 
6pprefl|oci, beheld at laft fome profpe& of de- 
liverance; and the contagion fpreading ffxmi 
province to province, reached almoft every part 
of Germany. Wherever they came, they plun- 
dered the monafteries ; wafted the lands of their 
fuperiors ; razed their cafties, and maflacrod 
without mercy all pcrfons of noble birth who 
were fo unhappy as to fall into their hands p. 
Having intimicla^d their oppreflbrs, as tkey 
imagined, by the violence of thefe proceedin g s, 
they began to confider what would be the moft 
proper abd effedual method of Securing them- 
fclves for the future from their tyrannical «^ 
^idns. With this view, they tircw up and 
publiibed a nKmorial, contabing all their de- 
mands, and declared, that while arms were in 
their hands, they would either perfv^de or oblige 
the nobles to give them fuU fatisfa6lion widi 
, regard to thck^ The chief articles were^ that 
they might have liberty to chufe thdr <)wn paf- 
tors ; that tbey might be freed from t3x pay- 
ment of all tythes except thci^e of com ; diitt 
they might no longer be con&lered as the flovts 
or boncunen of their fuperiors \ that the liberty 
of hunting and fHhmg might be comaion ; that 
the great ifibhefts might not be regarded as f^ii- 
vace property, but be open for the ufe df aU ; 
that they xn^ht be delivered hotn the unufiial 


. P Vtit. Crhiittts dft firfb Rxtfticattd, ap. Prckcr. 'Sorifd 
fUr, Germ. Argent. 17 17. voL iii. p. 2^j. 


burden of taxes under which they laboured ;BooiclV- 
that the adminiftration of juftice might be ren- ^ ^7^ 
dered lefs rigorous and more impartial ^ that *^ 
the encroachments of the nobks upon meadow$ 
and commons might be reftrained % 

Many of thefe demands were extremely rea* Qndied. 
fonable; and being urged by fuch formidable 
numbers, might have met with fome redrefs. 
But tbofe vaft unwieldy bodies, aflembled in 
different places, had neither union, nor condufb, 
nor vigour. Being led by perfons of the loweft 
rank, without (kill in war, or knowledge of 
what was necefTary for accomplifliing their de<- 
iigns ^ all their exploits were diftinguifhed onlr 
by a brutal and unmeaning fury. To oppole 
this, the princes and nobles of Suabia and the 
Lower Rhine railed their valTals, and attack- 
ing fome of the mutineers with open force, and 
others by furprize, cut to pieces or difperfed 
all who infefted thofe provinces; fo that the 
peafants, after ruining the open country, and 
loiing upwards of twenty thoufand of their af- 
ibciates in the field, were obliged to return to 
their habitations with lefs hope than ever of 
rclirf frpm their grievances ^ 

These commotions happened at firft in pro* Thdr m- 
vinces oi Germany where Luther's opinions had TruTingii."* 
made little pro^refs *, and being excited wholly 
by poiitical caules, had no connexion with the 
difputed points in religion. But the frenzy 
resK:hing at laft thofe countries in which the Re- 
formation was eftabliihed, derived new ftrength 
from circtunftances peculiar to them, and rofe 


q gleid. Hift. p 60. * Seekend. lib. 11. p. 10. Petr, 

GttodaH«& de Rumecaeram Tumohii ia Otrmania, ap. 
Scatd. Script, vol. ii. p. I3i» &c. 


Book IV. to a ftill greater pitch of extravagance. The 
Reformation, wherever it was received, increafed 
that bold and innovating fpirit to which it owed 
its birth. Men who had the courage to over- 
turn a fyftem fupported by every thing which 
can command relpedt or reverence, were not to 
be overawed by any authority, how great or 
venerable foever. After having been accul*- 
tomed to confider themfelves as judges of the 
hioft iniportant doftrines in religion, to examine 
thefe freely, and to rejeft, without fcruple, what 
appeared to them erroneous, it was natural for 
themi to turn the fame daring and inquiiitive 
eye towards government, and to think of refti- 
fying whatever diforders or imperfedtions were 
difcoyered there. As religious abufes had been 
reformed in feveral places without the pcrmif- 
fion of the magiftrate, it was an eafy tranfition 
ito attempt the redrefs of political grievances in 
the fame manner. ' ^ 

midibu.'" No fooner, then, did the fpirit of revolt break 
out in Thuringia, a province fubjeft to the 
Eleftor of Saxony, the inhabitants of which 
were moftly converts to Lutheranifm, than it 
aflumed a new and more dangerous form. Tho- 
mas Muncer, one of Luther's difciples, having 
eftublifhed hihifelf in that country, had acquired 
a wonderful afcendanr over the minds of the 
people. He propagated aniong them the wildeft 
and moft enthufiaftick notions, but fuch as tended 
manifeftly to infpire them with boldnefs, and 
lead them to fedition. ^* Luther, he told them, 
had done more hurt than fervice to religion^ 
Thctr f»ni- Hc had, indeed, refcued the church from the 
cicaifpmt. y^j^^ ^£ p^pg^y^ {jyj. j^jg do6trines encouraged, 

and his life fet an example of the utmoft licen- 
iioufnefs of manners. In order to avoid vice. 


fays he, men muft praftife perpetual mortifi-BooK IV, 
cation. They muft put on a grave countenance, ^"^"^C^ 
fpeak little, wear a plain garb, and be ferious *^^ ' 
in their whole deportment. Such as prepare 
their hearts in this manner, may expe<fl that the 
Supreme Being will dire£t all their fteps, and 
by fome vilible fign difcover his will to them ; 
if that illumination be at any time with-held, 
we may expoftulate with the Almighty, who, 
deals with us fo harlhly, and remind him of his 
promifes. This expoftulation and anger will 
be highly acceptable to God, and will at laft 
prevail on him to guide us with the fame uner- 
ring, hand which condufted the patriarchs of - 
old. Let us beware, however, of offending him 
by our arrogance ; but as all men are equal in 
his eye, let them return to that condition of 
equality in which he formed them, and having 
all things in common, let them live together 
like brethren, without any marks of fubordina* 
tion or pre-eminence ^'* 

Extravagant . as thefe tenets were, they 
flattered fo many paflfions in the human heart, 
as to make a deep impreffion. To aim at no- 
thing more than the abridging the power of the 
nobility, was now confidered as a trifling and 
partial reformation, not worth the contending 
for ; it was propofed to level every diftindlion 
among mankind, and by abolifhing property, to 
reduce them to their natural ftate of equality, 
in which all fhould receive their fubfiftence from 
one common ftock. Muncer alTured them, that 
the defign was approved of by heaven, and thai: 
the Almighty had in a dream afcertained him 
of its fuccefs. The peafants fet about the exe- 
cutions^ of it, not only with the rage which ani- 
^ mate4 

f Seckcn4. lib. ii. p. 13. Sleid. Hift. p. 8j. 


Boor IV. mated thofe of their order in other parts of Ger- 
* ^ many, but with the ardour which cnthufiafm in- 
'^ fpircs They depofcd the magiftrates in all the 
cities of which they were mafters ; feized the 
lands of the nobles, and obliged fuch of them 
as they eoc into their hands, to put on the drefs 
commonly worn by peafants, and inftcad di their 
former titles, to be fatisfied with the appelladon 
given to people in the loweft clafs of life. Vaft 
numbers engaged in this wild undertaking ; but 
Muncer, their leader and their prophet, was 
deftitute of the abilities neceflary for conducing 
it He had all the extravagance, but not the 
courage; which enthufiafls ufually pofleis. It 
was with difficulty he .could be perfuaded to take 
the field V and though he foon drew together 
eight thoufand men, he fufFered himfelf to be 
furrounded by a body of cavalry under the com* 
maitd of the Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave 
of Hefle, and Duke of Brunfwick. Thcfc 
Princes, unwilling to flied the blood of thdr de- 
luded fubjefts, fent a young nobleman to their 
camp, with the oflfer of a general pardon, if 
ihcy would immediately lay down their arms, 
and deliver up the authors of the fedition. 
Muncer, alarmed at this, began to harai^ue his 
followers with his ufoal vehemence, exhordng 
them not to truft: thefe deceitful promifes en 
their opprefibrs, nor to defcrt the caufie of God, 
and of Cbriftian liberty, 

Fetfbnrt BuT the fcnfe of prcfent danger maki^ a 
********' dcq)cr impreffion on the peafants than hts elo- 
quenccy confufion and terror were vifible in eve- 
jy face, whca a rainbow, wiuch was the cm- 
bfem tbat the mutineers had painted on their 
cofoors^ ksppentog to appear ui the clouds, 
Afoncer, with admirable prcfence of mind, laid 
bold of that incident, and fuddenly raifing his 



eycB and hands towards heaven, ^^ Behold," Book IV. 
cried he, with an elevated voice, " the fign^ — ^C*^ 
*' which God has given. There is the pledge '^ 
*' of your fefety, and a token that the wicked 
•* fliall be deftroyed.'* The fanatical multitude 
fet up inftantly a great fhout, as if victory had 
been certain ; and palling in a moment from 
<me extreme to another, malTacred the unfor- 
tunate nobleman who had come with the offer 
(^ pardon, and demanded to be led towards the 
enemy. The Princes, enraged at this ihocking 
vi(4atk>n of the laws of war, advanced with no 
lefs impetuofitv, and began the attack ; but the Ma^ l^ 
behaviour of tne peafants in the combat was not 
fuch as might have been expedted either from 
their ferocity or confidence of fuccefs ; an un- 
difciplined rabble was no equal match for well- 
trained troops ; above five thoufand were flain 
in the field, almoft without making refiftance ; 
the reft fled, and among the foremoft Muncer 
their general. He was uken next day ; and be* 
ing condemned to fuch puniftiments as his crimes 
had deferved, he fufiered them with a poor and 
d^ardly fpirit. His <kath put an end to the 
infurreftions of the peafants which had filled 
Germany with fuch terror ^ ; but the cnthufiaftick 
actions which he had fcattered were not extir- 
pated» iind produced, not long after, efie£ts more 
memorable, as well as more extravagant. 

Durin6 thefe commotions, Luther ^cdtmktrU 
with exemplary prudence and moderation ; like ^I^^^ 
a common parent, iblicitous about the welfare coadva. 
of both parties, without fparing the faults or 
errors of either. On the one hand, he addrelZed 
9 fnonitory difcourfe to the nobles, exhorting 


< Sleid. Hid. p. 84. Seckend. lib. ii. p. 1^. Gziodaliut 
TuiniilU Ruftican. 155. 




Book IV. them to treat their dependants with greater 
humanity and indulgence. On the other, he 
feverely cenfured the feditious fpirit of the pea- 
fants, advifing them not to murmur at hardftiips 
infeparable frotp their condition, nor to feek for 
redrefs by any but legal means ". 

His fnar- 

Luther's famous marriage with Catharine 
a Boria, a nun of a noble family, who, having 
thrown off the veil, had fled from the cloifter, 
happened this year, and was far from meeting 
with the fame approbation. Even his moft de- 
voted followers thought this ftep indecent, at a 
time when his country was involved in fo many 
calamities ; while his enemies never mentioned 
it with any fofter appellation than that of in- 
ceftuous or profane. Luther himfelf was fen-* 
(ible of the impreflicn which it had made to his 
difadvantage ; but being fatisfied with his own 
conduft, he bore the cenfure of his friends, arid 
the reproaches of his adverfaries, with his ufual 
fortitude ^. 

May 5. 

This year the Reformation loft its firft pro- 
teftor, Frederick, Ele£lor of Saxony ; but the 
blow was the lefs fenfibly felt, as he was fuc- 
ceeded by his brother John, a more avowed and 
zealous, though lefs able patron of Luther and 
his doftrines. 

prari« Another event happened about the fame 

wtbc time, which, as it occafioned a cortfiderablc 
Teuiooick changc in the ftate of Germany, muft be traced 
*^ "' back to its fource. "While the frenzy of the 
Crufadcs pofleffed all Europe during thl^ twelfth 
and thirteenth centuries, feveral orders of reli- 
gious knighthood were founded in defence of 


u Slcid. Hift. p. 87 

X Seckend. lib. ii. p. 15. 


the Chriftian faith againft Heathens and In- Book IV. 
iidels. Among thefe the Teutonick order in' '^C^^ 
Germany was one of the mod illuftrious, the '^^ * 
knights of which diftinguilhed themfclvcs greatly 
in all the wild enterprizes carried on in the 
Holy Land. Being driven at laft from their 
fettlements in the eaft, they were obliged to 
return to their native country. Their zeal and 
valour were too impetuous to remain long 
inaftive. They invaded, on very flight pre- 
tences, the province of Pruflia, the inhabitants 
0/ which were ftill idolaters ; and having com- 
pleated the conqueft of it about the middle of 
the thirteenth century, held it many years as a 
fief depending on the crown of Poland. Fierce 
cOiltefts arofe; during this period, between the 
Grand Matters of the order, and the Kings of 
Poland ; the former ftruggling for indepen- 
dence, while the latter alfcrted their right of 
fpvereignty with great firmnefs. Albert, a 
Prince of the houfe of Brandenburgh, who vi^s 
elefted Grand Matter in the year one thoufand 
five hundred and eleven, engaging keenly in 
this quarrel, maintained a long war with Sigif- 
mund. King of Poland ; but having become 
an early convert to Luther's dodtrines, this gra- 
dually leflened his zeal for the interetts of his 
fraternity, fo that he took the opportunity of 
the confufions in the Empire, and the abfence 
of the Emperor, to conclude a treaty with 
Sigifmund, greatly to his private emolument.. 
By it, that part of Pruflia which belonged to 
the Teutonick order was erefted into a lecular 
and hereditary dutchy, and the invettiture of it 
granted to Albert, who, in return, bound him- 
felf to do homage for it to the Kings of Poland 
as their vaflal. Immediately after this, he made 
public profeffion of the reformed religion, and 





SooK IV. married a princefs of Denmark. The Teutonick 
knights exclainied fo loudly againft the treachery 
of their grand mafter^ that he was put undar 
the ban of the Empire ; but he ftill kept p(^ 
feffion of the province which he had ufurpc4 
and tranfmitted it to his pofterity. in proceis 
of time this rich inheritance fell to the eleftoral 
branch of the family, all dependence on the 
crown of Poland was fhaken off, and the Mar- 
graves of Brandenburgh, having aflumtd die 
title of Kings of Pruflia, have not only rifen to 
an equality with the firft Princes in Germany, 
but take their rank among the great Monarchs 
ci Europe y» 

rirftroet- Ufoh thc retum of the French King to his 
FrcD*ch^ ^^ dominions, the eyes of all the powers in Europe 
King upon wcre fixcd upon him, that, by obferving his firft 

liis return • i»t/» ^ \ " 

to FriDce. Hiotions, thcy might form a judgment concern- 
ing his fubfequent conduft. Thcy were not 
held long in fufpence. Francis, as foon as he 
arrived at Bayonne, wrote to the King of Eng- 
land, thanking him for his zealous and affec- 
tionate interpc4ition in his favour, to which he 
acknowledged that he owed the recovery of his 
liberty. Next day the Emperor^s ambafladors 
demanded audience, and, in their mailer's name, 
required him to iffuc fuch orders as were necef- 
fary for carrying thc treaty of Madrid into 
immediate and full execution. He coldly an- 
fwcred, that though for his own part he deter- 
mined religioufly to perform all that he had 
promifcd, the treaty contained fo many articles 
relative not to himfelf alone, but affe£fcing the 
intcrcfts of the French monarchy, that he could 


T Sleid. Hift. p. 98. PfcfFel Abrego de rhift. de Droit 
Psbl. p. 605 > &c^ 


not take any farther ftcp without <!onfulting theB«>« IV. 
Sutes of his kingdom; and that fome time '"'p^^T^ 
woukl be neceflary in order to reconcile their '^^ ' 
minds to the hard conditions which he had 
confented to ratify *. This reply was confidered 
as no obfcure difcovery of his being refolved 
to elude the treaty ; and the compliment paid 
to Henry, appeared a very proper ftep towards 
lecuring the afliftance of that Monarch in the 
war with the Emperor, to which fuch a refo- 
lution would certainly give rife. Thefe circum- 
ftances, added to the explicit declarations which 
Francis made in fecret to the ambafladors from 
fevcral of the Italian powers, fully fatisfied 
them that their conjedures with regard to his 
conduct had been juft, and that innead of in- 
tending to execute an unreafonable treaty, he 
was eager to feize the firll: opportunity of re- 
venging thofe injuries which had compelled him 
to ieign an approbation of it. Even the doubts, 
and ^ars, and fcruples, which ufed, on other 
occafions, to hold Clement in a (late of uncer- 
tamty, were diffipated by Francis's feeming im- 
patience to break through all his engagements 
with the Emperor. The fituation, indeed, of 
affairs in Italy at that time, did not allow the 
Pope to hefitate long. Sforza was flill belieged 
by the Imperialifts in the caftle of Milan. That 
feeble Prince, deprived now of Morone's advice, 
and unprovided with every thing neceflary for 
defence, found means to inform Clement and 
the Venetians, that he muft foon furrendcr, if 
they did not come to his relief. The Imperial 
troops, as they had received no pay iincc the 
battle of Pavia, lived at difcretion in the Mi- 
laneie) levying fuch exorbitant concributioos ia 


« Mem. dc Bellay, p. 97. 


Book IV. that dutchy, as amounted, if we may rely on 
Guicciardini's calculation, to no lefs a fum than 
five thoufand ducats a day * ; nor was it to be 
doubted, but that the foldiers, as foon as the 
caftle Ihould fubmit, would chufe to leave a 
ruined country which hardly afforded them fub- 
fiftence, that they might take pofleflion of more 
comfortable quarters in the fertile and un- 
touched territories' of the Pope and Venetians. 
The afliftance of the French King was the only 
thing which could either fave Sfbrza, or enable 
them to proteft their own dominions from the 
infults of the Imperial troops. 

A Tetgne FoR thcfc fcafons, the Pope, the Venetians,- 
I^?nft*thc ^^^ ^^^^ of Milan, were equally impatient to 
ijni)eror. come to an agreement with Francis, who, on 
his part, was no lefs defirous of acquiring fuch 
a confiderable acceffion, both of ftrength and 
reputation, as fuch a confederacy would bring 
along with it. The chief objcfts of this alli- 
ance, which was concluded at Cognac on the 
twenty- fecond of May, though kept fecret for 
fome time, were, to oblige the Emperor to fet 
at liberty the French King's fons, upon pay- 
ment of a reafonable ranfom •, and to re-eftablifli 
Sforza in the quiet poffeflion of the Milanefe* 
If Charles fliould refufe either of thefe, the 
contrading parties bound themfelves to bring 
into the field an army of thirty-five thoufand 
men, with which, after driving the Spaniards 
out of the Milanefe, they would attack the 
kingdom of Naples. The King of England 
was declared proteftor of this league, which 
they dignified with the name of Holy^ becaufe 
the Pope was at the head of it •, and in order 
to allure Henry more effedtually, a principality 


•^ Guic. 1. xvii. 360.^ 


in the kingdom of Naples, of thirty thoo&nd ^^ot IV. 
ducats yearly revenue, was to be fettled on him ; ^^PC^^ 
And lands to the value of ten tfaoufatid ducats on ^ '^ * 
Woifey iiis fiivourite ^ 

No iboner was this les^ue cofncluded, than 'The i>ope 
Clement, by the plenitude of his papal power^ Frgllh 
«lbfi)ived Francis from the oath which he had ^'??» ^«' 
liftken to obferve the treaty of Madrid ^. Thl$ fcrVthc^" 
/ight, how pernicious foever in its effefts^ and ^^*^J^f 
tkflrudtive of riiat integrity which is the baus 
of aU tranfaftions among men, was the hatur^l 
coTifequence of the powers which the Pepes 
wrogated^ as the infallible vicegerents of Chriflb 
%ip&n eardi« But as, in virtue of this pretended 
pttfogative, tiiey had often difpenfed witfe 
^ligations which were held facred, the imereft 
of fwnc men, and the credulity of others, kd 
tliem tKD imagine^ th^ die decifions of a fovcs 
tejgn pontiff authorisscd or juftified aftibns whick 
Would, otherwife, have been criminal ind im* 

M-EANWHtLE the difcovery of Francis's kt-^^cEmpe- 

tention to dude the treaty of Madrid, fitted tJhe 17. *^^'^^ 

Eft^peror with a variety of difquieting thoughts^ 

He had treated an unfortunate Prince wioh the 

iDoft ungenerous rigour ; he had difpla^ed an 

infatiable ambition in all his negoctations witk 

his prifoner : He knew what cenfures the former 

bad drawn \ipon him, and what apprehenfibns 

thfe latter bad excited in every court of Europe i 

m>r had he reaped, from the meafures which he 

p^fbtdi any of thofe advantages which poH* 

tk:ift#is are apt to confider as an excufe for the 

Vox. iL U moft 

b Heuter. kcr. Auflr. lib. f*. c. 3. p. ii^. R^ca^il 
6es TraTt. ii. 124. c Goldaft. Polit* imperisL 

p. 1002. Pallav. Hift. p. 70. 


Book IV. moft criminal condud, and a compenfation for 
^ -»'■ ^^ the fevercft reproaches. Francis was now out 
'^^ • of his hands ; and not one of all the mighty 
. confequenccs which he had expcfted from the 
treaty that fet him at liberty, was likely to take 
place. His ralhnefs in relying fo far -oa his 
own judgment as to truft to the fincerity of the 
French King, in oppofiiion to the ientiments of 
his wifeft minifters, was now apparent •, and he 
^fily conjeftured, that the fame confederacy^ 
the dread of which had induced him to fet 
Francis at liberty, would now be formed againft 
him, with that gallant and incenfed Monarch 
at its head. Self-condemnation and fliame, on 
account of what was pall, with anxious appre- 
henfions concerning what might happen^ were 
the neceflary refult of thefe refleftions on his 
own conduft and fituation, Charles, however, 
was naturally firm and inflexible in all his mea- 
fures. To have receded fuddenly from any 
article in the treaty of Madrid,, Would have been 
a plain confeflion of imprudence, and a palpable 
fymptom of fear ; he determined, therefore, 
that it was moft fuitable to bis dignity, to ihfift, 
. whatever might be the coafequences,. on the 
ftridl execution of the treaty, and particularly 
not to accept of any thing which might be 
offered as an equivalent for the rcftiludon of 
Burgundy ^. ■ 

Requires In confcquCnce of this refolution, he ap* 
perfo^^^ pointed Lannoy and Alarcon to repair, as his 
whathehadambafladors, to the court of France, and for- 
ftipuiated. jnaiiy tQ fummon the King either to execute the 

treaty with the fincerity that became him, or to 
return, according to his Oath, a prifoncr to 
Madrid. Inftead of giving them an immediate 


^ Guic. 1. xvil 366, 


anfwer, Francis admitted the deputies of the Book IV. 
ftates of Burgundy to an audience in their pre- 
fence. They humbly reprefented to him, that 
he had exceeded the powers vefted in a King of 
France, when he confented to alienate their 
country from the crown, the domains of which 
he was bound by his coronation-oath to prefcrve 
entire and unimpaired. Francis, in return, 
thanked them for their attachment to his crown, 
and intreated them, though very faintly, to 
remember the obligations which he lay under 
to fulfil his engagements with the Emperor. 
The deputies affuming an higher tone, declared 
that they would not obey commands which they 
confidered as illegal ; and if he fhould abandon 
them to the enemies of France, they had re- 
folved to defend themfclves to the beft of their 
power, with a firm purpofe rather to perifli than 
lubmit to a foreign dominion. Upon which, hu mfwen 
Francis turning towards the Imperial ambafla- 
dors, reprefented to them the impolTibility of 
performing what he had undertaken, and offered, 
in lieu of Burgundy, to pay the Emperor two 
millions of crowns. The Viceroy and Alarcon, 
who eafily perceived that the fcene to which 
they had been witnefTcs, was concerted between 
the King and his fubjefts, in order to iitipofe 
upon them, lignified to him their matter's fixed 
refolution not to depart, in the fmallefl point, 
from the terms of the treaty, and withdrew *. 
Before they left the kingdom, they had the 
mortification to hear the holy league againft the 
Emperor publifhed with great folemnity. June 1 1. 

Charles no fooner received an account ofxhcEmpc- 
this confederacy, than he exclaimed, in the moft [^jioasX^r** 

U 2 publickwar. 

- « Belcar. Comment, de Rcb. Gal. 573. Mem. de.BcI* 

i^ THEREiGNOFtkfe 

Book IV. puBlick mariner, and iri thfc haf fhdft ttrtite. «gJHttffi 
Frahcis, a^ a Prince void bf Mh, ah^ M ki^ 
iibur. He cbmplaified Ati fefir bf ClerfleHt, 
whoni he foticited iii V^ih tb aMHdbtt hfe AeW 
allies ; he accufed him of irigratitbde ; he taSfc^ 
him with an ambitibrf bWbfecdfhhl^ his tYvk- 
rafter •, he threatened him not dflljr i^ith all tHt! 
<rengeance which th6 poWtr of lan firfipCrcrf- cari 

Inflia, but, by dppe^lirtff. to a ftfenefal tbtihcll, 

called up before him all the te'ritrft atifing fmitf 
the authority of thofe iflfettibtei fo formldiibte 
to the papal fee. li WiS necelfarjr^ Howfevet, 
to oppofe fomelhing elfe thdrt rfeprb^hfes dhfl 
threats to the poWefful idrtlbltiatioh fofrfitfrf 
againft him j and thfe ErtlptWr, ptorti^tied by fd 
many paflidns, did ridt fail to e^ei't himfelf trith 
unufual vigour, ih ot-det td fchd filt>blieS Hdt 
only of men, but of nionty, whieh tvas raM mdrt 
heeded, into Italy. 

Feeble ope- Qm the Other hand, th6 e6x>rti of the cbnfed^- 
Sc confe. fates bore no proportion to thit ^hittlofity ^g^itaft 
derates, the Emp^ror with which fhe^ tcertidd to eritfef 
Into the holy league. Francis, it i^as thought, 
would haveinfufedfpirit indi^igourihto the Whot^ 
body. He had his loft hortour to t-epair, tn^ny ihju- 
fies to revenge, and the ftatioh amohg the RrincW 
of Europe from which hfe had fallen fo t^bVer. 
From all thefe powerful irtciterrtents, added td 
the natural impetuofity of his tfeihber, a ifit 
inore fierce and bloody thah any that hfe had 
hitherto made upon his rival, Was iejcpetttd. 
But Frahcis had gone through fUch a fcerjfe d 
diftrefs ; and the impreffion it had made was 
ftill fo frefli in his merbory, that he was become 
diffident of himfelf. diftruftful of fofttinc, and 
defiroui of tranquillity. To procure the releafe 
tif his fcois, and to avoid the reftitution of Bur- 


#WJdjr, by paying fwc re^fpnaWe e^ijiy^lenf, ^?F ^V* 

he woul/d willingly Mp f»c»riftc?4 Sforj^ an4 tfc^ 
lit)eff(teii <^ |/t4ly tp tiie igqipefor. ^e flattered 
iiioifclf tha? ;h^ fir^ qf tl^e cpnfc4eracy whic^ 
he had iQXff^ WPim14 of ii(((^^ induce Charlra 
to liften to what was equitable ; and was ajfraid 
oi e{np}pyij[)g aoy ^of^der ^ble force for the re« 
lief of the Mijanefe, left I>is allies, whpm h^ 
lu»d oftep 6>jan4 fio ^ P^orc attentive to their 
pwn iatere^j itha^ puiX49:u.^.l in fulfilling theif 
f %^(n^F^j 4)pi4d ^b^i^don I^im as fpofi a§ t^e 
In^pe^i^Jii^^ vere driven put ^ that country, ao^ 
4gpriye his qegociajtipns lyith the plnipeior c^ 
j^%% Wl^i^bt which they derived froip his ^ing 
»f tk^ hc^d of % pQwprfHl kagpe. In the mea? 
jtim^ i^ (l^e of Mi^n w^s prefled moire clofely 
ihAfi^ ,4:ver, mi ^prz^ w^ now re4uced to the 
" ^ft /g^f etnity. The Pope ^nd Venetians, trufl;- 
IQg to Fraaci^^s .concurrence, commanded thei|r 
frpop^ tjp ti^kis |the fi/eld, in order to rel^rve him ^ 
4^4 jin 4rn)y, mpre th^n fufficient for thajt 
Service, wa? fopn formed. The Milanefc, paf- 
fipn^fely attached to their unfbrtiinjite dujce, 
Jffn^ fU9 lei$ eieafperii^d 4gajnft the Iqiperi^lills^ 
who had op4)reffed them fo cruelly, were ready 
to aid the confederates in all their enterprizes. 
fBut tbp dukie d'Urbino, tjia/sir gei^ral, naturally 
JSf>W m^ ii^icifiye, and reftrained, befides, by 
his AQjciepit (crwity tp thp family pf Medici, 
/irom t9kin^ my ftep thgf might aggrandize or 
add r^pptatipn tp the Rope \ Ipft fpme ppppr- 
tUDitie?, aftd rjcfufed to impripve pth^r?, o^ 
Slacking the lQiperialift$, and raifing the liege. 
Th^fc xiSay$ gaye 6ourboa time to brii?g pp » 
jF^ir^^MWi^t pf frcdh t4rpQp§, and 4 &pply of 
oioney. He immediately took the command of J^h «4» 


Ji^lc. A. ?vii* j8»« 


Book IV. the army, and pulhed on the fiege with fuch 

^ '"^" -^ vigour, as quickly obliged Sforza to furrender, 

'^^ * who retiring to Lodi, which the confederates had 

furprized, left Bourbon in full poffeffion of the 

reft of the dutchy, the inveftiture of which the 

Emperor had promifed to grant him &. 

Difquietude" The Italians began now to perceive the game 
JiM**^'^*" which Francis had played, and to be fenfible 
^^^'^' that, notwithftanding all their addrefs, and re- 
finements in negociation, which they boafted of 
as talents peculiarly their own, they had for 
once been over-reached in thofe very arts by a 
# tramontane Frincc. Helfed hitherto thrown al- 

moft the whole burden of the war upon them, 
taking advantage of their, efforts, in order to 
enforce the propofals which he often renewed 
at the court of Madrid for obtaining the liberty 
of his fons. The Tope and Venetians expoftu- 
lated and complained ^ ; but as they were not 
able to rouze Francis from his iilaftivity^ their 
own zeal and vigour gradually abated ; and 
Clement, having already gone farther than his 
timidity ufually permitted him, began to accufe 
himfelf of ramnefs, and to relapfe into his ni» 
tural ftate of doubt and uncertainty. 

Meaforcsof All the Empcror's motions depending on 
the impe- himfelf alone, were more brifk and better con- 
•certed. Th6 narrownefs of his revenues, in- 
deed, did not allow him to make any fudden or 
great effort in the field -, but he abundantly fup- 
plied that* defeft by his intrigues and negocia- 
tions. The fanrtily of Colonna, the moft power- 
ful of all the Roman barons, had adhered uni- 
formly to the Ghibeline or Imperial faftion, dur- 
•■ ing 

g Guic. 1. xvii. 1. 376, &c. h Rufcclli Lettere 

-de Principi, ii. 157, &e. 159, 160 — 166.' 


ing thofc fierce contentions between the Popes Book IV< 
and Emperors, which, for feveral ages, filled 
Italy and Germany with difcord and bloodlhed. 
Though the caules which at firft gave birth to 
thefe deftruftive faftions exifted no longer, and 
the rage with which they had been animated 
was in a great meafure fpent, the Colonnas ftill 
retained their attachment to the Imperial intereft, 
and, by placing themfelves under the proteftion 
of the Emperors, fecured the quiet pofleffion of 
their own territories and privileges. The Car- 
dinal Pompeo Colonna, a man of a turbulent 
and ambitious temper, at that time the head of 
the family, had long been Clement's rival, to 
whofe influence in the lafl: conclave he imputed 
the difappointment of ail his fchemes for at- 
taining the papal dignity, of which, from his 
known conneiftion with the Emperor, he thought 
himJclf fecure^ This was too great an injury 
to an afpiring mind ever to be forgiven ; and 
though he had diflembled his refentment lb far 
as to vote for Clement at his eledion, and to ac- 
cept of great offices in his court, he waited with 
the utmoft impatience for an opportunity of 
being revenged. Don Hugo di Moncada, thp 
Imperial ambaflador at Rome, who was no 
flranger to thefe ientiments, eafily perfuaded 
him, that now was the time, while all the papal 
troops were employed in Lombardy, to attempt 
fomething which would at once avenge his own 
wrongs, and be of eflcntial fervice to the Em.- 
peror his patron. The Pope, however, whofe 
timidity rendered him quick-fightcd, was fo at- 
tentive to their operations, and began to be 
alarmed fo early^ that he might have drawn to- 
gether troops fufficient to have difconcerted all 
Colonna's meafures. But Moncada amufed him 
fo artfully with negociations, protnifes, and falfe 



Book IV. intelligence, that he lulled afleep all his fufpl- 
" ^'T^ dions, and prevented his taking any of the pre* 
"^ * Cautions neceffary for his fafety; wd to the 
internal difgrace of a 'prince poffeffcd of great 
power, as well as renowned for political wifdom, 
h^olon ^^^^'^"^^ ^^ ^^^ head of three thoufand tnerr, 
nasVcoroe fcized ouc of the gates of his capital, while he, 
mafters of Imagining hinfifelf to be in perfea fecurity, was 
altogether unprepared for relifting fuch a feeble 
enemy. The inhabitatits of Rome permitted 
Colonna*s troops, from whom they appreheildcd 
no injury, to advance without oppofltion : the 
Pope's guards were difperfed in a rnoment ; ani 
Clement himfelf, terrified at the danger, tafliamcd 
of his own credulity, and deferted by almoft 
every perfon, fled with precipitation into the 
caftle of St. Angelo, which was immediately in- 
vefted. The palace of the Vatican, the chunlh 
of St. Peter, and the houfes of the Pope's mint- 
jders and fervants, were plundered in the mofl: 
licentious manner ; the reft of the city was left 
unmolefted. Clement, deftitute of every riling 
neceOary ei tlier for fubfiftancc or defence, was 
Accomrtio. foon obliged to demand a capitulation •, and 
twew ^"e Moncada, being admitted into the caftle, pre* 
Pope tod Jcribed to him, with all the haughtincfs of a 
^ropcror, ^onqucrof, conditions which it was not in hii 
power to reject. The chief of thefc was, That 
element Ihould not only grant a full pardon to 
the Colonnais, but receive them into favour,' and 
:imrnediately withdraw all the troops m his pay 
from the army of the confederates in Xonip- 
Wdy '. . 

The Colonnas, who talked of nothing left 
xhan of depofing Cement, and of placing rona^ 


* Jovii Vita Pomp. Colon. Guic. I, xvii. 407, Rof* 
cel)i Lette^e de f^rincipii i. p. 104* 

Emperor CHARLES V. 197 

»Co, their kinfman, in the vacant chair of St. Book IV. 
Peter, exclainied toucjly againft a treaty which ' — "^^""^ 
left them at the mercy of a PontiflF juftly in^ "5^^' 
cenfed againft them. 0ut Moncada, attentive 
only to his matter's interest, paid little regard to 
their complaints, and, by this fortunate mea- 
fure, broke entirely the power o( the confe- 

Whil? the army of the confederates fuffered T^« i^pc- 
fuch a confiderable diminution, the Imperialifts "tUih^d. 
received two great reinforcements ; one from 
Spaing under the command of Lannoy and Alar* 
con, which amounted to fix thoufand men ; the 
Other was raifed in the Empire by George 
Frondfperg, a German nobleman, who having 
ferved in luly with great reputation, had ac-^ 
quired fuch influence and popularity, that mul- 
titudes of his countrymen, fond on every occa-^ . 
lion of engaging in military enterprizes, and im» 
patient at that jundure to efcape from the op* 
preffion of their fuperiors in religious as well as 
civil matters, crowded to his ftandard ; fo that 
without any other gratuity than the payment 
of a crown to each man, fourteen thoufand 
enlifted in his fervice. To thefe the Archduke 
Ferdinand added two thoufand horfe, levied in 
the Auftrian dominions. But although the 
Emperor had raifed troops, he could not remit 
the fums neceflary for their fupport. His or^ 
(Jinary revenues were exhaufted ; the credit of 
princes, during the infancy of commerce, was 
not extenfive •, and the Cortes of Caftile, though 
every art had been tried to gain them, and fome 
innovations had been made in the conftitution, 
in order tb fecure their concurrence, peremp^ 
torily refufed to grant Charles any extraordi- 
* . njiry 


Book. IV, nary fupply ^ ; fo that the more his army in- 
^' — ^^7^ creafed in number, the more were his generals 
Thl^Em- cmbarraffed and diftrefled. Bourbon, in par- 
i»eror\fi. ticular, was involved in fuch difHculties, that 
£c\€ni *^' he flood in need of all his addrefs and courage 
in order to extricate himfelf. Vaft fums were 
due to the Spanifh troops already in the Milan- 
efe, when Frondfperg arrived with fixteen thou- 
fand hungry Germans, deftitute of every thing. 
Both made their demands with equal fiercencfs ; 
the former claiming their arrears, and the lat- 
ter, the pay which had been promifed them on 
their entering Lombardy. Bourbon was alto- 
gether incapable of giving fatisfaftion to either. 
In this fituation he was conftrained to commit 
afts of violence extremely fhocking to his own 
nature, which was generous and humane. He 
fcized the principal citizens of Milan, and by 
,. threats, and even by torture, forced from them 
a confiderable fum : he rifled the churches of 
all their plate and ornaments. The inadequate 
fupply which thefe afforded, hediftributed among 
the foldiers, with fo many foothing exprefTions 
of his fympathy and affeftion, that though it 
fell far fhort of the fums due to them, it ap- 
peafed their prefent murmurs '. 

Bourbon Among Other expedients for raifing money, 
^' J J^'^^'®'^^ Bourbon granted his life and liberty to Morone, 
* ^' who having been kept in prifon fince his in- 
trigue with Pefcara, had been condemned to die 
by the Spanifti judges empowered to try him. 
For this remifTion he paid twenty thoufand du- 
cats ; and fuch were his fingular talents, and the 
wonderful afcendant which he always acquired 
over the minds of thofc to whom he had accefs, 



fc Saodov. L 8i4r ' Ripamond. Hifl. MedioL 


that in a few days, from being Bourbon's pri-BooK IV. 
foner, he became his prime confident, with whom "7^ 
he confulted in all affairs of importance. To *^^ * 
his infinuations muft be imputed the fufpicions 
which Bourbon began to entertain, that the Em- 
peror had never intended to grant him the in- 
veftiture of Milan, but had appointed Leyva, 
and the other Spanifh generals, rather to be 
^ies on his conduft, than to co-operate heartily 
towards the execution of his fchemes. To him 
likewife, as he ft ill retained, at the age of four- 
fcore, all the enterprizing fpirit of youth, may 
be attributed the bold and unexpcftcd meafurc 
on which Bourbon foon after ventured °*. 

Such, indeed, were the exigencies of the Im- hi? deiibe- 
perial troops in the Milanefe, that it became in- refJTca'to^ 
difpenfably neceffary to take fome immediate w« «not>o'»- 
ftep for their relief. The arrears of the foldiers 
increafed daily •, the Emperor made no remit- 
tances to his generals 5 and the utmoft rigour 
of military extortion could draw nothing more 
from a country entirely drained and ruined. In 
this fituation there was no choice left, but either 
to difband the army, or to march for fubfiftence 
into the enemy's country. The territories of 
the Venetians lay neareft at hand ; but they, 
with their ufual forefight and prudence, had 
taken fuch precautions as fecured them from 
any infult. Nothing, therefore, remained but to 
invade the dominions of the church, or of. the 
P'lorentines -, and Clement had of late afted fuch 
a part, as merited the fevereft vengeance from 
the Emperor. No fooner did his troops return 
to Rome after the infurreftion of the Colonnas, 
than, without paying any regard to the treaty 
with Moncada, he degraded the Cardinal Co- 

^ Guic. 1. xvii. 419. 


Booic IV. IpRDa, eicpommunipated fhe reft ol t^e f?r^^, 
"^TT^ feized their places of ftrength, and wafted tbpir 
5 • land with all the cruelty which th« lm?« pf ^ 
recent injury naturally excites, iV^ter thi?, hp 
turned his ^m$ ?gainft Naples ; aad ^ jij^ Qp^ 
rations were fccon^ed by ;h,e French flp€t, He 
made fome progreft towards t^e cgnqu/eft pf tl^^t 
kingdom ; t;he Viceroy being nq left de^itutc 
than the other I^iperial geperaU g^ the jriancF 
requifue fgr 4 vjgorQVis 4^enic? ^. 

1517. Tm%% prpceeijings of the P^pe juftjfie^, |p 

bvadeVhf appearance, the meafures whjch |(?uj?bon'$ fitya- 

Pope's ter- tion rendered n^ppe^ary ^ and he fct ^bo^t ej^g- 

fitones. cuting them under fuch di fad vantages, as furniffi 

the ftrongeft proof both of the d^fp^r ^> wJjich 

he was redgced, ^nd of che greMflefs <^ hja ^' 

Jities, which were able to fyrinoijni: fp jpsny oV- 

ftacles. Having committed thie gpvjBfnflf^ent <tf 

Milan to Leyva, whom he y^as not vi'^williiig 

to leave behind, be bega/i h}$ pi^rch in tjie d^}i 

January 3c. of winter, ait ibe hegd of i;w^nty.$v/5 th^vAfld 

men, compofed of ng|iQ0$ ^ifferiflg fjrpgi es^ji 

other in language and r?i4«n,er^ j lyi^bput mopey, 

without magazines, wiihout artiilery, witboiit 

carriages ; in ftert, v^i^ho^t apy pf chofe jthings 

which are neqeffary to t}ve fifiail^ft party, §^fl 

which i^via effential jp the cp^iftenc^ and mp- 

' lions of a great arn^y, Iii§ roiu )^y tbrojigji 

a country cut by rivers an^ moui^t^ins, \n which 

the roads were almoft imprndifi^bie 5 ^s^fl ji^r 

dition to his difficukies, the eqenf^y'^ ^rfpy, fy- 

pcrior to his owp in number, w^^ ^ lv^f4 «p 

watch all his ipQtiqn/s, and tp ioF^prpve fv^y 

advantage, B.qt bis tropp§, in^patiiept of ih^ir 

prcfent hardlhips, and allured by the jbope^ pf 


n Jovii Vita Ponjp, CAq^. Qm. h xviii. 424. 


•ittmettfe booty, without confidering how ill Book IV. 
pix3ividfed ther Were for i rharth, followed him """^^^ ^ 
\^ith grtat cWecrfblners. His firft fcheme was '**^' 
tb hav6 ftiade himfclf maftel* of Placentia^, 
ind to hivt gratified his foldiers with the 
iJhinder of that city; but the vigilance of 
th6 cdtiffcderao* gencrah rendered the dcfigrt 
abortive ; nor had he better fuccefs in hi$ pro-- 
jfcfl: (bt the fedtrftion bf Bologna, ^hich w^s 
ibllbnably fu|iplicd with as many troops is fe- 
cured it from the infults of an army which had 
neither artillery nor ammunition. Having failed 
iii both thefe attempts to become mailer of fotne 
gjfait city, ht was tinder a neccffiry of ad- 
t^rtcing. But he had now bedntwo months in 
the Aeld -, his ttDOps had fufFered every calamity 
rfi^t la Ibrtg march, together with th^ Uncom- 
mon rigour of the feafoh, could bring upon 
itten deftitiite of all nfeceflkry accoitinKxlations 
in ah eniemy's country ; the rtiagriificent pro- 
mifes to which they trufted, had proved alto- 
gether Vain ; they fiw no profpeft of relief ; 
wren- patience, tried to the utmoft, failed at laft, 
and tftc^ broke out into open mutiny. Sdme Mutiny of 
dfl5ctri, who rafhly attempted to rfeftrain them ^ "^"^^ 
fMl viifHtils to their fury -, Bourbon himfelf, h6t 
daririg to appear during the firft tranfportis of 
theifr rage, was obliged to fly fccretly from his 
^afrters ^ But this fudden ebullition of wrath 
bfegan at iaft ro fubfide ; when Bourbon^ who 
pblfefltd in a wonderful degree the art of govern- 
ittg the iViifrds of fdldiers, renewed his promifes 
ijrith rnort confidence than formerly, and affured 
fheni, that they would be foon accomplifhed. 
He cfndeavdured to render their hardfhipS more 
toierabli^, by partaking of them himfelf; hfe 
fared no better than the meaneft centinel ; hfe 


o Gttlt. I; xviii. 454. Jom ?it. Colon. 163. ! 


Book IV. marched along with them on foot -, he joined 
"^-"^^ ^them in finging their camp-ballads, in which, 
«S27- yf\i)j high praifes of his valour, they mingled 
many ftrokes of military raillery on his poverty, 
and wherever they came, he allowed them, as a 
foretafte of what he had promifed, to plunder 
the adjacent villages at difcretion. Encouraged 
by all thefe foothing arts, they entirely forgot 
their fufFerings and complaints, and followed 
him with the fame implicit confidence as for- 
merly P. 

•ilie Pope's Bourbon, meanwhile, carefully concealed 
iiiefointicn hJs intcntions. Rome and Florence, not know- 
Tta^^'^^' ing on which ,the blow would fall, were held 
in the moft difquieting ftate of fufpence. Cle- 
ment, equally felicitous for the farety of both, 
fluftuated in more than his ufual uncertainty ^ 
and while the rapid approach of danger called 
for prompt and decifive meafures, he fpent the 
time in deliberations which came to no iffue, 
or in taking refolutions, which, next day, his 
reftlefs mind, more fagacious in difcerning than 
in obviating difficulties, overturned, without 
being able to fix on what ftiould be fubftituted 
in their place. At one time he determined to 
unite himfelf more clofely than ever with. his 
allies, and to pufh on the war with vigour ; at 
another, he inclined to bring all differences to 
a final accommodation by a treaty with Lannoy, 
who knowing his paffion for negociation, foli- 
cited him inceffantly with propofals for that 
Mwch 15. purpofe. His timidity at length prevailed, and 
JJelt^wlth* *^d him to conclude an agreement with Lan- 
the Viceroy noy, of which the following were the chief 
I of Naples, ^^j^j^g . xhat a fufpenfion of arms fhould take 

j place between the Pontifical and Imperial troops 


p Oeuvres dc Brant, vol. iv. p. 246, &c. 




for eight months; That Clement (hould ad-B^o^^ 'V* 
vance fixty thoufand crowns towards fatisfying -^>^"'*— 
the demands of the Imperial army; That the *^*^* 
Colonnas (hould be abfolved from cenfure, and 
their former dignities and poflcffions be rcftored 
to them; That the viceroy (hould come to 
Rome, and prevent Bourbon from approaching 
nearer to that city, or to Florence ^. On this 
hafty treaty, which deprived him of all hopes 
of afliftance from his allies, without affording 
him any folid foundation of fecurity, Clement 
relied fo firmly, that, like a man extricated at 
once out of all difficulties, he was at perfed 
eafe, and in the fulnefs of his confidence dif- 
banded all his troops, except as many as were 
fufficient to guard his own perfon. This ama- 
zing confidence of Clement's, who on every 
other occafion was fearful and fufpicious to 
excefs, appeared fo unaccountable to Guicciar- 
dini, who being at that time the pontifical com- 
miffary-general and refident in the confederate 
army, had great opportunity as well as great 
abilities for obferving how chimerical all his 
hopes ^were, that he imputes the Pope's conduft, 
at this junfture, wholly to infatuation, which 
thofe who are doomed to ruin cannot avoid ^ 

Lannoy, it would feem, intended to have *v^'<:**j?o««"^ 
executed the treaty with great fincerity; andgaJds!'*" 
having detached Clement from the confederacy, 
wiflied to turn Bourbon's arms againft the Vene- 
tians, who, of all the powers at war with the 
Emperor, had exerted the greatcft vigour. 
With this view he difpatched a courier to Bour- 
bon, informing him of the fufpenfion of arms, 
which, in the name of their common mafter, he 
had concluded with the Pope. Bourbon had 


q Qttic. !. xviii 436. ' Gulc. lib. xviii. 446* 



Book IV. othef fchem^s ; and he had profeciMd tbeth 
^ — ^^7^ now too far to thifik &f retreatiftg. Td kwft 
* *^^^' mentioned a retreat ro his foldiers^ wouM have 
been dangerous ; his command wa& ihdepeddeitt 
on Ldhftoy ; he was fond of mortifying a nun 
wh^m he h^ m^y r^^oi^ th hite z Ibr thelb 
reafons, without paying %ke leaft fegird to tte 
mef&ge, he continued to tiivage th« fetcleMatfll 
territories, and to advance towardi FloraM. 
Upon thife, all Clement's terror laid aiMtidty 
returning 'yArith neW forc«, he hid reomirfe tb 
Lannoyv and intrdite<l and <conjured hioft to put 
a ftop 136 Bourbon's ptiogrels. LaMov ^coofth 
iflgly fet out for his c«tipj but durft Hot ^ 
proach it; Bourbon'^ foldiefli h^fhg got^toticfe 

^ the truce, r^ed knd th^MK^ied, d4miiMlitig 
the ^ctomplifhment of ^c pr^mi^ lo whidi 
they had trufted ; their general himftdf touM 
hardly reftrain thet^i^ <^t^ pcrfen in RoBik p«N 
reived thdt nothing retiiained but «5 prepare for 
refiftiiig a ftorm which it Wkt no^ fafip^ffi^te lo 

difpel. Ckthent alon^e^ relying an ibme ^mbt^ 

guous and deceieful prc^ffions ^hkh BmHdM 
made of his inclination tdWallis p^iPt^, ^Mit 
back into his former fe6:urity \ 

Advances BouRBON, on his part, was far from being 

^^ free ft^m folicitude. AH his attenipis m tiny 

place of itopoftan<:e had Wthirtft hi'iMitMi 

and Floreht6, towards whii^h he h^ been ^ 

proaching for fonrt tilnej Was, fey tfcfc *rii^ rf 
the duke d^Urbino's ^-myj put in ^ «rn*eoA 
to fet his power at tfefianee. As ft no* i^mt 
neceflary to ehaftge bis rout^ and ro tfllte itt- 
ftandy fbttie new refolutbfr, he ffiBed Without 
h^fkatioi^ on one no lets darihg ih i<ftlf^ d)M 
it Wa^ rmpiotis according t6 the epiniott ^ fhdt 

• Gttici 1. xvfii; 43^,^4. Mem. dc BeMfcj^. lp% ife^. 





9ge« This was to nS&Mk and plunder Rome. B00& JV. 
m0ny reafony^ howcvo*, pt]Dmiited him to k.^-^"*' 
He was {9od of thwarting Lannoy^ who had ^'* 
mdertaken fpr the iafety oF that city ; he imo^ 
&^ thm ^ Emperor would be hmfaly pleafed 
19 f$e Clement, thq chief aucfaor of the le^ue 
ag^Q: hini» humbled^ he ibcfiered himmf, 
^ by gratifying the rapacity of his foldters 
with A^ imnmnfe booty, he would auach cbem 
Ipt ever f$i his imerdti or (which is ftill more 
probable i:haa my cf thefe) he hoped that by 
means of the power and fanie, which he wou^d-^ 
acquire from the conqueft of the firft city in 
QUri&OfdCnn^ that be might lay the fbundatbn 
c^ao independent power; and that after ihaking 
off nU ^osnedion with the Emperor, he might 
take pofl^ion of Naples, or of fome of the Ita^ 
lian ftates in his own name '» 

WjiATEVML his motives' wcnc, he executed The pope's 
Us refolucion with a rapidity equal to the bold- ^7defelLT 
nds with which he had formed it. His foldiers, 
mw that they hsd their prey in fuH view, com* 
plained neither of fatigue, nor famine, nor 
>rant of pay. No fooner did they begin to 
move from Tulcany towards Rome, than the 
l^pe, feniible at h^ how faUacbus the hopes 
hid been on which be repoied, ftarted from his 
fecurity. But no time now remained, even for 
a bold and deciGve Pontiff, to have taken 
proper meafures, or to have formed any effec- 
tual plan of defence- Under Clement's feeble 
condu6t, all was conikroation, diforder, and 
irrefolution. He polledtcd, however, fuch of 
his difbanded foldiers as iliU remained in the 
city ; he armed the artificers of Rome, and the 
footmen and train-bearers of the Cardinals; 

Vol. II. X he 

t Brant, iv. 271. vi; 189. Bclcarii Comment. 594. 



Book IV. he repaired the breaches in the walls; he beguw 
*''"*'^^'"*^ to ere£t new works- he excommunicated Bour- 
*^*^' bon and all his troops, branding the Germans 
with the name of Lutherans^ and the Spaniards 
with that of Moors »»• Truftii^ ta thefe incf- 
feftual military preparations, or to bis fpiritual 
arms, which were ftill more defpifed by rapaci- ^ 
ous foldiers, he feems to have laid afide bis na- 
tural timidity, and, contrary to the advice of all 
his counfellors, determined to wait the approach 
of an enemy whom he might eafily have avoided^ 
by a timely retreat, 

AflTtuitof Bourbon, who faw the neceffity of difpafch, 
*'®™®' now that his intentions were known, advanced 
with fuch fpeed, that he gained feveral marches 
on the duke d'Urbino*s army, and encamped 
in the plains of Rome on the evening of the 
fifth of May. From thence he (hewed his fol- 
diers the palaces and churches of that city, into 
which, as the capital of the Chriftian common- 
wealthy the riches of all Europe had flowed 
during many centuries, without having been 
once violated by anv hoftile hand; and com- 
manding them to rcfrefli'themfelves that night, 
as a preparation for the affault next day, pro- 
mifed them, in reward of their toils and valour, 
the poflcflion of all the treafures accumulated 

Early in the morning, Bourbon, who had 
determined to diftinguifli that day either by his 
death or the fuccefs of his enterprise, appeared 
at the head of his troops, clad in complete 
armour, above which he wore a veft of white 
tiffue, that he might be more confpicuous both 


u Scckend. lib. ii. 63* 



to his friends and to his enemies ; and as all Book IV. 
depended on one bold innpreflion, he led thelQ ^"Tc^tT^ 
inftantly to fcale the walls. Three diftinft bo- 
dies, one of Germans, another of l§paniards, ^ 
and the laft of Italians, the three difierehc 
nations of whom the army was compofed, were 
^pointed to this fervice ; a feparate attack was 
a^ned to each ; and the whole army advanced 
to lupport them as occafion fhould require. A 
thick mift concealed their approach until they 
reached almoft the brink of the ditch which 
furrounded the fuburbs : having planted their 
ladders in a moment, each brigade rulhed on 
to the afiault with an impetuoTity heightened 
by national emulation. They were received at 
firft with fortitude equal to their own; the 
. Swifs in the Pop^^s guards, and the veteran fol- 
diers who had been aflembled, fought with a 
courage becoming men to whom the defence 
of the nobleft city in the world was entrufted. ^ 
Bourbon's troops, notwithftanding all their 
valour, gained no ground, and even began to 
give way ; when their leader, perceiving that Bourbon 
on this critical moment the fate of the day de- 
pended, threw himfelf from his horfe, preffed 
to the front, fnatched a fcaling ladder from a 
foldier, planted it againft the wall, and began 
to mount it, encouraging his men, with his voice 
and hand, to follow him. But at that very 
inftant, a mufket bullet from the ramparts 
pierced his groin with a wound, which he im- 
mediately felt to be mortal -, but he j^etained fo 
much prefence of mind as to defire thofe who 
were near him to cover, his body with a cloak, 
that his death might not difhearten his troops -, 
and foon after he expired with a courage worthy 
of a better caufe, and which would have enti- 
tled him to the higheft praifc, if he had thus 

X 2 fallen 



Book IV. Men in defence oi hU country^ iKX titthe heid 
^""""^^^'^ (rf its enemies »• 

The citj Xhi6 fttal evtnt could not be conceited £pom 
the army 1 the foUiors fixm mifled their gen& 
TftU whom they were accuAoteed to fee in every 
time of danger } but: inftead of being ds&eait^ 
ened by thm lo(5» it animated them with new 
valour ; the name of Bourbon vefimnded along 
the line accompmued with the cry of tkod 
and revengitk The veterans who dmndcd the 
walls, were ibon Overpowered by aumlders) 
the untrained body of city cecnsits fled at tbd 
(i^t of danger^ and the cnemyi with irrefiftibk 
violence^ ruuied into tiie town* 

DvaiNG the combat, dement was en[q)to]i«d 
at the altar of St. Peter's to offering up to 
Heaven unavailing prayers ibr vtf^ory. No 
fooner was he informed that his troops began to 
give way, than he fled with precipitation ; and 
with an infatuation ftill more amazmg than any 
thing already mentioned, infbead of making id^ 
efcape by the oppofite gate whern there was 90 
enemy to oppofe it, he fhut him&Hf up, t(^thcr 
with thirteen cardinals, the foreign ambafladors, 
and many perfons of diftinftion, in the caftle of 
St. Angeio, which, from his late misfortune, he 
m^ht have known to be an infecure retreat* 
In his way from the Vatican to that fortrefs, he 
faw his troops flying befott an enemy who pur* 
fued without giving quarter *, he heard the cries 
and lamentations of the Roman citizen^, and 
beheld the beginning of thofe calamities which 

* his 

X Mem. de Bcllay, loi. Guic, I rtiSi. p. 4451 ^1^* 
Oeuv. de Brants iv. 257, &c. 



his 6wn credulity and iUrOOndttft had bim^ht Book IV.^ 
upon hh iubqefts ^ *— v-*^ 

It is knpoffible to defcribe^ or eren to ima- PioadeM. 
giae, ti^ intfery and horrw of that fcene which 
loUcnired. Whater^ a city taken by ftorm can 
dread from military rage unreftrained by difcU 
pline; whatever exceffi^s the ferocity of tli^ 
Oermans, the avarice of the Spaniards, or the 
licentioufnds of the Italians could commit, 
tfaefe the wretched inhabitanis were obliged to 
filler. Churches, palaces, and the bou^s of 
private perfons^ were plundered without dif- 
tinflMn. No 1^ or chara^r, or fex, was 
exempt from Injury. Cardinals, nobles, priefts, 
mattxms, virgins, were all the prey of foldiers, 
and at the mercy c^ men deaf to the voice of 
humanity. Nor did thefe outra^a ceafe, as is 
Ufual in towns which are carried by aiSault, 
when the firft fury of the ftorm was over ; the 
Imperialifts kept pofleflion of Rome feveral 
months i And during all that time the infolence 
md brutality of the foldiers hardly abated. 
Their booty in ready money alone amounted to 
a million of ducats *, what they raifed by ran- 
foms and exadtions far exceeded that fum* 
Rome, though taken feveral difitrent times by 
the northern nations, who over^ran the Empire 
in the fifth and fixth centuries, was never 
treated with fo much cruelty by the barbarous 
and heathen Huns, Vandals, or Goths, as now 
by the bigOtted fubjc6ts of a catholick Mo- 
narch *. 


y Jov. Vit. Colon. 165. « Jov. Vit. Colon. 166. 

Guk. I. xviii. 440, &c. CommeoV. do capta urbe Romae 
a^. ficardium, ii. 230. Ulloa Vita dell. Carlo V. p. no, 
&c. Oianonne Hid. of Nap. B. xxxi. c 3. p. $07. 


Book IV. After Bourbon's death, thie command of 
'^'*"^^"'*^ the Imperial army devolved on PhUibert dc 
*rht?I^ Chalons prince of Orange, ivho, with difficulty, 
b«6eged in^ prevailed on as niarty of his foldiers to defift 
St Aogeio. from the pillage, as were neceffary to inveft the 
cattle of St. Angelo, Clement was immediately 
fenfible of his error in having retired into that 
Ul-provided and untenable fort. But as the 
Imperialifts, fcorning difcipline, and intent only 
on plunder, puftied the fiege with little vigour, 
he did not defpalr of holding out, until the duke 
d'Urbino (hould come to his relief. That ge- 
neral advanced at the head of an army com- 
pofed of Venetians, Florentines, and Swifs in 
the pay of France, of fufficient ftrength to 
have delivered Clement from the prefent danger. 
But d'Urbino, preferring the indulgence of his 
hatred againft the family of Medici to the glory 
of delivering the capital of Chriftendom, and 
the head of the church, pronounced the enter- 
prize to be too hazardous ; and, from an ex- 
qUifite refinement in revenge, having marched 
forward fo far, that his army being feen from 
the ramparts of St. Angelo, flattered the Pope 
with the profpeft of certain relief, he imme- 
Surrenders diatcly retired*. Clement, deprived of every 
himfeif a rcfource, and .reduced to fuch extremity of fa- 
June 5. mine as to reed on afles flelh'', was obliged to 
capitulate on fuch conditions as the conquerors 
were pleafed to prefcribe. He agreed to pay 
four hundred thoufand ducats to the army ; to 
furrender to the Emperor all the places of 
ftrength belonging to the church ; and, befides 
giving hoftages, to remain a prifoner himfeif 
until the chief articles were performed. He 
was committed to the care of Alarcon, who» 
by his fevere vigilance in guarding Francis, had 


* Guic. !• xviii. 450. b Jov. Vit. Colon. 167, 


given full proof of his being qualified for that ^^^ IV". 
office; and thus, by a Angular accident, the^""j7C^ 
lame man had the cuftody of the two moft illuf- 
trious perfonages who had been made prifoners 
in Europe during feyeral ages. 

The account of this extraordinary and un-The£mpe- 
expected event was no lefs furprizing than agree- J?J^*^J^Yhi, 
able to the Emperor. But in order to conceal janaore. 
bis joy from his fubjeds, who were filled with 
horror at the fuccefs. and crimes of their coun- 
trymen, and to leficn the indignation of the reft 
of Europe, he declared that Rome had been 
aflaulted without any order from him. He 
wrote to all the princes with whom he was in 
alliance, difclaiming his having had any know- 
ledge o( Bourbon's intention ^. He put him- 
ielr and court into mourning ; commanded the 
rdoicings which had been ordered for the birth 
of his fon Philip to be ftopped ; and employing 
an artifice no lefs hypocritical than grofs, he 
appointed prayers and procefllons throughout 
all Spain for the recovery of the Pope's liberty, 
which by an order to his generals he could have 
immediately granted him \ 

The good fortune of the houfe of Auftriasoiymanin. 
was no lefs confpicuous in another part of Eu- gjj"" ""**' 
rope* Solyman having invaded Hungary with 
an army three hundred thoufand ftrong, Lewis 
II. King of that country, and of Bohemia, a 
weak and unexperienced prince, advanced raflily 
to meet him with a body of men which did not 
amount to thirty thoufand. With an impru- 
dence ftill more unpardonable, he gave the 
command of thefe troops to Paul Tomorri, a 


^ Rufcelli Letterjc di Principi, ii. 234. ^ Sleid. 109. 
Saodov. i.^ S22. Mauroc. Hift. Veneca. lib. iii. 220. 


Book IV. Fr^nciftao mooik^ archbtfliop of Golocza. This 
"^-^"^'-^ awkward gcueral, in the drcis of his order, girt 
^^'^' with its cord) marched at the head of thtf 
troops ; and hurried oa by hts own pneiump^ 
tion, as well as by the impetuofity of nobles 
who dcfpifed danger, but were impatient of 
Aogfift tp. long iibrvice, he ibu^t the fatal bacck of Mo-. 
DeUafof ^^^^ ^ which the King, the flower of the 
(be Honga- Hungarian nobility^ and upwards of twemy 
Hh If^ thoWand men feU the. vkaims of hb foUy and 
their Kiog. iU^conduft* Solyman^ ^ter his vidx>ry, feized 
and kept po0e0ion of finreral towtis of greateft 
ftrength in the foothern provinces of Hungary, 
and over«running the reft of rhe country, car- 
ried near two hvmdned thoufand p^rkm^ MO 
captivity. As Lewis was the )aft male of th^ 
royal family of Jagellon, the Archdukf Ferdi- 
nand chiinoed both his crownsv This claim 'fm 
founded on a double title ; the oM derived 
from the ancient preten&ons of the houfe of 
Auftria to both kingdoms ^ the other from thci 
right of his wife, the only filter of the deteafed 
j^'wnarch. The feudal inftitutions however fub- 
fifted both in Hungary and Bohemia in fuch 
vigour, and the nobles po&fied (uch extenfive 

fower, that the crowns were ftill elective, and 
erdinand's rights, if they had not been powcr^ 
fully fupported, would have met with littltf 
Ferdintod regard. But his own perfonal merit ; the re- 
J^f^ ipe& due to the brother of the greatcfl: Monarch 
in Chriftendom; the neceflity of chufing a 
prince able to afford his fubjefbs fome additional 
protcdion againft the Turkifh arms^ which, as 
they had recendy felt their power, they greatly 
I dreaded i together with the intrigues of his 

' fiftpr, who had been married to the late King, 

overcame the prejudices which the Hungarians 
had conceived againft the Archduke as a £)• 

rcigner j 


rAffKti and though a confiderable party voted Book IV. 
for the Vaywode of Tranfilvania, at length^— >^-^ 
ftciircd Ftrdmand the throne of that Kingdom. '^^^* 
The (bates of Bohemia imitated the example of 
their neighbour kingdom ; but in order to af- 
ceruin and (ecure tbeir own privileges, they 
obliged Ferdinand, before his coronation, t6 
fuUcrifae a deed which they term a Reverfe^ 
dedaring that he held thac crown not by any 
previous right, but by their gratuitous and vo^ 
lontary eleftion. By fuch a vaft acceflion of ter- 
ritories, tke hereditary pofieffion of which they 
fecured in procefs or time to their family, the 
princes of the houie of Auftria attained that 
pre-eminence in power which hath rendered them 
fo formidable to the reft of Germany ^. 

Tub diflenfions between the Pope and Em* ^f^tu of 
peror ptxyved extremely favourable to the pro- muioof °'" 
grcfs of Lutheranifm. Charles, exafperated by 
Clement's condud, and fully employed in op- 
pofing the league which he had formed againft 
him, had little inclination and lefs leifure to 
take any meafures for fuppreflfrng the new opi- 
nions in Germany. In a diet of the Empire, J^e *5- 
held at Spires, the ftate of religion came to be *^*^* 
confidered, and all that the Emperor required 
ef the princes was, that they would wait pati- 
ently, and without encouraging innovations, 
for the meeting of a general council which he 
had demanded of the Pope. They, in return, 
acknowledged the convocation of a council to 
be the proper and regular ftep towards reform- 
ing abufes in the church -, but contended, that 
^ national council held in Germany would be 
^ more 

« Steph. Bk'oderick Procancelarii Hungar. Clades in 
caiDfO Mehacz ap. Scardium, ii 218. P, parre Hift. d'Al* 
trmag&e^ torn, viii* part i. p. 198. 

3f4 T H E R E I G N, &c. 

BookIV. rnore cfFeftual for that purpofe than what he 
* ^ had propoled. To his advice, concerning the 
^ ^* difcouragcment of innovations, they paid fo 
little regard, that even during the meeting of 
the diet at Spires, the divines whb attended the 
Eleftor of Saxony and Landgrave of Heflfe- 
Caffel thither, preached publickly, and admi- 
niftered the facraments according to the rites 
of the Reformed church ^. The Emperor's own 
example emboldened the Germans to treat the 
Papal authority with little reverence. During 
the heat of his refentment againft Clement, he 
had publiftied a long reply to an angry brieve 
which the Pope had intended as an apology for 
his own condudt. In this manifefto, the Em- 
peror, after having enumerated many inftances 
of that Pontiff's ingratitude, deceit, and ambi- 
tion, all which he painted in the ftrongeft and 
moft aggravated colours, appealed from him to 
a general council. At the fame time, he wrote 
to the college of Cardinals, complaining of 
Clement's partiality and injuftice; and requiring 
them, if he refufed or delayed to call a council, 
to manifeft their concern for the peace of the 
Chriftian Church, fo fhamefully neglefted by 
its chief pallor, by fummoning that aflembly in 
their own name&. This manifefto, little infe- 
rior in virulence to the inve6tives of Luther him- 
felf, was difperfed over Germany with great in- 
duftry, and being eagerly read by perfons of 
every rank, did much more than counterbalance 
the effeft of all Charles's declarations againft the 
new opinions. 

' SIcid. 103. g Goldaft. Polit. Inoper. p. 984. 




O F T H E 




B O O K V. 

THE accojant of the cruel manner in BookV. 
which the Pope had been treated, filled *— ">^"*~^ 
all Europe with aftonilhment or horror. To-,'5*7-. 
fee a Chriftian Emperor, who, by poffcffingS«,?i'"' 

that dignity, ought to have, been the protedor *][5^5i*th^ 
and advocate of the holy fee, lay violent hands Emperor. 
on him who reprcfcnted Chrift on earth, and 
detain his facred perfon in a rigorous captivity, 
was confidered as an impiety that merited the 
fevered vengeance, and which called for the 
immediate intcrpofition of every dutiful fon of 
the churqh. Francis and Henry, alarmed at the 
progrefs of the Imperial arms in Italy, had, 
even before the taking of Rome, entered into a 
clofcr alliance; and, in order to give fome 
check to the Emperor's ambition, had agreed 
to make a vigorous diverfion in the Low- 
Countries. The forcjs of every motive which 
iiad influenced them at that time, was now in- 
*' creafed^ 


Book V. creafcd; aod to thde tf^reiladdcd, the defirc of 
^"^ ^refcuing the Pope out of, the Emperor's hands, 
*5*7* ^ oaeafure no let political,, thaiv^t appeared ta 
be pious. Thi9^ however, rendf rpd it fieccffliry 
to abandon their defigns on the Low-Countries, 
and to make Italy the feat of war, as it was by 
vigorous operation's irt that country, they might 
promife moft certainty upon delivering Rome, 
and fetong Clement at liberty. Francis being 
now lenfible, that, in his fyftem With regaW to 
the affairs of Italy^ the fpirit of refinement had 
carried him too far ; and that, by an excefs of 
reniiflhefs, he had allowed Charles to attain ad- 
vamages whkh he iflight eafily ha^ pretrehfccL 
was eager to niake reparation for an error ot 
which he was not often guilty, by an adtivity 
mone fuitable to his temper. Henry thought 
his mterpofition ncceflary, in order to hinder 
the Emperor from beeoming matter of all Italy, 
and acquiring by that means fuch fuperiority of 
pdwftr, as would toable Htm, for the future, to^ 
dictate wkhout controul ro the other princes of 
Europe. Woiley, whom Francis had tak^ti 
care to iccure by fiatt^ty and jprefents, the cer- 
tain methods) of gaining his favour,^ negteded 
nothing that co^ld inoeme his mafter againft the 
Emperor. ' Befides all thefe publick confiderft- 
tions, Henry was influenced by one of a more' 
private nature; having begun ab6ut this time to 
form his great fcbeme of divorcing Catherine c£ 
Aragon, towards the execution of which he 
knew that the fandtion of papal authority woukl 
be necefiary, he was defirous to acquire as muchf 
merit at polhble with Clement, by appearing to 
be the chief inltrument of his deliverance. 

Confedefacy The n^ociatiott, bctwccn princes thu« dif- 

juTy"'!.*"' P^^^^' T^^ "^^ tedious. Wolfey hinafclf con- 
duded it, OA the part of his fovereign, with 


mbin^nded |>owQr9. Francis treated with him Booic v. 
iQ perfon at Amiens^ where the Cacdinat ap- ^""'^^ -' 
peaMd# aod was received with royal ma^nifi* '5*^- 
6Clace» A marriage between the duke of Or* 
Imtta rad th< pnncefs Mary was agreed ta as 
the bafis of m confederacy •« It was reiblved 
that Italy fhould be the theatre of war ; the 
ifaffngth of the aiinywliich fhould take the field, 
aa well aa the dontiRgent of troe^s tfr of money 
which iKach prince fbduld fiimi A, were fettled ; 
and tf die £nq>eror did not accept of the pro- 
bofiib they were jdntly to m^ke him, they ; 
bound tfaeli^hres immediately to declare war, 
and to begin hoftiiities. Henry, who took every Augoft is. 
refidution with tmpttuofity, entered fo eagerly 
ipto ihb new alliance, that in order to give 
Francb the flrongefk proof of his friendfhip and 
vcSp^&i be forma^y renounced the ancient^ claim 
of the Ejnglifh Monarchs to the crotiiirn dt 
france^ which had long been the ^mde and ruin 
of the nation ^ as a full conlpenfation for which, 
he accepted a penfiion of fifty thoqfand drowns, 
10 be paid annually to hlmfelf and his Aiccef- 

Pope, being unable to fulfil the con-ThePiow 
of Ms capitulation, ;fliU Femaihed atTthelT 
prifbner under the' fevere cvftody of Aiarcon. f^^^^tun. 
Tbe Flarendnes no iboner beard of what had 
happened at Rome, than they ran to arrhs in a 
(umnltiious manner; expelled the Cardinal di 
CortOM, who governed their city in the Pope's 
nanK; defaced the arms of the Medici ; broke 
in paeoes the ftatuos oT Leo and Clett^ent ; atid 
declaring therofclvcs a free Hate, re-eftabltfhed 
their ancient popular government. The Vcne- 
tiiins, taking advantage of the calamity of their 


) » Herbert, 83, &c. Rjm^ Feed, 14. 203. 



Book V. ally the Popc, fcizcd Ravenna, anc} other places 

*""''^' ' belonging to the church, under pretext of keep- 

'5*^* ing them in depofite. The dukes of Urbino- 

and Ferrara laid hold likewife on part of the^ 

fpoils of the unfortunate Pontiff, whom they 

confidered as irretrievably ruined K 

The impe- Lannoy, on the Other hand, laboured to ^- 
i^^ rive fome folid benefit from tfasa' xsaSavekm 
event, which gave fuch fplendour and fuperiority 
to his mafter's arms. For this purpofe he 
mdFched to Rome^ together with Moncada, and 
the marquis del Guafio, at the head of all the 
troops which they could affemble in the king- 
dom of Naples. The arrival of this reinforce- 
ment brought new calamities on the unhappy 
citizens of Rome; for the foldiers envying the 
wealth of their companions, imitated their 
licence, and with the utmoft rapacity gathered 
the gleanings, which had efcaped the avarice of 
the Spaniards and Germans. There was not 
now an army in Italy capable of making head 
againfl: the Imperialifts ; and nothing more was 
requifite to reduce Bologna, and the other towns 
in the eccleliaftical date, than to have appeared 
before them. But the foldiers having been fo 
long accuftomed, under Bourbon, to an entire 
relaxation of difcipline, and having tailed the 
fweets of living at difcretion in a great city, 
almoft without the controul of a fuperior, were 
become fo impatient of military fubordinatioir, 
^ and fo averfe to fervice, that they refufed to 
leave Rome, unlefs all their arrears were paid; 
a condition which they knew to be impoffiblc. 
At the fame time they declared, that they 
would not obey any other perfon than the prince 
of Orange, whom the army Iiad chofen general. 
Lannoy, finding that it was no longer lafe for 

b Guic. 1. 1 8. 453. 


hhn to remain among licentious troops, who Book V. 
defpifed his dignity, and hated his perfon, re- v-'-v--^ 
turned to Naples; foon after the marquis del *^^^* 
Guafto and Moncada thought it prudent to 
quit Rome for the fame reafon. The prince of 
Orange^ a ^neral only in name, and by the 
moft precarious of all tenures, the good-will of 
Ibldiers whom fuccefs and licence had rendered 
capricious, was obliged to pay more attention 
to their humours, than they did to his commands. 
Thus the Emperor, inftead of reaping any of 
riic advantages which he might have expedkcd 
from the reduction of Rome, had the mortifi- 
cation to fee the tno& formidable body of troops 
that he had ever brought into the field, conti- 
nue in a ftate of ina£tivity from which it was im- 
pofllble to rouze them ^. 

This gave the King of France and the Vene- The French 
tians leifure to form new fchemes, and to enter ^''^^^^ -^ 
Miio new engagements for delivering the Pope, to uaiy. 
and prcferving the liberties of Italy. The 
new reftored republick of Florence very im- 
prudently joined with them ; and Lautrec, of 
whofe abilities the Italians entertained a much 
more favourable opinion than his own matter, 
was, in order to gratify them, appointed gene- 
raliflimo of the league. It ivas with the utmoft 
leludtance he undertook that office, being un- 
willing to expofe himfclf a fecond time to the 
difficulties and difgraces which the negligence 
of the King, or the malice of his favourites, 
might bring upon him. The bed troops in 
France marched under his command ; and the 
King of England, though he had not yet de- 
clared war agamft the Emperor, advanced a 
confiderable fum towards carrying on the exp^ 


' c Gulc. 1. 18. 4^4. 



Book V. dition. Lautrec's firft operations ^^yere pnidfnv 
^' — ^'"""^^ vigorous, and fuccefsfii}* By the glSSftaoc^ ^i^ 
Hit ^r». Andrew Doria, the tWcft fea pfiicer ^f th»t 9^ 
tiont. he rendered himfelf miifterof Geno% and l^c^ 
eftablifhed ii> thpt repy^ick ^e i^¥M^ 9i the 
Fregofi, ti^ether with the dotnioioa o# pron^^ 
He obliged Alexandria to fijirriender ^er a fhort 
fiege, and reduced 4II the CQVintry 00 chut fide 
q£ the Tefino. He todc P^ia, whiab hid fii> 
long refifted the arm3 of his fo^f ereign^ by a&liU» 
and plundered it with that icfu^ky which die 
memory of the fatal difkfter that had b^ftlkB: 
the French nation before its waU$ ndeuraUy m- 
i^ired. All the Milanefe, which Adtpnio de 
Leyva drfended with a fm^l body of irtxqpft^ 
kept together, and fupported by his own addeeft 
and induftry, mud have f^on fiibmitMd to hk 
power, if he had continued to bend the force 
of his arms againft that coi^ry. Biat I^Utrec 
durit not compkte a conqueft which wotild 
have been fo honourable to hioifelf, Md of fueh 
advantage to the league. Francis knew bk 
confederates to be more defirous of circunafcrib- 
ing the Imperial power in Italy, than erf acquir- 
ing new territories for him, and was afraid that 
if Sforza were once re-eftablilhcd in Milan, they 
would fecond but coldly the attack which he 
intended tp make on the kingdom oi K^lics. 
For this reaion he inftrufted Lautrec not to pulk 
his operation3 with too much vjgow in Lom-^ 
bardy; and happily the importunities of tl^ 
Pope, and the (plicitatioos of the Florentines, 
the one for relief, and the other for protei^tioD, 
were fo ur|;ent as afforded him a deoent pretext 
to march ^ward without yielding to the intrea^ 
ties of the Venetians and Sforza, who ic^fied oa 
bis laying fiege to Milan ^. 


d Guic. !. xviii. 461. Bettay, 107, &c. Mauroc. 
Hiil. Venet. lib. iii. 238.. 



Whilb Lautrec advanced flowly towards Book V. 
Rotne^ the Empctot bad time to deliberate con- ""^^^ ^ 
ccming the dupofal of the Pope's perfoii, who Th'^j^lmpe- 
ftai rtmaitted a prifoncr in the caftlc of St. An- '^^ ^«" «^« 
gtlo. Notwithftanding the fpccious veil of b^ny/^ 
religion with which he ufually eiideaV6ured to 
cover his aftions, Charles, in many inftances, 
8(ppi»ir$ CO have been but little under the in- 
fiuenot of religbua confideratbns, and had fre- 
(fuently^ on this oocafion^ expteflcd an inclkiar 
tion to cranfport the Pope into Spain, that he 
might indul^ his ambition with the ipe^ade of 
tke ^wo moft illuftrious perfonages in £iir<^ 
focceflively priibiiers in his court. But the fear 
of Riving new offence to all Chriftendom, and 
of HUing his own fubjefts with horror, obliged 
kim to fon^ that fatisfa&ion ^. The progrefe 
of the confederates made it now neceflary either 
to fet the Pope ac liberty, or to remove him to 
fome place of confinement more fecure than the 
caftfe of St. Angdo. Many confiderations in- 
duced him to prefer the former^ particularly his 
wanted the mxxiej requifite as well for recruiting 
his army, as for paying off the vaft arrears due 
to it. In order to obtain this, he had aBembkd 
the Cortes of Caftile at VaHadolid about the F«b. n. 
begitining of the year, and having laid before 
them the ftate of his affairs, and re|)reiented the 
ntcellity of making great preparations to refifl: 
the enemies, whom envy at the fuccefs which 
had crowned his arms would unite againft him, 
he demanded a large fupply in the mod preffing 
terms ; but the Cortes, as the nation was^ already 
^^haufted by extraordinary donatives, refufed 
to k)ad it with any new burden, and, in fpice of 
all his cf^deavours to gain or to intimidate the 

Vol.. II. . y meo^bcrs, 

e Cuic. 1. 18. 4S7. 


Book V. members, perfifted in this rcfolution ^ No re- 

^ "^* "^ fource, therefore, remained but the extorting 

^ ' ' from Clement, by way of ranfom, a fum fuf- 

ficient for discharging what was due to his 

troops, without which it was vain to mentioii 

to them their leaving Rome. 

Nor was the Pope ina£tive on his part, or 
his intrigues unfuccefsful, towards haftening fuch 
a treaty. By flattery, and the appearance of 
unbounded confidence, he difarmed the refcnt- 
ment of cardinal Colonna, and wrought upon 
his vanity, which made him defirous of (hew- 
ing the world, that as his power had at firft 
deprefled the Pope, it could now raifc him to 
his former dignity. By favours and promifes 
he gained Morone, who, by one of thofe whitn- 
fical revolutions which occur fo often in his life, 
and which fo ftrongly difplay his chara<5ler, had 
now recovered his credit and authority with 
the Imperialifts. The addrefs and influence of 
two fuch men > eafily renrioVed all the obftacles 
which retarded an accommodation, and brought 
the treaty for Clement's liberty to a conclufion, 
upon conditions hard indeed, but not more in- 
tolerable than a prince in his fituation had reafon 
to expeft. He was obliged to advance, in ready 
money, an hundred thoufand crowns for the ufc 
of the army •, to pay the fame fum at the diftance 
of a fortnight ; and at the end of three months, 
iin hundred and fifty thoufand more. He en- 
gaged not to take part in the war againfl: Charles, 
either in Lombardy or in Naples j he granted 
him a cruzado, and the tenth of ecclefiaftical 
revenues in Spain •, and he not only gave hoft- 
ages, but put the Emperor in poffeffion of 
feveral towns, as a fecurity for the performance 


f Sandov. i. p. 814.* 


of thefe articles ^. Having raifcd the firft Book V. 
moiety by a fale of ecclefiaftical dignities and '"'""'^^"''^ 
benefices, and other expedients equally unca- '^^^' 
nonical, a day was fixed for delivering him Oeccm. 6. 
from imprifonment. But Clement, impatient 
to be free, after a tedious confinement of fix 
months, as well as full of the fufpicion and dil^ 
truft natural to the unfortunate, was fo much 
afraid that the Imperialifts might ftill throw in 
obftacles to put oflr his deliverance, that he dif- 
guifed himfelf the preceding night in the habit 
of a merchant, and Alarcon haying remitted 
fomewhat of his vigilance upon the conclufion 
of the treaty, he made his efcape undifcovcred. 
He arrived before next morning at Orvieto, with- 
out any attendance but a fingle officer; and 
from thence wrote a letter of thanks to Lautrec, 
as the chief inftrument of procuring him li- 
berty K 


During thefe tranfaflions, the ambaflTadors [^^p^„p;:;°' 
of France and England repaired to Spain, in wd Henry. 
coniequence of the treaty which Wolfey had 
concluded with the French King. The Empe- 
ror, unwilling to draw on himfelf the united 
forces of the two Monarchs, difcovered an in- 
clination to relax fomewhat the rigour of the 
treaty of Madrid, to which, hitherto, he had 
adhered inflexibly. He offered to accept of the 
two millions of crowns which Francis had pro- 
pofed to pay as an equivalent for the dutchy of 
Burgundy, and to fet his fons at liberty, on con- 
dition that he would recal his army out of Italy, 
and'reftore Genoa, together with the other con- 
quefts which he had made in that country. 
With regard to Sforza, he infilled that his fate 

Y z fhould 

g Gaic. 1. 18. 467, &c. *^ Guic. 1. i8. 467, 

&c. Jov. Vit. Colon. 169. Mauroc. Hift. Venct. lib. 
iii. 2^i» 


Booic V. fliould be determined by the judges af>pointfed 
^-^■ v --** to inquire into his crimes. Thefc pi^pofiliohs 
'5*7' |>eing made to Henry, he tranfriiitted them to 
his ally the French King, whom it morfe nearly 
concerned to examine, and to anfwer them; 
and if Francis had been fincerely folicitous cither 
to conclude peace, or preferVe cohfiftenfcy in his 
bwn conduft, he ought ihftantly t6 have clbfcd 
With overtures which differed but little from thfe 
propofitions which he himlelf had formerly 
hiade *. But hfs views were how niuch chan^ j 
his alliance with Henry, l.autfec*s progrds ia 
Italy, and the fuperiority of his army ihcit 
^ove that of the Emperor, liartfly left him 
room to doubt of the fiiccefs of his enterprizc 
againft Naples. Full of thbfc fahguinfe hope^ 
he was at no lofs to find pretexts for reje^ing 
dt evading what the Emperor had jpropbfed. 
Under the appearance of fympathy with Sforza, 
for whofe interefts he had not hitherto difco- 
vered much folicitude, he again demanded the 
full ^nd unconditional re-eftabliftiment of that 
unfortunate prince in his dominions. Under 
colour of its being imprudent to rely on thfe 
Emperor's fincerity, he infifted that his fons 
ihould be fet at liberty before the French troops 
Jeft Italy, or furrendered Genoa. The unrea- 
fonablenefs of thefe demands, as well as the 
i-eproachful infinuation with which they were 
accompanied, irritated Charles to fuch a degree, 
that he could hardly liften to them with pa- 
' tience ; and repenting of his moderation, which 
had made fo little impreffion on his enemies, 
declared that he would not depart in the fmalleft 
article from the conditions which he had now 
offered. Upon this the French and Englifli 


> R^ueil des TraiteZy 2. 249. 


ambai&dors, (for H^nry had been drawn unac- Book V. 
coimtably to concur with trancis in thefe' — ^^""^ 
grange propofitions,) demanded and obtained ^^^^' 
their audience of leave K . 

Nbxt day, t^o heralds, who had accompa- i^is. 
nied the ambaijadors of purpofe, though they ^^^^^^ **• 
had hitherto concealed their character, having 
aflumed the enfigns of their oificb, appeared in 
the Emperor's court, and being admitted into 
his pretence, they, in the name of their relbeftivc They de- 
ipafters, and with all the folemnities cuftomary«^«'»«j<>^*' 
on fucb oqcafions, denounced war againft him. Em^ror * 
Charles received both with a dignity fuitable to 
his own rank *, but fpoke to each in a tone adapt- 
ed to the fentiments which he entertained of 
their fovereigns. He accepted the defiance of 
the Englifh monarch with a firmnefs tempered 
by Ipmc degree of decency and rel'pedt. His 
reply to the French King abounded with that 
acrimony of expreflion, which perfonal rivalfhip, 
exafperated by the memory of many injuries 
inflided as well as fuffered, naturally fgggefts. 
He defired the French herald to acquaint his 
fo5?ereign, that he would henceforth confider 
him not only as a bafe violator of publick faith, 
but as a flranger to the honour and integrity be- 
coming a gentleman. Francis,' too high-fpirited 
to bear fuch an imputation, had recourfe to an 
uncommon expedient in order to vindicate his 
charaAer. He inftantly lent back the herald JJ[»nci« 
with a €arul of defiance, in which he gave the thcEmpcro^ 
Emperor the lie in form, challenged him to^«>^8'« 
finglc combat, requiring him to name the time ^^ 
and place of the encounter, and tlie weapons 
with which he chofe to fight. Charles, as he 


k Rym. 14. 2Q0. Herbert, 8$. Guic. }. i8. 471- 


Book V.' ^as not inferior to his rival iii fpirit or braveiy, 
^■"■"^^T^ rpadily accepted the challenge •, but after fevcral 
'^ ' meffages concerning the arrangement of all the 
circumftances relative to the combat, accom- 
panied with rputpal reproaches, bordering on 
the mqft indecent fcurrility, all thoughts of this 
duel, more becoming the heroes of romance 
than the two greateft Mpnarchs of their age, 
were entirely laid ^fi4e K 

The effeft Xhe example of two perfonages fo illuftriou? 
^!^ting drew fuch general attention, and carried with it 
**fY"m *" ^^ much authority, that it had confiderable in- 
p ue mg. gygj^^g jj^ introducing an important change in 

manners all over Europe. Duels, as has already 
been obferved, had long been permitted by the 
laws of all the European nations, and forming 
a part of their jurifprudence, were authorized 
by the magiftrate on many occafions, as the moft 
proper method of terminating queftions with 
regard to property, or of deciding in thofe 
which refpefted crimes. But fingle combats 
being conlidered as folemn appeals to the omni- 
fcience and jufiice of the Supreme Being, they 
were allowed only in publick caufes, according 
to the prefcription of law, and tarried on in i 
judicial form. Men accuftortied to this manner 
of decifion in coqrts of juftice, were naturally 
led to apply it to perfonal and private quarrek 
Duels, which at firft could be appointed by the 
civil judge alonp, were fought without the in- 
terpofition of his authority, and in cafes to 
which the laws did not extend. The tranfaaior\ 
between Charles and Francis ftrongly counte- 
panced this pradtice. Upon every iffrontj or 

r • ...-.,. injury 

1 Recueil des Trait«z, 2. Mepi. dc BclUy 103, ^C» 
S^ndOv. Um. I. 837; . , . 

*f • » 

.' ' . 



njury which feemed to touch his honour^ a gen- Book V. 
tleman thought himfelf intitled to draw his' 
fword, and to call on his adverftry to make re- 
paration. Such an opinion, introduced among 
men of fierce courage, of high fpirit, and of 
rude manners, when offence was often given, 
•and revenge was always prompt, produced moft 
fatal confequences. Much of the beft blood in 
Chriftendom was fhed •, many ufeful lives were 
Sacrificed *, and, at fome periods, war itfelf hath 
hardly been more dcftruftive than thefe contefts 
of honour. So powerful, however, is the do- 
Ijiinion of fafliion, that neither the terror of 
penal laws, nor reverence for religion, have been 
4ble entirely to aboliOi a practice unknown 
among the ancients, and not juftifiable by any 
principle of reafon ; though at the fame time it 
muft be admitted, that, to this abfurd cuflom, 
we muft afcribe, in fome degree, the extraordinary 
gentlenefs and complaifance of modern manners, 
and that relpcdful attention of one man to an- 
other, which, at prefcnt, render the focial inter- 
courfes of life far more agreeable and decent 
than among the moft civilized nations of anti- 

While the two Monarchs feemed fo eager to Rw««t of 
terminate their quarrel by a perfonal combat, rj^^iift™^^ 
Lautrec continued his operations, which pro- Rome. 
mifed to be ihore decifive. His apmy, which ' '"*'^* 
was now increafed to thirty- five thoufand men, 
advanced by great marches towards Naples. 
The terror of their approach, as well as the 
remonftrances and the intreaties of the prince 
of Orange, prevailed at laft on the Imperial 
troops, though with difficulty, to quit Rome, 
of y^hich they had kept poffeflion during ten 



Book V. months. But of that flounfhing army whkh 
^C*^ had entered the city, fcarcely one half remained 5 
*^^ * the reft, cut off by the plague, or wafted by dif- 
cafes, the eflfcfts of their inaftivity, intempe- 
rance, and debauchery, fell victims to their own 
crimes °*. Lautrec made the greateft efforts to 
attack them in their retreat towards the Neapo- 
Htan territories, which would have fini(hed the 
war at one blow. But the prudence of their, 
leaders difappointed all his meafures, and con- 
du&ed them, with little lofs, to Naples. The 
people of that kingdom extremely impatient 
to fhake off the Spanilh yoke, received the 
French with open arms, wherever they appeared 
to take pofleffion 5 and Gaeta and Naples ex- 
cepted, hardly any place of importance remained 
French be- Jn the hands of the Imperialifts, The prefer- 
|j1m! *" vation of the former was owing to the ftrength 
of its fortifications, that of the latter to the 
prefence of the Imperial army. Lautrec, how- 
ever, fat down before Naples •, but finding it 
vain to think of reducing a city by force while 
defended by fo many troops, he was obliged to 
employ the flower, but lefs dangerous method 
of blockade; and having taken meafures which 
appeared to him effedlual, he confidently aflur- 
cd his mafter, that famine would foon compel 
the befieged to capitulate. Thefe hopes were 
ftrongly confirmed by the defeat of a vigorous 
attempt made by the enemy in order to recover 
the command of the fea. Thegallies of An- 
drew Doria, under the command of his nephew 
Philippino, guarded the mouth of the harbour. 
Moncada, who had Hicceeded Lannoy in the 
vice-royalty, rigged out a number of gallies 
fuperior to Doria's, manned them with a chofcn 


n» Guic. 1. xviii. 47?, 


body of Spanifli reteram, and going on board Bopc v. 
himWf, together with the marquia dcf Guafto, ^""""^"T*** 
attacked PhUipfrino before the arrival (rf* the Vcr ^^ 
mmn wd French ffeets. But he, by his fupe- 
parlor ikiU in naval operations, caGly triumphed 
ov^ the valour and number of the Spaniards. 
The iriceroy was killed, wo& of his fleet de- 
ftfoycd, and Guailo, widi many officers of 
diiluKftion, being taken prUbners, were put on 
board the captive gallies, and fent by Philippino, 
as trophies <^ bis vidtory, to his uncle '>. 

NOTWITHSTANDINO this flattering profoeft Cirwm. 

of fuccefa, many circumftances concurred to fruf- twch'rc* 
trate Lautree's expectations. Clement, though ^«^<* ^^ 
he always acknowledged his being indebted to Srfi?** 
Francis w the recovery of his liberty, and often 
complained of the cruel treatment which he had 
met with from the Emperor, was not influenced 
at this junfture by principles of gratitude, nor, 
which is toore eiftraordinary, was he fwayed by 
the deiiPe o£ revenge. His paft misfortunes 
rendered him more cautious than ever ; and his 
recolle&ioo of the errors which he had commit- 
ted, increafed the natural irrefolution of his 
mind. While he amufed Francis with promiies, 
he fecretly negociated with Charles ; and being 
folicitous, above all things, to re-eftabli(h his 
family in Florence with their ancient authority, 
which he could not expeft from Francis, who 
had entered into ftrift alliance with the new 
republick, he leaned rather to the fide of his 
enemy thap tp that of his benefaftor, and gave 
Lautrec no afiiftance towards carrying on his 
operations. The Venetians, viewing with jea^ 
loufy the progrefs of the French arms, were 
intent only upon recovering fugh maritime 


s Gaic, 1. xix. 87. P. Heater, lib. x. c 2. p. 231* 


Book V. towns in the Neapolitan dominions as were to 
^""'^^"^ be pofleflTed by their republick, while they were 
*^* ' altogether carelefs about the reduftion of 
Naples, on which the fuccefs of the common 
caufe depended °. The King of England, in- 
•ftead of being able, as had been projefted, to 
embarrafs the Emperor by attacking his terri- 
tories in the Low Countries, found his fubjefe 
fo averfe to an unneceffary war, which would 
iiave ruined the trade of the nation, that in order 
to filence their clamours, and put a flop to the 
infurredions ready to break out among them, 
he was compelled to conclude a truce tor eight 
months with the governefsof the Netherlands?. 
Francis himfclf, with the fame * unpardonable 
inattention of which he had formerly been 
guilty, and for which he had fufFered fo fevere- 
ly, neglefted to make proper remittances to 
Lautrec for the fupport of his army ^. 

Rerottof These unexpefted events retarded the pro- 
D^^r^iirfVoro grefs of the French, difcouraging both the 
France. general and his troops •, but the revolt of An- 
drew Doria proved a fatal blow to all their 
nieafures. That gallant officer, the citizen of a 
republick, and trained up from his infancy in the 
lea-fervice, retained the fpirit of independence 
natural to the former, together with the plain 
liberal manners peculiar to the latter. A pcr- 
feft ttranger to the arts of fubmiffion or flattery 
neccffary in courts, but confcious at the fame 
time of his own merit and importance, he al- 
ways offered his advice with freedom, and often 
preferred his complaints and remonftrances with 
boldnefs. The French minifters, unaccuftomed 


o Goic. I. xix. 491. p Herbert, 90. Rymer, 14. 258. 
^ Guic. 1. xviii. 478. 


to fuch liberties, determined to ruin a man who Book V. 
treated them with fo little deference ; and ^"^^C^ 
though Francis himfclf had a juft fenfe of '^^ ' 
Doria's fervices, as well as an high eftcem for 
his charafter, the courtiers, by continually re- 
prcfenting him as a man haughty, intraftable, 
and more folicitous to aggrandizie himfclf than 
to promote the intereft of France, gradually 
undermined the foundations of his credit, and 
filled the King's mind with fufpicion and dif- 
truft. From thence proceeded feveral affronts 
and indignities put upon Doria. His appoint- 
ments were not regularly paid ; his advice, even 
in naval affairs, was often flighted ; an attempt 
was made to feizc the prifoners taken by his 
nephew in the fea-fight off Naples -, all which 
he bore with abundance of ill-humoun But 
an injury offered to his country, tranfported him 
beyond all bounds of patience. The French 
began to fortify Savona, to clear its harbour, 
and, removing thither fome branches of trade 
carried on at Genoa, plainly fhewed that they 
intended to render that town, long the objeft 
of jealoufy and hatred to the Genoefe, their 
rival iii wealth and commerce. Doria, animated 
with a patriotic, zeal for the honour and intereft 
of his country, remonftrated againft this in the 
higheft tone, not without threats, if the meafure 
were not infiantly abandoned. This bold adion, 
aggravated by the malice of the courtiers, and 
placed in the moft odious light, irritated Francis 
to fuch a degree, that he commanded Barbe- 
ficux, whom he appointed admiral of the Levant, 
to fail diredtly to Genoa with the French fleet, 
to arreft Doria, and to feize his gallies. This 
ralh order, the execution of which could have 
been fecured only by the moft profound fecrecy, 



Book V-was concealed with ib Utile care, th|i( Don^ff^ 
^ ^C"^ timely intelligence of it, and recited wish ^ 
^^^ ' his gallics to a place of l^ety. Quafto,. hi; 
prifoner, who had long obierved and fopi^eat^ 
his growing difcont^nt, and had often ^Ui^re^ 
him by magnificent promife^ to ei^^r mj^ ijn 
Emperor's fcrvice, laid hold on this f%vouf^|;>l^ 
opportunity. While his indignation and refenjE- 
mcnt were at their height, he prevailed W km 
to difpatch one of his o|5c#fs * to th^ Ij^perijil 
court with his overtures ^d ^m^^s. Thfl 
negociacion was not lofig *, Charles, fully ^ 
fible of the importance of fqch ^ ^qui&$io% 
granted him whatever tern^ij he reqiMted. D^m 
fcnt back his commifliQfl, t^gQther with th^ 
collar of St. Michael, to Francis, aC|d H^Hfting 
the Imperial colours, faikd with aU his g§llic$ 
towards Naples, not to htock vp the h4r|y)UF 
of that unhappy city, as he fa^d forotiefly en- 
gaged, but to bring them profe^i^n ^d deli* 

Wretched His arrival opened the c^^^m^rneztif^ with 

thrFr?nch ^^ ^^^» ^"^ rettored plenty in Naples,* which 

army before was ttow rcduccd to tbc l^ extremity ; ^i the 

if»?^c%. j^Yench, having Joft thek fuperipciiy at fca, were 

fbon reduced to great ft raits for wa^t of provi- 

lions. The prince of Orange, who fgcceeded 

the viceroy in the command of tfee la^perial 

army, (hewed hitpfelf by hjis prmdpm eopduct 

worthy of that honour which his gopd fer^une 

and the death of his generals h^ twice acqgired 

him. Peloved by the troops, whp retp^p^f rio^ 

the profperity which tl>ey had |BBJ€>ye4 ^nd/er hi^ 

command, ferved him with the utpaqft ^i^rity, 

he let flip no opportunity c^h^rraffii^i^ the egemy, 

and by continual al^r^s or fallies,, latigiK^i an^ 



Wtakehed them '. As an addition to all thefeBooK V. 
misfortunes, the difeafes common in that coun- "^^ 
try during the fultry months, began to break '^* ' 
out atnong the French tfoops. The prifoners 
communicated t6 them the peftilence which the 
Imperial army had brought to Naples from 
kome, and it raged with fuch violence, that 
few, cither officers or foldiers, efcaped the in- 
feftibn. Of the whole army, not four thoufand 
men, a number hardly fufficient to defend the 
tamp, were capable of doing duty *• ; and being 
ftow bcfieged in their turn, they lufFered all the 
fhiferies from which the Imperialifts were de- 
livercd. Laut^ec, after ftruggling long with 
fo many difappointments and calamities, which 
preyed on his mind at the fame time that the 
peftilence wafted his body, died, lamenting theAog. 15. 
negligence of his fovereigrt, and the infidelity 
of his allies, to which fo many brave meh had 
fallen viftims '. By his death, and the indifpo- 
fition of the other generals, the cdrtimand de- 
volved On the marquis de Saluces, an officer 
altogether unequal to fuch a truft. He, with R^ife the 
troops no lefs difpirited than reduced, retreated ^*^^*' 
in difordet to Averfa ; which town being in- 
verted by the prince of Orange, Saluces was 
under the neceffity of confenting, that he him- 
felf fhould remain a prifoner of war, that his 
troops (hould lay down their arms and colours, 
give up their bagggge, and march under • a 
guard to the frontiers of France. By this igno- 
niinious capitulation, the wretched remains of 
the French army were faved ; and the Emperor, 
by his own perfeverence and the good condudt 


«" Jovii Hift. lib. xxxvi. p. 3 1 r &c. Sigonii Vita l^oria, 
p. 1139. Bcllay, 114, &c. «BeH«y, nj^ &c» 

t P. Heuter. Rerum Auftr. lib. x.c. 2. 231. 


Book V. of his generals, acquired once more the fupcri- 
^"""^ ' ority in Italy **. 

The lofs of Genoa followed immediately up- 
Gcnoi rcco- on the fuin of the army in Naples. To deliver 
^/tyl* **' his country from the dominion of foreigners was 
Doria's higheil ambition, and had been his 
principal inducement to quit the fervice of 
France, and enter into that of the emperor. A 
moft favourable opportunity for executing this 
honourable enterprize now prefented itfelf. The 
city of Genoa, afflifted by the peftilence, was 
almoft deferted by its inhabitants j the French 
garrifon being neither regularly paid nor r^ 
cruited, was reduced to an inconfiderable num- 
ber ; Doria's emiffaries found that fuch of the 
citizens as remained, being weary alike of the 
French and Imperial yoke, the rigour of which 
they had alternately felt, were ready to welcome 
him as their deliverer, and to fecond all his 
meafures. Things wearing this promifing afped, 
he failed towards the coafl: of Genoa ; on his 
approach the French sallies retired ; a fmall 
body of men which he landed, furprized one of 
the gates of Genoa in the night-time ; Trivulci, 
the French governor, with his feeble garrifon, 
Sept. iz. ihut himfelf up in the citadel, and Doria took 
poffeflion of the town without bloodflied or 
refiftance. Want of provifion, quickly obliged 
Trivulci to capitulate; the people, eager to 
abolilh fuch an odious monument of their fer- 
vitude, ran together with a tumultuous violence, 
and levelled the citadel with the ground. 

Difintereft. Jt was HOW in Doria*s power to have rendered 

ofDorla.^ himfclf the fovcrcign of his country, which he 

had fo happily delivered from oppreflion. The 

fame of his former adlions, the fuccefs of his 


tt Bellay, 1 17, &c. Jovii Hift. lib. xxir, xxvi^ 


prdent attempt, the attachment of his friends. Book V. 
the gratitude of his countrymen, together with ' ^O" 
the fupport of the emperor, all confpired to *^* * 
facilitate his attaining the fupreme authority, 
and invited him to lay hold of it. JBut with a 
magnanimity of which there are few examples, 
he lacrificed all thoughts of aggrandizing him- 
felf to the virtuous fatisfadion of eftablifhing 
liberty m his country, the higheft object at 
which ambition can aim. Having afiembled the 
whole body of the people in the court before his 
palace, he aflured them, that the happinefs of 
teeing them oncf more in poflcflion of freedom, 
was to him a full reward for all his fer vices i 
that, more delighted with the name of citizen 
than of fovereign, he claimed no pre-eminence 
or power above his equals j but remitted en- 
tirely to them the right of fettling what form of 
government they would now chuie to be efta- 
bliihed among them. The people liftencd to 
him with tears of admiration, and of joy. 
Twelve perfons were elefted to new-model the 
conftitution of the republick. The influence of 
Doria's virtue and example communicated itfclf 
to his countrymen ; the faftions which had long 
torn and ruined the ftate, feemed to be forgot- . 
ten -, prudent precautions were taken to prevent 
their reviving ; and the fame form of govern- 
ment y/hich had fubfifted with little variation 
fmce that time in Genoa, was eftablifhed with 
yniverfal applaufe. Doria lived to a great 
age, beloved, refpefted, and honouifed by his 
countrymen', and adhering uniformly to his- 
profeflions of moderation, without arrogating . 
any thing unbecoming a private citizen, he pre- 
fcryed.a great afcendant over the councils of the 
republick, which owed its being to his generofity. 
The authority which he poflefled was more flat- 
tering, a$ well as more fatisfadlory, than that 


335 THE ftfitGN 6F tttg 

Book V. derived from fbvcreignrf ; ^ doiftifitoh fdtlAM 
* C^ in hvt and in gratitude ; and upheld bf VMM* 
*^ ' tiort for hisvirtuea, rtot bf the dread of hrs poWff. 
Hra memory is ftill reverenced by dv^ G«K^fe| 
and he h diftingurfhed in their pubfek moM^ 
ments, and celebrated in the Worksl ttf thdr his- 
torians, by the moft honoursbbleof all a^pditeioM^ 

»s*9- Fr Alters, in order to recever tfie itp\ii«idfi 
KMitl-of his arms, difcredked by fo mwiy lo&s, iftwfc 
aeic. new efforts in the Milandfe. Btft the X^fttt rf 
St. Pol, a ra(h and une3tpc?rienciki dfieir, » 
whom he gave the command, was nO m»,ch for 
Antonio de Leyva, the ableft of the ImpmA 
generals. He, by his fuperlor IkiM h wif, 
checked, with a handful of men, tht brttk b«l 
ill concerted motions of the Freiaf k •, and iteugb 
fo infirm himfelf that he was eafrt^ ^nftftfttljr 
in a litter, he furpafled them, when occttfiort in- 
quired, no lefs in activity than in priKlertce. By 
an uncxpe6ted march he furprissed, defeated, 
and took the Count of St. Pol, i^uining the 
French army in the Milanefe as entirety as the 
prince of Orange had ruined that which b^cgcd 
Naples y. 

Ncgociati. Amidst thefe vigorous operations in the field, 
one between each party difcovercd an impatient defifc of 
FrMd8.*°** peace ; and continual negociatiohs wctTe cattifd 
on for that purpofe. The French Kiflg dif- 
couraged, and almoft exhaufted by fo many 
unfuccefsful enterprises, was reduced flow ID 
think of obtaining the rcleafe of his foa^ by con- 
ceffions, not by the terror of his anm. The 


" Guic. 1. xix. p. 498. Sigooii Vita Doric, p. 1 146. 

Jovji Hift. lib. xxvi. p. 36, &c. y Guic. 1. xix. 520. P. 
fecicer. Rer.Auftr. lib.x.c.j.p. 233.Mem.deBeUa3r, isi* 


Pope hoped to recover by a treaty whatever he Book V. 
had loft in the war. The Emperor, notwith- ^'^^"^ 
ftanding the advantages which he had gained, *^*^' 
had many reafons to make him wifli for an ac- 
commodation. Solyman, having over-run Hun- 
gary, was ready to break in upon the Auftrian 
territories with the whole force of the Eaft. 
The Reformation gaining ground daily in Get- 
many, the princes who ^voured it had entered 
into a confederacy, which Charles thought dan- 
gerous to the tranquillity of the Empire. The 
Spaniards murmured at a war the weight of 
which refted chiefly on them. The variety and 
extent of the Emperor's operations far exceeded 
what his revenues could fupport; his fuccefs 
hitherto had been owing chiefly to his own good 
fortune, and to the abilities of his generals ; 
nor could he flatter himfelf that they, with 
troops deftitute of every thing neceflary, would 
always triumph over enemies ftill in a condition 
to renew their attacks. All parties, however, 
were at equal pains to conceal, or to diflem- 
ble their real fentiments. The Emperor, that 
his inability to carry on the war might not be 
fufpefted, infifted on high terms in the tone 
of a conqueror. The Pope, folicitous not to 
lofe his prefent allies, before he came to any 
agreement with Charles, continued to make a 
thoufand proteftations of fidelity to the former, 
while he privately negociated with the latter. 
Francis, afraid that his confederates might pre- 
vent him by treating for themfelves with the 
Emperor, had recourfc to many diftionourable 
artifices in order to turn their attention from the 
meafures which he was taking to adjuft all diff^e- 
rences with his rival. 

In this fituation of affairs, when all the con- 
tending powers wiflied for peace, but durft not 
Vol. II. Z venture 


Book V. venture too haftily on the fteps neccffary for at- 
^^"^^^ ' taining it, two ladies undertook to procure this 
^^^' bleffing fo much defired by all Europe. Thefc 
w«y. were Margaret of Auftria, dowager of Savoy, 
the Empcror^s aunt, and Louife, Francis's mo- 
ther. They agreed on an interview at Cam- 
bray, and being lodged in two adjoining 
houfes, between which a communication was 
opened, met together without ceremony or ob- 
fervation, and held daily conferences, to which 
no perfon whatever was admitted. As both 
were profoundly (killed in bufinefs, thoroughly 
acquainted with the fecrets of their refpefiivc 
courts, and poflefled with perfc6t confidence in 
each other, they foon made great progrefs to- 
wards a final accommodation ; and the ambafTa- 
dors of all the confederates waited in anxious 
fufpenfe to know their fate, the determinatioa 
of which was entirely in their hands ^. 

Separate BuT whatcvcr diligencc they ufed to haften 
twel^ thJ forward a general peace, the Pope had the ad- 
Popc and drefs and induftry to get the ftart of his allies, 
^juoc aio. ^y concluding at Barcelona a particular treaty 
for himfelf. The Emperor, impatient to vifit 
Italy in his way to Germany ; and defirous of 
re-eftablifhing tranquillity in the one country, 
before he attempted to compofe the diforders 
which abounded in the other, found it neccf- 
fary to fecure at leaft one alliance among the 
Italian ftates, on which he might, depend. That 
with Clement, who courted it with unwearied 
importunity, feemed more proper than any 
other. Charles being extremely folicitous to 
make fome reparation for the infults which he 
had offered to the facred charafter of the Pope, 
and to redeem paft oflTences by new merit, 


z P. Hcuter. Rer. Auftr. lib x. c- 3. p. 133; Mem. de 
Bellay, p. 122. 


granted Clement, notwithftanding all his mif- Book V. 
fortunes, terms more favourable than he could "^ ^"^^ 
have expefted after a continiied feries of fuc- '^^^* 
cefs. Among other articles, he engaged to re- 
ftore all the territories belonging to the eccleG- 
allical ftate ; to re-eftabli(h the dominion of the 
Medici in Florence j to give his natural daugh- 
ter in marriage to Alexander the head of that 
family ; and to put it in the Pope's power to 
decide concerning the fate of Sforza, and the 
pofleflion of the Milanefe. In return for thefe 
ample conceflions, Clement gave the Emperor 
the inveftiture of Naples without the referve of 
any tribute, but the prefent of a white deed, in 
acknowledgment of his fovereignty ; abfolved 
all who had been concerned in afiaulting and 
plundering Rome ; and permitted Charles and 
his brother Ferdinand to levy the fourth of the • 

ecckfiaftical revenues throughout their domini- 

The account of this tranfaftion quickened Augnft^. 
the negociations at Cambray, and brought Mar- cimbrty 
garet and Louife to an immediate agreement, between 
The treaty of Madrid ferved as the bafis of that Fr^*^|,ts. *"*^ 
which they concluded ; the latter being intend- 
ed to mitigate the rigour of the former. The 
chief articles were, That the Emperor fhould 
not, for the prefent, demand the reftitution of 
Burgundy, referving, however, in full force, his 
rights and pretenfions to that dutchy: That 
Francis fliould pay two millions of crowns as 
the ranfom of his fons, and, before they were 
fct at liberty, Ihould reftore fuch towns as he 
ftill held in the Milanefe : That he (houid refign 
the fovereignty of Flanders and Artois : That he 
(hould renounce all his pretenfions to Naples, 

Z 2 Milan, 

* Goic. L xix. 531. 


Book V. Milan, Genoa, and every other place beyond 
^ '-' -* the Alps ; That he ftiould immediately confum- 
'^^^* mate the marriage concluded between him and 
the Emperor's filter Eleanora ^. 

Advtnttgc- Thus Francis, chiefly from his impatience to 
Emperor.* procurc liberty to his fons, facrificed every thing 
which had at firft prompted him to take arms, 
~ or which had induced him, by continuing hofti- 
lities, during nine fucceflive campaigns, to 
protraft the war to a length hardly known in 
Europe before the eftablifliment of (landing 
armies, and the impofition of exorbitant taxes, 
became univerfal. The Emperor, by this trea- 
ty, was rendered fole arbiter of the fate of Italy, 
he delivered his territories in the Netherlands 
from an ignominious badge of fubjcftion ; and 
after having baffled his rival in the field, he 
prefcribed to him the conditions of peace. The 
different condu6t and fpirit with which the two 
Monarchs carried on the operations of war, led 
naturally to fuch an iflue of it, Charles, in- 
clined by temper, as well as obliged by his fitu- 
ation, concerted all his fchemes with caution, 
purfued them with perfeverance, and, obferving 
circumftances and events with attention, let 
none efcape that could be improved to advan- 
tage, Francis, more enterprizing than fteady, 
undertook great defigns with warmth, but exe- 
cuted them with remiflhefs ; and diverted by his 
pleafures, or deceived by his favourites, he 
often loft the moft promifing opportunities of 
fuccefs. Nor had the charader of the two rieals 
themfelves greater influence on the operations 
of the war, than the oppofite qualities' of the 


b P. Hcutr. Rer. Auftr. lib. x. c. 3. p. 234. Sandov. 
Hift. dell Emper. Carl. V. ii. 28. 


generals whom they employed. Among the Book V. 
Imperialifts, valour tempered with prudence ; ' — ^^""*^ 
fertility of invention aided by experience; dif- '5^^* 
cernment to penetrate the defigns of their ene- 
mies ; a provident fagacity in conducing their 
own mcafures ; in a word, all the talents which 
form great commanders and enfure viftory, 
were confpicuous. Among the French, thefe 
qualities were either wanting, or the very reverfe 
of them abounded ; nor could they boaft of one 
man (unlefs we except Lautrec, who was always 
unfortunate) that equalled the merit of Pefcara, 
Leyva, Guafto, the Prince of Orange, and other 
leaders v/hom Charles had to fet in opposition to 
them. Bourbon, Morond, Doria, who by their 
abilities and condu£t might have been capable 
of balancing the fuperiority which the Imperial- 
ifts had acquired, were loft through the care- 
leflhefs of the King, and the malice or injuftice 
of his counfellors ; and the moft fatal blows 
given to France during the progrefs of the war, 
proceeded from the defpair and refentment of 
thefe three perfons, who were forced to abandon 
her fervice. 

The hard conditions to which Francis was DiOionour. 
obliged to fubmit were not the moft afflifting p^/*J|*^ 
circumftance to him in the treaty of Cambray. 
He loft his reputation and the confidence of all 
Europe, by abandoning his allies to his rival. 
Unwilling to enter into the details neceffary for 
adjufting their interefts, or afraid that whatever 
he claimed for them muft have been purchafed 
by farther concellions on his own part, he gave 
them up in a body ; and, without the leaft pro- 
vifion in their behalf, left the Venetians, the 
Florentines, the duke of Ferrara, together with 
fuch of the Neapolitan barons as had joined hisi 



Book V. army, to the mercy of the Emperor. They ex- 
^^-'^^ ' claimed loudly againft this bafe and perfidious 
'5^^* aftion, of which Francis himfelf was fo much 
afhamed, that in order to avoid the pain of 
hearing from their ambafladors the reproaches 
which he juftly merited, it was fome time before 
he would confent to allow them an audience. 
Charles, on the other hand, was attentive to the 
intereft of every perfon who had adhered to him; 
the rights of fome of his Flemilh fubjedts, who 
had eftates or pretenfions in France, were fe- 
cured ; one article was inferted, obliging Francis 
to reftore the blood and memory of the conftable 
Bourbon : and to grant his heirs the pofleflion of 
his lands which had been forfeited ; another, by 
which indemnification was ftipulated for thofc 
French gentlemen who had accompanied Bour- 
bon in his exile ^. This conduA, laudable in 
itfelf, and placed in the moft ftriking light by a 
comparifon with that of Francis, gained Charles 
as much efteem as the fuccefs of his arms had 
acquired him glory. 

lf«Bry tc- Francis did not treat the King of England 
quieiccB 10 ^- j^ ^j^^ ^^^^ neglcft as his other allies. He 

communicated to him all the fteps of his nc- 
gociation at Cambray, and luckily found that 
Monarch in a fituation which left him no choice, 
but to approve implicitly of his meafures, and 
His fcheme to concur With them. Henry had been folicit- 

vlrced"from "^g ^^^ ^^P^ ^^^ fomc time, in order to obtain 

his Queen, a divorcc from Catharine of Aragon his Queen. 

Several motives combined in prompting the 

King to urge this fuit. As he was powerfully 

influenced at fome feafons by religious confider- 


c Quic. I xix. p. 525. P. Hcutcr. Rcr. Aoftr. lib. 41 
c. 4. p. 235, 



ations, he entertained many fcruplcs concern- Book V. 
ing the legitimacy of his marriage with his bro- '— v— ' 
therms widow; his afFeftions had long been ^*^* 
eftranged from the Queen, who was older than 
himfelf, and Jiad loft all the charms which fhe 
pofleflcd in the earlier part of her life ; he was 
paflionately defirous of having male iflue; Wol- 
fey artfully fortified his fcruples, and encouraged 
his hopes, that he might widen the breaph be- 
tween him and the Emperor, Catharine's ne- 
phew ; and, what was more forcible perhaps in 
Its operation than all thefe united, the King had 
conceived a violent love for the celebrated Anne 
Boleyn, a young lady of great beauty, and of 
greater accomplilhments, whom, as he found 
it impoflible to gain her on other terms, he 
determined to raife to the throne. The Papal 
authority had often been interpofed to grant 
divorces for reafons lefs fpecious than thofe 
which Henry produced. When the matter was 
firft propofed to Clement, during his imprifon- 
ment in the caftle of St. Angelo, as his hopes 
of recovering liberty depended entirely on the 
King of England, and his ally of France, he 
cxprefled the warmeft inclination to gratify him. 
But no fooner was he fet free, than he difcover- 
ed other fentiments. Charles, who efpoufed the 
prote6l:ion of his aunt with zeal inflamed by 
refentment, alarmed the Pope on the one hand 
with threats, which made a deep imprelEon on 
his timid mind ; and allured him on the other 
with thofe promifes in favour of his family, 
which he afterwards accomplilhed. Upon the 
profpeft of thefe, Clement not only forgot all 
his obligations to Henry, but ventured to en- 
danger the intereft of the Romifli religion in 
England, and to run the rifque of alienating that 
kingdom for ever from the obedience of the 



Book V. Papal, fee. After amufing Henry during two 
^^ ^ ^ years, with all the fubtleties and chicane which 
*529* ^j^g court of Rome can fo dexteroufly employ 
to protraft or defeat any caufe ; after difplaying 
the whole extent of his ambiguous and deceit- 
ful policy, the intricacies of which the Englilh 
hiftorians, to whom it properly belongs, have 
found it no eafy matter to trace and unravel ; 
he, at laft, recalled the powers of the delegates 
whom he had appointed to judge in the point, 
avocated the caufe to Rome, leaving the King 
no other hope of obtaining a divorce but from 
the perfonal decifion of the Pope himfelf. As 
Clement was now in ftrift alliance with the Em- 
peror, who had purchafed his friendftiip by fuch 
exorbitant conceflions, Henry defpaired of pro- 
curing any fentence from the former, but what 
was diftated by the latter. His honour, however, 
and paffions concurred in preventing him from 
relinquilhing his fcheme of a divorce, which he 
determined to accomplifh by other means, and 
at any rate ; and the continuance of Francises 
friendftiip being neceflary to counterbalance the 
Emperor's power, he, in order to fecure that, 
not only offered no remonftrances againft the to- 
tal negled of their allies, in the treaty of Cam- 
bray, but made Francis the prefent of a large 
fum, as a brotherly contribution towards the 
payment of the ranfom for his fohs ^. 

Auguft 12. Meanwhile the Emperor landed in Italy 
t^or vifit^^*' with a numerous train of the Spanifh nobility, 
itiiy. and a confiderable body of troops. He left the 
government of Spain during his abfence to the; 
Emprefs Ifabella. By his long refidence in that 
country, he had acquired fuch thorough know- 
ledge of the charafter of the people, that he 

* ' ' could 

d Herbert. Mem. dc Bellay, p. 122. 



could perfedtly accommodate the maxims of his Book V- 
government to their genius. He could even ^"""""^^^ 
affume, upon fome occafions, fuch popular '^^^' 
manners, as gained wonderfully upon the Spa- 
niards. A ftriking inftance of his difpofition 
to gratify them had occurred a few days before 
he embarked for Italy : He was to make his 
publick entry into the city of Barcelona ; and 
fome doubts having arifen among the inhabit- 
ants, whether they fhould receive him as Empe- 
ror, or as Count of Barcelona, Charles inflantly 
decided in favour of the latter, declaring that 
he was more proud of that ancient title, than of 
his Imperial crown. Soothed with this flattering 
expreffion of his regard, the citizens welcomed 
him with acclamations of joy, and the ftates of 
the province fwore allegiance to his fon Philip, 
as heir of the county of Barcelona. A fimilar 
oath had been taken in all the kingdoms of 
Spain, with equal fatisfaftion \ 

Thp Emperor appeared in Italy with the 
pomp and power of a conqueror. Ambafladors 
from all the princes and ftates of that country 
attended his court, waiting to receive his deci- 
fion with regard to their fate. At Genoa, where 
he firft landed, he was received with the accla- 
mations due to the proteftor of their liberties. 
Having honoured Doria with many marks of di- 
ftin£tion, and beftowed on the republick feveral 
pew privileges, he proceeded to Bologna, the 
place fixed upon for his interview with the 
Pope. He a&fted to unite in his publick entry Nov. $. 
into that city the ftate and majefty that fuited 
an Emperor, with the humility becoming an 
obedient fon of the church ; and while at the 
bead of twenty thoufand veteran foldlers, able 
' ■•-'-. ^ —to 

e Sandov, ii. p. 50, Ferrer, ix. 11 6. 


Book V. to give law to all Italy, he kneeled down to kifs 
^^'""''^''"^ the feet of that very Pope whom he had fo 
^*^* lately detained a prifoner. The Italians, after 
fufFerin^ fo much from the ferocity and licen- 
tioufnefs of his armies, and after having been 
long accuftomed to form in their imagination a 
pifture of Charles which bore fome refemblancc 
to that of the barbarous monarchs of the Goths 
or Huns, who had formerly affli6ted their 
country with like calamities, were furprized to 
fee a prince of a graceful appearance, affable 
and courteous in his deportment, of regular 
manners, and of exemplary attention to all the 
offices of religion ^ They were ftill more afto- 
ni(hed when he fettled all the concerns of the 
princes and ftates which now depended on him, 
with a degree of moderation and equity much 
beyond what they had expefted. 

His mode- Charles himfclf, when he fet out from Spain, 

thl' m'ot*ivt8 f^r ^^^^ intending to give any fuch extraordi- 

of «. nary proof of his felf-denial, feems to have been 

refolved to avail himfelf to the utmoft of the 

fuperidrity which he had acquired in Italy. But 

various circumftances concurred in pointing out 

the neceffity of purfuing a very different courfe. 

The progrefs of the Turkifh Sultan, who after 

over-running Hungary, had penetrated into 

s«pt. 13- Auftria, and laid fiege to Vienna with an army 

of an hundred and fifty thoufand men, loudly 

called on him to coUeft his whole force to op- 

pofe that torrent \ md though the valour of the 

Germans, the prudent condu A of Ferdinand, 

oaober 1 5. together with the treachery of the Vizier, foon 

obliged Solyman to abandon that enterprize 

with infamy and lofs, the religious diforejer^ ftill 


f ftindoy, Hift. del Emp. Carl. V. ii, 50, 53, &c. 


growing in Germany made the Emperor*s pre- Book V. 
fence highly neceflary there e : The Florentines, ^*'*^^— ^ 
inffead of giving their confent to the re-cftablifli- '^^* 
ment of the Medici, which by the treaty of 
Barcelona the Emperor had bound himfelf to 
procure, were preparing to defend their liberty 
by force of arms -, the vaft preparations for his 
journey had involved him in unufual expences ; 
and on this, as well as many other occaiions, 
the multiplicity of his affairs, together with the 
narrownefe of his revenues, obliged him to con- 
tract his vaft fchemes of ambition, and to forego 
prefent and certain advantages, that he might 
guard againft more remote but unavoidable 
dangers. Charles, from all thefe confiderations, 
finding it necefTary to afTume an air of modera- 
tion, afted his part with a good grace. He 
admitted Sforza into his prefence, and not only 
gave him a full pardon of all paft offences, but 
granted him the inveftiture of the dutchy, toge- 
ther with his niece, the King of Denmark's 
daughter, in marriage. He allowed the duke of 
Ferrara to keep pofTefTion of all his dominions, 
adjufting the points in difpute between him and 
the Pope with an impartiality not very agreeable 
to the latter. He came to a final accommoda- 
tion with the Venetians, upon the reafonable 
condition of their reftoring whatever they had 
ufurped during the late war, either in the Nea- 
politan or Papal territories. In return for fo 
many cqncefTions he exacted confiderable fums 
from each of the powers with whom he treated, 
which they paid without reluftance, and which 
afforded him the means of proceeding on his 
journey towards Germany with a magnificence 
fyitable to his dignity K 


s Sleidan, 121. Guic. 1. zx. 550. ^ Sandof. iL 

5S» &c. 


Book V. These treaties, which reftored tranquillity to 
<^^i^^ ^ Italy after a tedious war, the calamities of which 
Repeal- had chiefly afi^efted that country, were publifhed 
biiihetthe at Bologna with great folemnity on the firft 
the MedlcT^d^y of the year one thoufand five hundred and 
10 Florence, thirty, amidft the univerfal acclamations of the 
people, applauding the Emperor, to whofe mo- 
deration and generofity they afcribed the blef- 
fings of peace which they had fo long defired. 
The Florentines ^lone did not partake of this 
general joy. Animated with a zeal for liberty 
more laudable than prudent, they determined 
to oppofe the reftoration of the Medici. The 
Imperial army had already entered their terri- 
tories, and formed the fiege of their capital. 
But though deferted by all their allies, and left 
without any hope of fuccour, they defended 
themfelves many months with an obftinate va- 
lour worthy of better fuccefs, and even when 
they furrendered, they obtained a capitulation 
which gave them hopes of fccuring fome remains 
of their liberty. But the Emperor, from his 
defire to gratify the Pope, fruftrated all their 
expe£tations, and abolifhing their ancient form 
of government, raifed Alexander di Medici to 
the fame abfolute dominion over that ftate which 
his family hsve retained to the prefent times. 
Philibert de Chalons prince of Orange, the Im- 
perial general, was killed during this fiege. His 
eftate and titles defcended to his fifter Claude de 
Chalons, who was married to Rene count of 
NaiTau, and fhe tranfmitted to her poftcrity of 
the houfe of Naflfau the title of Princes of 
Orange, which they have rendered fo illnf- 


> Guic. 1. XX. p4 5419 Sec, P.JIeuter. Rer. Auftr. lib.* 
ih c, 4. p, 236. 


After the publication of the peace at Bo- Book V. 
logna, and the ceremony of his coronation as' "^ — ^ 
King of Lombardy and Emperor of the Romans, sta'e ofaf- 
which the Pope performed with the acciiftomed f*'". civii 
formalities, nothing detained Charles in Italy ^ ; "s [n ccr- 
and he began to prepare for his journey to™«ny- 
Germany^ His prefence became every day more r4. ' ** *^ 
neceflary in that country, and was foUcited with 
equal importunity by the Catholics and by the 
favourers of the new doftrines. During that 
long interval of tranquillity which the abfence 
of the Emperor, the-contefts between him and 
the Pope, and his attention to the war with 
France, afforded them, the latter had gained 
much ground. Moft of the princes who had 
embraced Luther's opinions, had not only efta- 
blifhed in their territories that form of worlhip 
which he approved, but had entirely fuppreflcd 
the rites of the Romilh church. Many of the 
free cities had imitated their conduft. Almoft 
one half of the Germanick body had revolted 
from the Papal fee ; and its dominion, even in 
that part which had not hitherto ftiaken off the 
yoke, was confiderably weakened by the exam- 
ple of the neighbouring Hates, or by the fecrct 
progrefs of thofe doftrines which had undermined 
it among them. Whatever fatisfaftion the Em- 
peror, while he was at open enmity with the fee 
of Rome, might have felt in thofe events that 
t^pded to mortify and embarrafs the Pope, he 
could not help perceiving now, that the religious 
divifions in Germany would, in the end, prove 
extremely hurtful to the Imperial authority. 
The weaknefs of former Emperors had fufFered 
the great vaflals of the Empire to make fuch 
fuccefsful encroachments upon their power and 


k H. Cornel. Agrippa do duplici Coronatione Car. V. 
ap. Scard. ii. 266. 


Book V» prerogative, that during the whole courfe of a 
c^-y-»/ ^ar, which had often required the exertion of 
''^^* his utmoft ftrength, Charles hardly drew any 
eflfedual aid from Germany, and found that 
magnificent titles or obfolete pretenfions were 
aimoft the only advantages which he had gained 
by fwaying the Imperial fceptre. He now be- 
came fully fenfible that if he did not recover in 
fome degree the prerogatives which his predc- 
ceflbrs had loft, and acquire the authority, as 
well as poflefs the name, of head of the Empire, 
his high dignity would contribute more to ob- 
ftruft than to promote his ambitious fchemes. 
Nothing, he faw, was more eflential towards 
attaining this, than to fupprefs opinions which 
might form new bonds of confederacy among 
the princes of the Empire, and unite them by 
ties ftronger and more facred than any political 
conneftion. Nothing fcemed to lead more cer- 
tainly to the accomplifhment of his defigns, than 
to employ zeal for the eftablifhed religion, of 
which he was the natural proteftor, as the in- 
ftrument of extending his civil authority. 

Tnatx^ngB ACCORDINGLY, a ptofpcdl no fooncf opCncd 

•tsp1re«/ ^f coming to an accommodation with the Pope, 

»*^ck 15, than, by the Emperor's appointment, a diet of 

*^^' the Empire was held at Spires, in order to take 

into confideration the ftate of religion. The 

decree of the diet aflembled there in the year 

^ one thoufand five hundred and twenty-fix, which 

was aimoft equivalent to a' toleration of Luther's 

opinions, had given great ofience to the reft of 

Chriftendom. The greateft delicacy of addrefs, 

however, was requifite in proceeding to any dc- 

cifion more rigorous. The minds of men kept 

in perpetual agitation by a controverfy carried 

on during twelve years, without intermiflion of 

debate, or abatement of zeal, were now inflamed 



to an high degree. They were accuftomed to Book V. 
innovations, and faw the boldeft of them fuc- ^'-"'^^"'*- 
cefsfuL Having not only aboliftied old rights, '^^^* 
but fubftituted new forms in their place, they 
were influenced as much by attachment to the 
fyftem which they had embraced, as by averfion 
to that which they had abandoned. Luther 
himfclf, of a fpirit not to be worn out by the 
length and obftinacy of the combat, or to be- 
come remifs upon fuccefs, continued the attack 
with as much vigour as he had begun it. His 
difciples, of whom many equalled him in zeal, 
and fome furpaflfed him in learning, were no lefs 
capable than their matter to condudt the con- 
troverfy in the propereft manner. Many of the 
laity, fome even of the princes, trained up 
amidfl thefe inceflant difputations, and in the 
habit of liftening to the arguments of the con* 
tending parties who alternately appealed to them 
as judges, came to be profoundly ikilled in all 
the queftions which were agitated, and, upon 
occauon, could fhew themfelves not inexpert in 
any of the arts with which thefe theological en- 
counters were managed. It was obvious from 
all thefe circumttances, that any violent decilion 
of the diet mutt have immediately precipitated 
matters into confufion, and have kindled in 
Germany the flames of a religious war. All, 
therefore, that the Archduke, and the other 
commiffioners appointed by the Emperor, de- 
manded of the diet, was, to enjoin thofe flates 
of the Empire which had hitherto obeyed the 
decree iflued againft Luther at Worms in the 
year one thoufand five hundred and twenty-four, 
to perfevere in the obfervation of it, and to pro- 
hibit the other ftates from attempting any far- 
ther innovation in religion, particularly from 
abolifiiing the mafs, before the meeting of a 
general council. After much difpute, a decree 



Book V. to that efFe6t was approved of by a majority of 

^^"^*^ voices \ 

The follow- The Eleftor of Saxony, the marquis of Bran- 
Sier^piiuft denburgh, the Landgrave of Heflc, the dukes 
•gainft of Lunenburgh, the prince of Anhalt, together 
ApHi 19. with the deputies of fourteen Imperial or free 
cities ™, entered a folemn proteft againfl this de- 
cree, as unjuil and impious. On that account 
they were diftinguifhed by the name of PRO- 
TESTANTS \ an appellation which hath fince 
become better known, and more honourable, by 
its being applied indifcriminately to all the fc6b 
of whatever denomination which have revolted 
from the Roman fee. Not fatisfied with this 
declaration of their diflent from the decree of 
the diet, the Protcftants fent ambafladors into 
Italy to lay their grievances before the Emperor 
from whom they met with the moft difcourag- 
Deiibenti- ing rcception. Charles was at that time in clcMC 
Pol>rtid* union with the Pope, and folicitous to attach 
Emperor, him inviolably to his intereft. During their long 
refidence at Bologna, they held many confulta- 
tions concerning the moft effeftual means of 
extirpating the herefies which had fprung up in 
Germany. Clement, whofe cautious and timid 
mind the propofal of a general council filled 
with horror even beyond what Popes, the con- 
ftant enemies of fuch aflemblies, ufually feel, 
employed every argument to difluade the Em- 
peror from confenting to that meafure. He 
reprefented general councils as faftious, ungo- 
vernable, prefumptuous, formidable to civil 
authority, and too flow in their operations to 


1 Skid. Hift. 117. «n The fourleen cities were Strife 
bnrghy Narembergh, UIin» CondsQce, Reotlingeiiy Wind- 
ihehn, Meinengen^ Lindaw, Kempten, Hailbroiit Ifoay 
Weiflemburghy Nordlingenj and St bal. » Sleid. Hift. 
119. F.Paul^ Hift. p. 45, Seckend. ii. 127. 


tcmedy difordcrs which required an immediate Book V- 
cure. Experience, he faid, had now taught both *"-*'>'^^ 
the Emperor and himfelf, that forbearance and ^'S^^' 
lenity exafperated the fpirit of innovation, which 
they ought to have mollified ; it was neceflaryj 
therefore, to have recourfe to the rigorous me- 
thods which fuch a defperate cafe required ; Leo's 
fentence of excommunication, together with the 
decree of the diet atWorms, fhould be carried into 
execution ; and it was incumbent on the Emperor 
to employ his whole power, in order to overawe 
thofe, on whom the reverence due either to ec- 
clefiaAical or civil authority had no longer any 
influence. Charles, whofe views were very dif- 
ferent from the Pope's, and who became daily 
more fenfible how obftinate and deep-rooted thd 
evil was, thought of reconciling the Proteftants 
by means lefs violent, and confidered the con- 
vocation of a council as no improper expedient 
for that purpofc; but promifed, if gentler art^ 
failed of fuccefs, that then he would exert him- 
felf with vigour to reduce thofe ftubborn ene- 
mies of the Catholic faith ^ 

Such Were the fentiments with which the Enl- fimperbr 
peror fct out for Germany, having already ap- Sf Die * of 
pointed a diet of the Empire to be held at Augf- Augfturg. 
burg« In his journey towards that city, he had 
many opportunities of obferving the difpofition 
of tne Germans with regyd to the points in 
controverfy, and found their minds every where 
fo much irritated and inflamed, as convinced 
him that nothing tending to feverity or rigour 
ought to be attempted, until all other meafiires 
proved ineflTeaual. He made his publick entry 
into Augiburg with extraordinary pomp ; and 

Vol. II. A a found 

o F. Paul,xlvii. Seek. 1. ii. 142. Hift. dcConfeff. d»Aox^ 
bourg, par D. CbytreaS; 410. Antv7. t^jZi p. 6. 


Book V. found there fuch a full aflembly of the members 
^ — ^^^^ of the diet as was fuitable both to the import- 
juM^t* ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ affairs which were to come under 
their confideration, and to the honour of an 
Emperor, who, after a long abfence, returned 
to them crowned with reputation and fuccefs. 
His prefence feems to have communicated to all 
parties an unufual fpirit of moderation and defire 
of peace. The Eleftor of Saxony would not 
permit Luther to accompany him to the diet, 
left he (hould offend the Emperor by bringing 
into his prefence a perfon excommunicated by 
the Pope, and the author of all thofe diflenfions 
which it now appeared fo difficult to compofe. 
At the Emperor's defire, all the Proteftant 
princes forbad the divines who accompanied 
them to preach in publick during their refidence 
at Augfburg. For the fame reafon they em- 
ployed Melanfthon, the man of the greateft 
learning, as well as of the moft pacifick and gen- 
tle fpirit among the reformers, to draw up a con- 
feffion of their faith, exprefled in terms as little 
offenfive to the Roman Catholics, as a regard 
The con- for truth would permit. Melanfthon, who fel- 
fcffion of Jqj^ fufFered the rancour of controverfy to en- 
venom his ftyle, even m wntmgs purely pole- 
mical, executed a tafk fo agreeable to his natu- 
ral difpofition with great moderation and fuccefs. 
The Creed which he compofed, known by the 
name of the Confeffion of Augft)urg, from the 
place where it was prefented, was read publickly 
m the diet -, fome Popifh divines were appointed 
to examine it ; they brought in their animad- 
verfions; a difpute enfued between them and 
Melandhon, feconded by fome of his brethren; 
but though Melanfthon foftened fome articles, 
made concefTions with regard to others,^ and put 
the leaft exceptionable fenfe upon all ; "though 


feMPEkOR CHAkLES V. 355 

the Emperor Himfelf laboured with great earneft- Book V. 
nefs to reconcile the contending part jcs ; fo many ^'^^■~' 
marks of diftinftion were now eftabliflied, and * ^^^' 
fuch infuperabie Ijarriers placed between the two 
churches, that all hopes of bringing about a- 
icoalition feemed utterly defperate K 

From the divines^ among whom his endea- 
vours had been fo unfuccefsful, Charles turned 
to the princes their patrons. Nor did he find 
them, how defirous foever of accommodation, 
or willing to oblige the Emperor, more difpofed 
than the former to renounce their opinions. At 
that time, zeal for religion took poflefTion of the 
minds of nien, to a degree which can fcarcely be 
conceived by thofe who live in an age when the 
paffions eccited by the firft manifeftation o^ 
truth, and the firft recovery of liberty, have in a 
great meafure ceafed to operate. This zeal was 
then of fuch ftrength as to overcome attach- 
ment to their political intereft, which is com- 
monly the predominant motive among princes. 
The Eleftor of Saxony, the Landgrave or Heflei 
and other chiefs of the Proteftants, though foli- 
cited feparately by the Emperor, and allured by 
the promife or profpedt of thofe advantages 
which it was known they were moft folicitous to 
attain, refufed, with a fortitude highly worth)r 
of imitation, to abandon what they deemed the 
caufe of God, for the fake of any earthly ac^ 
quifition % 

, . » ■ . • . 

Every fchenie in order to gain or difunite ^^^^''^ ^^-^ 
the Proteftant party proving abortive^ nothing the Prouf- 

A a 2 how **"**• 

P Seckchd. lib. ii. 159, &c. Abr. JSctiltcti Annalcs 
Evangelici ap. Herm. Vender. Hard. Hift. Liter. Reform. 
Lipf. 17x7. fol. p. 159. q Sleid. 132. Scaltet; 

Annal. ij8« 


Book V. now remained for the Emperor but to take feme 
^^ "^ ^vigorous meafures towards aflerting the doc- 
'^^°* trines and authority of the eftabliflicd church. 
Thefe, Campeggio, the papal nuncio, had al- 
ways recommended as the only proper and ef- 
feftual courfe of dealing with fuch obftinate 
Nov. 19. heretics. In compliance with his opinions and 
remonftrances, the diet iffued a decree, con- 
demning moft of the peculiar tenets held by the 
Proteftants -, forbidding any perfon to proteft or 
tolerate fuch as taught them; enjoining a 
ftrift obfervance of the eftablilhed rites; and 
prohibiting any further innovation under fevere 
penalties. All orders of men were required to 
affift with their perfons and fortunes in carrying 
this decree into execution; and fuch as refufed 
to obey it, were declared incapable of afting as 
judges, or of appearing as parties in the Imperial 
chamber, the fupreme court of judicature in the 
Empire. To all which was fubjoined a promife, 
that an application fhould be made to the Pope, 
requiring him to call a general council within fix 
months, in order to terminate all controverfics 
by its fovereign decifions *■. 

UoIi«°T '^"^ feverity of this decree, which they con- 
i"Tm?u "^ fidered as a prelude to the moft violent perfe- 
kaidc. cution, alarmed the Proteftants, and convinced 
them that the Emperor was refolved on their 
deftrudtion. The dread of thofe calamities which 
were ready to fall on the church, opprefled the 
feeble fpirit of Melanfthon -, and as if the caufe 
had already been defperate, he gave up himfetf 
to melancholy and lamentation. But Luther, 
who during the meeting of the diet had endea- 
voured to confirm and animate his party by 
feveral treatifcs which he addrefled to them, was 


» Skid. 139. 


not difconcerted or difmaycd at the profpedt of Book V. 
this new dangen He comforted Mclanfthon '"""'"^^ * 
and his other defponding difciples, and exhorted '^^^ 
the princes not to abandon thofe truths which 
they had lately aflerted with fuch laudable bold- 
nefs^ His exhortations made the deeper im- 
preffion upon them, as they were greatly alarmed 
at that time by the account of a combination 
among the Popifh princes of the Empire for the 
maintenance of the eftabliihed religion, to which 
Charles himfelf had acceded '. This convinced 
them that it was neceflary to ftand on their 
guard J and that their own fafety, as well as the 
fuccefs of their caufe, depended on union* Filled 
with this dread of the adverfe party, and with 
thefe fentiments concerning the conduft proper 
for themfelves, they affembled at Smalkalde. 
There they concluded a league of mutual de- Dec. z*. 
fence againfl: all aggreflbrs", by which they 
formed the Proteftant ftates of the Empire into 
one regular body, and beginning already to con- 
fider themfelves as fuch, they refolved to apply 
to the Kings of France and England, and to 
implore them to patronize and affift their new 

An affair not conne&ed with religion furniflied th^ cmpe- 
them with a pretence for courting the aid of[^'^P~P^[«» 
foreign princes. Charles, whofe ambitious views brother c- 
enlarged in proportion to the increafc of hisl,f\*jf^|jj/ 
power and grandeur, had formed a fcheme of mans. 
continuing the Imperial crown in his family, 
by procuring his brother Ferdinand to be elefted 
King of the Romans. The prefent junfturc 
was favourable for the execution of that defign. 
The Emperor's arms bad been every where vic- 
torious J 

» Seek. ii. igo, Sleid. 140. f Seek. ii. 200. 

iii. II. n Sleid. Hift. 142. 


Book V. torious; he had given law to all Europe at th^ 
* "^^"^^ late peace ; no rival now remain^ in a condirioii 
*^^°* to balance or to controul hini; and theElecr 
tors, dazzled with the fplendor of his fuccefs, or 
overawed by the grcatnefs of his power, durft 
Icarcely difpute the will of a prince, whofe foli- 
icitations carried with them the authority of com- 
mands. Nor did he want plaufible rcafohs to 
enforce the meafure. The affairs of his othe? 
kingdoms, he'faid, obliged him to be oftc^ 
abfent from Germany ; the growing diforders 
occafioned by the controverfies about religion, 
'as well as the formidable neighbourhood of the 
Turks, who continually threatened to break in 
with their defolating armies into the heart of the 
Empire, required the conllant prefence of i 
prince endowed with prudence capable of com- 
poChg the former, and with power as weU as 
valour fufficient to repel the latter. His bro- 
ther Ferdinand pofleffed thefe qualities in an 
eminent degree; by refiding long in Germany, 
he had acquired a thorough knowledge oif their 
conftitution and manners ; having been prefent 
almofit from the firft rife of their religious dif» 
fenfions, he knew what remedies were moft pro? 
per, what they could bear, and how to apply 
them; as his own dominions lay on the Turkilh 
frontier, he was the natural defender of Germany 
againft the invafions of the Infidels, being 
prompted byintereft no lefs than he would bi 
bound in duty to oppofe thenfi. 

TheProtea- These arguments made little impreffion oi^ 
j^s^^nverfe the JProtcftants. Experience taught them, that 
nothing had contributed more to the undifturbed 
progrcfe of their opinions^ than the interregnunj 
^fter Maximilian's death, the long abfencc of 
Charles, arjd the flacknefs iq the reins of go- 
vernment S^^hich thefe Occafioftcd ; aftet deriving 

, ' • • fuch 

' [ 


fuch advantages from a ftatc of anarchy, they Book V. 
were extremely unwilling to give themfelves a "^ ^"**^ 
new and ^ fixed matter. They perceived clearly *5^^* 
the extent of Charles's ambition, that he aimed 
at rendering the Imperial crown hereditary in 
his family, and would of courfe eftablifh in the 
Empire an abfolute dominion, to which eleftive 
princes could not have afpired with equal faci- 
lity. They determined, therefore, to oppofe Fer- 
dinand's eleftion with the utmoft vigour, and to 
roufe their countrymen, by their example and 
exhortations, to withftand this encroachment on 
their liberties. The Eleftor of Saxony, accord- issi- 
ingly, not only refufed to be prefent in the elec- i^^^ «• 
toral college, which the Emperor fummoned to 
meet at Cologne, but inftruded his eldett fon to 
appear there, and to proteft againft the eleftion 
as informal, illegal, contrary to the articles of 
the golden bull, and fubverfive of the liberties 
of the Empire. But the other Electors, whom h« w cho- 
Charles had been at great pains to gain, without ^^^ 
regarding cither his abfence or protett, chofe 
Ferdinand King of the Romans j who a few days 
after was crowned at Aix-la-Chapell« ^. 

When the Proteftants, who were affembled a ^^^^'^' . 
fecond time at Smalkalde, received an account protcfttnts^ 
of this tranfadtion, and heard, at the fame time, withPnince. 
that profecutions were commenced, in the Imr 
perial chamber, againft fome of their number, 
on account of their religious principles, they 
thought it neceffary, not only to renew their 
former confederacy, but immediately to difpatch 
their ambaffadors into France and England. 
Francis had obferved, with all the jealoufy of 
a rival^ the reputation which the Emperor had 


3f Skid. 1 42. Seek, iii, i • P. Hcpter. Rcr. Auftr. lib. 
7. €.6. p. 240. 



Book V. acquired by his feeming difintereftednefe and 
' moderation in fettling the affairs of Italy j and 
beheld, with great concern, the fuccefsful ftep 
which he had taken towards perpetuating and 
extending his authority in Germany by the elec» 
tion of a King of the Romans. Nothing, how- 
ever, would have been more impolitick than to 
precipitate his kingdom into a new war when ex- 
haufted by extraordinary efforts, and difcour^^ed 
by ill fuccefs, beifore it had got time to recruit 
its ftrength, or to forget paft misfortunes. As 
no provocation had been given, and har41y i 
pretext had been afforded him, he could not 
violate a treaty of peace which he himfelf had fo 
lately folicited, without forfeiting the efteem of 
all Europe, and being detefted as a prince void 
of probity and honour. He obferved, with 
great joy, powerful fadlions beginning to forni 
in the Empire ; he liftened with the utmoft eager- 
hefs to the complaints of the Proteftant princes ; 
and without feeming to countenance their reli* 
gious opinions, determined fecretly to cherilh 
thofe fparks of political difcord which might be 
iafterwards kindled into a flame. For this pur^ 
pofe, he fent William de Bellay, one of the 
ableft negociators in France, into Germany, 
who vifiting the courts of the malccontent 
princes, and heightening their ill-humour by va- 
rious arts, concluded an aUiance between them 
^nd his mafter y, which though concealed at that 
time, and produdlive of no immediate efiedts, 
laid the foundation of an union fatal on many 
occafions to Charles's anjbitious projedsj and 
(hewed the difcontented princes of Gernian^ 
ivhercj for the future, they might find a pro^ 

teftor no lefs able than willing to undertake 

... ^ 

/ Bellay, 129, a. 130. b. Sec. iii. 14. 


their defence againft the encroachment^ of the Book V. 
jEmpcron '■ ^^"^ 

The King of England, highly incenfed againft with Eo^ 
Charles, in complaifance to whom, the Pope ******" 
hvi long retarded, and now openly oppofed his 
divorce, was no lefs difpofed than Francis to 
ftrengthen a league which might be rendered fo 
formidable to the Emperor. But his favourite 
prqjeft of the divorce led him into fuch a laby- 
rinth of fchemes and negociations, and he was, 
at the fame time, fo int^t on aboliihing the pa- 
pal jurifdiftion in England, that he had no lei- 
furc for foreign affairs. This obliged him to 
reft fatisfied with giving general promifes, toge- 
ther with a fmall lupply in money, to the confe- 
flerates of Smalkalde ""• 

Meanwhile, many circumftances convinced chtriet 
Charles that this was not a junfture when thcpj^e(u^ 
extirpation of herefy was to be attempted by 
violence and rigour *, that, in compliance with 
the Pope's inclinations, he had already proceeded 
with imprudent precipitation ; and that it was 
more his intereft to confolida^e Germany into 
one united and vigorous body, than to divide 
and enfeeble it by a civil war. The Proteftants, 
already confiderable as well by their numbers 
as by their zeal, had acquired additional weight 
iand importance by their joining in that confe- 
deracy into which the rafh fleps taken at Augf- 
burg had forced them. Having now difcovered 
their own ftrength, they defpifed the decifions 
of the Imperial chamber; and being fecurc of 
foreign protection, we^e ready to fet the head of 
the Empire at defiance. At the fame time the 
t>eace with France was precarious, the friendfhip 
i of 


Book V. of an irrcfolute and interefted pontiff was not 
*''''^' ' to be relied on ; and Solyman, in order to re- 
'^^ • pair the infamy and lofs which his arms had fuf- 
tained in the former campaign, was preparing to 
enter Auftria with more numerous forces. On all 
thefe accounts, efpecially the laft, a fpeedy ac- 
commodation with the malecontent princes, be- 
came neceffary, not only for the accomplifliment 
of his future fchemes, but for afcertaining his pre- 
fent fafety. Negociations were, accordingly, car- 
ried on by his diredbion with the Eledbor of Saxony 
and his aflbciates ; after many delays occafioned 
by their jealoUfy of the Emperor, and of each 
other, after innumerable difficulties arifing from 
the inflexible nature of religious tenets, which 
Grintsthcm cannot admit of being altered, modified, or re- 
favourtbie Hnquifhed, in the fame manner as points of poli- 

terms. -i* « /• .^.* *, 

July 23. tical mtereft, terms of pacification were agreed 
Atjgttii3. xipon at Nuremberg, and ratified folemnly in 
the Diet at Ratifbon* In this treaty it was fti- 
pulated, that univerfal peace be eftablifhed in 
Germany, until the meeting of a general council, 
the convocation of which within fix nK>ntbs the 
Emperor fliall endeavour to procure : That no 
perlon be molefted on account of religion : That 
a Hop be put to all proceflcs be^un by the Im- 
perial chamber againft Proteftants, and the fen- 
tcnc^ already pafled to their detriment be de- 
clared void* On their part, the Proteftants 
engaged to aflift the Emperor with all their 
forces in refitting the invafion of the Turks *. 
Thus by their firmnefs in adhering to their prin- 
ciples, by the unanimity with which thef ui^^ 
all their claims, and by their dexterity in av^- 
ing themfelves of the Emperor's fituation, the 
Proteftants obtained terms which amounted al- 
moft to a toleration of their religbn ; all the 


» Du Mont Corps Diplomatique, tom.if • part ii. 87.89, 


fconceilions were made by Charles, none by Book V. 
them ; even the favourite point of their approv- * -^^■^■■ ^ 
ing his brother's eledtion was not mentioned; *^^^* 
and the Proteftants of Germany, who had hi- 
therto been viewed only as a religious fe6t, came 
henceforth to be confidered as a political body 
pf np fmall confequeqce K 

The intelligence which Charles received of ^*™p*'p» 
Solyman's having entered Hungary at the head "* '*"**^* 
pf three hundred thoufand men, cut fhort the de* 
liberations of the Diet at Rati(bon ; the contin- 
gent, both of troops and money, which each 
prince wais to furnifli towards the defence of the 
Empire, having been already fettled. The Pro* 
(eftants, as a teftimony of their gratitude to the 
Emperor, exerted themfelves with extraordinary 
;zeal, and brought into the field forces which ex- 
ceeded in number the quota impofed on them ; 
the Catholicks imitating their example, one of 
fhc greateft and bed appointed armies that had 
ever been levied in Germany, aflembled near 
Vienna. Being joined by a body of Spanifli and 
Italian veterans, under the marquis del Guafto ; 
by fome heavy-armed cavalry from the Low- 
Countries ; and by the troops which Ferdinand 
had raifed in Bohemia, Auftria, and his other 
territories, it amounted in all to ninety thoufand 
difciplined foot, and thirty thoufand horfe, be- 
Bdes a prodigious fwarm of irregulars. Of this 
vaft army, worthy the firft prince in Chriften- 
dom, the Emperor took the command in per- 
fon ; and mankind waited in fqfpence the iffue 
of a decifive battle between the two greateft 
Monarchs in the world. But each of them 
dreading the other's power and good fortune, 
ihey both conduced their operations with fuch 
^ ' exceffivc 

P Sleid, 149, &c. S^k. iii. igt 


iBooK V. cxccflivc caution, that a campaign, for which 
^^■'■v — ' fuch immenfe prq)arations had been made, ended 
«53?v without any memorable event. Solyman, find- 
mod oao- mg It impoluble to gam ground upon an enemy 
^'' always attentive and on his guard, marched 

back to Conftantinople towards the end of au- 
tumn ^. It is remarkable, that in fuch a martial 
age, when every gentleman was a foldier, and 
every prince a general, this was the firft time 
that Charles, who had already carried on fuch 
extenfive wars, and gained fo many viftories, 
appeared at the head of his troops. In this firft 
eflay of his arms, to have oppofcd fuch a leader 
as Solyman, was no fmall honour; to have 
obliged him to retreat, merited very confiderablc 

Attgttfti^. About the beginning of this campaign, the 
Eleftor of Saxony died, and was fucceeded by his 
fon John Frederick. The Reformation rather 
gained than loft by that event ; the new Eleftor, 
no lefs attached than his predeceffors to the opi- 
nions of Luther, occupied the ftation which they 
had held at the head of the Proteftant party, 
and defended, with the boldnefs and zeal of 
youth, that caufe which they had fofteredand 
reared with the caution of old age. 

TheEmpc- IMMEDIATELY after the rctrcat of the Turks, 

y^wwi"' C'^^^^^^j impatient to revifit Spain, fet out on 

SeP^e in his Way thithcT, for Italy. As he was extremely 

&ail*^ ^^^ defirous of an interview with the Pope, they 

met a fecond time at Bologna, with the famt 

external demonftrations of irefpeft and fricnd- 

Ihip, but with little ot that confidence, which 

had fubfifted between them during their late ne- 



c Jovii Hift. lib. xxx, p,.ioOj ScQ. Bar re Hift. dc VEm- 
pirc, i. 8. 547. 


gociations there. Clement was much diffatisfied Book V. 
with the Emperor's proceedings at Augfburg ; '^— "v"**-^ 
his conceffions with regard to the fpeedy convo* '53*' 
cation of a council, having more than cancelled 
all the merit of the fevere decree againft the 
dodtrines of the Reformers. The toleration 
granted to the Proteftants at Ratifbon, and the 
more explicit promife concerning a council, with 
which it was accompanied, had irritated him 
ftill farther; Charles, however, partly from con- Ncgocitti- 
viftion that the meeting of a council would be at- fn^g^**^^ 
tended with falutarjr effefts, and partly from his "i coundu 
defire to pleafe the Germans, having folicited 
him by his ambafladors to call that aflembly 
without delay, and now urging the fame thing 
in perfon, Clement was greatly embarrafled what 
reply he (hould make to a requeft, which it was 
indecent to refufe, and dangerous to grant. He 
endeavoured at firft to divert Charles from the 
meafure ; but finding him inflexible, he had re- 
courfe to artifices which he knew would delay, 
if not intirely defeat, the calling of that aflem- 
bly. Under the plauGble pretext of its being 
previoufly neceflary to fettle, with all parties 
concerned, the place of the council's meeting ; i 
the manner of its proceedings ; the right of the 
perfons who Ihould be admitted to vote ; and 
the authority of their decifions ; he difpatched 
a nuncio, accompanied by an ambaflador from 
the Emperor to the^Eleftor of Saxony, as head 
of the Proteftants.* With regard to each of 
thefe articles, inextricable difficulties and con- 
lefts arofe. The Proteftants demanded a coun- 
cil to be held in Germany ; the Pope infifted 
that it fliould meet in Italy: They contended 
that all points in difpute ftiould be determined 
by the words of holy fcripture alone ; he confi- 
dered not only the decrees of the church, but 
the opinions of fathers and doftors as of equal 

authority : 


Book V. Authority : They required a free council, in whicK 
^ ^^'■^ the divines commiffioned by 4ifferent churches 
*'^** fhould be allowed a voice ; ht aimed at model* 
ling the council in fuch a manner as would ren- 
der it entirely dependant on his pleafure. Above 
all, the Proteftants thought it unreafonable that 
they fhould bind themfelves to fubmit to the de- 
crees of a council, before they knew on what 
principles thefe decrees were to be founded, by 
what perfons they were to be pronounced, and 
what forms of proceeding they would obferve, 
The Pope maintained it to be altogether unne- 
ceflary to call a council, if thofe who demanded 
it did not previoufly declare their refolution to 
acquiefce in its decrees. In order to adjuftfuch 
a variety of points, many expedients were pro- 
pofed ; and the negociations fpun out to fuch a 
length, as efFeftually anfwered Clement's purpofe 
of putting off the meeting of a council, without 
drawing on himfelf the whole infamy of obftruft- 
ing a meafure which all Europe deemed fo efieo' 
tial to the good of the church ^. 

Mdfbr|)rc. ToGETHifi. with this negociation about call* 
trlnquiiiity i^g a council, thc Empcror carried on another, 
©f luiy. which he had ftill more at heart, for fecuring 
the peace eftabliftied in Italy, As Francis had 
renounced his pretenfions in that country with 
great reludance, Charles made no doubt but 
that he would lay hold on the firft pretext af- 
forded him, or embrace the firft opportunity 
which prelented itfelf of recovering what he had 
loft. It became neceffary, on this account, to 
take meafures for affembling an army able to 
oppofe him. As his treafury, drained by a loi^ 
war, could not fupply the fums requifite for 
keeping fuch a body conftantly on foot, he at- 

^ F. Paul, Hift. 6u Seckend. iii. 73. 


tempted to throw that burden on his allies, and Book V. 
to provide for the fafety of his own dominions '"'p^ ^ 
at their expence, by propofing that the Italian ^^*' 
ftates fliould enter into a league of defence 
againft all invaders -, that, on the firft appear- 
ance of danger, an army fhould be raifed and 
maintained at the common charge; and that 
Antonio de Leyva fhould be appointed the ge- 
neraliffimo. Nor was the propofal unacceptable 
to Clement, though for a reafon very different 
from that which induced the Emperor to make 
it. He hoped, by this expedient, to deliver 1533. 
Italy from the German and Spanifli veterans, 
which had fo long filled all the powers in that 
country with terror, and ftill kept them in fub- 
jeftion to the Imperial yoke. A league was Feb. 44. 
accordingly concluded ; all the Italian ftates, 
the Venetians excepted, acceded to it ; the fum 
which each of the contrafting parties fhould 
furaifli towards maintaining the army wa^ fixed ; 
the Emperor agreed to withdraw the troops 
which gave fo much umbrage to his allies, and 
which he was unable any longer to fupport. 
Having difbanded part of them, and removed the 
reft to Sicily and Spain, he embarked t)n board 
Doria's gallies, and arrived at Barcelona ^. April it. 

Notwithstanding all his precautions for ^^«^8?*^*°^ 
iecuring the peace of Germany, and maintain- ons of the 
ing that fyftem which he had eftablifhed in Italy, fg'^f^^^ f^*^ 
the Emperor became every day more and more Emperor; 
apprehenfive that both would be foon difturbed 
by the intrigues or arms of the French King. 
His apprehenfions were well founded, as nothing 
but the defperate fituation of his affairs could 
have brought Francis to give his confent to a 
treaty fo di0ionourable and difadvantageous as 


^ Guic, 1. XX. 551* FerreraSf ix. 149. 


Book V. that of Cambray : He, at the very time of rati- 
^"^""^""^ fying it, had formed a refolution to obferve it 
*^^^* no longer than neceffity compelled him, and took 
a folcmn proteft, though with the moft profound 
fecrecy, againft feveral articles in the treaty, par- 
ticularly that whereby he renounced all pretcn- 
lions to the dutchy of Milan, as unjuft, injuri- 
ous to his heirs, and invalid. One of the crown 
lawyers, by his command, entered a proteft to 
the fame purpofe, and with the like fecrecy, 
wheti the ratification of the treaty was regifterd 
in the parliament of Paris ^. Francis feems to 
have thought that, by employing an artifice un- 
worthy of a King, deftruftive of publidk faith, 
and of the mutual confidence on which all tranf- 
aftions between nations are founded, he was rc- 
leafed from any obligation to perform the moft 
folemn promifes, or to adhere to the moft facrcd 
engagements. From the moment he concluded 
the peace of Cambray, he wi(hed and watched for 
an opportunity of violatiilg it with fafety. He 
endeavoured, for that realon, to ftrengdien his 
alliance with the King of England, whofc friend- 
fliip he cultivated with the greateft afliduity. He 
put the rftilitary force of his own kingdom on a 
better and more refpe<5table footing than ever* 
He artfully fomented the jealoufy and difcontent 
of the German princes. 

particularly BuT abovc all, Francis laboured to break 

To^f''^ the ftridt confederacy which fubfifted between 

Charles and Clement; and he had foon the 

fatisfadlion to obferve appearances of difguft 

and alienation arifing in the mind of that fufpi- 

cious and interefted Pontiff; which gave him 

hopes that their union would not be lafting. As 

the Emperor's decifion in favour of the duke of 


^ Du Mont Corps Diplom.>toin. ir. part 2. p. 52^ 


JFcrrara hftd greyly irriw^c} tfee P^pe, Fr^acw Bpok V. 
s^grftVMcd the injuftice of that proc^ing, and "^""^""^^^ 
flattered Clement iJiat the papri Jee would find in **'^' 

him a more impartial and no lefs powerful pro* 
te6tor. As the importunity with which Charles 
demnAded a council wa^ extremely offenfive to 
the Po{>e, Franci« artfully created obltaclei tq 
prevent it, and attempted to divert the Gern]^ 
princes, his allies, from inG(ting fo obftinately 
on that points. A$ the emperor had gained 
foch an aicend^t over Clement by contributing 
to aggrandize hi^ family, f rjw^cis endeavoured 
to aUure bipi by the fame irrefiftible bait, prq- 
pofing a niarri^e between his fecond fon, Henry 
duke (^ Orleans, and Catharine the daughter 
of the Pope's coufin Laurence di Medici. On 
the firft overtures of this m^tch, the Emperor 
^mld not perfuade hinifclf that Francis really 
intended to debafe the royal blood of France by 
an alliance with Catharine, whofe anceftors had 
been fo lately private citizens and merchants in 
Florence, and believed that he meant only to 
flatter or amufe ithe ambitious Pontiff. Ht^ 
thought it neceifary, however, to efface the im- 
preflion which fuch a dazzling offer might have 
made, by prpmifing to break off the marriag<t 
which had been agreed on between his own niece, 
the King of Denmark's daughter, and the Duke 
of Milan, and to fubftitute Catharine in her 
place- But the French ambaffador's producing 
Uflcxpe(9;edly fuU powers to conclude the mar- 
riage treaty with the duke of Orleans, this exr 
pcdiem had no effed:. Clement wap fo highly 
pleafed with an honour which added fuch luftre 
and dignity to the houfe of Medici, that he of- 
fered to grant Catharine the inveftiture of con- 
fideraWe territories in Italy by way of portion ; 

^Betlay, 141, &c. Seek. iii. 48. F. Paul, 63. 

Vol.. II. B b hs 


Book V. he fecmcd ready to fupport Francis in profecut- 
^ ^^^ ing his ancient claims in that country, and con- 
'^^^" fented to a peiConal interview with that Mo- 
narch K 

Interview ^^ Charles was at the utmoft pains to prevent 
Po^^d a meeting, in which nothing was likely to pafs 
Francis. \y^i ^j^^t would be of detriment to him ; nor 
could he bear, after he had twice condefcended 
to vifit the Pope in his own territories, that Cle- 
ment (hould beftow fuch a mark of diftinAion 
on his rival, as to venture on a voyage by fca, 
at an unfavourable feafon, in order to pay court 
to Francis in the French dominions. But the 
Pope's cagcrnefs to accomplifh the n>atch over- 
came all fcruples of pride, or fear, or jealoufy, 
which muft have influenced him on any other 
daobe*-. occafion. The interview, notwithftanding feve- 
ral artifices of the emperor to prevent it, took 
place at Marfeilles, with extraordinary pomp 
and demonftrations of confidence on both fides, 
and the marriage, which the amtntion and abi- 
lities of Catharine rendered in the iequel as fatal 
to France, as it was then thought di(honourable, 
was confummated. But whatever fchemes may 
have been fecretly concerted by the Pope and 
Francis in favour of the duke of Orleans, to 
whom his father prppofed to make over all his 
rights in Italy, fo' cireful were they to avoid 
giving any caufe of offence to the Emperor, that 
no treaty was concluded between them ^; and 
even in the marriage-articles, Catharine re- 
nounced all claims and pretentions in Italy, ex- 
cept to the dutchy of Urbino ^. 

But at the very time when he was carrying 
Pofe'8 con- on thefc negociations, and forming this connec- 

regard to tlOD 

Englan^lJ^ h Guic. 1. XX. 551, 553. Bcllay. 138. « Guic 1. 

divorce. XX. 55 J, ^ Da Mont Corps Diplom. iv. p. it. loi. 

E M P E R O R C H A R L E S V. 371 

iion with Francis, which gave fo great umbrage Book V. 
to the emperor, fuch was the artifice and dupli- """i""^^"^ 
city of Clement's charafter, that he fufFercd the '^^^* 
latter to dire£t all his proceedings with regard 
to the King of England, and was no lefs atten- 
tive to gratify him m that particular, than if the 
moft cordial union had ftill iubfifted between 
them. Henry's fuit for a divorce had now con- 
tinued near fix years ^ during all which period 
the pope negociated, promifed, retradlecf, arid 
concluded- nothing. After bearing repeated de- 
lays and difappointments, longer than could 
have been expefted from a prince of fuch a cho- 
lerick and impetuous temper, his patience was 
at lafi: fo much exhaufted, that he applied to 
another tribunal for that decree which he had 
folicited in vain at Rome. Cranmer, archbifliop 
of Canterbury, by a fentence founded on the 
authority of Uhiverfities, Dodors, and Rabbies, 
who had been confulted with refpcft to the 
point, annulled the King's marriage with Ca- 
tharine ; her daughter was declared illegitimate ; 
and Anne Boleyne acknowledged as Queen of 
England. At the fame time Henry began not 
only to negledt and to threaten the Pope, whom 
he had hitherto courted, but to make innova- 
tions in the church, of which he had formerly 
been fuch a zealous defender. Clement, who 
had already feen fo many provinces and king- 
doms pevolt from the Holy See, became appre* 
henfive at laft that England would imitate their 
example -, and partly from his folicitude to pre- 
vent that fatal blow, partly in compliance with 
the French King's folicitations, determined to 
give Henry fuch fatisfaftion as might ftill retain 
him within the bofom of the church. But the 1534, 
violence of the Cardinals, devoted to the Em- ^^^^^ *^' 
peror, did not allow the Pope leifure for exe- 
cuting this prudent refolution, and hurried him, 

B b a witjj 


Book V. with a precipitation fatal to the Roman See, t6 
^■^^^ iffuc a bull refcinding Crartmcr's fentence, con- 
^^^^' firming Henry's marriage with Catharine, and 
declaring him excommunicated, if, within a 
time fpecified, he did not abandon the wife he 
had taken, and return td her whom he had dc- 
PipaUtt- ferted. Enraged at this unexpefted decree, 
lubid m**^ Henry kept no longer any ^heafures with the 
E«gitnd. court of Kome^ his fubjefts leconded his refcnt- 
ment and indignation ; an a6t of Parliament wis 
palled, aboliflimg the papal power and Jurifdie- 
tion in England •, by another, the King was 
declared fupfeme head of the church, and all 
the authority of which the Popes were deprived 
was veiled in him. That vaft fabric of ecclc- 
fiaftical dominion, which had been raifed with 
fuch art, and whofe foundations feemed fo deep, 
being no longer fupported by the veneration of 
the people, was overturned in a moment. Henry 
himfelf, with the caprice peculiar to his cha- 
rafter, continued to defend the doftrines of the 
Romifli church as fiercely as he attacked its 
jurifdiftion. He alternately perfecuted the Pro- 
teftants for rejefting the former, and the Catho- 
licks for acknowledging the latter. But his fub- 
jefts being once permitted to enter into new 
pathsi did not chufe to flop fhort at the prccifc 
point prefcribed by him. Having been encou- 
raged by his example to break fome of their fet- 
ters, they were fo impatient to fliake ofFwhat ftiU 
i'emained ^, that in the following reign, with the 
general applaufe of the nation, a total fcpara- 
tion was made from the church of Rome in arti- 
cles of doftrine, as well as in matters of difci- 
pline and jurifdiftion. 

^ Herbert. Burn. Hift. of Reform. 


A SHORT ddiay might hsiv^ feved the See of Book V. 
Rome from all the urthappy coafequenccs of ''■^^^'***^ 
CtaneDt's raflincfs. Soon after his fentence odlh tf 
againfl: Henry, he fell into a languifliii^ diftem- ^|^"*«"^* 
per, which gradually wafting his conftitution, 
put an end to his Pontificate, the moft unfor- scpt. ag. 
tunate, both during its cotninuance, and by its 
cSc&Sy that the church had known for many 
ages. The very day on which the Cardinals Eieaiou ©f 
enocrcd the conclave, they raifed to the papaj oal "3.' 
throne Alexander Farnefc, dean of the facred 
college, and the eldeft member of that body» 
who aflumed the name of Paul IIL The ac- 
count of his promotion was received with extras- 
ordinary acclamations of joy by th^ people of 
Rome, h^hly pleafed, after an interval of more 
than an huodrpd years, to fee the ctown of St, 
F^er placed. on the head of a Roman citiz^n^ 
Pcribns more capable of judging, formed a &• 
voarable prefage of his adminiftration, from th^ 
cxperiiencc which^ he had acquired under four 
Poiati&catcs, as well as the charafter of prudence 
and inoderacion which he had uniformly main- 
tained in a ftajtion of great eminence, and during 
^ a&ive period tioi^ required bpth talents and 
addrefs K 

Eurjope, it is probable, owed the continij^ 
ance of its peace to the death of Ckmeat •, for 
although no traces remain in hiftory of any 
Jcague concluded between him and Francis, it is 
fcarccly to be dottbtcid but that he woirid have 
ibconded the operations of the French, arms in 
Italy, that he might have gratified his ambition 
by feeing one of nis family poflfeflfed of ,the fu- 
preme power in Florence, and another in Milan. 
CLut upon the aleAion ^ Favvl III- who had hie 

. therto 

' Guic. I. XX. 556. F. Paul, 64. 


Book V. thcrtoadHercd uniformly to the Imperial intcrcft, 
i-^^„j Francis found it neceflary to fufpend his opcra^ 
'^^^ tions for fome time, and to put off the com- 
mencement of hoftiiities againft the Emperor, 
Oh which he was fully determined. . - 

infurreaion While Francis waited for an opportunity to 
blptms^rn" i'^new a war which had hitherto proved fo fatal 
Germiny. to himfelf ftnd his fubjefts, a tranfa<3:ion of a 
very Angular nature was carried on in Getmaiiy; 
Aniiong many beneficial and felutary effcdts of 
which the Reformation wasthe'immediatecaufe, 
it Was attended, as muft be the cafe; in allac* 
. tions and events wherein men are concerned, 
with fome confequfences of ah oppolke* naturej 
When the human mind is rouzed by grand 
objefts, and- agitated ' by ftrong paffions, its 
operations acquire fuch fbrce^ that they are apt 
to become irregular and extravagant,/ Upon 
any great 4*evolUt ion in religion, fuch' irregularis^ 
ties abound ttibft, at that particular period^ wheil 
inen, having thrown off the authority ' of theif 
ancient principles^ do not yet fully comprehend 
the nature, or feel the obligation of thofe new 
tenets which they have embraoed. The mindi 
in that fituation, puftiing forward with the bald* 
nefs which prompted it to rejeft eftabliflied opl* 
nions, and not guided by a clear knowledge of 
the fyftem fubftituted in their place^ difdains all 
reftrainr, and runs into wild notions^ whdchofteii 
lead to fcandalous or immoral ConduA* Thus^ 
in the firft^ges of the Ghriftian church, many of 
the ' new converts, ■■ having renounced' their an* 
tient Creeds, and being but imperfeftly acquaint- 
ed with the doftrines and precepts of Chrifti- 
anity, bfqached the moft extravagant opinions; 
equally fubverfive of piety and virtue ; aU whick 
errcw^ difappeared or were exploded when the 
.. , .- . .. ^ , knqwledge 



knowledge of religion increafedy and came to Book V. 
be niore generally diffufed. In like manner,^— ■v— 
foon after Luther's appearance, the rafli|iefs or *^^^' 
Ignorance of fome of his difciples led them to 
publifh tenets no leis abfurd than pernicious, 
which being propofed to men extremely illite- 
rate, but fond of novelty, and at a time when 
their minds were turned wholly towards religious 
(peculations, gained too eafy credit and autho- 
rity among them. To thefe caufes muft be im- 
puted the extravagances of Muncer, in the year 
one thoufand five hundred and twenty-five, as 
well as the rapid progrefs which they made 
among the peafants ; but though the infurreftion 
excited by that Fanatic was foon fupprefled, feve- 
ral of his followers lurked in different places, 
and endeavoured privately to propagate his opi- 

thtt fe£t. 

In thofe provinces of Upper Germany, which Origin tod 
had already been fo cruelly wafted by their en- ^*°^'* **^ 
thufiaftic rage, the magiftrates watched their 
motions with fuch fevere attention, that ma- 
ny of them found it neceffary to retire into 
other countries, fome were punifhed, others 
driven into exile, and their errors were entirely 
rooted out. But in the Netherlands and Weftpha- 
lia, where the pernicious tendency of their opinions 
was more unknown, and guarded againft with lefs 
care, they got admittance into feveral towns, and 
fj)read the mfeftion of their principles. The moft 
remarkable of their religious tenets related to the 
Sacrament of Baptifm, which, as they contended, 
ought to be adminiftered only to perfons grown 
up to years of underftanding, and mould be per- 
formed not by fprinkling them with water, but 
by dipping them in it : For this reafon they 
condemned the baptifm of infants, and rebap- 
tizing all whom they admitted into their fociety, 
- the 

j-j* THE RfilGN OF THE 

Book V. tht fcft datne tt> be difttnguifticd by the name 
'^'^■^^^^oF Anabaptifts. To this petuHaf notion con- 
''^^ ccrning baptiftii, which has the appearance of 
being tounded on the pradtite of the church in 
the apoftollck age, and contains rtothmg incott- 
fiftcnt with the peace and order of human fo- 
ciety, they added other principles of a moft ett- 
thuriaftick, as well as dangemiis nature. They 
maintained that, dmong Cnriftians who had the . 
precepts of the gofpel to diredt, and the fpirit 
of God to guide them, the office of magiftracy 
was not only unnece^ary, but an unlawful en- 
croachment on their fpirit\aal liberty •, that the 
diftinAions occafioned by birth, or rank, or 
Wealth, being contrary to the fpirit of the gofpel, 
which confiders «11 men as equal, Ihould be en- 
tirely aboliflied; that all Cliriltians, throwing 
their pofleflions into one common ftock, fhould 
live together in that ftate of equality which be- 
comes members of the fame family ; that as 
fltither the laws of nature, nor the precepts of 
the New Teftament had placed any reftraints 
upon men with regard to the number of vrives 
Wliich they might marry, they (hould ufe that 
liberty which God himfelf had granted to the 

sjtiiem Such epinions, propagated and maintained 
"^^ with enthufiaftick zeal and boldnCfs, were not 
tong of producing the violent effefts natural: to 
them. Two anabaptift proptiers, John Matthias, 
^ •baker of Haerlem, and John Boccold, or 
j&eiikeh, a journeyman taylor of I.eyden, pof- 
•feffed with the rage of making profelytes, fixed 
their refidence at Munfter, an Imperial city in 
Weftphalia, of the firft rank, under the fove-r 
feignty of its biftiop, but gpx)^erned by its own 
fenate and confuls. As neither of thefe Fanatics 
wanted thrc talents xequifite in defperate en- 



tcrprizcs, great rcfolution, the appearance of Book V. 
fanftity, bold pretenfions to infpiration, and a ^■^"^' " 
confident and plairfible manner of difcourfing, *^^^' 
they foon gained manv converts. Among thelc 
were Rothman, who had firft preached the Pro- 
teftant doArinc in Mimfter, and CnipperdoHng, 
a citrzen of good birth, and confiderable emi- 
nence. EmboWcned by the countenance of fuch 
difciples, they openly taught their opinions; 
and not fatisiicd with that liberty, they made 
feveral attempts though without fuccefs, to 
feixe the town, in order to get their tenets efta- 
blilhed by public authority. At laft, having Become 
fecretly caliol in their affociates from the neigh- IhucUy/ 
botiring country, they fuddenly took poffeffion 
of the arfenal and fenate-houfe in the night-time, ^ 

and running through the ftreets with drawn 
fwords, and horrible howlings, cried out al- 
ternately, " Repent, and be baptized,** and 
^ Depart ye ungodly." The fenators, the ca-Fcbrutry. 
rron^, the nobility, together with the more fober 
dtizens, whether Papifts or Proteftants, terrified 
at their threats and outcries, fled in confufion, 
and left the city under the dominion of afrantick 
multitude, confiding chiefly of ftrangers. No- 
thing now remaining to overawe or controul 
them, they fet about modelling the government 
according to their own wild ideas -, and though 
at firfl: they fhowed fo much reverence for the 
ancient conftitution, as to eleft fenators of their 
own feft, and to appoint Cnipperdoling and an- Eftabiidi a 
other profelyte confuls, this was nothing more"? gov^. 
than form ; for ail their proceedings were di- ment. 
refted by Matthias, who, in the ftyle, and with the 
authority of a prophet, uttered his commands, 
which it was inftant death to difobey. Having 
begun with encouraging the multitude to pillage 
the churches, and deface their ornaments; he 
(pnjoined them to deftroy all books except the 
^ ^ Bible, 


5ooii V. Bible, as ufelefs or impious -, he appointed the 
— ' eftates of fuch as fled, to be confifcated, and fold 
*^34- to the inbal^itants of the adjacent country; he 
ordered every man to bring forth his gold, filver, . 
aad precious efFe£ts, and to lay them at his feet; 
the wealth amafled by thefe means, he dcpofited 
in a publick treafury, and named deacons to djT- 
pcnfe it for the common ufe of all. The mem- 
bers of this commonwealth being thus brought 
to a perfedb equality, he commanded all of them 
to eat at tables prepared in publick, and even pre- 
fcribed the difhes which were to be ferved up 
each day. Having finifhed his plan of reforma- 
tion, his next care was to provide for the defence 
of the city ; and he took meafures for that pur- 
' pofewith a prudence which favoured nothing of 

fanaticifm. He coUeded vaft magazines of 
^very kind ; he repaired and extended the forti- 
fications, obliging every perfon without diftinc- 
tion to work in his turi> ; he formed fuch as were 
capable of bearing arms into regular bodies, and 
endeavoured to add the vigour of difcipline to 
the impetuofity of enthufiafm. He lent emif- 
. faries to the Anabaptifts in the Low-Countries, 
inviting them to aflemble at Munfter, which he 
dignified with the name of Mount-Sion, that 
from thence they might fet out to reduce all the 
nations of the earth under their dominion. He 
himfelf was unwearied in attending to every 
thing neceffary for the fecurity or increafe of the 
fcdl ; animating his difciples by his own example 
to refufe no labour, as well as to repine at no 
hardfiiip; and their enthufiaftic paflions being 
kept from fubfiding by a perpetual fucceflion of 
exhortations, revelations, and prophecies, they 
fcemed ready to undertake or to fviffer any thing 
in mainctnance of their opinions. - 



Whij.e they were thus employed, the bifliop of Book V. 
Munfter having afjcmbled a confiderable army, ^""""^^ ' 
advanced to befiege the town. On his approach-, ThVb^iiop 
Matthias fallied out at the head of fome chofen<>* Munfter 
troopsi, attacked one quarter of his camp, forced l^atnft'™* 
it, and after great flaughter, returned to the city ^«"a. 
loaded with glory and fpoiL Intoxicated with 
this fuccefs, he appeared next day brandifhing a 
fpear, and declared, that, in imitation of Gideon, 
he would go forth with a handful of men and fmite 
the hoft of the ungodly. Thirty perfons, whom he ^*^ 
p^cned, followe4 him without hefitation in this 
wild cnterprize, and fufhing on the enemy with 
a fraritick courage, wer^ cut off to a man. The 
death of their prophet occafioned at firft great 
<:oni%ernation among his difciples, but Boc-J^^n^f 
cold, by the fame gifts and pretenfions which quiwVrwt 
tiad gained Matthias credit, loon revived their *"'*^oriiy 
fpirits and hopes to fuch a degree, that he fuc- AlJaSfptiftV 
ceedcd hirn in the fame abfolute diredlion of all 
their af&irs. As he did not poflefs that enter- 
prizing courage which diftinguifhed his prede- 
ceflbr, he fatisfied himfelf with carrying on a 
defenfive war, and without attempting to annoy 
the enemy by fallies, he waited for the fuccours 
he cxpe6l;ed from the Low-Countries, the arri- 
val of which was often foretold and promifed by 
their prophets. But though lefs daring in ac- 
tion than Matthias, he was a wilder enthufiaft, 
and of more unbounded ambition. Soon after 
the death of his predeceffor, having, by obfcure 
vifions and prophecies, prepared the multitude 
for fome extraordinary event, he ftripped him- 
felf naked, and marching through the ftreetst, 
proclaimed with a loud voice, '' That the king- 
dom of Sion was at hand -, that whatever was 
Jiigheft on the earth (hould be brought low, and 
whatever was loweft fhould be exalted.'* In 

order to fulfil this, he commanded the churches, 
o '-■«<■' ' . - ^5 


Book V. as the moft lofty buildings in the city, to be 
^"'7'^ ' Icvclltd with the ground ; he degraded the fe- 
*^^^* na(ors ehofen by Matthia^, and depriving Cnip- 
pcrdoling of the confulfliip, the higheft ofiice 
in the commonwealth, he appointed him to exe- 
cute the loweft and moft infamous, thatof com- 
moft hangman, to which ftrange tranfition tlic 
other agreed, not only without murmuring, but 
with t\rt ^tmoft joy ; and fisch was the defpotick 
rigour of Boccokl's adminiftration, that he was 
called alnK)ft every day to perform fome duty or 
other of his wretched fundion. In place of the 
depofed fenators, he named twelve judges, ac- 
cording to the number of tribes inlfrael, to pre- 
fide in all afFairs ; retaining to himfelf the fame 
authority which Mofes anciently pofleficd as 
Ic^giflator of that people. 

E»ea«d Not fatisfied, however, with power or tidies 

^'^- which were not f^pfeme, a prophet, whom he 
had gained and tutored, having called the nwl- 
titi^de together, declared it to be the will of 
Goc?, that John BoccoW (houldbeKinjgof Sion, 
June 24. a«d iiton the throne of David. J<An, kneeling 
down, accepted of the heavenly cail, which he 
•folem^nly piHKefted had been revealed likewife t-o 
tiknielf, a5d was immediate'ly acknowledged as 
MoAarch by the ddudcd multitude. From that 
moment he aflfumed aft the ftate a^ pomp <^ 
royali^y. He wore a ctowb of g6ld, and was 
c*lad in the richeft and moft: "(limptuoua garmeftts. 
A Bible was carried on his one hand, a naked 
fword on the other. A great body of guards 
accompanied him when he appeared ifl publick. 
He 'Coined money ftamped with his own image, 
and appointed the great officers of feis hotffe4iofci 
and ckingdom, among whom Cnipperdo^ling was 
'nominaeed governor of the city, as a reward for 

<his former i«bmiffion. 



Having now attained the height of power, Book V. 
Boccold began to difcovcr paflions, which he ' — "^ ^ 
had hitherto rcftrained or indulged only in fe- HisiUn' 
cret. As the excdTes of cnthufiafm have been «•""« '^"^ts 
ob£erved in every age to lead to fcnfual gratifi- *"**^°°'*"^^- 
cations, the fame conftitution that is fufceptible 
dt the former, being remarkably prone to the 
latter, he inftru&ed the prophets and teachers 
to harangue the people for fcveral days concern- 
ing the lawfulncfs, and even neccffity of taking 
more wives than one, which they aflertcd to be 
one of the privileges granted by God to the 
faints* When their ears were once accuftomed 
to this licentious dodrine, and their pafllons in- 
flamed with the profped of fuch unbounded 
indulgence^ he himfelf fet them an example of 
ufing what he called their Chriftian liberty, by 
marrying at once three wives, among which the 
widow or Matthias, a woman of fingular beauty, 
was one. As he was allured by beauty, or the 
love of variety, he gradually added to the num- 
ber of his wives until they amounted to fourteen, 
though the widow of Matthias was the only one 
dignified with the tide of Queen, or who flijjired 
with him the fplcndor and ornaments of royalty. 
After the example of their prophet, the multi- 
tude gave themfclvcs up to the moft licentious 
and uncontrouled gratification of their defircs. 
No man remained fatisfied with a fingle wife. 
I^ot to ufe their Chriftian liberty was deemed a 
crime. Perfons were appointed to fearch the 
houfes for young women grown up to maturity, 
whom they inftantly compelled to marry. To- 
gether with polygamy, freedom of divorce, its 
infeparablc attendant, was introduced, and be- 
came a new fource of corruption. Every cxccfs 
was committed of which the paflions of men are 
capable, when rcftrained neither by the authority 



Book V. of laws nor the fenfc of dccenqr "* $ and by a 

^'■'*''^^"*^ monftrous and alniioft ineredible conjun^n^ 

' '^*' voluptuoufnefs was engrafted on religion, and 

diflblute riot accompanied the aufterities oi i^ 

natical devotion. 

A confede- Meanwhile, the German princes W€r€ highljf 
Ihe^A^S!"* dFended at the infult offered to their dignity by 
bipttiit. Boccold*s prefumptuous ufurpation of royal ho- 
nours ; and the profligate manners of his follow- 
ers, which were a reproach to the Chriftian 
name, filled men of all profeflions with horror, 
Luther, who had teftified ag^il this fanatical 
fpirit on its firft appearance, now deeply lamented 
its progrefs, and expofing the delufion with 
great ftrength of argument, as well as acrimony 
of ftyle, called loudly on all the ftates of Ger- 
many to put a ftop to a phrenzy no lefs perni- 
cious to fociety, than fatal to religion. The 
Emperor, occupied with other cares and pro- 
jeds, had not leifure to attend to fuch adiftant 
objeft. But the princes of the Empire, aflcm- 
bled by the King of the Romans, voted a fupply 
of men and money to the bifhop of Munfter, 
. who being unable to keep a fufficient army on 
Bcfiegc the foo^, had convcrtcd the fiege of the town into 
^«wn. a blockade. 

m Prophets & concionatorum autoritate jaxtaetexem- 
p1o» tota urb« ad rapiendas polcherrimas quafqae fsminas 
difcurfum eft. Nee intra paacos dies, in tanta hoininoiii 
torba fere ulla reperta eft fupra annum decimum quar- 
tuin» qaae ftuprum pa/Fa non fueric. Lamb. Hortenf. p. 
303. Vulg6 viris quinas cffc uxores, plaribus fenas, noo- 
nullis feptenas & odlonas. Puellas fupra duodeci mum ctatis 
annum ftatim amare. Id. 30$. Nemo una contentis fuit, 
neque cuiquam extra effsetas & viris imfnaturas contineoti 
cffe licuit. Id. 307. Tscebo hie, ut fit fuus honor aaribas, 
quaata barbarie ec malicia ufi funt in pnellis viciandis dod- 
dum aptis matrimonio, id quod mihi neque ex vanOy 
neque ex vulgi fermonibus hauftum eft, fed ex ea vetola, 
cui cura ftc vitiatarum demandata fuit, auditom. Job. 
Corvinusy 316. 


a blockade. The forces raifed in confeqaence Book v. 
of this refolution, were put under the command '^ — ^'-*-' 
of an officer of experience, who approaching the '^^5* 
the town towards the end of fpring in the year one 
thoufand five hundred and thirty-five, preflcd it 
more clofely than formerly ; but found the forti- 
fications fo ftrong, and fo diligently guarded, 
that he durft not attempt an aflault. It was now 
above fifteen months fince the Anabaptifts had 
eftablifhed their dominion in Munfter ; they had 
during that time undergone prodigious fatigue 
in working on the fortifications, and perform- 
ing military duty. Notwithftanding the prudent May. 
attention of their king to provide for their fub- ftnlltcVr^ 
fiftence, and his frugal as well as regular ceco- of the be- 
nomy in their public meals, they began to feel ^^^^' 
the approach of famine. Several miall bodies 
of their brethren, who were advancing to tlieir 
affiftance from the Low-Countries, had been 
intercepted, and cut to pieces j and while all 
Germany was ready to combine againft them, 
they had no profpe<9: of fuccour. But fuch was 
the afcendant which Boccold had acquired over 
the multitude, and fo powerful the fafcination 
of enthufiafm, that their hopes were as fanguinc 
as ever, and they hearkened with implicit cre- 
dulity to the vifions and prediftions of their pro- 
phets, who afllired them, that the Almighty 
would fpeedily interpofc, in order to deliver the 
city. The faith, however, of fome few, fhaken 
by the violence and length of their fufFerings, 
began to fail; but being fufpefted of an in- 
clination to furrender to the enemy, they were 
punifhed with immediate death, as guilty of 
impiety in diftrulling the power of God. One 
of the King's wives, having uttered certain words 
which implied fome doubt concerning his divine 
.miffion, he inftantly called the whole number 
together, and commanding the blafphemer, as 



Book V. hc Called hcr, to kneel down, cut off her head 
^""""^^■^^ with his own hands ; and fo far were the reft 
*53S- from exprefling any horror at this cruel deed* 
that they joined him in dancing with a frantick 
joy around the bleeding body of their compa- 

Thtcitj By this time, the befieged endured the ut-i 
iufle°i. ^^^ rigour of famine ; but they chofe rather 
to fufFer hardfhips, the recital of which is {hock-' 
ing to humanity, than to liften to the terms of 
capitulation offered them by the bifliop. At 
laft, a deferter, whom they had taken iitfo 
their fervice, being either lefs intoxicated with 
the fumes of enthufiafm, or unable any longer 
to bear fuch diftrefs, made his efca^ to the 
enemy. He informed their general 01 3 weak 
part in the fortifications which he had oh&nred^ 
and affuring him that the befieged, exhaufted 
with hunger and fatigue, kept watch there with 
little care, he offered to lead a party thither m 
the night. The propofai was accepted, and a 
chofen body of troops appointed for the fitf-r 
vice; who, fcaling, the walls unperceived, feiz- 
ed one of the gates, and admitted the refl of 
Jane %4' the army. The Anabaptifls, though furprized, 
defended themfelves in the market-place with 
valour, heightened by defpair ; but being over- 
powered by numbers, and furrounded on every 
hand, moft of them were flain, and the remain-r 
der taken prifoners. Among the laft were the 
puniftimcnt Kinff and Cnipperdolina;. The KinoL loaded 

of the King • iT L • • j r • ^ • 

and his affo- With chaitts, was camcd from city to city as a 
cuites. Ipeftacle to gratify the curiofity of the peof^, 
and was expofed to all their infuks. His fpi* 
rit, however, was not broken or Jiumbled by 
this fad reverfe of his condition ; and he adher- 
ed with unfhaken iirmnefs to the diftinguifhing 



tfMtB of his fe^. After this he was brought Bpos; V. 
tmk X9 Munfter, the fcew of his royalty ao4 ^ ' ^^ ■^ 
and put to death with the ipoft cxqui- '^^^ 
4f well lipgering tortures, all which h$ 
^rp n^th 9fton^ing fortitude. Thiis c?t^tra« 
ft^mff ni^ who hsid beefi able tin aqqu^^ 
fo^ a^apipg 49niinion over the min^s ot hi^ 
^Uowersi and to excite coiptnotions fo danger-^ 
OW %Q ipciety, wf»s only twentf-Gx ydars 0^ 

Topfi7H£R with its Monarchy the ^iitgdom Chtnaer 
9f ^ i^nabaptifts cjwne to ^n did. Their prin- tJ^\^^ 
tijdes having taken deep root in the l,^w Coun^- period. 
^e$) the pgrty ftill fubfifts there, \inder the 
fi^me a( Mennonites *, but by a very Angular 
revolution, this fe^, fb mutinous and fanguing^ 
ry at its firft origin, hath become altc^ther in-^ 
tipceHt and pacifick. Holding it unlawful to 
wagjS war, or to {accept of civil offices, they de- 
vote themfeives entirely to the duti^ of private 
citizens, and by their induftry an4 chatity en- 
d^vour rp make reparation to human fociety 
for the violence committed by their founders ^ 
A (maU number of this k£t which i;^ fettled in 
England, retain its peculiar tenets concerning 
baptiiWi, but without any dangerous niixture of 

VoLv IL C c The 

A Sld4* 190* &c. Tumoltaixm Anabaptiftarqm Libcrr 
fitmi. Aot. LamberCo HdteAAo aMdore ap. Scardtom« 
vol, ii. p. 3969 4c. Pe MiifrabjH MoBptcrienfiain <^b- 
ii<iione, Uc libellus Antoaii Corvini ap. Scard. 313. 
Annaks Anabaptiftici a Joh. Henrico Oitio, 410. Bafir 
leae» 1672. Cor. H6er(bachias Hift. Anab. Edit. 1637. 
p* 140. 

o B%y]e "DiKqti. Art Analatujln* 


Book V. The mutiny of the Anabaptifts, though it 
^"^ ' drew general attention, did not fo entirely cn- 
Proc^^iiigt grofs the princes of Germany, as not to allow 
tnd itttbo- ^ifure for odier tranfaftions« The alliance be- 
leagne of twcen the French King and the confederates at 
Smaikaide. Smalkalde, began about this time to produce 
great effefts. Ulric, Duke of Wurterhberg, 
having been expelled his dominions in the year 
bne thoufand five hundred and nineteen, -on ac- 
count of his violent and oppreffive adminiftra- 
tion, the houfe of Auilria had got polTeflion of 
his duchy. That prince having now by a long 
exile atoned for the errors in his conduct, which 
were the effeft rather of inexperience than of f 
tyrannical difpofition, was become the objeft of 
general compaffion. The Landgrave of Hcfle, 
in particular, his near relation, warmly efpouled 
his intereft, and ufed many efforts to recover for 
him his ancient inheritance- But the King of 
the Romans obftinately refufcd to relinquifli a 
valuable acquifition which his family had made 
with fo much eafc. The Landgrave, unable to 
compel him, applied to the King of France, his 
new ally. Francis, eager to embrace any op- 
portunity of diftreffing the houfe of Auftria, and 
defirous of wrefting" from it a territory, which 
gave it footing and influence in a part of Ger- 
many at a diftance from its other dominions, 
encouraged the Landgrave to take arms, and 
fecretly fupplied him. with a large fum of money. 
This he employed to raife troops, and marching 
with greaf expedition towards Wurtembcrg, at- 
tacked, defeated, aiid difperfed a confiderabk 
body of Auftriansi entruftcd with the defence 
of the country: AH the Duke's fubjedb haft- 
ened, with emulation, to receive their native 
Prince, and re-invefted him with that authority 
which is ftill enjoyed by his defcendants^ At 



the fame time the excrcife of the Proteftant re- Book V. 
ligion was cftablilhcd in his dominions p. ' — ^^""^^ 

Ferdinand, how fcnfiblc foever of this un-TheKiogof 

expeded blow, not daring to attack a Prince JourutSm! 
whom all the Proteftant powers in Germany 
were ready to fupport, judged it expedient to 
conclude a treaty with him, by which, in the 
nK>ft ample form, he recognized his title to the 
duchy. The fuccefs of the Landgrave's opera- 
tions in behalf of the Duke of Wurtemberg, 
having convinced Ferdinand that a rupture with 
a league fo formidable as that of Smalkalde was 
to be avoided with the utmoft care, he entered 
likewife into a negociation with the Eleflor of 
Saxony, the head of that union, and by fome 
conceffions in favour of the Proteftant religion, 
and others of advantage to the Eledtor himfelf^ 
he prevailed on him, together with his confer 
derates, to acknowledge his title as King of the 
Romans. At the fame time, in order to pre- 
vent any fuch precipitate or irregular cledlion in 
times to come, it was agreed that no perfon 
fhould hereafter ht promoted to that dignity 
without the unanimous confent of the Elcftors ; 
and the Emperor foon after confirmed this ftipur 
lation''. . ; 

These adls of indulgence towards ^he Pro- P^«niL 
teftants, and the clofe union into which thcnerai*^*' 
King of the Romans fccmed to be entering with^j'^^^ 
the Princes of that party, gave great offence at * 
Rome. Paul III. though he had departed from 
a refolution of his predeceflbr, never to confen? 
to the calling of a general council, and had pro- 

C c 2 mifcd, 

P Sleid 172. Bcllay, 159, &c. <l Sleid. 173. 

Corps Diplom. torn. iv. p. 2. 119. 




Book V.mifed, in the firft confiftoiy held afiDer his etec^ 

^'■''^^'■**' don, that he would convoke that aflfiiBUy,& 

'^''^* much defired by all Chriftendom, was no lefs 

enraged than Clement at thi innovadoas in 

Germany» and no l^s zverb to any fcheme fn 

reforming either the doftnnes df die church, or 

the abufes in the court of ftpme : J^ut haying 

been a witnefs of the univerlai cenfiice which 

Clement had incurred by his pUdaacy with rff« 

gard to thefe points, he hcmed to avoid the izm 

repfoach by the Teeming alaciity with vAich he 

propofed a council; flattsring himfel^ bqwever, 

that iuch dificuliiea would ariSr coK^miDg the 

dme and place of meedng, the peribas who had 

a right to be prcfent, and the order of their pro^ 

ceedings^ as would efBsdually de&at thp inteiN 

don OT thofe who demanded that aflbmbly, 

without ocpofing himfelf to any imputation nr 

refufing to call it. With this view he difpatchtd 

nuncios to the feverat courts, in order tp make 

known his intendon, and that he had fixed on 

Mantua as a proper place in whif:h to hodd the 

council. Such difficulties as the Pope had fore- 

feen, immediately prelentpd themielves in great 

number. The French King did not approve of 

the place which Paul had c^ofen, as the Papal 

and Imperial influence would ncceflarily be too 

?eat in a town fituated in that part of Italy, 
he King of England not only concurred with 
Francis in urging that obge£don, but refuled, 
befides, to acknowledge any council called ia 
the name and by the authority of the Pope. The 
Dec. II. German Proteftants having met together at 
Smalkalde, infilled on their original demand oS 
a council to be held in Gerniany, and jJeadia^ 
the Emperor's promife, as well as the agreement 
at Ratilbon to tjiat effeft, declared that they 
would not confider an aflembly held at Mantua 




as a kg&l €tr frfee r^>fefentative of the church. Book V. 
By this divfcrfity of fentiments and views, fuch ^ -^i^-w 
ii fidd for tntrigue and n^pciation opened, as '^^'* 
made it eafy f6r the Pope to aflume the merit of 
b^g ^^r t6 a0embl6 a council, while at the 
fkne time he could put off its meeting at plea- 
fiire. Thc.PrMeftants, on the other hand, fuf- 
pcfting his^defigns, and fenlible of the import- 
ance which they derived from their union, re* 
new^d for teii years the league of Smalkalde^ 
which now became ftronger and more fbrmi- « 
dabfe by the acceffion ot feveral new mem- 

Duaiiro thefe tranfadions in Germany, the 
Emperor undertook his famous enterprize againft 
the piratical ftates in Africa. That part of the 
African continent lying along the coafl: of the 
Mediterranean lea, which anciently formed the; 
kingdoms of Mauritania and Maflylia, together 
with the republick of Carth^, and which is 
now known by the general name of Barbary, The Eiqpe. 
had undergone niany revolutions. Subdued by Siuon'tr' 
the Romans, it became a province of thdr Africa, tod 

empire, country. 

r This league was concluded December, one thoufand 
five hundred and thirty- five» but not extended or figned 
in form till September in the following yar. The 
Princes who accefled to it were John Bledtor of Saxony» 
Erneil Duke of Brunfwicky Philip Landgrave of He^, 
Ulric Duke of Wurtemberg, Barnim and Philip t>uke8 
of Pomerania, John George, and Joachim Princes of 
Anhalt, Gebhard and Albert Counts of Mansfield, 
William Count of Nafiau. The cities, Straiborg, Na* ^ 
remburg, Con^ance, Ulm, Magdeburg, Bremen, Reut* 
lingen, Hailbron, Memmengen, Lindaw, Campen, Ifna, 
Btbrac, Winlheiin, Aufburg, Fraticfort, Efiing, Brunf- 
wick^ Goflar, Htnover» Gottingen» Eimbeck, Hamburg, 


Book V. empire. Conquered afteiwards by the Vandals, 
'^"^^ they erefted a kingdom there. That being over- 
' 535* turned by Belifarius, the country continued fub- 
je6t to the Greek Emperors, until it was over- 
run, towards the end of the feventh century, by 
the rapid and irrefiftible arms of the Arabs. It 
remained for fome time a part of thatj^aft empire 
which the Caliphs governed with abiSlute autho- 
rity. Its immenfe diftance, however, from the 
feat of government, encouraged the defcendants 
. of thofe leaders, who had fubdued the country, or 
the chiefs of the Moors, its ancient inhabitants, 
to throw off the yoke, and to fet up for indepen- 
dence. The Caliphs, who derived their autho- 
rity from a fpirit of enthufiafm, niore fitted for 
making conquefts than for preferving them, were 
obliged to connive at afts of rebellion which 
they could not prevent •, and Barbary was divided 
into fcveral kingdoms, of which Moroc^X), Al- 
giers, an3 Tunis, were the moft confiderable. 
The inhabitants of thefe kingdoms were a mixed 
race, Arabs, Negroes from the fouthern pro- 
vinces, and Moors, either natives of Africa, or 
who had been expelled out of Spain ; aH zealous 
profeflbrs of the Mahometan religion, and in- 
flamed againft Chriftianity with a bigotted hatred 
proportional to theif ignorance and barbarous 


Rife of the Among thcfc pcople, no lefs darings incon- 
piraticai ftant, and treacherous, than the ancient inhabit- 
ants of the fame country defcribed by the Ro- 
man hiftorians, frequent feditions broke out, and 
many changes in government took place. Thefe, 
as they aflPedted only the internal ftate of a coun- 
try fo barbarous, ate but little known, and de- 
fcrve to be fo : But about the beginning of the 
fixteenth century a fudden revolution happened, 



\irhich, by rendering t;iiie dates of Barbary formi- Book V. 
dable to the Europeans, hath made their hiftory ^ *v — "^ 
wcMthy of rnqre attention. This revolution was tnd ^ the 
brought about by perfons born in a rank of life BwrbiroOaa. 
which entitled them to a£t no fuch illuftrious 
part. Horuc and Hayradin, the fons oi a potter 
m the ifle of Lefbos^ prompted by a reftlefs and 
enterprizing fpirit, forfook thetr father's trade^ 
ran to fea, and joined a crew of pirates. They 
foon diftinguifhed themfelyes by their valour 
and ai^ivity ; and becoming matters of a fmall 
brigai^tine, carried on their infamous trade with 
fuch condu£t and fu(:cef$, that they aflembled a 
fleet of twelve gallies, befides many veflels of 
fmaller force. Of this fleet Horuc, the elder 
brother, called Barbaroflfa from the red colour 
of his beard, was admiral, and Hayradin fccond 
in command, but with alniofl: equal authority. . > 
They called themfelves the friends of the fea, 
and the enemies of all who fail upon it ; and their 
names (bon became terrible from the Straits of 
the, D^rdanels to thofe of Gibraltar. Together 
with their fame and power, their ambitious views 
extended ; and while admg as corfaira, they, 
adopted the ideas, and acquired the talents of . 
conquerors. They often carried the prizes which 
they .took on the coafl;s of Spain and It^ly into 
the ports of Barbary, and, enriching the inhabit- 
ants by the fals of their booty, and the thought- 
lefs prodigality of their crews, were welcome 
guefta in every place at which they touched. 
The convenient fitua^ion of thefe harbours, lying . 
fo near the greatefl: commercial ftates at that 
time.Jn Chriftcndom^ made the brothers wilh 
for an eftablifliment in that country. An op- 
portunity of accomplifliing this quickly pre- 
fentcd jtfelf, which they did not fufFer to pafs 
unimproved. Eutemi, King of Algiers, having 



P06K V. attempted feveral times, wkhout fuccefsi^ b ^ 

^^^""^^"^ a fort whieh the Spanift govemofs of Orati Idl 

'^^^* built not far ff^&m his capital, was fa ill niMhi 

as to apply fdr aid td Barbarofl% whofe valour 

i$i(S. the Aiticans cdhfidered as irrefiftibk; Vm 

aAire Corfair gladly accepted of the invitation, 

and leaving his brother Hayradin with the fleet, 

marched at the head ^ &ve thoufand ineii to 

Algiers, where he was received as their delivew* 

Such a force gave him the command of die 

town ; and as he perceived that the Moors 

neither fuf|)efied him of any bad intention, nor 

were capable, with their Jigh€-afmed troops, 

of oppofifig his disciplined veterans, he fecretly 

Horvc, the mi^rdtred the monarch whom he had come to 

thtn b^' ^^*' *^^ caijfed hintfelf to be proclaimed Itii^ 
comet fntf- of Algiers in his ftead. The authority which' 
^^tn, ^^' ^ had thps boldly ufurpedj he endeavoured to 
' ' eftablifc by arts fuited to the genius of the i)COr 
pie whom he had to govern ; by liberality with- 
out bounds to-thpfe whofavoured his promotionj 
and by druelty no lefe itnbounded towards all 
whom he had any reafon to diftruft. Not fttisfitd 
with the throne whieh he had acquired, he at-' 
tacked the neighbouring Kii^ or Tremecen, 
and having vanquifhed him in battle, addMhfe 
dominions to thof^ of Algiers, At the f^ 
time, he continued to infeu the coafis cf Sp^Q 
and' Italy with fleets ^hich refembloi the arma- 
inen^s of a great Monarch, rather than theKght 
fquadrons of a Corfair. The devaftations wWth 
thefe committed, obliged Charles^ about the be- 
ginning of bis reign, tb furnifii rfie mtfrquisde 
Comarcs, governor of Oran^ with f roops feffi^ 
*f*^- cicnt to attack him. That officer, afllftrfbjf 
^ th^ dethroned king Of Tremecen, e?cecutcd W 
commiffipn with ?uch fpirit, that BarbaroflB^^ 
troops being beat la feyeral encounters, he hiaa- 

' •' fclf 


fMmm flmt up in Tlemecen. Aftbr defending Book V. 
it to the kft etammtfy he was overtaken in at- ^■-*^^^— -■* 
tempting to make his efcape, and (lain while he '^^^' 
fom^t with an obftihate Valour, worthy of his 
ftcnlcr tsiinc and exploits. 

Hi» biodser llaVratfin, known likewiie by the Theprordi 
hame a( fiarbnofia, afficimed the fceptre of AU^l^^Y^: 
giet^ with die fimie ambition and abilities, but ^'^ i>ro- 
wkh betw torvme. His rd^ being imdi- ^' 
fturbed by the arms of the Spamards, which had 
ftiU occupation in the wars among the European 
powers, ne regulated, with admirable prudence, 
the interior police of his kin^om, earned on his 
naral operanom with great vigour, and extended 
hia conquefts on the continent of Africa. But 
pcrcdvidg that the Moors and Arabs fubmitted 
to faia ^vemment with the utmoft reludtance, 
and being afrsud shot his continual depredations' 
wmlc^ one day, draw upon him the arms of the 
Chriftians, he put his dbminions under the pro- Pats his do. 
t«^^ of the Grand Seignior, and received from SlTthTp"^ 
him a body of Turkifh foldiers fufficient for his **^*|y^ 
ftciariify againft his domeftick as wdl as hb foreign 
enemies. At laft, the fame of his exploits daily 
increafing, Solyman offered him the command 
of the Turkifli fleet, as the only perfon whole 
Vftlour and fkill in naval aiFairs entitled him to 
comrAand againft Andrew Doria, the greateft 
fea-officer or that age. Proud of this diftindbion, 
Bdrbarofia repaired to Conftantinople, and with 
» wonderful verfatility of mind, mingling the 
arte of a courtier with the boldnefs of a Corfair, 
gaiMd the entire confidence both of the Sukan 
mid his Viaier. To them he communieated a 
llfaeme which he had formed of making himfelf 
xtK^er of Tunisi the moft fiouriflting kingdom, 
^ ^hait timc^ on die coaft of Africa^ and this be- 


Book V. ing appravcd of by them, he obtancd whatever 
* ^'^^'^^ he demanded for carrying it into execufion. 

Hit fchtme His hopes of fuccels in this iindertakbg woe 
u^T^r' founded on the inteftine divifions in the kin^om 
of Tunis. Mahffied, the laft King of that coun- 
try, having thirty-four fons by diflferent wi^cs, 
named Muley*Hafcen, one of the youngeft among 
them, his fucceflfor. That* weak Prince, who 
owed this preference not to his own n^erit^ but 
to the afcendant which his mother had acquired 
over a Monarch doating with age, firft poifoned 
Mahmcd his father, in order to prevent him- from 
altering his deitination ; and then, with the bar- 
barous policy which prevails wherever polygamy, 
is permitted, and the right of fucceffion is not 
precifely fixed, he put to death all his brothers 
whom he could get into his power. Alrafehid, 
one of the eldeft, was fo fortunate as to efoape 
his rage «, . and finding ^ a retreat among the 
wandering Arabs, made fevecal attempts, by 
the afliftahce of fome of their chiefs, to recover 
the throne, which of right belonged to bim» 
But thefe proving unfiiccefsful, and the Ar^ 
from their natural levity, bebg ready to deliver 
him up to his mercilefs brother, he fled to Al- 
giers, the only place of refuge remainingj and 
implored the protcdion of Barbaroffa, who, dif- 
cerning at once all the advantages which mi^tte. 
gained by fupporting his title, received him with 
every poflible demonftration of friendlhip and 
rcfpedt. Being ready, at that time, to fct foil 
fpr Conftantinople, he eafily perfuadedi Alraf- 
ehid, whofe eagernefs to obtain % crown difppftd 
him to believe or undertake any thing, to ac- 
company him thither, promilihg bitn eflSjftual 
afliftance f^wn Solyman, whom he ceprefentcd 
to be the mofj: generous,. as,well as nooft pQwrr. 



fill. Monarch in the world. But no fooner were Book V. 
they arrived at Conftantinople, than the falfe'— v— ^ 
Corfair, regardlefs of all his promifes to him, ^^^^' 
opened to the Sultan a plan for conquering 
Tunis, and annexing it to the Turkilh empire, 
by making ufe of the name of this exiled Pnnce, 
and foy means of the party ready to declare in his 
favour. Solyman approved, with too much 
facility, of tlus perfidious propofal, extremely 
fuitable to the charader of its author, but alto- 
gether unworthy of a great Prince. A power- 
ful fleet and numerous army were foon aiTem- 
bled ; at the fight of which the credulous Alraf- 
chid flattered himfelf, that he would foon enter 
his capital in triumph. 

But juft as this unhappy Prince was going to lu fucccfs. 
embark, he was arrefl:ed by order of the Sultan, 
fhut up in the feraglio, and was never heard of 
more. Barbarofla failed with a fleet of two hun- 
dred and fifty vefleis towards Africa. After ra- 
vaging the coafts of Italy, and fpreading terror 
through every part of that country, he appeared 
before Tunis ; and landing his men, gave out 
that he came to aflcrt the right of Alrafchidv 
whom he pretended to have left Tick aboard the 
Admiral galley. The fort of Goletta, which 
commands the bay, foon fell into his hands, 
partly by his own addrefs, partly by the treachery 
of its commander ; and the inhabitants of Tunis, 
weary oi Mulcy-Hafccn*s government, took 
arms, and declared for Alrafchid with fuch zeal 
and unaninuty, as obliged the former to fly fo 
precipitately, that he left all his treafures behind 
him. The gates were immediately fct open to 
Barbarofla, as the reftorer of their lawful fbve- 
reign. But when Alrafchid himfelf did not 
appear, arid when inflead of his name, that of 
• . ~ Solyman 



Book V. Solyman atone was hdatxl amdng t!ie ac^tait- 
^ — ^^""^ tions of the Turkifli foHiers Aarchteg tnco tte 
*5^5* town» chc people of Tunis bcgiai to ftrtpcdt the 
Corfair's trcachtfry. , Their fd^ciriB beirigfowi 
converted into certainty^ they nm to arms wkk 
the vtAioit fury^ iuid furrounded the citadiil, iotd 
which Barbarofl^ had led Ifis troops. But hav- 
ing fbrefeen fuch a revokidonv he was not ua- 
prepared for it ; be inmnediaidy tixnei agjM 
theth the artillery on tke rddipai^ tod by one 
briik difcharge, difperfcd the numennis but un- 
direded aflailam», and forced dmn to adiiiotr- 
ledge SdyhfKin as their fovereigni and to fubmic 
to him&lf i^ his viceroy^ 

Btrbaro(ra*t His firft carc was to put the kingdom, of 

^rJrt^^' which he had thus got pdffeffion, in a prtto 

poft ore of defence. He ftrei^;th«ied die cifadel 

which comnuuids the town ; and fortifying thii 

Goletta in a regular mtoiier, at vslft txpence^ 

made it the priitcipd ftaiKxl £or his ilbet, and 

his great arfenal for nruHtafy as well as nayal 

ftores. Being now pofft(ftd of fudi exten^ve 

tcrritoriw, he ciarried on his depredations againft 

the Cbriftiah States to a greater extent, and with 

more deftruftive violence than ever. Daily com- 

plaihts of thebutrasjes comrtiittcd by biicruitcrs 

were brought to the Emperoi" by^ his fubjcfts, 

both in Spain ^nd Italy. All Chriftcndom 

ieemed to expe<^ from hitn, as its greatcft ^ 

moft fortunate Prince, thit Ke would pit an end 

to this new and odious f^dcies of opprcffion. 

The exiled At the fame time Muky-Hafccn, the odkd 

^ITmpiJrelKingbf Tunis^ finding none of the Mahomctaa 

*o*'^"fln ^^'^^^^ '^ Africa willing or abte to aflift him io 

Ince.* April recorering his throne, applied to Chiles as the 

*'» »i53- only perfoa who coidd aflfert hii righta in oppo^ 

fitiop to fuch a formidable ufurjper^ The em- 



pcror> fqitftUy defifpus of drlivcrvig hia domi- Bpq( v. 
nions from the dangerous neighboiir)K^ of Bar- ^ *'»'--> 
barofla; of appearing as the proteftor of an ^^^* 
^OitiiMt^ Prince;, 4nd Qf «€q4jiwg the glory 
anoraed in cbftt ^1 tQ every eKpedicipn ^g^it\9t 
the lifa{ififp<H»n$9 wdihf coagliid/od % triei^y 
mth MuJey-HMben^ aiKi beg^n to pveparQ for 
tnvadiog Tunis. Having rp^d^ (rkl ojf His owa 
abilities for wgr ia t(%e l^t^ cwipakn ifi Hun-* 
gary» be wa* now b^eooie fo &nd of thr miiiwry 
ciiarafier^ ti^t he deHBr^ini^ to eopummd on 
Ail oocafifm in perfon. Tlw Mniiod ftrwgth of Hi««preptr«- 
lusdomiaiafts w«3 Cfllkd out upo^ m cwprprizft^x''^' '*"* 
ki wUcb the eiinpf f^ wa$ ab^ut to hg^ard his 
glory, and whkh c^w the att^rijtioflt of all Eu* 
i»pe. A Fkmifla iect ciu:ried frprp the ports 
of the Low-Country a body of G^rmgn iofan- 
tiy' ; the gallies of Napli5s and Skily took on 
bQ»d the veteran bands . of Jtaliana . and Spa.^ 
aiards, which had dlftiaguifhed then)fclye$ by 
fo many v^xmes over the Fr^ch ; the Emperor 
himfdr embarked at Barcelona with the flower 
of the Spanifh nobility, and was joiwd by a 
Wmfiderable fquadron from Portugal, u»der the 
command of tbelnf^t Dph Lewis* the Em- 
psefs'^ bnofiher ; Andrew Doria condu&ed his 
own galliof, the bed appointed an th^c time in 
Eurc^, aiKi comnianded by the moft ikilful 
officers t The iV)pe fwrnOmd ^Ithe aiEftance in 
his power towards fuch a |^oms enterprize •, and 
theco'derof Malta, the perpetual enemies of 
the I^fidds, e(}Mipped a fquadron, which, though 
imall, was . formidable by the valour of the 
knights who ferved on board it. Thepojrtof 
Cagliari in Sardinia was the general place of 
rendezvous. Dqria was appointed High-Admi^ 
lal of the fleet ; the command of the landt 


< Haraei Annates Crabant. i^ 599. 


Book V, forces under the Emperor was given to the mar- 
^"^^"■^ quis de Guafto. 

undt io On the fixteenth of July, the fleet, confifth^ 
Africi. ^£ ^^^j. g^^ hundred veflfels, having oir board 

above thirty thoofandl regular troops, fet fail 
from Cagliari, and after a profperous naviga- 
tion, landed within fight of Tunis. Barbarol& 
having received early intelligence of the Em- 
peror's immenfe armament, and lufpefting its 
deftination, prepared with equal prudence and 
vigour for the defence of his new conqueft. He 
* called in all his corfairs from their different fta- 

tions \ he drew from Algiers what forces could 
be fpared ; he difpatched meflengers to all the 
African Princes, Moors as well as Arabs, and 
by reprefenting Muley-Hafccn as an infamous 
apoftate, prompted by ambition and revengje, 
not only to become the vaflal of a Chriftian 
Prince, but to confpire with him to extirpate the 
Mahommedan faith, he inflamed thofe ignorant 
and bigotted chiefs to fuch a degree, that they 
^ took arms as in a common caufe. Twenty thou- 
fand horfe, together with a vaft: body of foot, 
foon aflembled at Tunis ; and by a proper dif- 
tribution of prefents among them from time to 
time, Barbarofla kept the ardour which had 
brought them together from fubfiding. But as 
he was! too well acquainted with the enemy whom 
he had to oppofe, to think that thefe light troops 
could refill the heavy-armed cavalry and veteran 
infantry which compofed the Imperial army, his 
chief confidence was in the ftrcngth of the Go-^ 
letta, and in his body of Turkifli foldicrs who 
were armed and difciplined after the European 
falhion. Six thoufand of thefe, under the com- 
mand of Sinan, a renegado Jew, the braveft and 
moft experienced of all hijs corfairs, he threw 

^J^Goufu. *"^^ ^^^^ ^^^^y which the emperor immediately 



invefted. As Charles had the command of the Boo* V- 
fea, his camp was fo plentifully fupplied not^"*^^*^ 
only with the neceflarics, but with all the luxu- *^^'* 
ries of life, that Mulcy-Hafcen, wb6 had not 
been accuftomed to fee war carried on with fuch 
order and magnificence, was filled with admira- 
tion of the Emperor's power. His troops, ani- 
mated by his prefence, and confidering it as 
meritorious to Ined their blood in fuch a pious 
caufe, contended with each other for the pofts 
of honour and danger. Three feparate attacks 
were concerted; and the Germans, Spaniards, and 
Italians, having one of thefe committed to each 
©f them, pufiied them forward with the eager 
courage which national emulation infpires. Sinan 
difplayed relblution and (kill becoming the con- 
fidence which his mafter had put in him ; the 
garrifon performed the hard fervice on which 
they were ordered with great fortitude. But 
though he interrupted the befiegers by frequent 
fallies ; though the Moors "and Arabs alarmed 
the camp with their continual incurfions ; the 
breaches foon became fo confiderable towards 
the land, while the fleet battered thofe parts of 
the fortifications v/hich it could approach, with 
no lefs fury and fucccfs, that an aflault being 
given on all fides at. once, the place was taken T^kes it by 
by ftorm. Sinan, with the remains of hisJ^J^;^^ 
garrifon, retired, after an obftinate refiftance, 
over afhallow part of the bay towards the city. 
By the reduftion of the Goletta, the Emperor 
became mafter of Barbarofla*s fleet, confifting 
of eighty- feven gallies and galliots, together with 
his arfehal, iand three hundred cannon, moftly' 
brafs, which were planted on the ramparts ; a 
prodigious number in that age, and a remark- 
able proof of the ftrength of the fort, as well as 
of the greatnefs of the corfair's power. The 
Kmperor marched into the Goletta through the 



Bo9K y. breach, and turniBg to iA^hfrfid&en fA^ a(^ 
^-•'"^^^ tended him, ** Hc^e/* lays he, ^» is a g^ opci 
*53S- to you, bywlweh yop ih^U f«^rA (p |«^ |^ 
feffioa of your dcimimaA^/* 

Barbaeos$a» thoHgh im folf |li« fgU DwifglK 
of the bjiow which w hp4 »?Pfi>«e4 di^iA 
however, I0& eouF9ge, ^r «|Mkp4p» t^ ^^pfm 
of TuflijS. Btit ^ che V4}(9 WWf of grw!t«i«lBl, 

and octremely ^cukj ^ |ftfs ic9«k} nm di^w^ 

on the fidelity of the mh^btt^, w>r kt^^etlilt 

(the Moc^ mi AmU w^iild Ai|S^ ^imir 
fliips of a fiMe» he boldly d^prmippd !»o .9dvMff 

with hi3 aitoy, whi^h amawitB4 fpfi^*cW^ 
fai^ men S towards th(e l^feri^ ^9Qf^r 9Pd $9 
decide the f»te of his kingdom V ^^ feSve^J 
battle. This pefolutioB he ^mfl^w\fi^t» hk 
principal officers, and repre^cni^ lip tbfm ^ 
fatal oonieqqences whkh mi^t j^llpw, if W 
thouiand Chriftian flaves, 9/hom hP h^d ^W MP 
in the citadel, fhould attempt to m^tipjy (|prt0g 
theabfence of the afmy* he pfoppfed 9/^ ^ tUf^ 
ceflary precaution for the puhdi^ jbcuH^ 19 
mafliicfe them without mercy befcws ^ hegM^ 
his march. Tl^y all approved w^rady iqf fa^ 
intention to fight ; but inyped 1^ they wim, ia 
their ptratioi^ depredations, to jrcene$ of h)wd* 
Ihed and eruelty, the hfu^barity of his pr^pofid 
. concerning the flavesi 0Ued them with horror y 
and BarbardTa, r^her frpm the dread of m«$t' 
ing them, than fwayed by n)ptive$ c^ hunM^ky, 
confented to fpare the lives pf the (laves. 

Dcfeiu By this time the Emperor had begun to s4- 

Barbarofli'i yance towards Tunis ; ^nd though his tr(K^ 

*'"*'* fufFered inconceivable hardlhips in thdr marclH 

over burning fands, deilitute of water, and cx- 

poled to the intolerable heat of the fun, they 


t Epiftres de Princes, parRurcelli^ p. ispt &c. 


toon came Up With the enemy. The Moors andBooK V. 
Arabs,' emboldened by their vaft fuperiority in '^ ^^"***^ 
humber, imniediately ruftied on to the attack '^^'' 
with loud fhouts ; but their undifciplifned courage 
tould not long (land the fhock of regular bat- 
talions ; and though Barbarofla, with admirable 
prefcnce of mind, and by expofing his own per- 
fon to the greateft dangers, endeavoured to rally 
them, the rout became fo general, that he him- 
felf was hurried along with them in their flight 
back to the city. There he found every thing 
in the uttndft confiifiion-, fome of the inhabit- 
ants flying with their families and cSt&s ; otherst 
ready to fet open their gates to the conqueror i 
the Turkifh foldiers preparing to retreat ; and thd 
citadel, which in fuch circumftances might have 
aflbrded him fom6 refuge, already in the poflef- 
fion of the Chriftian captives. Thefe unhappy 
men, rendered defperate by their fituation, had 
laid hold on the opportunity which BarbafoflTsi 
dreaded. As foon as his army was ^t fome dif- 
tance from the town, they gained two of their 
keepers, by whofe afliftance, knocking ofi^ their 
fetters, and burfting open their prifoiis, they 
overpowered the Turkifti garrifon, a(nd turned 
the artillery of the fort agaihft their former maG 
ters. BarbaroflTa, difappointed and enraged, ex- 
claiming fometimes againft the falfe compaflion 
of his officers, and fometimes condemning his 
own imprudent compliance with their opinion,- 
fled precipitately to Bonil^. 

Meanwhile Charles, faitisfied with the eafy Tunis fur^ 
and almofl: bloodlefs vidtory which he had'«°^*'*- 
gained, and advancing ftowly \^ith the precau- 
tion ncceflary in an enemy'^ country, did not 
yet know the whole extent of his own good for- 
tune. But at laft, a meflenger difpatched by 

Vou II. D d the 


Book V, the Aaves acquainted hixn wkb the fuccels af 
^"^'y^ their noble effort, for the recovery of their liber- 
'535- ly .^ jy^j aj ^e fame time deputies arrived from 
the town, in order to prefent him the keys of 
their gates, and to implore his prote£tion from 
military violence. While he was deliberating 
concerning the proper meafures for this purpofe, 
the foldiers, fearing that they ftiould be deprived 
of the booty which they had cxpe6ted, rulhed 
fuddenly, and without orders, into the town, 
axvl began to kill and plunder without diftioc* 
tion. It was then too late to reftrain their cru- 
elty, their avarice, or licentioufnefe. All the 
outrages of which foldiers are capable in the fury 
of a ftorm, all the excefies of which n)en can 
be guilty when their paflions are heightened 
by the contempt and hatred which difference in 
ipanners and religion infpire, were committed. 
Above thirty thoufand of the innocent inhabit- 
ants perifhed on that unhappy d^y, and ten 
thoufand were carried away as flaves. Muley- 
Hafcen took podeffion of a throne furrounded 
with carnagp, abhorred by his fubjedis on whom 
he had brought fuch calamities, and pitied even 
by thofe whoie raflmefs had been the occafionof 
them. The Emperor lamented the fatal acci- 
dent which had ftained the luftre of his vidtory ; 
and amidft fuch a fcene of horror there was but 
one fpedacle that afforded him any fatisfadion. 
Ten thoufand Chriilian flaves, among whom were 
feveral perfons of diftinftion, met him as he enr 
tered the town; and falling on their Iqiees, 
thanked and bleffed him as their deliverer. 

Reftorcsthc Ax the fame time that Charles accomplished 

^ollfa** ^'°^ ^^^ promife to the Moorifh King of re-eftablifli- 

throoe. ing him in his dominions, he did not negledt 

what was neceffary for bridling the power of th^ 



African corfairs, for the fecurity of his own fub- Book V. 
jefts, and for the intereft of the Spanilh crown : ^-^>^-^ 
In order to gain thefe ends, he concluded a '^^^' 
treaty with Muley-Hafcen on the following con- 
ditions *, that he fhould hold the kingdom of 
Tunis in fee of the crown of Spain, and do ho- 
mage to the Emperor as his liege lord; that 
all the Chriftian flaves now within his domi- 
nions, of whatever nation, fhould be fet at liberty 
without ranfom -, that no fubjed of the Empe- 
ror's would for the future be detained in fervi- 
tude ; that no Turkifli corfair fhould be admitted 
into the ports of his dominions ; that free trade, 
together with the publickexercifeof theChriftian 
religion, fhould be allowed to all the Emperor's 
lubjeds ; that the Emperor fhould not only re- 
tain the Goletta, but that all the other fea-ports 
in the kingdom which were fortified fhould be 
put into his hands ; that Muley-Hafcen fhould 
pay annually twelve thoufand crowns for the 
fubliflence of the Spanifh garrifon in the Golet- 
ta ; that he fhould enter into no alliance with 
any of the Emperor's enemies ; and fhould pre- 
fent to him every year, as an acknowledgment 
of his vafTalage, fix Moorifh horfes, and as many 
hawks". Having thus fettled the affairs of 
Africa ; chaflifed the infolence of the corfairs •, 
fecured a fafe retreat for the fhips of his fubjeds, 
and a proper ftation for his own fleets, on that 
coaft from which he was mofl infefled by pira- 
tical depredations ; Charles embarked again for Aug. 17. 
Europe, the tempefluous weather, and ficknefs 
among his troops, not permitting him to purfue 
BarbarofTa ^. 

D d 2 Bv 

B Du Monts Corps Diplomat, ii. 128. Summootc Hift. 
di Napoli, iv. 89. 

X Joh. Eiropii Diarium Expedition. Tunctanae ap, 
Scard. v. ii. p. 320, &c. Jovii Hiftor.lib. xxxiv. 153, &c. 



4Q4 THE REIGN, &c. 

Book V. By this expedition, the merit of which feem$ 
^^~'^^to have been eftimated in that age, rather by 
Thc^ioiV ^^^ apparent generofity of the undertaking, the 
Dvhich the magnificence wherewith it was conduced, and 


eti. the fuccefs which crowned it, than by the im- 
portance of the confequences that attended it, 
the Emperor attained a greater height of glo^ 
than at any other period of his reign. Twenty 
thoufand flaves whom he freed from bondage, 
either by his arms, or by his treaty with Muley- 
Hafcen y, each of whom he cloathed and fur- 
nifhed with the means of returning to their 
refpeftive countries, fpread all over Europe the 
fame of their bcnefaftor's munificence, extolling 
his power and abilities with the exaggeration 
flowing from gratitude and admiration. In com- 
parifon with him, the other Monarchs of Eu- 
rope made an inconfiderable figure. They 
feemed to be folicitous about nothing but their 
private and particular interefts ; while Charles, 
with an elevation of fentiment, which became the 
chief Prince in Chriftcndom, appeared to be 
concerned for the honour 6f the Chriftian name, 
and attentive to the public fecurity and welfare. 

Sandov. ii. 1 54, &c. Vertot Hift de Cheval. de Malthc. 
Epillres des Princes, par Rufcelli, traduites par Belleforefl* 
p. 119, 120, 8cc, Anton. Pontii Confentini Hift. Belli adr. 
Barbar. ap. Matthaei Analedla. 

y StunmoEte Hift. de Nap. vol. iv. p. 105. 


<■ r.. / « ,, , 





O F T H E 



UNFORTUNATELY for the reputation Book VL 
pf Francis I. among his contemporaries, "— "v*>^ 
his conduft, at this junfture, appeared a perfedt The wufcs 
contraft to that of his rival, as he laid hold of » new 
on the opportunity afforded him, by the Empe- ^een the 
Tor's having turned his whole force asainft the Emperor 

^ ^ • r* ^ r ' and Francis. 

common enemy, to revive his pretenlions in 
Italy, and to plunge Europe into a new war. 
The treaty of Cambray, as has been obferved, 
did not remove the caufcs of enmity between the 
two contending Princes •, it covered up, but did 
not extinguilh the flames of difcord. Francis, 
in particular, who waited with impatience for a 
proper occafion of recovering the reputation a$ 
well as territories which he had loll, continued 
to carry on his negociations jn different courts 
againft the Emperor, taking the utmoft pains to 
heighten the jealoufy which many Pripqes en- 


Book VI. tertained of his power or defigns, and to infpirc 
^"""^^ ^ the reft with the fame fufpicion and fear : Among 
*^^^' others, he applied to Francis Sforza, who, 
though indebted to Charles for the poffeffion of 
the dutchy of Milan, had received it on fuch 
hard conditions, as rendered him not only a 
vaflal of the Empire, but a tributary dependant 
upon the Emperor. The honour of having 
married the' Emperor's niece, did not reconcile 
him to this ignominious ftate of fubjeftion, which 
became fo intolerable even to Srorza, a weak 
and poor-fpirited Prince, that he liftened with 
eagernefs to the firft propofals Francis made of 
refcuing him from the yoke. Thefe propofals 
were conveyed to him by Maraviglia, or Mer- 
veille, as he is called by the French hiftorians, 
a Milanefe gentleman refiding at Paris; and 
foon after, in order to carry on the negociation 
with greater advantage, Merveille was fent to 
Milan, on pretence of vifiting his relations, but 
with fecret credentials from Francis as his envoy. 
In this charafter he was received by Sforza. But 
notwithftanding his care to keep that circum- 
ftance concealed, Charles fufpefting, or having 
received information of it, remonftrated and 
threatened in fuch an high tone, that the Duke 
and his minifters, equally intimidated, gave the 
world immediately a moft infamous proof of 
their fervile fear of ofifending the Emperor. As 
Merveille had neither the jprudence nor the tem- 
per which the funftion wherein he was em- 
ployed required, they artfully' decoyed him in- 
to a quarrel, in which he happened to kill his an- 
Pec. 1533. tagonift, one of the Duke's domefticks, and hav- 
ing inftantly feized him, they ordered him to be 
tried for that crime, and to be beheaded. Fran- 
cis, no left aftonifhed at this violation of a cha- 
rafter held facred among the moft uncivilized na- 
'■ -■ - -• - tions, 


tions, than enraged at the infult offered to the dig- Book Vf. 
nity of his crown, threatened Sforza with the ef- ^^ — "^^"^ 
fe<£lsof his indignation, and complained tothcEm- '^^^* 
peror, whom he confidered as the real author 
of that unexampled outrage. But meeting with 
no fatisfaftion from either, he appealed to all the 
Princes of Europe, and thought himfelf now 
entitled to take vengeance for an injury, which 
it would have been indecent and pufilianimous 
to let pafs v/ith impunity. 

Being thus furnifhed with a pretext for be-Prtncis def- 
ginning a war, on which he had already refolved, aiu^J; ^^ 
he multiplied his efforts in order to draw in other 
Princes to take part in the quarrel. But all his 
mcafnres for this purpofe were difconcerted by 
unforefeen events. After having facrificed the 
honour of his houfe by the marriage of his fon 
with Catharine of Medici, in order to gain Cle- 
ment, the death of that Pontiff had deprived 
him of all the advantages which he expefted to 
derive from his friendfhip. Paul, his fucceflbr, 
though attached by inclination to the Imperial 
intereft, feemed determined to maintain the neu • 
trality fuitable to his charafter as the common 
father of the contending Princes. The King of 
England, occupied with domeftick cares and pro- 
je£ts, declined, for once, engaging in the affairs 
of the continent, and refufed to alTift Francis, 
unlefs he would imitate his example, in throw- 
ing off the Papal fuprenwicy. Thefe difappoint- hu ncgoci- 
ments led him to folicit, with greater earneft- »«»<>«« with 
ncfs, the aid of the Proteftant Princes aflbciated Protettw" 
by the league of Smalkalde. That he might 
the more eafily acquire their confidence, he en- 
deavoured to accommodate himfelf to their pre- 
dominant paflion, zeal for their religious tenets. 
He affefted a woncterful moderation with regard 



408 T^E R5:iG^f QF THE 

Book VI. to the points in difpute •, he permitted Bellay, 
^^ — "^"^ his envoy in Germany, to explain his fentiments 
^5.'^' concerning fome of the moft important articles, 
in terms not far different from thofe ufed by the 
Proteftants * •, he even condefcended to invite 
Melandhon, whofe gentle manners and pacific 
fpirit diftinguifhed him among the Reformers, 
to vifit Parish that by his afliftance he might 
concert the moft proper meafure|5 for reconciling 
the contending fefts, which fo unhappily divideq 
the church ^. Thefe conceflions muft be confi- 
dered rat^r as arts of policy^ than . the refu^t of 
conviftion-, for whatever impreflion the new 
opinions in religion had made on his fiilers, the 
Queen of Navarre and Dutchefs of Ferrara, the 
gaiety of Francis's own temper, and his love of 
pleafure, allowed him little leifure to examin^ 
theological controverfies. 

irritttci But foon after he loft all the fruits of this 
diungenuoiis artifice, by a ftep very inconfiftent 
with his declarations to the German Princes, 
This ftep, however, the prejudices of the age; 
and the religious fentiments of his own fubjefts^ 
rendered it neceffary for him to take. His clqfe 
union with the King of Englanci, an excommu- 
nicated heretick i his frequent negociations with 
the German Proteftants -, but above all, his giv- 
ing publick audience to an envoy from Sultan 
Solyman, had excited violent fufpicions con- 
cerning the fmcerity of his attachment to reli- 
gion. To have attacked the Emperor, who 
on all occafions, made high pretenfions to zeal 
in defence of the Catholick faith, and at the very 


» Frehcri Script. Rer. German, iii. 354, &c. Sleid, 
Hift. 178,183. Scckend. lib. iii.103.' 
, b Camerarii Vita Ph. Mejan^i^onis, 120. Hag. 1655, 

p. "12. ■.• ■ .' *, • . . 'I ; 


X '.' 

£ M P E R OR CHARLES V. 409 

junfture when he was preparing for his expe-BooK VI. 
dition againft ' Barbaroffa, yrhich was then con- ' 77^ 
fiderqd as a pious enterprize, could not have *^ 
failed to confirm fuch unfavourable fentiments 
with regard to Francis, and called on him tp 
vindicate himfelf by fome extraordinary demon- 
ftration of his reverence for jthe eftabliftied doc- 
trines of the church. The indifcreet zeal of 
fome of his fubjefts, who had imbibed the Pro- 
teftant opinions, furnilhed him with fuch an 
occafion as he defired. They had affixed to the 
ga^es of the Louvre, apd other public places, . 
papers containing indecent refleftions on the 
doftrines and rites of the Popifli church. Six of 
the perfons concerned in this rafli aftion were dif- 
covered and feized. The King, in order to avert 
the judgnnents which it was fuppofed their blaf- 
phemies might dra\y down upon the nation, 
• appointed a folemn prpceflion. The holy facra- 
inent was carried through the city in great pomp ; 
t'rancis walked uncovered before it, bearing a 
torch in his hand •, the princes of the b|ood fup- 
ported the canopy over it -, the nobles marched 
in order behind. In the prefence of this nume- 
rous aflembly, the King, accuftomed to exprefs 
himfelif on every fubjeft in ftrong and animated 
language, declared that if one of his hands were 
infedted with herefy, he would cut it off with 
the other, and would not fpare even his own 
children, if found guilty of that crimo. As a 
dreadful proof of his being in earned, the fix un- 
happy perfons were pubhckly burnt before the 
proceflion was finifhed, with circumftan^es of 
the mofl: Ihocking barbarity attending their exe- 
cution ^ ' ■ 



« Belcarii Comment. Rer. Gallic, 646. Skid, Hid. 

* « 


Book VI. Xhe Princes of the league of Smalkalde, filled 
^""^^7^ with refentment and indignation at the cruelty 
They letufe with which their brethren were treated, could 
tojoinhim. not cottceive Francis to be fincere, when he 
offered to proteft in Germany thofe very tenets, 
which he perfecuted with fuch rigour in his own 
dominions ; fo that all Bellay's art and eloquence 
in vindicating his mafter, or apologizing for his 
conduft, made but little impreffion upon them. 
They confidered likewife, that the Emperor, 
who hitherto had never employed violence againft 
the do£trines of the Reformers, nor even given 
them much moleftation in their progrefs, was 
now bound by the agreement at Ratifbon, not 
to difturb fuch as had embraced the new opi- 
nions; and the Proteftants wifely regarded this 
as a more certain and immediate fecurity, than 
the precarious and diftant hopes with which 
Francis endeavoured to allure them. Befides, 
the manner in which he had behaved to his allies 
at the peace of Cambray, was too recent to be 
forgotten, and did not encourage others to rely 
much on his friend(hip or generofity. Upon 
all thefe accounts, the Froteftant Princes refufed' 
to aflift the French King in any hoftile attempt 
againft the Emperon The Eleftor of Saxony, 
the moft zealous among them, in order to avoid 
giving any umbrage to Charles, would f^t per- 
mit Melanfthon to vific the court of France, 
although that Reformer, flattered' perhaps by 
the invitation of fo great a monarch, or hoping 
that his prefence there might be of fignal advan- 
tage to the Proteftant caufe, difcovered a ftrong 
inclination to undertake the journey **. 

The French BuT though nonc of the many princes who 

ce^ towrrds cnvicd or dreaded the power of Charles, would 
Italy. fecond 

<J Camerarii Vita Melan. 142, &c. 415. Seckend. lib. 
iii. 107. 



fecond Francis's efforts in order to reduce and Book VI. 
circumfcribc it, he, neverthelefs, commanded^ ■»- ■^ 
bis army to advance towards the frontiers of V^^^ 
Italy. As his fole pretext for taking arms was 
that he might chaftife the Duke of Milan for his 
infolent and cruel breach of the law of nations, 
it might have been expefted that the whole 
weight of his vengeance was to have fallen on 
his territories. But on a fudden, and at their 
very commencement, the operations of war took 
another direftion. Charles Duke of Savoy, one 
of the leaft aftive and able Princes of the line 
from which he defcended, had married Beatrix 
of Portugal, the Emprefs's fitter. By her great 
talents, fhe foon acquired an abfolute afcendant 
over her hulband -, and proud of her affinity to 
the Emperor, or allured by the magnificent pro- 
mifes with which he flattered her ambition, flie 
formed an union between the Duke and the Im- 
perial court, extremely inconfiftent with that 
neutrality, which wife policy as well as the fitua- 
tion of his dominions had hitherto induced him 
to obferve in all the quarrels between the con- 
tending Monarchs. Francis was abundantly 
fenfible of the diftrefs to which he might be ex- 
pofed, if, when he entered Italy, he Ihould leave 
behind him the territories of a Prince, devoted 
fo ob%{uioufly to the Emperor, that he had fent 
his eloeft fon to be educated in the court of 
Spain, as a kind, of hoftage for his fidelity. 
Clement the Seventh, who had reprefented this 
danger in a ftrong light during his interview 
with Francis at Marfeilles, fuggefted to him, at 
the fame time, the proper method of guarding 
againtt it, having advifed him to begin his ope- . 
rations againtt the Milanefe, by taking poflefllon 
of Savoy and Piedmont, as the only certain way 
of fccuring^ a communication with his own do- 
' minions. 



Book VI. minions. Francis, highly irritated at the Duke 
'" ^^***^ on many accounts, particularly for having fup- 
Tak^^f- pli^d ^he Conftable Bourbon with the money 
feflionof that enabled him to levy the body of troops 
Savoy's d^ which ruincd the French army in the fatal battle 
minions, of Pavia, was not unwilling to let him now feel 
both how deeply he rcfented, and how feverely 
he could punifti thefe injuries. Nor did he 
want feveral prete^cts which gave fome colour of 
equity to the violence that he intended. The 
territories of France and Savoy lying contiguous 
to each other, and intermingled in many places, 
various difputes, unavoidable in fuch a fituation, 
fubfifted concerning the limits of their refpciftive 
property •, and befides, Francis, in right of his 
mother Louife of Savoy, had large claims Upon 
the Duke her brotlier, for her fhare in their fa- 
therms fucceflion. Being unwilling, however, 
to begin hoftilities without fome caufe of quarrel 
more fpecious than thefe pretenfions, many of 
which were obfolete, and others dubious, he 
demanded permiffion to march through Pied- 
mont in his way to the Milanefe, hoping that 
the Duke, from an excefs of attachment to the 
Imperial intereft, might refufe this requeft, and 
thus give a greater appearance of Juftice to all 
his operations againft him. But, ir we may be- 
lieve the hiftorians of Savoy, who appear to be 
better informed with regard to this particular 
than thofe of France, the Duke readily, and 
with a good grace, granted what it was not in 
his power to deny, promifing free paffage to the 
French troops as was defired ; fo that Francis, 
as the only method now left of juftifying the 
meafures which he determined to take, was 
obliged to infift for full fatisfaftion with regard 
to every thing that either the crown of France or 
his mother Louife could demand of the houfe 



rf Savoy ^ Such an evafive anfwer, as might Book VI. 
have been expefted, being made to this requifi- <- -y — .^ 
tion, the French army under the admiral Brion *^^5' 
poured at once into the Duke's territories at 
different places. The countries of Breffe and 
Bugey, united at that time to Savoy, were over- 
run in a moment. Moil of the towns in the 
dutchy of Savoy opened their gates at the ap- 
proach of the enemy •, a few which attempted to 
make refiftance were eafily forced •, and before 
the end of the campaign, the Duke faw himfelf 
ftripped of all his dominions, but the province 
of Piedmont, in which there were not many 
places in a condition xo be defended. 

To complete the Duke's misfortunes, the city The dty of 
of Geneva, the fovereignty of which he claimed, ^*°r3 V,""" 
and in fome degree poffefled, threw off his yoke -, liberty. 
and its revolt drew along with it the lofs of the 
adjacent territories. Genevjsr^vas, at that time, 
an Imperial city ; and tboSgh under the direct 
dominion of its own bifhops, and the remote 
fovereignty of the Dukes or Savoy, the form of 
its internal conftitution was purely republican, 
being governed by fyndics and a council chofen 
by the citizens. From thefe diftindt and often 
clafhing jurifdiftions, two oppofite parties took 
their rife, and had long fubfifted in the ftate ; 
the one, compofed of the advocates for the pri- 
vileges of the community, affumed the name of 
Eignotz^ or confederates in defence of liberty ; 
and branded the other, which fupported the cpif- 
copal or ducal prerogatives, with the name of 
Mammlukes or flaves. At length, the Proteftant ,531. 
opinions beginning to fpread among the citizens, 
infpired fuch as embraced them with that bold 


e Hiftoire Genealogique de SsLVoye, par Guichenon^ 
z torn. (oU Lyon. i66o« i. 639> &c« 


Book Vf cntcrprizing fpirit which always accompanied or 
^ ''^ ;^ ^ was naturally produced by them in their firft 
^^^' operations. As both the Duke and Bifhopwere 
from intcrcft, from prejudice, and from political 
confiderations, violent enemies of the Reforma- 
tion, all the new converts joined with warmth 
the party of the Eignotz ; and zeal for religion, 
mingling with the love of liberty, added ftrength 
to that generous paflion. The rage and animo- 
fity of two fa<ftions, Ihut up within the fame 
walls, occafioned frequent infurreftions, which 
terminating moftly to the advantage of the 
friends of liberty, they daily gained ground. 

The Duke and Bilhop, forgetting their an- 
cient contefts about jurifdiftion, had united 
againft their common enemies, and each attack- 
cd them with his proper weapons. The Bilhop 
excommunicated the people of Geneva as guilty 
of a double crime j of impiety, in apoftatizing 
from the eftablifhed rdigion ; and of facrilege, 
in invading the rights of his fee. The Duke at- 
tacked them as rebels againft their lawful Prince, 
and attempted to render himfelf maftcr of the 
1534. city, firft by furprize, and then by open force. 
The citizens, defpifing the thunder of the Bi- 
fhop's cenfures, boldly aflerted their indepen- 
dence againft the Duke; and partly by their 
own valour, partly by the powerful afflftance 
which they received from their allies, the canton 
of Berne, together with fome fmall fupplies both 
of men and money, fecretly furniflied by the 
King of Prance, they defeated all his attempts. 
Not fatisfied with having repulfed him, or with 
remaining always upon the defsnfive themfelves, 
they now took advantage of the duke's inabi- 
lity to refift them, while overwhelmed by the 
armies of France, and feized feveral caftles and 



places of ftrength which he poffefled in the Book VI. 
neighbourhocd of Geneva ; thus delivering the *— >^— ' 
city from thofe odious monuments of its former '^^^' 
fubjedtion, and rendering the publick liberty 
more fecure for the future. At the fame time 
the canton of Berne invaded and conquered the 
Paijs de Vaud, to which it had fome prctenfions. 
The canton of Friburgh, though zealoufly at- 
tached to the Catholick religion, and having no 
fubjeiSt of conteft with the Duke, laid hold on 
part of the fpoils of that unfortunate Prince. A 
great portion of thefe conquefts or ufurpations 
being ftill retained by the two cantons, add con- 
fiderably to their power, and have become the 
moft valuable part of their territories. Geneva,- 
notwithftanding many fchemes and enterprizes 
of the Dukes of Savoy to re-eftablifh their do- 
minion there, ftill keeps pofleflion of its inde- 
pcndence ; and in confequence of that bleffing, 
has attained a degree of confideration, wealth 
and elegance, which it could not otherwife have 
reached ^. 

Amidst fuch a fucceffion of difaftrous events. The Emi^. 
the Duke of Savoy had no other refource but \l'^^^ ^hc 
the Emperor's jprotedion, which, upon his re-Oukeof 
turn from Tunis, he demanded with the moft *''''^' 
carneft .importunity, and as his misfortunes 
were occafioned chiefly by his attachment to the 
Imperial intereft, he had a juft title to imme- 
diatc affiftance. Charles, however, was not in 
a condition to fupport him with that vigour and 
difpatch which the exigency of his affairs called 
for. Moft of the troc^s employed in the Afri- 

' can 

f Hid. dc laVille ie Geneve, par Spon. i2<^. Utr. 
1 685 . p. 99. Hift. de la Reformation de Suiffe, par Rou- 
chat, Gen. 1728. torn. iv. p. 294, ^c torn. v. p. 216, 
Sec. Mem, de Bellay, 181. 



Book VI. can expedition, having been raifed for thatfer- 
^"^ "^ ^ vice alone, were difbanded as foon as it was 
*^^^' finiflied ; the veteran forces under Antonio de 
Leyva were hardly fufficient for the defence of 
the Milanefe ; and the Emperor's treafury wa^ 
entirely drained by his vaft efforts agaitift thd 
Infidels. * 

oa. 14. But the death of Francis Sforza, occafioned,* 
Sforza Duke ^^^^^^"g to fomc hiftorfans, by the terror of a 
of Miiio. French invafion, which had twice been fatal to 
his family, afforded the Emperor full leifure to 
prepare for aftion. By this unexpefted event, 
the nature of the war, and the caufes of difcord, 
were totally changed. Francis's firft pretext for 
taking arms, in order to chaftife Sforza for the 
infult offered to the dignity of his crown^ was at? 
once cut off 5 but as that Prince died without 
ifTue, all Francis's rights to the dutchy of Milan,' 
which he had yielded only to Sforza aisd his 
pofterity, returned back to him in full force; 
As the recovery of the Milanefe was the fa- 
vourite objeft of that Monarch, he inftantly 
renewed his claim to it ; and if he had fupported 
his pretentions by ordering the powerful army 
quartered in Savoy to advance, without loling a 
moment, towards Milan, he could hardly have 
failed to fecure the important point of poffeffion. 
But Francis, who became daily lefs enterprizing 
as he advanced in years, and who was overawed 
at fome times into an excefs of caution by the 
Francj8*e remembrance of his paft misfortunes, endea- 
To^htt'*'"* voured to eftablifh his rights by negociation,* 
dutchy. not by arms 5 and "from a timid rooderationy 
fatal in all great affairs, neglefted to improve 
the favourable opportunity which prefented it- 
felf. Charles was more decifive in his opera- 
tions, and in quality of fovereign, took pof- 
feffion of the dutchy, as a vacant nef of the Enn 



pire. While Francis endeavoured to explain and Book VI- 
affcrt his title to it, by arguments and memori- ^ ^ 
als, or employed various arts in order to reconcile 
the Italian powers to the thoughts of his regain- 
ing footing in Italy, his rival was filently taking 
cfrcAual fteps to prevent it. The Emperor, how- 
ever, was very careful not to difcover too early 
any intention of this kind ; but feeming to ad- 
mit the equity of. Francis's claim, he appeared 
felicitous only about giving him pofleflion in 
fuch a mannner as might not difturb the peace of 
Europe, or overturn the balance of power in Italy, 
which the politicians of that country were fo fond 
of preferving. By this artifice he deceived Francis, 
and gained fo much confidence with the reft of 
Europe, that almoft without incurring any fuf- 
picion, he involved the affair in new difficulties, 
and protrafted the negociations at pleafure. 
Sometimes he propofed to grant the inveftiture 
of Milan to the Duke of Orleans, Francis's 
fecond fon, fometimes to the Duke of Angou- 
leme, his third fon •, as the views and inclinations 
of the French court varied, he transferred his 
choice alternately from the one to the other, with 
fuch profound and well-condudlcd diflimulation, 
that neither Francis nor his minifters feem to 
have penetrated his real intention ; and all mili- 
tary operations were entirely fufpended, as if no- 
thing had remained but to enter quietly into pof- 
feflion of what they demanded. 

During the interval gained in this manner, '53^- 
Charles, on his return from Tunis, aflembled pre^nrations 
the ftates both of Sicily and Naples, and as they ^^"^ 
thought tbemfelves greatly honoured by thepre- 
fence of their fovereign, and were no lefs pleafed 
with the apparent difintereftednefs of his expe- 
dition into Africa, than dazzled by the fuccefs 
which had attended his arms, prevailed on them 

Yot. II. K e to 



Book VI. to vote him fuch liberal fubfidies as were feldom 
^"'"'^ ' granted in that age. This enabled him to re- 
'^^^' cruit his veteran troops, to levy a body of Ger- 
mans, and to take every other proper precaution 
for executing ox fupporting the meafures on 
which he had determined, Bellay, the French 
envoy in Germany, havmg difcovered the inten- 
tion of raifing troops in that country, notwith- 
ftanding all the pretexts employed in order to 
conceal it, firft alarmed his mailer with this evi- 
dent proof of the Emperor's infincerify ^. But 
Francis was fo poflcffed at that time with the 
rage of negociation, in all the artifices and re- 
finements of which his rival far furpafled him, 
. that inftead of beginning his military operations, 
and pulhing them with vigour, or feizing the 
M;lanefe before the Imperial array was aflem- 
bled, he fatisfied himfelf with making new. offers 
to the Emperor,, in order to procure the invefti- 
ture by his voluntary deed. His offers were, in- 
deed, fo liberal and advantageous, that if ever 
Charles had intended to grant his demand, he 
could not have rejedled them with decency. He 
dextroufly eluded them, by declaring, that, un- 
til he confulted the Pope in perfon, he could not 
take his final refolution with regard to a point 
which To nearly concerned the peace of Italy. 
By this evafion he gained fome farther time for 
ripening the fchemes which he had in view. 

The Empe- Xhe Emperor at laft advanced towards Rome, 
Rome. *" and made his publick entry into that city with 
April d. extraordinary pomp; but it being found necef- 
fary to remove the ruins of an ancient temple of 
Peace, in order to widen one of the ftreets^ 
through which the cavalcade had to pafs, all the 
hiflorians take notice of this trivial circumflance, 


g Mem. de Bellay, 192. 


'which they are fond to interpret as an omen of Book VI. 
the bloody war that followed. Charles, it is ' ^C*^ 
certain, had by this time banifhed all thoughts '^^ * 
of peace ; and at laft threw off the mafk, with 
'vhich he had fo long covered his dcfigns from 
the court of France, by a declaration of his fcn- 
timents no lefs fingular than explicit. The 
French ambafladors having in their mafter*s 
name demanded a definitive reply to his pro- 
pofitions concerning the inveftiture of Milan, 
Charles jpromifed to give it next day in prefence 
of the Pope and Cardinals aflcmbled in full His public 
confiftory. Thefe being accordingly met, and [^^^ft' 
all the foreign ambaffadors invited to attend, Francis, 
the Emperor ftood up, and addreffing himfclf 
to the Pope, expatiated for fome time on the 
finccrity of his own wiflies for the peace of 
Chriftendom, as well as his abhorrence of war. 
the miferies of which he enumerated at great 
length, with ftudied and elaborate oratory ; he 
complained that all his endeavours to preferve 
the tranquillity of Europe had hitherto been de- 
feated by the reftlefs and unjuft ambition of the 
French King ; that even during his minority he 
had proofs of the unfriendly and hoftile inten- 
tions of that Monarch •, that afterwards, he had 
openly attempted to wreft from him the Lnperial 
crown which belonged to him by a title no lefs juft 
than natural -, that he had next invaded his king- 
dom of Navarre ; that not fatisfied with this, he 
had attacked his territories as well as thofe of his 
allies both in Italy and the Low-Countries ; that 
yhtn the valour of the Imperirf troops, rendered 
irrefiftible by the proteftion of the Almighty, 
had checked his progrefs, ruined his armies, and 
feized his perfon, he continued to purfue by de- 
ceit what he had undertaken with injuftice ; that 
he had violated every article in the treaty of 

E e 2 Madrid, 


Book VI. Madrid, to which he owed his liberty, and as 
^ "^"T^ foon as he returned to his dominions took mea- 
'^^ * fures for re-kindling the war which that pacifica- 
tion bad happily extinguifhed •, that when new 
misfortunes compelled him to fue again for 
peace at Cambray, he concluded and obferved 
It with equal infincerity -, that foon thereafter he 
had formed dangerous connexions with the here- 
tical Princes in Germany^ and incited them to 
difturb the tranquillity of the Empire •, that now 
he had driven the Duke of Savoy, his brother- 
in-law and ally, out of the greater part of his ter- 
ritories ; that after injuries fo often repeated, and 
amidft fo many fources of difcord, all hope of 
amity or concord became defperate^ and though 
he was ftill willing to grant the inveftiture of 
Milan to one of the princes of France, there was 
little probability of that event's taking place, as 
Francis, on the one hand, would not confent to 
what he judged neceffary for fecuring the tran- 
quillity of Europe, nor, on the other, could he 
think it reafonable or fafe to give a rival the un- 
conditional poffeflion of all that he demanded. 
Let us iK)t, however, added he, continue wan- 
tonly to fhed the blood of our innocent fubjeftsj 
Chtiienpc8 let US dccidc the quarrel man to man, with what 
^ba!"^'^ arms he pleafes to chufe, in our Qiirts, on an 
ifland, a bridge, or aboard a galley moored in a 
river ; let the dutchy of Burgundy be put in 
depofit on his part, and that of Milan on mine; 
thefe Ihall be the prize of the conqueror -, and 
after that, let the united forces or Germany, 
Spain, and France, be employed to bumble the 
power of the Turk, and to extirpate hercfy out 
of Chriftendom. But if he, by declining this me- 
thod of terminating our differences, renders war 
inevitable, nothing fhall divert me from profe- 
cutina it to fuch extremity, as fhall reduce one 


trf us to be the pooreft gentleman in his own Book Vf. 
dominions. Nor do I fear that it will be on me """"^""C^ 
this misfortune (hall fall -, I enter upon aftion ' ^^ 
with t"he faired profpeft of fuccefs ; the juftice 
of my caufe, the union of my fubjedts, the num- 
ber and valour of my troops, the experience and 
fidelity of my generals, all combine to enfure it. 
Of all thefe advantages, the King of France is 
deftitute •, and vfere my refources no more cer- 
tain, arid my hopes of Viftory no better founded 
thaii his, I would inftantly throw myfelf at his 
feet, and with folded hands, and a rope about 
toy neck, implore his mercy K 

This long harangue the Emperor delivered 
with ah elevated voice, a haughty tone, and the 
greateft vehemence of expreflion and gefture. 
The French ambaffidors, who did not fully 
comprehend his meaning, as he fpake in the 
Spanifli tongue, were totally difconcerted, and 
at a lofs how they (hould anfwer fuch an unex- 
pedled inveftive ; when one of them began to 
vindicate his matter's conduft, Charles inter- 
pofed abruptly, and would not permit him to 
proceed. The Pope, without entering into any 
particular detail, fatisfiecj himfelf with a ftiort but 
pathetick recommendation of peace, together 
with an offer of employing his fincere endea- 
vours in order to prdcure that bleffing to Chrif- 
tendom; and the aflembly broke up in the 
greateft aftoniftiment at the extraordinary fcene 
which had been exhibited. In no part of his 
conduft, indeed, did Charles ever deviate fo Theme 
widely from his general character. Inftead of ^'""^^'^fil^*' 
that prudent recolledtion, that compofed and re- furc. 
jgular deportment fo ftridlly attentive to deco- 
fum, and fo admirably adapted to conceal his- 


^ Bellay, 199. Sandov. Hiflon del Emper. IL 226. 


Book VT.own paflions, for which he was at all other times 
^^ ^^7*^ confpicuous, he appears on this occafion before 
'^^ ' the mod auguit affembly in Europe, boafting 
of his own power and exploits with infolencci 
inveighing againft his enemy with indecency; 
and challenging him to combat with an oftenta- 
tious valour, more becoming a champion in 
romance, than the firft Monarch in Chriften- 
dom. But the well known and powerful opera- 
tion of continued profperity, as well as of exag- 
gerated praife, even 'upon the firmeft minds, 
lufficiently account for this feeming inconfiftency. 
After having compelled Solyman to retreat, 
and having ftripped Barbarofla of a Kingdom, 
Charles began to confider his arms as invincible. 
He had been entertained, ever fince his return 
from Africa, with repeated fcenes of triumphs 
and publick rejoicings ; the orators and poets of 
Italy, the moft elegant at that time in Europe, 
had exhaufted their genius in panegyrick, to 
which the aftrologers added magnificent pro- 
mifes of a more fplendid fortune ftill in (lore. 
Intoxicated with all thefe, he forgot his ufual re- 
lerve and moderation, and was unable to reftrain 
this extravagant fally of vanity, which became 
the more remarkable, by being both fo uncom- 
mon and fo publick. 

He himfelf feems to have been immediately 
fenfible of the impropriety of his behaviour; and 
when the French ambaffadors demanded next 
day a more clear explanation of what he had 
faid concerning the combat, he told them, that 
they were not to confider his propofal as a formal 
challenge to their mafl:er, but as an expedient 
for preventing bloodflied ; he endeavoured to 
foften other expreflTions in his difcourfe; and 
Ipoke in terms full of refpeft towards Francis. 



But though this flight apology was far from Book VI. 
being fufRcient to remove the offence which had ^^^' y ^ 
been given, Francis, by an unaccountable in- '^^ 
fatuation, continued to negociate, as if it had 
ftill been poflible to bring their differences to a 
period by an amicable compofition. Charles, 
finding him fo eager to run into the fnare, fa- 
voured the deception -, and by feeming to lifl:en 
to his propofals, gained time to^prepare for the 
execution of his own defigns '\ 

At lafl:, the Imperial army affembled on the charies 
frontiers of the Milanefe, to the amount of forty ^^*<*" 
thoufand foot, and ten thoufand horfe; while ^*"*^^' 
that of France encamped near Vercelli in Pied- 
iftont, being greatly inferior in number, and 
weakened by the departure of a body of Swifs, 
whom Charles artfully perfuaded the Popifli 
cantons to recal, that they might not ferve 
againfl: the Duke of Savoy, their ancient ally. 
The French general, not daring to rifque a 
battle, retired as foon as the Imperialifts ad- 
vanced. The Emperor put himfelf at the head May 6. 
of his forces, which the Marquis del Guafto, 
the Duke of Alva, and Ferdinand de Gonzaga 
commanded under him, though the fupreme direc- 
tion of the whole was committed to Antonio dc 
LeyVa, whofe abilities and experience juftly en- 
titled him to that diftinftion. Charles foon dif- ^ 
covered his intention not to confine his opera- 
tions to the recovery of Piedmont and Savoy, 
but to pufh forward and invade the fouthern 
provinces of France. This fcheme he had long 
meditated, and had long been taking meafures 
for executing it with fuch vigour as might en- 
fure fuccefs. He had remitted large fums to his 
fifter, the governefs of the Low-Countries, and 


i Mem. deBellay» 205 » &c. 


Book VI. to his brother, the King of the Romans, inftruft- 
^"""^'C*^ ing them to levy all the forces in their power^ 
'^^ * in order to form two feparatc bodies, the one 
to enter France on the fide of Picardy, the 
other on the fide of Champagne ; while he, with 
the main army, fell upon the oppofite frontier 
of the kingdom. Trufting to thefe vaft pre- 
parations, he thought it impoflible that Francis 
could refift fo many unexpedled attacks, on fuch 
different quarters; and begun his enterprize 
with fuch confidence of its happy iflue, that be 
defired Jovius the hiftorian to make a large pro- 
vifion of paper fufficient to record the vidories 
which he was going to acquire. 

His minifters and generals, infl:ead of enteN 
taining the fame fanguine hopes, reprefented to 
him in the ftrongeft terms the danger of leading 
his troops fo far from his own territories, to fuch 
a diftance from his magazines, and into pro- 
vinces which did not yield fufficient fubfiftence 
for their own inhabitants. They entreated him 
to confider the inexhauftible refources^ of France 
in tpaintaining a defenfive war, and the aftive 
zeal with which a gallant nobility would ferve a 
Prince whom they loved, in repelling the ene- 
mies of their country, they recalled to his re- 
membrance the fatal mifcarriage of Bourboii 
and Pefcara, when they ventured upon the fame 
enterprize under circumftances which feemed as 
certainly to promife fuccefs; the Marquis del 
Guafto in particular, fell on his knees, and 
conjured him to abandon the undertaking as 
defperate. But many circumftances combined 
in leading Charles to difregard all their remon- 
ftrances. He could feldom be brought, on any 
occafion^ to depart from a refolution which he 
had once taken j he was too apt to under-rate 




and defpife the talents of his rival the King of Book VF. 
France, becaufe they differed fo widely from his ^'^ v^ '^ 
own; he was blinded by the prefumption which '^^ * 
accompanies profperity ; and relied, perhaps, in 
fome degree on the prophecies which prediftcd 
the increafe of his own grandeur. He not only 
adhered obftinately to his own plan, but deter- 
mined to advance towards France without wait* 
ing for the reduftion of any part of Piedmont, 
except fuch towns as were abfolutely neceflary 
for preferving his communication with the Mi- 

The Marquis de Saluces, to whom Francis Recover* 

had entrufted the command of a fmall body of J*^^'*^/'''^ 

troops left for the defence of Piedmont, rendered Savoy^s do 

this more eafy than Charles had any reafon to 

c;^pe6t. That nobleman, educated in the court 

of France, diftinguifhed by continual marks of 

the King's favour, and honoured fo lately with 

a charge of fuch importance, fuddenly, and 

without any provocation or pretext of difguft, 

revolted from his benefadtor. His motives to 

this treacherous aftion, were as childilh as the 

deed itfelf was bafe. Being ftrongly poffefled 

with a fuperftitious faith in divination and aftro- 

iogy, he believed with full affurance, that the 

ifatal period of the French nation was at hand ; 

that on its ruins the Emperor would eftablifli an 

univerfal monarchy, that therefore he ought to 

follow the didtates of prudence, in attaching . 

himfelf to his rifing fortune, and could incur no 

blame for deferting a Prince whom heaven had 

devoted to deftruftion *^. His treafon became 

ftill more odious, by his employing that very 

authority with which Francis had invefted him, 

in order to open the kingdom to his enemies. 


^ Bellay, 222, a. 246, b. 


Book VL Whatever was propofed or undertaken by the 
*"■ ^^^2^ officers uncv T his command for the defence of 
'^^ ' their conquefts, he rejefted or defeated. What- 
ever properly belonged to himfelf as commander 
in chief, to provide or perform for that purpofc, 
he totally neglefted. In this manner, he ren- 
dered towns even of the grcateft confequence 
untenable, by leaving them deftitute either of 
provifions, or ammunition, or artillery, or a 
fufficicnt garrilon; and the Imperialifts moft 
have reduced Piedmont in as ftiort a time as was 
necieflary to march through it, if Montpezat, 
the governor of Foffano, had not, by an extra- 
ordinary effort of courage and military conduft, 
detained them almoft a month before that in- 
confiderable place. 

FnncU't Bv this mcritorious and feafonablc fervicc, he 
diferJ^e of* g^^^cd his maftcr fufficient time for affembling 
his king, his forces, and for concerting a fyftem of de- 
^^' fence againft a danger which he now faw to be 
inevitable. Francis fixed upori the only proper 
and effeftual plan for defeating the invafion of a 
powerful enemy ; and his prudence in chufing 
this plan, as well as his perfeverance in execut- 
ing it, deferve the greater praile, as it was 
equally contrary to his own natural temper, and 
to the genius of the French nation. He deter- 
mined to remain altogether upon the defenfive-, 
never to hazard a battle, or even a great fkir- 
mifli, without certainty of fuccefs -, to fortify his 
camps in a regular manner ; to throw garrifons 
only into towns of great ftrength ; to deprive 
the enemy of fubfiftence, by laying wafte the 
country before them; and to fave the whole 
kingdom, by facrificing one of its provinces. 
The execution of this plan he committed en- 
tirely to the marechal Montmorency, who was 



^hc author of it j a man wonderfully fitted by Book VI. 
nature for fuch a truft. Haughty, fevere, con- ^ — ^"^ 
fidcnt in his own abilities, and defpifing thofe of^^J^^^' 
other men 5 incapable of being diverted from Montmo- 
any refolution by remonftrances or entreaties ; [Sr/x^u? 
and, in profecuting any fcheme, regardlefs alike ^^^^ ^^ *^« 
of love and of pity. 

Montmorency made choice of a ftrong He encamps 
camp under the walls of Avignon, at the con- *' -'^^'s"®"- 
fluence of the Rhone and Durance; one of 
which plentifully fupplied his troops with all 
neceflaries from the inland provinces, and the 
other covered his camp on that fide, where it 
was moft probable the enemy would approach. 
He laboured with unwearied induftry to render 
the fortifications of this camp impregnable, and 
aflembled there a confiderable army, though 
greatly inferior to that of the enemy •, while the 
King with another body of troops encamped at 
Valence, higher up the Rhone. MarfeiUes and 
Aries were the only towns he thought it necef- 
fary to defend ; the former, in order to retain 
the command of the fea •, the latter, as the bar- 
rier of the province of Languedoc ; and each of 
thefe he furnifhed with numerous garrifons of 
his beft troops, commanded by officers, on 
whofe fidelity and valour he could rely. The 
inhabitants of the other towns, as well as of the 
open country, were compelled to abandon their 
houfes, and were condufted to the mountains, 
to the camp at Avignon, or to the inland pro- 
vinces. The fortifications of fuch places as might 
have afforded fhelter or defence to the enemy, 
were thrown down. Corn, forage, and provi- 
fions of every kind, were carried away or de- 
ftroyed •, all the mills and ovens were ruined, and 
the wells filled up or rendered ufelefs. The de- 
vaftation extended from the Alps to MarfeiUes, 





Book VI. and from the fea to the confines of Dauphine •, 

^"""""^^T^ nor docs hiftory afford any inftance among civi- 

'^^ * lized nations, in which this cruel expedient for 

the publick fafety was employed with the fame 


chtriet en- Meanwhile, the Emperot arrived, with the 
ters Pro. ^^^ ^£ j^j^ ^^ j^y^ q^ ^}^g fronticrs of Provcncc, 

and was ftill fo poffefled with confidence of fuc- 
cefs, that during a few days, when he was 
obliged to halt until the reft of his troops came 
up, he began to divide his future conquefts 
among his officers ; and as a new incitement to 
fcrve him with zeal, gave them liberal promifcs 
of offices, lands^ and honours in France K The 
face of defolation, however, which prcfented 
itfelf to him, when he entered the country, be- 
gan to damp his hopes •, and convinced him that 
a Monarch, who, in order to diftrefs an enemy, 
had voluntarily ruined one of his richeft pro- 
vinces, would defend the reft with obftinate de- 
fpair. Nor was it long before he became fenlible, 
that Francis's plan of defence was as prudent as 
it appeared to be extraordinary. His fleet, on 
which Charles chiefly depended for fubfiftence, 
was prevented for fome time by contrary winds, 
and other accidents to which naval operations 
are fubj€ft, from approaching the French coaft; 
even after its arrival, it afforded, at beft, a pre- 
carious and fcanty fupply to fUch a numerous 
body of troops "^ •, nothing was to be found in 
the country itfelf for their fupport ; nor could 
they draw any confiderable aid from the domi- 
nions pf the Duke of Savoy, exhaufted already 
by maintaining two great armies. The Empe- 
ror was no lefs embarraflfed how to employ, than 
how to fubfift his forces •, for though he was 


I Bellay, 266. a. - m Sandov. ii. 231, 


now in poflcflion of almoft an entire province. Book VI. 
he could not be faid to have the command of it, ^^^^^^^7^ 
while he held only defencclefs towns ; and while '^^ ' 
the French, befides their camp at Avignon, 
continued mafters of Marfeilles and Aries. At 
firft he thought of attacking the camp, and of 
terminating the war by one decifive blow ; but 
ikilful officers, who were appointed to view it, 
declared the attempt to be utterly imprafticable. . 
He then gave orders to inveft Marfeilles andsefieges 
Aries, hoping that the French would quit their ^*'^^»*^*»- 
advantageous poll in order to relieve them ; 
but Montmorency adhering firmly to his plan, 
remained immoveable at Avignon ; and the Im- 
perialifts met with fuch a warm reception from 
the garrifons of both towns, that they relin- 
quifhed their enterprizes with lofs and difgrace. 
As a laft effort, the Emperor advanced once more 
towards Avignon, though with an army haralTed 
by the perpetual incurfions of fmall parties of the 
French light troops, weakened by difeafes, and 
difpirited by difafters, which feemed more into- 
lerable, becaufe they were unexpefted. 

During thefe operations, Montmorency found Montmo- 
himfclf expofed to greater vdanger from his own [uudVin^aJ- 
troops than from the enemy -, and their inconfi-^^^^etohi* 

- * , : • • 1 I plan "» <**- 

derate valour went near to have precipitated the fence. 
kingdom into thofe calamities, which he with 
fuch induftry and caution had endeavoured to 
avoid. Unaccuftomed to behold an enemy ra* 
vaging their country almoft without controul •, 
impatient of fuch long inaftion v unacquainted 
with the flow and remote, but certain effedts of 
Montmorency's fyftem of defence •, the French 
wifhed for a battle with no lefs ardour than the 
Imperialifts. They confidered the conduft of 
their general as a difgrace to their country. His 
caution they imputed to timidity ; his circum- 



Book Vf. fpedioo to want of fpirit ; and the cooftancy 
^^■'y'T*"^ with which he purfued hb plan, to obftinacy dr 
'^^^- prkje. Thcfe rcflcakms, vvlnfpcrcd, atfirft, 
among the foldiers and fub;dhems, wcrradopted, 
by degrees, by officers of h^ier rank ;. and as 
many of them envied Mononorency's favour 
with the King, and oioie were difltAtisfied mh 
his harfh difgufting manner, the xHfeontent ((M 
became great in his camp, which was filled with 
general murmurings and aknoft open ccunplaints 
againft his meafure& Montmorency, on wfiom 
the fentiments of his own troops madras little 
impreflion as the infults of the enmy, adhered 
fteadily to his fyftem ; though, in order ito re- 
concile the army to his maxims, no lefs contraiy 
to the genius of the nation, than to the ideas m 
war amonjg undifciplined troops, he afimned an 
unufual affability in his deportment, and often 
explained, with great condefceniion, the modves 
of his conduft, the advantages which had already 
refulted from it, and the certain fuccefs mth 
which it would be attended. At laft Francis 
joined his army at Avignon, which having re- 
ceived feveral reinforcements, he now confidered 
as of ftrength fufficient to face the enemy; As 
he had put no fmall conilraint upon himfelf, in 
confenting that his troops fhould remain lb 
long upon the defenfive, it cannot be doubt- 
ed but that his fondnefs for what was dar- 
ing and fplendid, added to the impatience both 
of officers and foldiersi would at laft have over- 
ruled Montmorency's falutary caution ". 

The retreat Happily the rctrcat of the enemy delivered 
"cSfon^J^^ J^ingdom from the danger which any rafh 
of the im- refolution might have occafioned. The Em- 
pena army. p^j.Qj.^ ^^^j. jpending two ingloHous months in 


B Mem. de Beilay, 269, ice, 3129 kc. 


Provence, without having performed any thing Book VI 
luitable to his vaft preparations, or that could ^"""^^ — ^ 
juftify the confidence with which he had boafted '^^^' 
of his own power, found that, belides Antonio 
dc Lcyva, and other officers of diftindion, he 
had loft one half of his troops by difeafcs, or by 
famine ; and that the reft were in no condition 
to ftruggle any longer with calamities, by which 
fo many of their companions had perilhed. 
Neceffity, therefore, extorted from him orders 
to retire ^ and though he was fome time in mo- 
tion before the French fufpeded his intention, a 
l^y of light troops, affifted by crowds of pea- 
fanes, eager to be revenged on thofe who had 
brought fuch defolation on their country, hung 
upon the rear of the Imperialifts, and, by feizing 
every favourable opportunity of attacking them, 
tjirew them often into confufion. The road by 
which they fled (for they purfued their march 
with fuch dilbrder and precipitation, that it 
fcarcely deferve^ the name of a retreat) was 
ftrewcd with arms or baggage, which in their 
hurry and trepidation they had abandoned, and . 
covered with the fick, the wounded, and the 
dead; infomuch, that Martin Bellay, an eye- 
witnefs of their calamities, endeavours to give 
his readers fome idea of it, by comparing their 
miferies to thofe which the Jews fufFered from 
the viftorious and dcftrudlive ai ms of the Ro- 
mans ^ If Montmorency at this critical mo- 
ment had advanced with all his forces, nothing 
could have faved the whole Imperial army from 
utter ruin. But that general, by ftandlng fo 
long and fo obftinately on the defenfive, had 
become cautious to excefs •, his mind, tenacious 
of any bent it had once taken, could not aflume 

a conr 

» Mem. de Bellay, 316. Sandav, Hiil. del Emper. ii. 


Book VI. a contrary one as fuddenly as the change of dr- 

""^"■^^T^cumftances required; and he ftill continued to 

'^^ repeat his favourite maxims, that it was mort 

Erudent to allow the lion to efcape, than to drive 
im to defpair ; and that a bridge of gold fhouH 
be made for a retreating enemy. 

The Emperor having conduced the fliattered 
remains of his troops to the frontiers of Milan, 
and appointed the marquis del Guafto to fuccced 
Leyva in the government of that dutchy, fct 
out for Genoa. As he could not bear to ex- 
pofe himfelf to the fcorn of the Italians, after 
fuch a fad reverfe of fortune ; and did not choofe, 
under his prefent circumftances, to rcvifit thofc 
cities through which he had fo lately paffed in 
_jriumph for one conqueft, and in certain ex- 
peftation of another, he embarked direftly for 

November. Spain P. 

Operations Nqr was the orogrefs of his arms on the op- 
icar y. p^jj^^ frontier of France fuch as to alleviate, in 
any degree, the loffes which he had fuftained in 
Provence. Bellay, by his addrefs and intrigues, 
had prevailed on fo many of the German Princes 
to withdraw the contingent of troops which they 
had furnifhed to the King of the Romans, that 
he was obliged to lay afide all thoughts of his 
intended irruption into Champagne. Though 
a powerful army, levied in the Low Countries, 
entered Picardy, which they found but feebly 
guarded, while the ftrength of the kingdom was 
drawn towards the fouth ; yet the nobility tak- 
ing arms with their ufual alacrity, fupplied by 
their fpirit the defefts of the King's prepararions, 
and defended Peronne, and other towns wjjich 
were attacked, with fuch vigour, as obliged the 


P Jovii Hiftor. lib. xxxv. p. 174, &c. 

E M P E R O R C H A R L E S V. 433 

CBcmy to Ectirc without making any conquefl: of Book VI. 
importance «. ^"^ 7 "^ 

Thus Francis, by the prudence of his owrt 
m^fures, aiid by the union and valour of hi^ 
iubjefts, rendered abortive thofc vaft efforts in 
which his rival had almoft exhaufted his whole 
force. As this humbled the Emperor's arrogance 
no lefs thgn it checked his power, he was mor- 
tified more fenlibly on this occafion than on any 
other, during the courfe of the long contefts be- 
tween him and the French Monarch. 

Owe circumftance alone embittered the joy Dettfeofthe 
with which the fuccefs of the campaign infpired ^*"p**"^ 
Francis, That was the death of the Dauphin, 
his ekkft fon, a Prince of great hopes, and ex- 
tremely beloved by the people on account of his 
Pcfcmblance to his father. This happening fud- 
denly, was imputed to poifon, not only by the 
vulgar, fond (rf afcribing the death of illuftrious 
peonages to extraordinary cauies, but by the 
King ami his minifters. The count de Monte- im 
-cuculi, an Italian nobjeman, cup-bearer to thp p***^**"- 
Dauphin, being feized on fuipicion and put to 
the torture, openly charged the imperial gene- 
rals, Gonzaga and I-eyva, with having infti- 
gated him to the commiffion of that crime : he 
even threw out fome indired and obfcure accu- 
fationa againft the Emperor himfclf. At a time 
w4icn all France was animated with implacable 
hatred againft Charles, this uncertain and extorted 
charge was confidercd as an inconteftible proof 
of guilt ; while the confidence with which both 
he and his officers aflerted their own innocence, 
together with the indignation as well as horror 
which they expreflcd on their being fuppofed 

Vol. II. F f capable 

n Mem. de Bcllay, 31S, &c. 




Book VI. capable of fuch a deteftable aflion, were little 
^ "C*^ attended to, and lefs regarded ^ It is evident, 
*^^ ' however, that the Emperor could have no in- 
ducement to perpetrate fuch a crime^ as Francis 
was ftill in the vigour of life himfelf, and had 
two fons, befide the Dauphin, grown up to a 
good age. That fingle confideration, without 
mentioning the Emperor's general chara£ter, 
unblemiihed by the imputation of any deed re- 
fembling this in atrocity, is more than fuf- 
ficient to counterbalance the weight of a dubious 
teftimony uttered during the anguifti of torture*. 
According to the moft unprejudiced hiflorians, 
the Dauphin's death was OGcafioned by his hav- 
ing drunk too freely of cold water after over- 
heating himfelf at tennis ; and this account, as 
it is the moft fimple, is likewife the moft cre- 
dible. But if his days were cut fliort by poifbn, 
it is not improbable that the Emperor con- 
jedured rightly, when he affirmed that it had 
been adminiftered by the direction of Catharine 
of Medici, in order to fecure the crown to the 
Duke of Orleans, her huft>and ^ . . The advan- 
tages refulting to her by the Dauphin's death, 
were obvious as well as great; nor did her 
boundlefs and daring ambition ever fcruple at 
any adtion neceflTary towards attaining the objeds 
which flie had in view. 

^ '537- N£XT year opened with a tranfadion very 
theptriia- ^uncommon, but lo mcapable of produang any 
J?*°^^*!^{|»- efFedt, that it would not deferve to be mentioned, 
theEmpe- if it wcrc not a ftriking proof of the perfonal 
^^^' animofity which mingled itfelf in all the hofti- 

lities between Charles and Francis, and which 
often betrayed them into fuch indecencies to- 

r Mem. de Bellay, 289, s Sandov. Hift. del Sniper, 

ii. 231 . ' Vera y 2^iga Vida dc Carlo V. p. 75. 


wards ieach other, as leflbned the ; dignity of Book VJ. 
both. Francis^ accompanied by the peers and ^"'*^^^^ 
princes of the blood, having taken his feat in ^^'^* 
the parliament of Paris with the ufual folemni- 
ties, the %dvocate-fi;eneral appeared 1 and after 
acc'ufing Charles of Auftria, (for (b he affe^ed 
to call the Emperor) of having violated the 
treaty of Cambray, by which he was abfolved 
from the homage due to the crown of France 
for the counties of A^^ois and Flanders, infifted 
that this treaty being now void, he was ftill to 
be confidered as sl vafial of the crown, and by 
confequence, had been guilty of rebellion in 
taking arms againil his fovereign ; and therefore 
he demanded that Charles (hould be fummoned 
to appear in perfon, or by his counfel, before 
the parliament of Paris, his legal judges, to an« 
fwerfor his crime. Therequeft was granted; 
a herald repaired to the frontiers of Picardy, and 
fummoned him with the accuftomed formalities, 
to appear againit-a day prefixed. That term 
being expired, and no perfon appearing in his 
name, the parliament gave judgment, " That 
Charks of Auftria had forfeited, by rebellion and 
contumacy, thofe fiefs ; declared Flanders and 
Artois to be re- united to the crown of France •, 
and ordered their decpee for this purpofe to be 
publiftied by found of trumpet on the frontiers 
of thefc provinces «. 

Soon after this vain difplay of his refentment, Campaigti 
rather than of his power, Francis marched to- X"uw. 
wards the Low-Countries, as if he had intended ^««^''««» 
to execute the fentence which his parliament had ''^^' 
pronounced, and to feize thofe territories which ^ 
it had awarded to him. As the Queen of Hun- 

F f 2 gary, 

^ Letcreset Mcmoircs d'Etat, par Ribicr, 2 tom.Blois. 
1666., torn. i. p. I. 


Book VI. gaiy, to whom her brother Ac Emperor had 
^" "'"*"' committed the government of that part of Ws 
'557* dominions, was not prepared for fe early a cam- 
paign, he at firft made fome progrefs, and took 
feveral towas of importance* But bei^g obliged 
loon to leave his armv, in order to fupcrintcnd 
die odier operations or war, the Flemings ha?- 
ing fiflemb4ed a numerous army, not only re- 
covered moft erf the places whidi they had lofl, 
but began to make conquefts in their turn. At 
kft they inverted Terouennc ; and the Duke of 
Orleans, now Dauphm, by the death rf his 
brother, and Montnwpency, whom Francis had 
honoured with the conftabk's fwtwl, as the re- 
ward of his great fcrvices during the former 
campaign, determined to hazard a batde in 
A fufpea. order -to relieve it. While they were adrancing 
Con of tnn. ^ ^^^ purpofc, and within a few miles of the 
enemy^ they were ftopt ftiort by the arrivri of an 
herald from the Queen of Hungary, acquaint- 
ing them that a fufpcnfion of arms was ngw 
agreed upon. 

This unexpefted evtnt -was owing to the zeal* 
ous endeavours of the two fifters, the Queens 
of France and of Hungary, who had long la- 
boured to reconcile the contending Monarchs. 
The war in the Netherlands had laid wafte the 
frontier provinces of both countries, without any 
real advantage to either. The French and 
Flemings equally regretted the interruption of 
their commerce, which was beneficial to both. 
Charles as well as Francis, who had each ftrained 
to the utmoft, in order to lupport the vtft opera- 
tions of the former campaign, found that they 
could not now keep armies on foot in this quar- 
ter, without weakening their operations in Pied- 
nK>nt, where both wiflied to pufh the war with 

the greatcft vigour. All thefe circumftances fa- 


ciHfated the negociadoiis of the two (^eens; a Book VL 
truce was concluded^ to continue in force for ^— v— ^ 
text months, but h extended no farther than the infy^o 
Low-Countnes \ 

In Piedmont the war was ftill profccuted with And ia 
great animofity; and though neither Charles ^**'*'^'''**' 
nor Francis cctikl make the powerful c^orts to 
nUch this ammofity prompted them, they con- 
dmied to exert themfelves like combatants, 
whofe rancour remams after their ftreneth is ex- 
haufted. Towns were alternately loft and re- 
taken ; flctrmifhes went fought every day *, and 
much blood was ihed, without any deciiive ac- 
tion, that gate the fuperiority to either fade. At 
kft the two Queens, determining not to leave 
unfinilhed the good work which tMy had begun, 
prevailed, by their importunate folicitations, the 
one on her brother, the other on her huftand, 
&> confcnt alfo to a truce in Piedmont for three 
months* The conditions of it were, that each 
ihoold keep poflefllon of what was. in his hands, 
and after leaving garrifons in the towns, fhoukl 
wiididraw his army out of the province ; and that 
pknipotentiaries ihoukl be appointed to adjuft 
ali matters in difpute t^ a final treaty >« 

The powerful motives which incluicd both M^^^^" «»f 
Princes to this accommodadon, have been often 
mentcaoed. The expences a( the war had far 
nceeded the fums which their revenues were 
capable of fupplyin^, nor durll they venture 
upoa zof great addition to the impofuions then 
efbabliffaed, asjfubjefts were not yet taught to 
iaiBar with patieitce the immenfe burdens to which 
they have become acc\^omed in noodem times. 


X Memoires de Ribier, 56. 7 Ibid. 62. 



SooK VI. The Emperor, in particular, though he had 
^—v-*^ contracted debts which in that age appeared 
''^^* prodigious ^, had it not in his power to pajf 
the large arrears long due to his army. At 
the fame time he had no profpedt of deriving 
any aid in money of men either from the 
Pope or Venetians, though he had empbycd 
promifes and threats, alternately, in order to 
procure it. But he found the former not only 
fixed in his refolution of adhering fteadily to die 
neutrality which he had always declared to he 
fuitable to his charader, but paffionately de^ 
firous of bringing about a peace. He perceived 
that the latter were ftill intent on their ancient 
objed of holding the balance even between die 
rivals, and folicitous not to throw too great 4 
weight into cither fcalCt 

Of which. What made a deeper impreffion on Charles 
aiiTuice* than all thefe, was the dread of the Turkilh 
T^kTh ^^"^» which by his league with Solynian, 
Em^'rorthe prancis had drawn upon him. Though Francis, 
moll cona- without the afliftancc of a £ngle ally, had a war 
to mamtain againlt an enemy greatly lupenor 
in power to himfelf, yet fo great was the horror 
of Chriftians, in that age, at any union with 
Infidels, which they confidered not only as dif- 
* ' honourable but profane, that it was long before 
he could be brought to avail himielf of the oh" 
vious advantages refultin^ from fuch a confed^ 
racy. Neccflity at laft furmounted his delicacy 
And fcruplcs. Towards the clofe of the precede 
ing. year. La Foreft, a fecret agent at the Otto- 
man Porte, had concluded a treaty with the 
Sultan, whereby Solynmn engaged to invade 

,^\\t kingdom of Naples, during the next camr 


i Ribier> i. 294* 



paign, and to attack the King of the Romans in Book v/. 
Hungary with a powerful army, while Francis ^"""""^^ ^ 
undertook to enter the Miknefe at the fame ^^^^' 
time with a proper force. Solyman had p^nc* 
tually performed what was incumbent on him. 
Barbarofla with a great fleet appeared on the 
coaft of Naples, filled that kingdom, from which 
all the troops had been drawn towards Piedmont, 
with confternation, lande^ without refifliance 
near Taranto, obliged Caftro, a place of fome 
ftrength, to furrender, plundered the adjacent 
country, and was taking meafures for fecuring 
and extending his conquefts, when the unexpect- 
ed arrival of Doria, together with the Pope's 
gallies, and a fquadron of the Venetian fleet, 
made it prudent for him to retire. In Hungary 
the pro^efs of the Turks was more formidable. 
Mahmet, their general, after gaining feveral 
fipall advantages, defeated the Germans in a 
great batde at EJQTek on the Prave \ Happily 
^r Chriftendom, it was not in Francis's power 
to execute with equal exaftnefs what he had fti- 
pulated ; nor could he aflfemble at this junAure 
an army ftrong enoi^h to penetrate into the Mi- 
laneie. By this he failed in recovering pofleflion 
of that dutchy % and Italy was not only faved 
from the calamities of a new war, but from 
£^ing the defolating rage of the Turkifh arms» 
as an addition ^ all that it had fuflfered ^, As 
the Emperor knpw that he could not long reHfli 
tb^ eflForts qf two fuch powerful confederates^ 
nor cQuld expeCi: that the fame fortunate acci^ 
dents would cpncvir a fccond time to deliver 
Naples, and to preferve the Milanefe : As he 
farefaw that (he Italian ftatea would not only 
;9ji: him Unidly /with inf^tiabyb ambition, but 


* ■ 

« Iftaanhaffi Hift. Hanjg. lib. xHI. p. 139. 
^ Jovii Hiftor* lib. spckv. p. 183% 


Rook VI. might even turn their arms againft him, if he 

^->^~--' fhoiild be fo regardlefs of their danger as ctefti- 

'537- nately to protraft the war, he thought it aecrf* 

fery^ both for his fkfety and KpUairiDn, to jgive 

bis confcnt to a truce.- Nor ii^as Friricii wiuing 

to fuftain all the blame of obftru^n^ the rc^ 

cftablilhmcnt of peace, or to €Kp6k himifelf oft 

that account to the danger of Being deferted by 

the Swifs and other foreigners in his f^vicfe. ™ 

^cven began to apprehend that his own fubjftds 

would ferve him coldly, if by cohtHbuting t6 

aggrandize the power of th^ ttriidds, which it 

was liis duty, and had be^ the ambition &f his 

• anceftors to de weffe, he con tiftued to adl ih direft 

oppofition to all the prihciptes which Ou^t td 

influence a Monarch difthiguifi^d by difc Hidfe tf 

Moft Chriftian King. Hfe ctaife, fdf all Aefe 

feafons, rather to run the rifk of xiifebligirig 

J^s new ally the Sultan, than by an unfesifoniMe 

adherence to the treaty with him, to forfeit iirhat 

was of greater confequence. ^^ , ^ 

■ » < . » 

» * 

Negociati- But tteugh both parties "cbhr^^tdd to a triKie, 

pea« be- ^hc plenipotentiaries fouhd ittfe^dPibte- dtfllfii*^ 

tween tfcjj lin fettling theafticlcs of a defittklye treaty, 

Saniir""* £«Gh o^ with th(i WWgtoce<if a 

cofiqiiero^, raimed at giving IS^'^thb 6th€^, 

and neitlidr wioulct fo fer aefeii&^d^e his^ itifo* 

i*i^ityy as m QicMte any pbm^ ^ hofttHir, dr to 

^finqtiifh ahylMmi^ ©f rigfct ^ fe^httt §he pJetti- 

1 $38. potfentiaries Ipdnt the tlmfe^tt toif%^ftna frtrktefs 

pegociations, and fep^ritid iafter ^rrtiftg -to 

ppoiorig the trit(?e li&r a few niMCte. < . ' ' 

., 1 .' 

The Pope /Tut Pd^i hoiivever, ^ hcJt ael|y^r «f •^- 

thcCefa' c^mplifhiftg a point in Whidh 'thft*p1«iwi«l3thtitt^ 

perfoo. riesi had failed, and took upon himfelf the fole 

burden of negogiatingapeacet Tpiom^^con- 

i «-•- :• .-vV'' '■ ^.■■' i • -• ' *:•■ -- . federacy 




/ederacy capable of defending Chriftendom from Book vr. 
the formidable inroads of the Turkifh arms, and 
to concert efiedual meafures for the extirpation 
of the Lutheran herefy^ were two great objeds 
inrbkh Paul had much at heart ; and be confider- 
ed the union of the Emperor with the King of 
Prance as an eflential preliminary to both. To 
be the inftrurnent of reconciling thefe contend- 
ing Monarcbs, whom his predecefTors by their 
interefted and indecent intrigues had fo often 
embroiled, was a circumftance which could not 
fail of throwing diftinguifhed luftre on his cha- 
ra(fter snd admmiftration. Nor was he without 
hopes that, while he purfued this laudable end, 
be might fecure advantages to his own family, 
the aggrandizing of which he did not neglect, 
though be aimed at it with a lefs audacious am- 
bition than was common among the Popes of 
that citntury. Influenced by thefe confidera- 
tions, he propofed an interview between the 
two Monarchs at Nice, and oflFered to repair 
thither in perfon, that he might ad as mediator 
in compoflng all their differences. When a 
Pontiff of a venerable charaAer, and of very 
advanced age, was willing, from his zeal for 
peace, to undergo the fatigues of fuch a diftant 
journey, neither Charles nor Francis could with 
decency decline the interview. But though both 
came to the place of rendezvous, fo great was 
the difficulty of adjufting the ceremonial, or fucll 
the remains of diftruft and rancour on each fide, 
that they refufed to fee one another, and every 
thing was"^ tranfafted by the intervention of the 
Pope, who vifited them alternately. With all 
his zeat and ingenuity he couM not find out a 
taethod of removing the obftacles which pre- 
vented a final accommodation, particularly thofe 
Urifing from the pofleflion of the MiUnefe j nor 
*^' • „ ■ wa^ 


Book VI. was all the weight of his authority fufiicicnt to 

' ^^^ overcome the obftinate perfeverancc of cither 

A t'ruce for Monarch in aflerting his own claims* At laft, 

ten yetrt that hc might not fecm to have laboured altogc- 

^ Nictr* ther without eflfedt, he prevailed on them to %n 

June 1 8. ji truce for ten years, upon the fame condition 

with the former, that each fhould retain what 

was now in his polleflion, and in the mean tinoe 

ihould fend ambafTadors. to Rome» to difcufs 

their pretenfions at leifurc ^ 

Thus ended a war of no long continuance^ 
but very extenfive in its operations, and in which 
both parties exerted their utmoft ftrength. 
Thougn Francis failed in the objed that he had 
principally in view, the recovery of ,thc Mi- 
lanefe, he acquired, ncverthelefs, great reputa- 
tion by the wifdom of his meafures, as well as 
the fucceis of his arms in repulfing a formidable 
invafion ; and by fecuring pofleffion of one half 
of the Duke of Savoy's dominions, he added no 
jnconfiderable acceifion to his kingdom. Where- 
^ Charles, repulfed and baffled, after havii^ 
bogfted fo arrpgantly of victory, purchafed an 
inglorious truce, by facrificing an ally who had 
rafhly confided too much iii his friend(hip and 
power. The unfortunate Duke murmured, 
complained, and remonftrated againft a treaty 
fo much to his difad vantage, but in vain ; he 
had no means of redrefs, and was obli^ to 
fubmit. Qf all his dominions, Nice, with its 
dependencies, was the only corner of which he 
himfelf kept pofleffion. He faw the reft divid- 
ed between a powerful invader and the ally to 

whofe protedtion he had trufted, while he re- 

c Recueil des Traitcz, ii. 210. ReUtipnc del Nicole 
Tiepolo de I'abocamento di Nizza che^. Pu Mont Corps 
Piplomat. par. ii. p. 174. 

* - 


mained a fad monument of the imprudence of Book vr. 
weak Princes, who by taking part in the quar« ""^ ''^"''*^ 
rel of mighty neighbours, between whom they *^^^* 
happen to be fituated, are crulhed and over- 
whelmed in the Aiock. 

A FEW days after figning the treaty of truce, loeervitw 
the Emperor fet fail for . Barcelona, but was ch^JI^".^^ 
driven by contrary winds to the ifland St. Mar* Frtncis at 
garet on the coaft of Provence. When Francis, ^JJJJ^I 
who happened to be not far diftant, heard of 
this, he confidered it as an office of civility to 
invite him to take Ihelter in his dominions, and 
propofed a perfonal interview with him at 
iVigvies-mortes. The Emperor, who would not 
l^ out^dpne by his rival in complaifance, inftanN , 

ly repaired thither. As foon as he call anchor In 
fht road, Francis, without waiting to fettle any 
point of ceremony, but relying implicitly on 
jhc Emperor's honour for his fecurity, vifited 
^im on board his g^H^y^ ^^^ was received and 
entertained wi$h the warmeft demonftrations of 
^""^fteem and affedtion. Next day the Empergr 
repaid die confidence which the King had placed 
in him* He landed at A^t^s-mortes with as 
jfittle precaution, and met with a reception equal- 
ly cordial. He remained on fhore during the 
picht, and in both vifits they vied with each 
other in expreffions of refpeA and friendship ^ 
After twenty years of open hoftilities, or of fe- 
pet enmity ; after fo many injuries reciprocally 
infiifted or endqred ; after having formally given 
the lie and challenged one another to fingle com- 
|)at % after the Emperor had inveighed fo pub- 


^ Sandov. Hift. vol. ii. 238. Relation de Pentrevae 
de Charl. V. & Fran. I. par M. ^e la Rivoire. Hift. de 
J^anga^d, par D, P. De Vic. & Vaifette, torn, v, Preovet^ 

\ ■•'. 



Booic VI lickly againft Francis as a Prmce void of honour 
"^ — ^' and integrity ; and Francis had accufcd him as 
'53^- acccflary to the niurder of his eWcfk fon ; fuch 
an interview appears altogether Angular and even 
unnatural. But the hiftory of thcfe Monarchs 
abounds with fuch furprifing tranfitions. From 
implacable enmity they appeared to pafs, in a 
moment, to the moft cordial reconcilement; 
from ftrfpicion and diftruft to perfeft confidence; 
and from praftifing all the dark arts of a deceit- 
ful policy, they could affume, of a fuddcn, the 
liberal and open manners df two gallant gentle- 

The Pope, befides the glory of having re- 
ftorcd peace to Europe, gained, according to 
his expeftation, a point ofgreat confequence to 
his family, by prevailing on the Emperor to be- 
troth Margaret of Auftria, his natural daughter, 
formerly the wife of Alexander di Medici, to 
his grandfort Oftavio F'amefe, and m confidera- 
tion of this marriage, to beftow feveral honours 
and territorres upon* his future fon-in-law. A 

IztVJof'' ^^^. ^^g^^l event, which happened about the 
Alexander beginning of the year one thoufand five hundred 
and thirty-fcven, had deprived Margaret 6f her 
firft huiband. Th^t'yotttig prince, whom the 
Emperor^s partiality had raifed to the fupremc 
power in Florence, upoit the rains of the pubftck 
liberty, neglefted'cnrhiiljj^ the cares of govcrn- 
merf t,^ and abandoned himfelf to the moft dfflb- 
lute debauchery. LorcnTo di Medici, hrs near- 
rik kinfm^n, Sv^s not. 6nly the companion bat 
direftor of his pleafttres, and etrrploying all the 
Jjowers of a cultivated iand inventive genius in 
this di(honou;;able miniftry, added fuch clqgancc 
as weil as .variety to vice, as gained him anabfo- 

lute afcendant over the miijd of Alexswder. But 


di Meilici. 



while I^renzo feemed to be funk in luxury, and Book Vf. 
afiedcd fuch an appearance of indolence and --^'^ 
eflfeminacy, that he would not wear a fword, '53^- 
and trembled at the fight of blood, he concealed, 
under that difguiie, a dark, deligning, audacious 
fpirit. Prompted either by the love of liberty, 
or allured by the hope of obtaining the fupreme 
power, he determined to afiaffinate Alexander, 
his bencfaftor and friend. Though he long 
revolved this defign in his mind, his referved 
and fufpicious temper prevented him from com- 
municating it to any perfon whatever ; and con- 
tinuing to live with Alexander in their ufual fa- 
miliarity, he, one night, under pretence of hav- 
ing fecured him an aflignation with a lady of 
high rank, whom he had often folicited, drew 
disc unwary Prince into a fecret apartment of his 
houie, and there dabbed him, while he lay care- 
lefsly on a couch, expecting the arrival of the 
lady whofe company he had been4>romifed. But 
no fooner was the deed done, than {landing 
aftonilhed, and ftruck with horror at its atrocity, 
he forgot, in a moment, all the motives which 
had induced him to commit it. Inftead of rouz- 
ing the people to recover their liberty by pub- 
liming the death of the tyrant, inftead of taking 
any Itep towards opening his own way to the 
dignity now vacant, he locked the door of the 
apartment, and, like a man bereaved of rcafon 
and prefcnce of mind, fled. with the utmoft pre- 
cipitation out of the Florentine territories. It 
was late next morning before the fate of the un- 
fortunate Prince was known, gs his attendants, 
accuftomed to his irregularities, never entered his 
apartment early. Immediately the chief perfons 
in the ftate aflcmbled. Being induced partly by 
the zeal of cardinal Cibo for the houfe of Me- 
dici, to which he was nearly related, partly by 



booK VI. the authority of Francis Guicciardini, who re^ 

^■- v^ ^ "^ called to their memory, and rtprefented in fea^ 

Cofr^di i"g colours, the caprice as well as turbulence of 

Medici their ancient popular government, they agreed 

d^fihc to place Cofmo di Medici, a youth of eigteccn^ 

Fiurtotine jhc Only male heir of that illuftrious houfe, at 

**'*' the head of the government ; though at the 

fame time fuch was their love of liberty^ that 

they eftablifhed feveral regulations in order to 

circumfcnbe and moderate his power. 

His govern. Mbanwhile Lorcnzo having reached a place 
S'by1h!r^"of fafety, made known what he had done to 
Finreniine Philip Strozzl, and the other Florentines who 
"' had been driven into exile, or who had vo- 
luntarily retired, when the republican form of 
government was abolilhed, in order to make 
way for the dominion of the Medici. By them, 
the deed was extolled with extravagant praifes, 
and the virtue of Lorenzo was compared with 
that of the elder Brutus, who difregarded the 
ties of blood, or with that of the younger, who 
forgot the friendftiip and favours of the tyrant, 
that they might preferve or recover the liberty 
of their country ^. Nor did they reft fatisfied 
with empty panegyricks •, they immediately 
quitted their different places of retreat, affem- 

v:/ bled forces, animated their valTals and parti- 

fans to take arms, and to ieize this opportu- 
nity of re-eftabliftiing the publick liberty on its 

'/ ancient foundation. Being openly aflifted by 

the French ambaflador at Rome^ and fecredy 
encouraged by the Pope, who bore no good- 
will to the houfe of Medici, they entered the 
Florentine dominions with a confiderable body of 
men. But the perfons who had elected Cofmo 


^ Lcttere di Principi, torn, iii, p. ja. 


po0€fled not only the' means of fupporting his Book VI. 
government, but abilities to employ them in the ' "^C^ 
moft proper manner. They levied, with the '^^ ' 
greateft expedition, a good number of troops ; 
they endeavoured, by every art, to gain the ci- 
tizens of greateft authority, and to render the 
adminiftration of the young Prince agreeable to 
the people. Above all, they courted the Em- 
peror's protection, as the only firm foundation 
of Cofmo's dignity and power. Charles, know- 
ing the propenfity of the Florentines to the 
friendihip or France, and how much all the 
partifans of a republican government detefted 
him as the opprelibr of their liberties, faw it to 
be greatly for his intereft to prevent the re-efta- 
blimment of the ancient conftitution in Florence. 
For this reafon, he not only acknowledged 
Cofmo as head of the Florentine ftate, and con- 
ferred on him all the titles of honour with which 
Alexander had been dignified, but engaged to 
defend him to the utmoft ; and as a pledge of 
this, ordered the commanc^ers of fuch of his 
troops as were ftationcd on the frontiers of Tuf- 
eany, to fupport him againft all aggreflbrs. By 
their aid, Colmo obtained an eafy vidory over 
the exiles, whofe troops he furprifcd in the 
night-time, and took moft of the chiefs pri- 
foncrs: an event which broke all their meafures, 
and fully eftablifiied his own authority. But 
though he was extremely defirous of the additi- 
onal honour of marrying the Emperor's daugh- 
ter, the widow of his predeceflbr, Charles, fe- 
curc already of his attachment, chofe rather to 
gratify the Pope by bcftowing her on his ne- 


f Jovii Hid. c. xcviii. p. 218, &c. Belcarii Comment. 
1. xxii. p. 696. Iftoria de foi tempi di Giov. Bat. Adrlani. 
Vcn. 1587. p. 10. 


Book VI. DuRiNG the war between the Emperor wed 
' — ^^'"^ Francis, an event had happened which abated 
l^he^fc'nd- *** fomc degree the warnnth and cordiality cf 
(hip between friendfhip which had long fubfifted between the 
H?,lI?VTii. latter and the King of England. James ihe Fifth 
begim to erf" Scotland, an enterprizing voung Prince, bar- 
^' ing heard ctf the Emperor's intention to invade 
Provence, was fo fond o( fiiewmg thai: he did 
not yield to any of his anceftors in the fincerity 
of his attachment to the French crown, and fo 
eager to diftinguifli himfelf by £>me mllitiry 
exploit, that he levied a body of troops with 
an intention of leading them in perfon to the 
afiiftance of the King of France. Though fomc 
unfortunate accidents prevented his carrying any 
troops into France, nothing could divert him 
from going thither in perfon. Immediately upon 
his landing he haftened to Provence ; but had 
been detained ib long in his voyage that he came 
too latp to have any (hare in the military opera- 
tions, and met the King on his return after the 
retreat of the Impcrialifts. But Francis was fo 
greiitly pleaied with his zeal, and no kfs with 
his manners and converfation, diat he couU not 
refufe him hi$ daughter Magdalen, whom he 
Jan. I. demanded in marriage. It mortified Henry ex- 
'^^^' tremely to fee a Prince of whom he was immo- 
derately jealous, form an alliance, from which 
he derived fuch an acceffion of reputation as weH 
as fccurity s^* He could not, however, with de- 
cency, oppofe Francis's beftowing his daughter 
upon a Monarch defccnded from a race of 
Princes, the moft ancient and faithful aljies of 
the French crown. But when James, upon the 
fudden death of Magdalen, demanded as hb 
fecond wife Mary of Guife, he warmly ibli- 


t Hid. of Scotland^ voL i. p^ 77* 


cited Francis to deny his fuit, and in order to Book vi. 
difappoint him, afked that lady in marriage for ^"^ 
himfelf. When Francis preferred the Scottilh '^^ 
King's (incere courtfliip to his artful and male- 
volent propoial, he difcovcred much diflatis- 
fa£tian. The pacification agreed upon at Nice, 
and the familiar .interview of the two rivals at 
Aigues-mortes, filled Henry's mind with new 
fuipicions, as if Francis had altogether renoun- 
ced his friendfliip for the fake of new connec- 
tions with the Emperor. Charles, thoroughly ^["^^^JJI** 
acquainted with the temper of the Englifh King, Henry. 
and watchful to obferve all the fhiftincs and 
caprices of his paffions, thought this a ravour^- 
able opportunity of renewing his negociations 
with him, which had been long broken oflf. By 
the death of Queen Catharine, whofe intcreft the 
Emperor could not with decency have abandon- 
ed, the chief caufe of their difcord was removed ; 
fo that without touching upon the delicate 
queftion of her divorce, he niight now take 
what meafures he thought moft cffcdtual for re- 
gaining Henry's good-will. For this purpofe, 
he began with propofingfeveral marriage treaties 
to the King. He offered his niece, a daughter 
of the King of Denmark, to Henry himfelf •, he 
demanded the princefs Mary for one of the 
Princes of Portugal, and was even willing to re- 
ceive her as the King's illegitimate daughter ^ 
Though none of thefe projefted alliances ever 
took place, or perhaps were ever ferioufly intend- 
ed, they occafioned fuch frequent intercourfe be- 
tween the courts, and fo many reciprocal profef- 
fions of civility and efteem, as confiderably 
abated the edge of Henry's rancour againft th^ 
Emperor, and paved the way for that union be- 
VoL. II. G g twecn 

^ Mem. de Ribier, t. i 496. 


Book VI. twecn them which afterwards proved fo difadvan- 
^^ ^C**^ tageous to the French King. 

Progrefd of The ambitious fchemcs in which the Empe- 

nition. ^^ h^d ^'^ ^"S^g^ ^nd the wars he had been 
carrying on for fome years, proved, as ufual, ex- 
tremely favourable to the progrefs of the Refor- 
mation in Germany. While Charles was abfent 
upon his African expedition, or intent on his 
vaft projefts againft France, his chief objeft in 
Germany was to prevent the diflenfions about 
religion from difturbing the publick tranquillity, 
by granting fuch indulgence to the Proteftant 
Princes as might induce them to concur with 
his meafures, or at leaft hinder them from tak- 
ing part with his rival. For this reafon, he was 
careful to fecure to the Proteftants the poffeffion 
of all the advantages which they had gained by 
the articles of pacification at Nuremberg, in the 
year one thoufand five hundred and thirty-two'*, 
and except fome flight trouble from the pro- 
ceedings of the Imperial chamber, they met with 
nothing to difturb them in the cxercife of their 
religion, or to interrupt the fuceefsful zeal with 
Negocii- which they propagated their opinions. Mean- 
intriguet whilc thc Popc contmucd his negociations tor 
r'a T convoking a general council ; and though the 
g^enerd* Protcftants had exprefTed great diflatisfaftion 
council, ^i^h his intention ro fix upon Mantua as the 
place of meeting, he adhered obftinately to his 
choice, ifllied a bull on the fecond of June, one 
thoufand five hundred and thirty- fix, appointing 
it to aflfemble in that city on the twenty-third of 
May the year following •, he nominated three 
cardinals to prefide in his name; enjoined all 
Chriftian Princes to countenance it by their au- 
thority, and invited the prelates of every nation 


» Du Mont. Corps Diplom. torn. iv. part 2. p. 138. 


to attend in perfon. This citation of a council. Book Vf. 
an allembly which from its nature and intention """t^ 
demanded quiet times, as well as pacific difpo- *^^ * 
fitions, at the very junfture when the Emperor 
was on his march towards France, and ready to 
involve a great part of Europe in the confufions 
of war, appeared to every perfon extremely un- 
fcafonable. It was intimated, however, to all 
the different courts by nuncios difpatched of 
purpofe*^. With an intention to gratify the 
Germans, the Emperor, during his refidencc 
in Rome, had warmly folicited the Pope to call 
a council ; but being at the fame time willing 
to try every art in order to perfqade Paul to de- 
part from the neutrality which he preferved be- 
tween him and Francis, he fent Heldo his vice- 
chancellor into Germany, along with a nuncio 
difpatched thither, inftrufting him to fecond 
all the nuncio's reprefentations, and to enforce 
them with the whole weight of the Imperial au- 
thority. The Proteftants gave them audience Feb. i<, 
at Snialkalde, where, they ha:d affembled in a '537- 
body, in order to receive thcip. But after 
weighing all their arguments, they unanimoufly 
refufed to acknowledge a council fummoned in 
the name and by the authority of the Pope 
alone ; in which he affumed the fole right of pre- 
fiding; which was to be held in a city not pnly 
far diftant.from Geraiany, but fub^jett to a — • 
Prince, a ftranger to them, and clofely:conne(5t- 
ed with the court of Ron^e; and to which their 
divines could not repair with fafety, efpecially 
after th^ir doftrines had been ftigmatized in the 
very^buU of convocation with the name of 
herefy. , Thefe and many other objedlions againft 
the council, which appeared to them unanfwcr- 
able, they enumerated in a large manifcfto, 

G 5 2 . which 

k pallavk. Hift, Cone. Trid. 113. 



Book VI which they publiftied in vindication erf" their con- 

' — ^-r^ du<a K 

Against this the court of Rome exclaimed 
as a flagrant proof of their obftinacy and pit- 
fumption, and the Pope ftill perfifted in his rc- 
folution to hold the council at the time and in 
the place appointed. But jfbme unexpeded dif- 
ficulties being ftarted by the Duke of Mantua, 
both about the right of juriftiiftion over thcper- 
fons who reforted to the council, and the fccu- 
rity of bis capital amidft: fuch a concourfe of 
ftrangers, the Pope, after fruitlefs endeavpurs 
to adjuft thefe, firft prorogued the council for 
fome months, and afterwards transferring the 
place of meeting to Vicenza in the Venetian ter- 
ritories^ appointed it to aflembleon the firft of 
May in the following year. As neither the Em- 
peror nor French King, who had not then come 
to any accommodation, would permit their fub- 
jefts to repah* thither, not a fingle prelate ap- 
peared on the day prefixed ; and the Pope, that 
his authority might not become altogether con- 
temptible by fo many inefFeftual intimations, 
put oflF the meeting by an indefinite proroga- 

Oaob. 8. 



Aptrtiii But, that he might not feem to have 
Jflbj?c8*b" turned his whole attention towards a reforma- 
the Pope, tion which he was not able to accomplifh, while 
he neglefted that which was in his own power, 
he deputed a certain number of cardinals and 
bilhops, with full authority to inquire into the 
abufes and corruptions of the Roman court j and 
to propofe the moft eflPeftual method of rcmo?- 
ing them. This fcrutiny, undertaken with re- 


1 Sletdan, 1. xii. 123, &c. Seckend. Com. lib. ill. p» 
143, &c. n™ F. PauK iiy, Fallavic. 117. 


liKfUnce, was carried on Qowly and with remiff- Book VI. 
ncfs. All defefts were touched with a gentle ^""""''^'^ 
hand, afraid of probing too deep, or of difcover- *'^ ' 
ing too much. But even by this partial exami- 
nation, many irregularities were detedted, and 
many enormities expofed to light, while the re- 
medies which they fuggeftcd as moft proper, 
were either inadequate, or were never applied. 
The report and refolutlons of thefe deputies, 
though intended to be kept fccret, were tranf- 
mitted by fome accident into Germany, and be- 
ing immediately made publick, afforded ample 
matter for refledion and triumph to the Pro- 
teftants \ On the one hand they demonftrated 
the neceffity of a reformation in the head as well 
a^ the members of the church, and even pointed 
oUtonany of the corruptions againft which Lu- 
ther and his followers had remonftrated with the 
greatell vehemence. They fhewed on the other 
hand, that it was vain to expeft this reforma- 
tion from ecclcfiafticks themfelves, who, as Lu- 
ther ftrongly exprcffed it, piddled at curing 
warts, while they overlooked or confirmed ul- 

cers **. 


The earneftnefs with which the Emperor a league 
feemed, at firft, to prefs their acquiefcing in the ^"^'^v^, »« 
Pope's fcheme of holding a council in Italy, To ^thaVi" 
alarmed the Proteftant Princes fo much, that S"****^*'^«- 
they thought it prudent to ftrengthen their con- 
federacy, by admitting feveral new members 
who folicited that privilege, particularly the 
King of Denmark. Heldo, who, during his re- 
fidence in Germany, had obferved all the ad- 
vantages which they derived from that union, 
endeavoured to counterbalance its effefts by an 
alliance among the catholick powers of the Em- 

n Sleidan, 233. ^ Seek. 1. iii. 164. 



Booic Vf.pire. This league, diftinguifticd by the name of 

^""^^ Hofy^ was merely defenfive ; and though con- 

^^-^' eluded by Heldo in the Emperor's name, was 

afterwards difowned by him, and fubfcribed by 

very few Princes p. 

Aiirm* the The Proteftants foon got intelligence of this 
^'''^'"*"^ • aflbciation, notwithftaiiding all the endeavours 
of the contrafting parties to conceal it-, and 
their zeal, always apt to fufpeft and to dread, 
even to excefs, every thing that fecmed to 
threaten religion, inftantly took the alarm as if 
the Emperor had been juft ready to enter upon 
the execution of fome formidable plan for die 
' extirpation of their opinions. In order to d'lfap- 
point this, they held frequent confultations, they 
courted the Kings of France and England with 
great afliduity, and even began to think of raif- 
ing the refpeftive contingents both in men and 
money which they were obliged to furnifli by the 
treaty of Smalkalde. But it was not long be- 
fore they were convinced that thefe apprehen- 
fions were without foundation, and that the 
Emperor, to whom repofe was abfolutely neccf- 
fary after efforts fo much beyond his ftrength in 
the war with France, had no thoughts of dif- 
turbing the tranquillity of Germany. As a proof 
April ip. of this, at an interview with the Protcftant 
Princes in Francfort, his ambafladors agreed that 
all conccffions in their favour, particularly thofe 
contained in the pacification of- Nuremberg, 
fhould continue in force for fifteen months-, 
that during this period all proceedings of the 
Imperial chamber againft them ftiould be fuf- 
pended ; that a conference fhould be held by a 
few divines of each party, in order to difcufs the 


P Seek. 1 iii. 171. Recueil dc Traitcz. 


points in controvcrfy, and to propofc articles of Book Vh 
accommodation which fhould be laid before the ' ""^""^ 
next diet. Though the Emperor, that he might *^^^' 
not irritate the Pope, who remonftrated againft 
the firft part of this agreement as impolitick, 
and againft the latter as an impious encroach- 
ment upon his prerogative, never formally rati- 
fied this convention, it was obferved with confi- 
derable exadnefs, and greatly ftrengthened the 
bafis of that ecclefiaftical liberty, for which the 
Proteftants contended % 

A FEW days after the convention at Francfort, ^p"^ ^' 
George Duke of Saxony died, and his death was cftabiifh*edln 
an event of great advantage to the Reformation, ^g^ ^^^ 
That Prince, the head of the Albertine, or younger ° *^°°^' 
branch of the Saxon family, poflefled, as mar- 
quis of Mifnia and Thuringia, extenfive territories, 
comprehending Drefden, Leipfick, and other ci- 
ties now the moft confiderable in the eleftorate. 
From the firft dawn of the Reformation, he had 
been its enemy as avowedly as the eleftoral 
Princes were its protedors, and had carried on 
his oppofition not only with all the zeal flowing 
from religious prejudices, but with a virulence 
infpired by perfonal antipathy to Luther, and 
imbittcred by the domeftick animofity fubfifting 
between him and the other branch of his family. 
By his death without iflue, his fucceffion fell to 
his brother Henry, whofe attachment to the 
Proteftant religion furpaflcd, if poffible, that of 
his predeceflbr to popery. Henry no fooner took 
pofTelTion of his new dominions, than, difregard- 
ing a claufe in George's will, diftated by his 
•bigotry, whereby he bequeathed all his terri- 
tories to the Emperor and King of the Romans, 
if his brother fhould attempt to make any inno- 

<l F. Paul^ 82. Sleid. 247. Sec{c. 1. iii. 200. 


Book VI. vation in religion, he invited fomc Proteftant 
'^"^'''"'^^ divines, and among them Luther himfelf, to 
Leipfick. By their advice and afliftance, he 
overturned in a few weeks the whole fyftem of 
ancient rites, eftablilhing the full exercifc of the 
, reformed religion, with the univerfal applaufe 
of his fubjefts, who had long wiftied for this 
change, which the authority of their Duke alone 
had. hitherto prevented ^ This revolution de- 
livered the Proteftants from the danger to which 
they were expofcd by having an inveterate enemy 
fituated in the middle of their territories; and 
their dominions now extended, in one great and 
almoft unbroken line, from the Ihore of thcBal- 
tick to the banks of the Rhine. 

A mutiny SooN after the conclufion of the truce at 
rill uSr Nice, an event happened, which falisfied allEu- 
rope that Charles had profecuted the war to 
the utmoft extremity that the ftate of his affairs 
would permit. Vaft arrears were due to his 
troops, whom he had long amufed with vain 
hopes and promifes. As they now forcfaw that 
little attention would be paid to their demands, 
when by the re-eft ablilhment of peace their fcr- 
vices became of lefs importance, they loft all pa- 
tience, broke out into an open mutiny, and de- 
clared that they thought themfelves entitled to 
feize by violence what was detained from them 
contrary to all juftice. Nor was this fpirit of 
fedition confined to one part of the Emperor^^ 
dominions -, the mutiny was almoft as general as 
the grievance which gave rife to it. The foldi- 
ers in the Milanefe plundered the open coun- 
try without controul, and filled the capital itfclf 
with confternation. Thofe in garrifon at Go- 
Jetta threatened to give up that important for- 

V . trcfs 

^ Slciden, 249, 


trefs to Barbarofla. In Sicily the troops proceeded Book Vl. 
to ftiW greater excefles ; having chaccd away < -^ y -^mj 
their officers, they elcfted others in their Head, ' 539- 
defeated a body of men whom the viceroy fent 
^ainft them, took and pillaged feveral cities, 
condu£tins themfelves all the while, in fuch a 
manner, raat their operations refemblcd rather 
the regular proceedings of a concerted rebellion, 
than the rafhnefs and violence of a military mu- 
tiny. But by the addrefs and prudence of the 
generals, who, partly by borrowing money in 
their own name, or in that of their matter, 
partly by extorting large fums from the cities 
in their refpeftive provinces, raifed what was 
fufficient to difcharge the arrears of the foldiers, 
thefe infurredtions were quelled. The greater 
part of the troops was dilbanded, fuch a num- 
ber only being kept in pay as was neceflary 
for garrifoning the principal towns, and pro- 
tecting the fea-coafts from the infults of the 
Turks *. 

It was happy for the Emperor that the abi- cortes of 
lities of his generals extricated him out of thefe ^t^xoiedo!^^ 
difficulties, which it exceeded his own power to 
have removed. He had depended, as his chief 
refource for difcharging the arrears due to his 
foldiers, upon the lubfidies which he expefted 
from his Caftilian fubjefts. For this purpofe, 
he affemblcd the Cortes of Caftile at Toledo, 
and having reprefented to them the great ex- 
pence of his military operations, together with 
the vaft debts in which thefe had neceflarily in- 
volved him, he propofed to levy fuch fupplies 
as the prefent exigency of his affairs demanded, 
by a general excife on commodities. But the 


« Jovii Hiftor. I. xxxvii. 203. c. Sahdov. Ferrerat, 
ix« ao9. 


Book VI. Spaniards already felt themfelves opprcffcd with 
L--v^.^ a load of taxes unknown to their anccftors. 
The^wm- They had often complained that their country 
puinu and ^as drained not only of its wealth but of its 
oooftbac inhabitants, in order to prolecute quarrels in 
aiiembiy. which it was not interefted, and to fight battles 
from which it could reap no benefit ; and they 
determined not to add voluntarily to their 
own burdens, or to furnifti the Emperor with 
the means of engaging in new,enterprizes nolefs 
ruinous to the kingdom than moft of thofe which 
he had hitherto carried on. The nobles, in 
particular, inveighed with great vehemence 
againft the impofition propofed, as an encroach- 
ment upon the valuable and diftinguilhing pri- 
vilege of their order, that of being exempted 
from the payment of any tax. They demanded 
a conference with the reprefcntatives of the cities 
concerning the ft ate of the nation. They con- 
tended that if Charles would imitate the example 
of his predeceflbrs, who had refided conftantly 
in Spain, and would avoid entangling himfelf in 
a multiplicity of tranfadlions foreign to the con- 
cerns of his Spanifh dominions, the ftated reve- 
nues of the crov^n would be fully fufficient to 
defray the neceflary expences or government. 
They reprefcnted to him that it would be unjuft 
to lay new burdens upon the people, while this 
prudent and effedual method of re-eftabli(hing 
public credit, and fccuring national opulence, 
was totally neglected '. Charles, after employ- 
ing arguments, entreaties, and promifes, but 
without fuccefs, in order to overcome their ob- 
Theanckntftinacy, difmiflcd the affembly with great indig- 
^thicoru. nation. From that period neither the nobles nor 
fttbvcrted._ the prclatcs have been called to thefe aflemblies, 
on pretence that fuch as pay no part of the pub- 

t Sandov Hift. vol. ii. 269. 



lick taxes, fhould not claim any vote in laying Book VI. 
them on. None have been admitted to the Cortes **^"v"**-^ 
but the procurators or reprefentatives of eigh- * ^^^' 
teen cities. Thefe, to the number of thirty-fix, 
being two from each community, form an af- 
fembly which bears no refemblance either in 
power or dignity or independence to the ancient 
Cortes, and are abfolutely at the devotion of the 
court in all their determinations". Thus the 
imprudent zeal with which the Caftilian nobles 
had fupported the regal prerogative, in oppo- 
fition to the claims of the commons during the 
comipotions in the year one thoufand five hun- 
dred and twenty-one, proved at laft fatal to 
their own body. By enabling Charles to deprels 
one of the orders in the ftate, they deftroycd 
that balance to which the constitution owed its 
fecurity, and put it in his power, or in that of 
his fuccelTors, to humble the other, and to ftrip 
it of its moft valuable privileges. 

At that time, however, the Spanifh grandees The Spmirk 
ftill poffcfled extraordinary power as well as pri- ^nrJXff. 
vileges, which they exercifed and defended with ed w^ pri- 
an haughtinefs peculiar to themfelves. Of this "" ^^" 
the Emperor himfelf had a mortifying proof du- 
ring the meeting of the Cortes at Toledo. As 
he was returning one day from a tournament ac- 
companied by moft of the nobility, one of the 
ferjeants of the court, out of officious zeal to 
clear the way for the Emperor, ftruck the Duke 
of Infantado's horfe with his batton, which that 
haughty grandee refcnting, drew his fword, beat 
and wounded the officer. Charles, provoked 
at fuch an infolent deed in his prefence, immedi- 
ately ordered Ronquillo the judge of the court 

u Sandov. ibid. La Science du GouverHemcnt, par 
M. de Real> torn. ii. p. 102. 



Book VI. to arrcft the Duke ; Ronquillo advanced tocxc- 
^ — l^'^^cute his charge, when the conftable of Caftilc 
* ^•^^' interpofing, checked him, claimed the right of 
jurifdfflion over a grandee as a privilege of his 
oiEce, and conducted Infantado to his own apart- 
ment. All the nobles prefcnt were fo plcafcd 
with the boldnefs of the conftable in aficrting 
the rights of their order, that deferting the Em- 
peror, they . attended him to his houfe with in- 
finite applaufes, and Charles returned to the 
palace without any perfon along with him but 
the cardinal Tavera. The Elmperof, however 
fenfible of the affront, faw the danger of irri- 
tating a jealous and high fpirited ordered 
men, whom the flighteft appearance of oflfencc 
might drive to the moft unwarrantable extremes. 
For that reafon, inftead of {training at any ill- 
timed exertion of his prerogative, he prudently 
connived at the arrogance of a body too potent 
for him to control, and fent next morning to 
the Duke of Infantado, offering to infiift what 
punifhment he pleafed on the perfon who had 
affronted him. The Duke confidering this as a 
full reparation to his honour, initantly forgave 
the officer ; bcftowing on him, befides, a con- 
fiderable prefent as a compenfation for his wound. 
Thus the affair was entirely forgotten'^-, nor 
would it have defcrved to be mentioned, if it 
were not a ftriking example of the haughty and 
independent fpirit of the Spanifli nobles in that 
age, as well as an inftance of the Emperor's dex- 
terity in accommodating his condu6t to the cir- 
cumllances in which he was placed. 

infuraion Charles was far from difcovering any fuch 

Mi Ghent, condefcenfion or lenity towards the citizens of 

Ghent, who not long after broke out into open 

" rebellion 

X Sandov. ii. 274. Ferraras, ix.2i2* Miniana, 113. 


rebellion againft his government. An event Book VI. 
which ha{^ned in the year one thoufand five ' — -v— ^ 
liundrcd and thirty-fix, gave occafion to this *5^^' 
ralh infurre£tion fo faul to that flourifhing city. 
At that time the Queen dowager of Hungary, 
gavernefs of the Netherlands, having received 
orders from her brother to invade France with 
all the forces which fhe could raife, (he ailem- 
bled the ftates of the United Provinces, and ob- 
tained from them a fubfidy of twelve hundred 
thouiand florins, to defray the expence of that 
undo-taking. Of this fum, the county of 
Flanders was obliged to pay a third part as its 
proportion. But the citizens of Ghent, the moil pretennomt 
confiderable city in that country, averfc to a ""^ ^^^ ^'^" 
war with France, with which they carried on an 
extenfive and gainful commerce, refufed to pay 
their quota, and contended, that in confequence 
of ftipulations between them and the anceftors 
of their prefent fovereign the Emperor, no tax 
could be levied upon them, unlefs they had 
given their exprefs confent to the impofition of 
it. The governcfs, on the other hand, main- 
tained, that as the fubfidy of twelve hundred 
thoufand florins had been granted by the States 
of Flanders, of which their reprefentatives were 
members, they were bound, or courfe, to con- 
form to what was enabled by them •, as it is the 
firft principle in fociety, on which the tranquillity 
and order of government depend, that the in- 
clinations of the minority muft be over-ruled 
by the judgment and decifionof the fuperior 


The citizens of Ghent, however, were not procfcdinp 
wiUing to relinquifli a privilege of fuch high *^^*^ 
importance as that which they claimed. Having 
been accuftomed, under the government of the 



Book VI. houfe of Burgundy, to enjoy extenfive itnmuni- 
^^ "^"^^ ties, and to be treated with much indulgencG^ 
* ^^^ they difdained to facrifice, to the delegated power 
of a regent, thofe rights and liberties which they 
had often and fuccefsfully aflcrted againft their 
greateft Princes. The Queen, though flie en- 
deavoured at firft to footh them, and to recon- 
cile them to their duty by various conceffions, 
was at laft fo much irritated by the obftinacy with 
which they adhered to their claim, that (he or- 
dered all the citizens of Ghent, on whom flic 
could lay hold in any part of the Netherlands, 
to be arretted. But this rafti aftion made an 
impreffion very different from what (he expefted, 
on men, whofe minds were agitated with all the 
violent paflions which indignation at oppreflion 
and zeal for liberty infpire. Lefs afFefted with 
the danger of their friends and companions, than 
irritated at the governefs, they openly dcfpifed 
her authority, and fent deputies to the othec 
towns of Flanders, conjuring them not to aban- 
don their country at fuch a jundure, but to con- 
cur with them in vindicating its rights againft 
tne encroachments of a woman, who either did 
not know or did not regard their immunities. 
All but a few inconfiderable towns declined en- 
tering into any confederacy againft the gover- 
nefs ; they joined, however, in petitioning her 
to put off the term for payment of the tax fo 
long, that they might have it in their power to 
fend fome of their number into Spain, in order 
to lay their title to exemption before their fove- 
rcign. This fhe granted with fome difficulty. 
But Charles received their commiflioners with an 
haughtrnefs to v/hich they were not accuftoined 
from their ancient Princes ; and enjoining them 
to yield the fame refpeftful obedience to hts 
iiftcr, which they owod to him in pcrfon, re- 



mittcd the examination of their claim to the Book VL 
council of Malines. This court, which is pro- ^" "^ ^ 
perly a ftanding committee of the parliament or *^^^'' 
dates of the county, and which poflefles the 
fupreme jurifdiftion in all matters civil as well 
as criminal y, pronounced the claim of the citi- 
zens of Ghent to be ill-founded, and appointed 
them forthwith to pay their proportion of the 

Enraged at this decifion, which they con- They tike 
fidered as notoriouQy unjuft, and rendered def- oSS^'t^ 
perate on feeing their rights betrayed by that mitt* 
very court which was bound to proteft them, the ^''"*** 
people of Ghent ran to arms in a tumultuary 
manner, drove fuch of the nobility as refided 
among them out of the city, fecured feveral 
of the Emperor's officers; put one of them 
to the torture, whom they accufed of having 
ftolen or deftroyed the record, that contained 
the privileges of exemption from taxes which 
they pleaded; chofe a council to which they 
committed thfe direftion of their affairs ; gave 
orders for repairing and adding to their fortifi- 
cations -, and openly ere^ed the ftandard of re- 
bellion againft their fovereign *. Senfible, how- 
ever, of their inability to fupport what their 
zeal had prompted them to undertake, and de- 
firous of fccuring a proteftor againft the for- 
midable forces by which they might expeft foon 
to be attacked, they fent fome of their number to 
Francis, offering not only to acknowledge him 
as their fovereign, and to put him in immediate 
poffe£Bon of Ghent, but to affift him with all 


y Dcfcrittione di tutti pacfi baffi di Lad. Guicoardini. 
Ant. i^yi. fol p. 53. * Memoircs fur la rtvoJtc 

de Gantois en 1539, par Jean d'Hollandcr, rcrit en 1547. 
A la Haye 1747. K Heuier. Rer. AuAr. lib. xi. p. z6i» 
Sandov. Hiilor. torn. ii. p 282. 



Book VI. their forces in recovering thofe provinces in the 
^"^" " ■^ Netherlands, which had anciently belonged to 
*^^^* the crown of France, and had been fo lately re- 
united to it by the decree g( the parliament of 
Paris. This unexpefted proportion coming 
from perfons who had it in their power to have 
performed inftantly one part of what they under- 
took, and who could contribute ib effeftually 
towards the execution of the whole, opened vaft 
as well as alluring profpeds to Francis's ambi- 
tion. The counties of Flanders and Artois were 
of greater value than the duchy of Milan, which 
he had ib long laboured to acquire with paf- 
fionate but fruitlefs define ; their fituation with 
rcfpcdb to France rendered it more eafy to con- 
quer or to defend them ; and they might be 
formed into a feparate principality for the Duke 
of Orleans, no lefs fuitable to his dignity than 
that which his father aimed at obtaining. To 
this, the Flemings, who were acquainted with 
the French manners and government, would 
not have been averfe; and his own fubjeAs, 
weary of their deftruftive expeditions into Italy, 
would have turned their arms towards this quar- 
ter with more good-will, and with greater vi- 
Francis dc- gour. Several confiderations, neverthelefe, prc- 
^n« tbcir y^^^^ Francis from laying hold of this oppor- 
tunity, the moft favourable in appearance which 
had ever prefented itfelf, of extending his domi- 
nions or diftrcffing the Emp<:ror. From the 
time of their interview at Aigues-mortes, Charks 
had continued to court the King of France with 
wcMuierful attention; and often flattered him 
with hopes of gratifying at laft his wiflics con- 
cerning the Milanefe, by granting the invcfti- 
ture of it either to him or to one of his fons. But 
though thefe hopes and promifes were thrown 
out with no other intention than to detach him 
from his confederacy with the grand Seignior, 


feKl^fiROR CHARLES V. 465 

ot to raife fuifpicions in Sdlyman's mind by the Book VI. 
appearance or a cordial and familiar intercourfc ^"^""^^ ^ 
fubfifting between the courts of Paris and Ma- ^^^" 
drid, Francis was weak enough to catch at the 
(hadow by which he had been fo often deceived, 
and from eagernefs to feize it, relinquifhed what 
mu(t have proved a more fubilantial acquifition^ 
Befides this, the Dauphin jealous to excefs of 
his brother, and unwilling that a Prince who 
feemed to be of a reftlefs and enterprizing nature 
ihould obtain an eftablifhment, which from its 
(ituation might be confidered almoft as a do- 
meftick one, made ufe of Montmorency, who, by 
a fingular piece of good fortune, was at the 
iame time the favourite of the father and of the 
fon, to defeat the application of the Flemings, 
and to divert the King from efpoufing their cau^. 
Montmorency, accordingly, reprefented in ftrong 
terms, the reputation and power which Francis 
would acquire by recovering that footing which 
he had formerly in Italy, and that nothing could 
be fo efficacious to overcome the Emperor's aver- 
fion to this, as his adhering facredly to the truce, 
and refufing on this occafion to countenance his 
rebellious fubjefts. Francis, apt of himfelf to 
over-rate the value of the Milanefe, becaufe he 
eftimated it from the length of time as well as 
from the great efforts which he had employed in 
order to re-conquer it, and fond of every adtion 
iwrhich had the appearance of generofity, afTented 
without difficulty to fentiments fo agreeable to 
his own, rcjefted the propofitions of the citizens 
of Ghent, and difmiflcd their deputies with an 
harfh anfwer *. 


Not fatisfied with this, by a farther refine- communi- 
ment in generofity, he communicated to the ^t^nJons^ 
Vol. II. H h Emperor «<> «hc Em- 

* peror. 

^ « Mem. dc Bcllayi p, 263, Pi Heateh Rcr. Aaftr. lib. 
XI- 263. 


Book VT. Emperor his whole negociation with the male* 
^"""^^""*^ contents, and all that he knew of their fchemes 
'^^^' and intentions ^ This convincing proof of 
Francis's difintercftednefs relieved Charles from 
the moft difquieting apprehenfions, and opened a 
way to extricate himfelf out of all his difficulties. 
He had already received full information of all 
the tranfadions in the Netherlands, and of die 
rage with which the people of Ghent had taken 
arms againft his government. He was thoroughly 
acquainted with the genius and qualities of his 
fubjefts in that country ; with their love of li- 
berty •, their attachment to their ancient privi- 
leges and cuftoms ; as well as the invincible ob- 
ftinacy with which their minds, flow but firm 
and perfevering, adhered to any meafure on 
which they had leifure to fix. He eafily faw 
what encouragement and fupport they might 
have derived from the afliftance of France ; and 
though now free from any danger on that quar- 
ter, he was ftill fenfible that fome immediate as 
well as vigorous interpofition was neceflary, in 
order to prevent the fpirit of difaflfeftion from 
fpreading in a country where the number of 
cities, the multitude of people, together with 
the great wealth diflfufed among them by com- 
merce, rendered it peculiarly formidable, and 
would fupply it with inexhauftible refburces. 
ddfblTrtu- ^^ expedient, after long deliberation, speared 
ons concern- to him fo effedual as his going in perfon to the 
n^ey'^to^JhT Netherlands ; and the govemefs his fifter being 
Nether- of the fame opinion, warmly folicited him to 
*an«J»- undertake the journey. There were only two 
diflferent routes which he could take ; one by land, 
through Italy and Germany, the other entirely 
by fea, from fome port in Spain to one in the 
Low-Countries. But the former was more te- 

^ Sandov. Hiftor. torn. ii. 284. 


dious than fuitcd 'the prefent exigency of his ^^^^ ^^' 
aflFairs ; nor could he in confiftency with his dig- _^^^^ 
nity or even his fafety pafs through Germany 
without fuch a train both of attendants and of 
troops, as would have added greatly to the time 
that he muft have confumed in his journey ; the 
latter was dangerous at this feafon, and while 
he remained uncertain with refpedt to the friend- 
fhip of the King of England, was not to be ven- 
tured upon, unlefs under the convoy of a power- 
ful fleet. This perplexing fituation, in which he 
was under a neceflity of chufing, and did not 
know what to chufe, infpired him at laft with the 
Angular and feemingly extravagant thought of 
paffing through France, as the moft expeditious Propofet to 
way of reaching the Netherlands. He propofed ^rtn'^c^"^*' 
in his council to demand Francis's permiifion for 
that purpofe. All his counfellors joined with 
one voice in condemning the meafure as no .lefs 
rafh than unprecedented, and which muft infal- 
libly expofe him to difgrace or to danger; to 
difgrace, if the demand were rdefted in the 
manner that he had reafon to expea ; to danger, 
if he put his perfon in the power of an enemy 
whom he had often offended, who had ancient 
injuries to revenge, as well as fubjefts of prefent 
conteft ftill remaining undecided. But Charles, 
who had ftudied the character of his rival with 
greater care, and more profound difcernment 
than any of his minifters, perfiftcd in his plan, 
and flattered himfelf that it might be accom- 
pliftied not only without danger to his own per- 
fon, but even without the expence of any con- 
cefllon detrimental to his crown. 

With this view he communicated the matter To which 
to the French ambafl&dor at his court, and lentf/*^"^"" 
Granvelle his chief minifter to Paris, in order to 

H h 2 obtain 


Book VI. obtain from Francis permiOion to pais through 
''"^^^ his dominions, and to promife that he wodd 
"539- foQj^ fgjjjg jjjg ^jj-,. q£ ^g Milanefe to his fads- ' 

fadion. But at the fame time he intreated that 
Francis would not exaft any new promife, or 
even inGil on former engagements, at this junc- 
ture, left whatever he fhould grant, under his 
prefent circumftances, might teem rather to be 
extorted by neceflity, than to flow from friend- 
ihip or the love of juftice. Francis, inftead of 
attending to the (hare which fuch a flight artifice 
fcarcely concealed, was fo dazzled with the 
fplencfour of overcoming an enemy by afts of 
generoflty, and fo pleafed with the air of fupe- 
riority which the redtitude and difintereftcdnefe 
of his proceedings gave h^m on this occafion, 
that he at once aflented to all that was demanded. 
Judging of the Emperor's heart by his own, he 
imagined that the fentiments of gratitude, arifing 
from the remembrance of good offices and libend 
treatment, would determine him more forcibly 
to fulfil what he had fo often promifed, than the 
moft precife ftipulations that could be inferted in 
any treaty. 

tiu recep. UpoN this, Charles, to whom every moment 
tbgdrtn.** was precious, fet out, notwithftanding the fears 
and fufpicions of his Spanifli fubjedbs, with a 
fmall but fplendid train of about an hundred 
perfons. At Bayonne, on the frontiers of 
France, he was received by the Dauphin and 
the Duke of Orleans, attended by the conftabk 
Montmorency. The two Princes offered to co 
into Spain, and to remain there as hoftages for 
the Emperor's fafety : but this he rejedted, de- 
claring that he relied with itnplicit confidence 
on the King's honour, and had never demanded 
nor would accept of any other pledge for his fecu- 



rity. In all the towns through which he pafled, Book vr 
the greatcft poffible magnificence was ^ifplayed ; *— "v^^ 
the magiftrates prefented him the keys of the '^^^' 
gates ; the prifon doors were fet open ; and, by 
the royal honours paid to him, he appeared 
more like the fovereign of the country than a 
ftranger. The King advanced as far as Chatel- 
rault to meet him •, their interview was diftinr 
quifhed by the warmeft expreflions of friendfhip 
and regard. They proceeded together towards 1^49, 
Paris, and prefentol to the inhabitants of that 
city, the extraordinarv fpeftacle of two rival 
Monarchs, whofe enmity had difturbed and laid 
wafte Europie during tw«nty years, making their 
folemn entry together with all the fymptoms of 
a confidential harmony, as if they had rorgotten 
for ever paft injuries, and would ncv?r rcviv? 
hoftilities for the future S 

Charles remained fix days at Paris; but^h«^mi«^ 
amidft the perpetual careffes of the French tude, ^ *^ ' 
court, and the various entertainments contrived 
to amufe or to do him honour, he difcovered aa 
extreme impatience to continue his journey, 
arifing as much from an apprehenfion of danger 
which conftantly oppreiled him, as from the 
neceflity of his prefence in the Low-Countries. 
Confcious of the difingenuity of his own inten- 
tions, he trembled when he reflefted that fon^e 
fatal accident might betray them to his rival, or 
lead him to fufpedt them ; and though his arti- 
iices to conceal theie fhould be fucc^f^ul, he 
could not help fearing that motives of intereft 
might at lafl: triumph over the fcrup^es of ho- 
nour, and tempt Francis to avail himfelf of the 
advantage now in his hands. Nor were there 
panting perfons among the French minifters^^ 


Si Thuan. Hift, lib. i. e. 14. Mem. de Beilay, 264. 


Book VI. who advifed the King to turn his own arttf 
^"^ ^''"^^^ againft the Emperor, and as the retribution due 
^^°* for fo many inftances of fraud or falfehood, to 
feize and detain his perfon until he granted him 
full fatisf action with regard to all the juft claims 
of the French crown. But no confideration could 
induce Francis to violate the faith which he had 
pledged, nor could any argument convince him 
that Charles, after all the promifes that he had 
given, and all the favours which he had received, 
might ftill be capable of deceiving him. Full of 
this falfe confidence he accompanied him to Si 
Quintin, and the two Princes, who had met him 
on the borders of Spain, did not take leave of 
him until he entered his dominions in the Low? 

•^d difiiige- As foon as the Emperor reached his own ter* 
ritories, the French ambaffadors demanded the 

janutry 24. accompliftiment of what he had promifcd con- 
cerning the inveftiture of Milan ; but Charles, 
under the plaufible pretext that his whole atten- 
tion was then engroffed by the confultations nc- 
eeflary towards fupprefling the rebellion in Ghent, 
put off the matter for fome time. But in order 
to prevent Francis from fufpedting his fincerity, 
he ftill continued to talk oif his' refolutions with 
refpeft to that matter in the fame ftrain as when 
he entered France, and even wrote to the King 
much to the fame purpofe, though in general 
terms, and with equivocal expreflions, which he 
might afterwards explain away or interpret at 
pleafure \ ' 

^eduftion Meanwhile, the unfortunate citizens of 

cf Cheat, Qi^^^^^ deftitute of leaders capable either of 

direfting their councils, or condufting their 


f Memoires dc Ribier, 1. 504» 


troops ; abandoned by the French King aeid un- Book VI* 
fupported by their countrymen ; were unable to "^ ^ ^ 
refift their ofiended fovereign, who was ready to ^^^^' 
advance againft them with one body of troops 
which he had raifed in the Netherlands, with 
another drawn out of Germany, and a third 
which had arrived from Spain by fea. The near 
approach of danger made them, at laft, fo fen- 
fible of their bwn folly, that they fent ambafla* 
dors to the Emperor, imploring his mercy, and 
offering to fet open their gates at his approach, 
Charles, without vouchfafing them any other an^' 
fwer, than that he would appear among them 
as their fovereign, with the fceptre and the 
fword in his hand, began his march at the head 
of his troops. Though he chofe to enter the 
city on the twenty-fourth of February, his birth- 
day, he was touched with nothing of that ten- 
dernefs or indulgence which was natural towards 
the place of his nativity. Twenty-fix of the »°*^ p"";^- 

.*•,.. ' , f mcnt of the 

principal citizens were put to death ; a greater citizens. 
number was fent into baniftiment ; the city was ^p"* ^• 
declared to have forfeited all its privileges and 
immunities j the revenues belonging to it were 
confifcated ; its ancient form of government was 
^bolilhed; the nomination of its magiftrates was 
veftcd for the future in the Emperor and his fuc- 
ccflbrs ; a new fyftem of laws and political ad- 
miniftration was prefcribed \ and in order to 
bridle the feditious fpirit of the citizens, orders 
were given to ereft a ftrong citadel, for defraying 
the expence of which a fine of an hundred and 
fifty thoufand florins was impofed on the in- 
habitants, together with an annual tax of fix 
thoufand florins for the fupport of a garrifon *=. 
By thefe rigorous proceedings, Charles not only 


^ Les coutames 8^ loix do Compte de Flandre, par Alex, 
|e Grande, 3 torn. fol.Cambray, I7i9> torn. i. p. 169. 
c Haraei Annales Brabantia^^ vol. i.617^ 


Book VI. punilhed the citizens of Ghent, but fct ankwful 
^- — ^"-^ example of feverity before his other fubjefts iii 
*^^^' the Netherlands, whofe ininfiuriiiies and privi7 
leges, partly the efl5s6t, partly the' caufe of theic 
cxtenfive commerce, circumfcribed the royal 
prerogative within very harrow bounds, and ot 
ten flood in the way of meafures which he wiihed 
to undertake, qr fettered and retarded him in 
his ot)erations. 

chirietre. Charles having thus Vindicated ai^d re-^fta^ 
Sl^bu'en^^' blifticd his authority in the Low-Countries, and 
gagemeoti being now under no neceflity of continuing thif 
^r*"'^- fame fcene of falfehood and diflimulation with 
which he had long amufed Francis, l?egan gra- 
dually to throw afide the veil under which he had 
concealed his intentions with refpeft to the Mi- 
lancfe. At fir ft, he eluded the demands of thQ 
French ambafladors, when they again reminded 
him of his promifes ; then he propofM, by way 
pf equivalent for the dutchy of Milap, to grant 
the Duke of Orleans the invefliture of Flanders^ 
tlogging the offer, however, with impracticable 
conditions, or fuch as be knew would be rgeft- 
ed ^ At lafl, being driven from sill his evafion$ 
and fubterfuges by their infifliflg for a categori- 
cal anfwer, he peremptprily ref ufcd to give up 
a territory of fuch value, or- voluntarily to mak^ 
fuch a liberal addition to the ftrength of an ene- 
my by diminifhing his own power "• He denied 
at the fame time, that he had ever made anv 
promife which could bind him to an adion (q 
foolifh, and fb contrary to his own interefl ^ 

Of all the tranfadions in the Emperor*^ life^ 
this, without doubt, reflefts the greateft dif- 
honour on his reputation &. * Though Charles 


^ Mem. de Ribier, i. 509, 514. « Ribier, i. CiO* 

f Bellay, 365-6. c Jovii Hift. lib. xxxix. p- 238. a. ? 


yras not extremely fcrupulous at other times Book VI. 
f bpyt the means which he employed for accom- ^'''*"*^^"**-' 
.plifhing his ends, or always, obfervant of the '^^^* 
ftrift precepts qf veracity and honour, he had 
hitherto maintained fome regard for the maxims 
of that kfs precife and rigid morality by which 
Monarchs think thien^elves en tided to regulate 
their conduct, But, on this occafion, the fcheme 
;hat he formed of dieceiving a generous and 
open-hearted Prince; the illiberal and mean 
artifices by which he carried it on 5 the infen- 
fibility with which he received all the marks of 
his friendfliip, as well as the ingratitude with 
which he requited them ; are all equally unbe- 
coming the dignity of his charadber, and incon* 
i^ftent lyifh the grandeur of his views. 

This traiifaftion expofcd Francis to as much 
fcorn as it did the Emperor to cenfure. After 
|he experience of a long reign, after fo many 
opportunities of difcovering the duplicity and 
^ifices of his rival, the credulous fimplicity 
ynth which he trufted him at this jundure teemed 
to merit no other return than it adually met 
yrith. Francis, however, remonftrated and ex- 
claimed, as if it had been the firfl inftance in 
which the Emperor had deceived him. Feeling, 
as is ufual, the infult which was offered to his 
pnderftanding (till more fenfibly than the injury 
done to his intereft, he difcovered fuch refent- 
ment, as made it obvious that he would lay hold 
on the firft opportunity of being revenged, and 
^hat a war, no lefs rancorous than that which 
had fo lately raged, would foon break out anew 
\n Europe. 

This year is rendered memorable by the efta- The Pope 
^liihmcnt of the Order of Jcfuits 5 a body whofe Slbft*". 
-■'■•■ influence tion of the 

Order of 


Book vAinfluence on ecclefiaftical as well as civil affairs 
^""•^^ — 'hath been fo confiderable, that an account of the 
*54o* genius of its laws and government juftly nicrits 
a place in hiftory. When men take a view df 
the rapid progrefs of this fociety towatxTs wealth 
and power ; when they contemplate the admi- 
rable prudence with which it had been governed ; 
when they attend to the perfevering and fyfte- 
matic fpirit with which its fchemes have been 
carried on •, they are apt to afcribc fuch a fingu- 
lar inttitution to the fuperior wifdorh of its foun- 
der, and to fuppofe that he had formed and di- 
gcfted his plan with profound policy. But the 
Jefuits, as well as the other monaftick orders, arc 
indebted for the exiftcnce of their order not to 
the wifdom of their founder, but to his enthu* 
fiafm* Ignatio Loyola, whom I have already 
mentioned on occafion of the wound which he 
received in defending Pampeluna^, was a fanatick, 
diftinguiftied by extravagancies in fentiment and 
conduft, no lefs incompatible with the maxims 
of fober reafon, than repugnant to the fpirit of 
true religion. The wild adventures, and vi- 
fionary fchemes, in which his enthufiafm engaged 
him, equal any thing recorded in the legeijds of 
the Romilh faints ; but are unworthy of notice 
in hiftory. 

lI^L^^'^k* Prompted by this fanatical fpirit, or incited 
•t$ fo J^der. by the love of power and diftinftion, fr6m which 
fuch pretenders to fuperior fanftity are not ex- 
empt, Loyola was anr*bitious of becoming the 
founder of a religious order. The plan, which 
he formed of its conftitution and laws, was fug- 
gefted, as he gave out, and as his followers ftiU 
teach, by the immediate infpiration of heaven *. 


^ Vol. ii. Book ii. p. 192. > Compte Rendu 6et 

Conftitutions des Jefuitesy aa Parkment de Frovencc, p&T 
Ifi. de Monclar, p. 285* 


But notwithftanding this high prctenfion, his Book VI. 
defign met at firft with vidlent oppofition. The ■^'''-*^ 
Pope, to whom Loyola had applied for the fane- * ^^^ 
tion of his authority to confirm the inftitution, 
referred his petition to a committee of Cardinals, 
They reprefented the eftablilhment to be unne- 
ceiTary as well as dangerous, and Paul refufed 
(o grant his approbation of it. At laft, Loyola 
removed all bis fcruples by an offer which it was 
impoflible for any Pop(5 to refill. He propofed The PopeV 
that befides the three yqws of poverty, of chaftity, "nfir"ing' 
and of monaftick obedience, which are common ihcord?r. 
to all the orders of regulars, the members of his 
fociety fliould take a fourth vow of obedience 
to the Pope, binding themfclyes to go whither- 
foever he fbould command for the fervice of re- 
ligion, and without requiring any thing from the ' 
Holy See for their fupport. At a time when 
^he papal authority had received fuch a fiiock 
by the revolt of fo many nations from th^ Ro- 
mi(h church •, at a time when every part of the 
popifh fyftem was attacked with fo much vio- 
lence and fuccefs, the acquifition of a body of 
men, thus peculiarly devoted to the See of 
Rome, and. whom it might fet in oppofition to 
alt its enemies, was an objed: of the higheft con- 
fequence. Paul, inftantly perceiving this, con- Sept. vj. 
firmed the inftitution of the Jefuits by his bull ; 
granted the moft ample privileges to the mem- 
bers of the fociety ; and appointed Loyola to 
be the firft general of the order. The event 
hath fully juftified PauPs difcernment, in ex- 
pecting fuch beneficial confequences to the See 
of Rome from this inftitution. In lefs t^an half 
^ century, the fociety obtained eftablifhments in 
every country that adhered to the Romati catho- 
iick Church; its power and wealth incroafed 
iunazingly ^ the number of its members became 



Book VF. great ; their charafter as well as accompUfh- 

^"^'"'■^ ments were ftill greater ; and the Jefuits were 

* 540- celebrated by the friends, and dreaded by the 

enemies of the Romifh faith, as the moft able 

and enterprizing order in the church* 

It. coDftitu- The conftitutioa and laws of the fociety were 
iS^s I^rfr pcrfefted by Laynez and Aquaviva, the two 
ptiticiiiar generals who fucceeded Loyola, men far fupe- 
tttenuon. ^j^^ ^^ ^j^^j^. matter in abilities, and in the fcience 

of government. They framed that fyftem of 
profound and artful policy which dittinguiflies 
the order. The large infufion of fanaticifm, 
mingled with its regulations, ihould be imputed 
to Loyola its founder. Many circumttances 
concurred in giving a peculiarity of charafter to 
the order of Jefuits, and in forming the mem- 
bers of it not only to take greater part in the 
affairs of the world than any other body of 
monks, but to acquire fuperior influence in the 
conduct of them. 

Tbeobjea The primary objedl of alraoft all the monaftick 
J^ofJ'^*** orders h to feparate men from the world, and 
from any concern in its affairs. In the. folitude 
and iilence of the cloifter, the n^onk is called 
to work out his own falvation by extraordinary 
afts of mortification and piety. He is dead to 
the world, and ought not to mingle in its tranf- 
aftions. He can be of no benefit to mankind, 
but by his example and by his prayers. On the 
contrary, the Jefuits are taught to confider them- 
felves as fornied for aftion. They are chofen 
foldiers, bound to exert themfelves continually 
in the fervice of God, and of the Pc^, his vicar 
on earth. Whatever tends to inftruft the igno- 
rant ^ whatever can be of ufe to reclaim or to 
oppofe the enemies of the Holy See, is their 
proper objeft. That they may have full Icifure 



for this aftive fervice, they are totally exempted Booic VI. 
from thofe funftions, the performance of which ^^ ^^""^ 
is the chief bufinefs of other monks. They ap- ^^°' 
pear in no procefiions ; they pradife no rigorous 
auilerities; they do not confume one half of 
their time in the repetition of tedious offices ^. 
But they are required to attend to all the tranf- 
anions of the world, on account of the influence 
which thefe may have upon religion *, they are 
directed to ftudy the dilpofitions of perfons in 
high rank, and to cultivate their friendfhip ' ; 
and by the very conftitution as well as genius 
of the order, a fpirit of adion and intrigue is 
infufed into all its members. 

As the objeft of the fociety of Jefuits differed Pecuiitri- 
from that of the other monaftick orders, the di- fo*m"or itt 
verfity was no lefs in the form of its govern- policy, par- 
ment. The other orders are to be confidered as wuVrL^ea 
voluntary aflbciations, in which whatever affedts*^^*?**''*^ 
the whole body, is regulated by the common ni ^*°*" 
fufiVage of all its members. The executive 
power is veiled in the perfons placed at tl^head 
of each convent, or of the whole fociet^ the 
legiflative authority refides in the community. 
Affairs of moment, relating to particular con- 
vents, are determined in conventual chapters j 
fuch as refpeft the whole order are confidered in 
general congregations. But Loyola, full of the 
ideas of implicit obedience, which he had de- 
rived from his military profeffion, appointed that 
the government of his order fhould be purely 
monarchical. A general, chofen for life by 
deputies from the feveral provinces, poflefred 
power that was fupreme and independent, ex- 

k CoQipte Reoduy par M-cle Mbnclar, p. xiii. 290. Sur 
la deftruS. des Jefaites, par M. D^Alembert, p. 42. 
1 Coropte par M. de Mooclar, p. xii. 


Book V!. tending to every perfon, and to every cafe. He^ 
* — ^^"*^by his fole authority, nominated provincials, 
*^*^' tcAors, and every other officer employed in the 
government of the fociety, and could remove 
them at pleafurc. In him was veiled the fovc- 
reign adminiftration of the revenues and funds 
of the order. Every member belonging to it 
was at his difpofal ; and, by his uncontrol- 
able mandate, he could impofe on them any 
taflc, or employ them in what fervice foevcr he 
pleafed. To his commands they were required 
to yield not only outward obedience, but to re- 
fign up to him the inclinations of their own wills, 
and the fentiments of their own underftandings. 
They were to liften to his injunftions, as if they 
had been uttered by Chrift himfelf. Under his 
direftion, they were to be mere paflive inftru- 
ments, like clay in the hands of the potter, or 
like dead carcaffes incapable of refiftance ™. Such 
a fingular for^m of policy could not fail to im- 
prefs its charader on all the members of the 
order, and to give a peculiar force to all its 
operations. There is not, in the annals of man- 
kind, any example of fuch a perfeft defpodfin, 
cxercifed not over monks (hut up in the cells of 
a convent, but over men difperfed among all th« 
nations of the earth. 

circam. As the conftitutions of the order veft, in the 
J^lch en- General, fuch abfolute dominion over all its 
ibiehimto mcmbcrs, they carefully provide for his being 
tXthV perfedtly informed with refpeft to the charafter 
grcateftad. and abilities of his fubjefts. Every novice who 
^»at»gc. offers himfelf as a candidate for entering into the 
order, is obliged to mamfefi his confcience to the 


m Compte Renda au Parlem. de Bretagne» par M. de 
Chalouisy p. 4.1 , &c* Compte par M* dc Mpnclar. 83. 
185. 343. 


fuperior, or a perfon appointed by him; and Book VI 
is required to confefs not only his fins and de* ""■ "^""^ 
fedls, but to ifcover the inclinations, the pal- '**^ 
lions, and the bent of his foul. This manifefla- 
tion muft be renewed every fix months ^ The 
fociety not fatisfied with penetrating in this man* 
ner into the innermoft receffes of the heart, di- 
refts each member to obferve the words and 
aftions of the novices ; they are conftituted fpies 
upon their condud ; and are bound to difclofe 
every thing of importance concerning them to 
the fuperior. In order that this fcrutiny into 
their chara6ler may be as complete as poffible, 
a long noviciate muft expire, during which they 
pafs through the feveral gradations of ranks in 
the fociety, and they muft have attained the full 
-age of thirty-three years, before they can be ad* 
mitted to take the final vows, by which they 
become profejfed members °. By thefe various 
methods, the fuperiors, under whofe immediate 
infpedion the novices arc placed, acquire a 
thorough knowledge of their difpofitions and 
talents. In order that the General, who is the 
foul that animates and moves the whole fociety, 
may have under his eye every thing neceflary to 
inform or diredb him, the provincials and heads 
of the feveral houfcs are obliged to tranfmit to 
him regular and frequent reports concerning the 
members under their infpcition. In thefe they 
defcend into minute details with refpeft to the 
charafter of each perfon, his abilities natural or 
acquired, his temper, his experience in affairs, 
and the particular department for which he is 


n Compte par M. de Monclar. p. 1 2 19 &c. ^ Conpte 

Ear M. de Moncl. 215. 241. Sur \t deftr. des Jef. par M« 
>'Aleinb. p. 39. 

48o THE^ REIGN OF Til £ 

Booc VI. beft fitted p. Thcfc reports, when digefted and 
^-*"^^'*^ arranged, are entered into regifters, kept of pur-- 
'5*°* pofe that the General may, at one comprehen* 
five view, furvey the ftate of the Ibciety in every 
comer of the earth ; obferve the qualifications 
and talents of its members ; and thus choofe, 
with perfefb information, the inftruments, which 
his abfolute power can employ in any fervice for 
which he thinks meet to deftine them ^. 

Ph)grefi of As it was the profeflcd intention of the order 

t^^Bu^ of Jefuits to labour with unwearied zeal in pro- 

me of the nioting the falvation of men, this engaged them, 

of courfe, in many aftive funAions. From their 

firft inftitution, they confidered the education of 

youth as their peculiar province ; they aimed at 


P M. de Chalotais ha$ made a calcnladoQ of the nomber 
of thefe reports, which the General of the Jefuits maft an- 
nually receive according to the regulations of the fociety. 
Thefe amount in all to 6584. If this fum be divided by 
379 the number of provinces in the order, it appears that 
1 77 reports concerning the ftate of each province are tranf^ 
snitted to Rome annusuly. Compte, p. 52. Befides this, 
there may be extraordinary letters, or fuch as are fent by 
the monitors or fpies whom the General and Provincials 
entertain in each houfe. Compte par M. de Mond. p. 43 1 . 
Hift. des Jefuites, Amft. 1761. torn. iv. p. 56. The pro* 
vincials and heads of houfes not only report concerning 
the members of the fociety, but are bound to give the Ge* 
neral an account of the civil aifairs of the country wherein 
they are (ettled, as far as the knowledge of thefe may be 
of benefit to relinon. This condition may extend to. 
every particular ; To that the General is fnrniflied with foil 
information concerning the tranfadions of every Prince 
and ftate in the world. Compte par M. de Moncl.443. 
Hift. des Jefnit. ibid. p. 58. When the aftairs with refped 
to which the provincials or redors write are of importance, 
they^ are directed to ufe cyphers, and each of them has a 
particular cypher from the Ueneral, Compte par M. Char* 
lotaisy p. 94. 

q Compte par M. de Moncl. p. 215. 439.— Compte par 
M, de Chalotais, p. 52. 222. 


bei4lg fpiritual guides and confefTofs ; they Book Vf. 
preached frequently in order to inftruft the pco- •-""v-^^ 
pie; they fet out as miflionaries to convert un- *^^^' 
believing nations. The novelty of the inftitu- 
CioA, as well as the Angularity of its objeds, 
pit>cured the order many adnriirers and pairons. 
Tlie governors of the fociety had the addrefs to 
avail themfelves of every circundftance in its fa- 
vour, and, in a (hort tinie, the number as well 
as influence of its members increafed wonder- 
Miy. Before the expiration of the fixteenth 
century, the Jdiiits had obtained the chief direc- 
tion of the education of youth in every catholick 
country in Europe. They had become the con- 
&flbrs of almoft all its monarchs ; a f undion of 
flo imall importance in any reign, but under a 
weak Prince, fuperior even to mat of minifter. 
They were the fpiritual guides of almoft every 
perfon eminent for rank or power. They pof- 
ieflM the higheft degree of confidence and in- 
tereft with the papal court, as the moft zealous 
and able champions for its authority. The ad- 
vantages which an a6tive and enterprifing body 
of men might derive from all thefe cirqumftances 
are obvious. They formed the minds of men 
in their youth. They retained an afcendant 
over them in their advanced years. They pof- 
fefled, at difierent periods, the direftion of the 
moft confiderable courts in Europe. They 
mingled in all affairs. They took part in every 
intrigue and revolution. The General, by 
means of the extenfive intelligence which he re- 
ceived, could regulate the operations of the 
order with the melt perfeft difcernment, and by 
means of his abfolute power could carry them 
on with the utipoft vigour and efFe(5t ^ 

Vol. II. I i Together 

r V^hen Loyola, in the year 1540, petitioned the Pope 
to authorize the inditudon of the order, he had only ten 



Book VI. Together with the power of the order, its 
^"•^"^^ — 'wealth continued to increafe. Various expc- 
Pr^T^ft of dients were devifed for eluding the obligation of 
it! weiith. the vow of poverty. The order acquired ampk 
pofleilions in every catholick country 5 and by 
the number as well as magnificence of its pub- 
lick buildings, together with the value of its pro- 
perty, moveable or real, it vied with the m(& 
opulent of the monallick fraternities. Befides the 
fources of wealth common to all the r^lar 
clergy, the Jefuits pofleflcd one which was pecu- 
liar to themfclves. Under pretext of promoting 
the fuccefs of their miflions, and of facilitating 
the fupport of their miffionaries, they obtained 
a fpecial licence from the court of Rome^ to 
trade with the nations which they laboured to 
convert In confequcnce of this, they engaged 
in an extenfive and lucrative commerce, both in 
the Eaft and Weft Indies. They opened ware- 
houfes in different parts of Europe, in which 
they vended their commodities. Not fatisfied 
with trade alone, they imitated the example of 
other commercial focieties^ and aimed at ob- 
taining fcttlements* They acquired pofleflion, 
accordingly, of a large and fertile province in 
the fouthcrn continent of America^ and reigned 
as fovereigns over fome hundred thoufand fub- 
jefts ^ 


difciples. But in the year 16089 fixty-eight years after 
their iiril inllitution, the number of Jefuits had increafed 
to ten thoufand five hundred and eighty-one. In the year 
1 7 10, the order poffeifed twenty-four profejfed hoofes; 
iifty-nine houfes of probation ; three hundred and forty 
refidencies;. fix hundred and twelve colleges; two hun- 
dred miflions ; one hundred and fifty feminaries and boaird* 
ing-fchools; and coniifted of 199998 Jefuits. Hift. des 
JeAiites, torn. i. p. 20. 

8 Hift. des JeC iv. 168—196, &c* 


Unthappily for marikindi the vaft influehceBooK vr. 
%hich the order of Jcfuits acquired bjr all thefe ^ -^^"-.^ 
different meansi has been often exfcrted withpemido^ 
the moft pernicious effeft. Such was the ten-«ff«^«of. 
d«icy of that difcipllne obferved by the focietjr tn^foclcty!" 
in forming its members, and fuch. the funda* 
mental maxims in its conilitution, that every 
Jefuit was taught to regard the intereft of the 
order as the capital objedj to which every con- 
fideration was to be facrificed. This fpirit of 
attachment to their order, the moft ardent, per- 
haps, that ever influenced any body of mfen \ 
is the chara&eriftic pHnciple of the Jefuits, and 
ferves as a key to the genius of their policy^ as 
well as the peculiarities in their fentiments and 

' As It was for the honour and advantage of 
the fociety, that its members Ihould poflefs art 
iifcendant ovtt perfons in }\igh rank or of great 
power^ the defire of acquiring and prcferving 
iuch a diredion of their conduiSij with greater 
facility, has led the Jefuits to ptapagate a fjrftem 
of relaxed and pliant morality, which accom^ 
modates itfclf to the paflions of men, which jufti- 
fics their vicesj which tolerates their imperfec- 
tions, which authorizes almoft every a<^ion that 
the moft audacious or crafty politician would wifh 
to perpetrate* 

. As the profpeHty of the order Was intiniately 
ebnnefted v^ith the prefervation of the papal au- 
thority, the Jefuits influenced by the fame prin- 
ciple of attachment to the interefts of their fo- 
ciety, have been the mc^ zealous patrons of 
thofe doftrines, which lend to exalt ecclefiaftical 
power on the ruins of civil government. They 
have attributed to the court of Rome a juril- 

/ I i 2 diftbn 

* Comtc p^r M. de Moncl. p. 2S5. 



Book VI. didion as extenfive and abfdute las was daimed 
by the moft prefumptuous pontifi^ in the daik 
ages. They have conten(kd for the entire io- 
dependence of ecclefiafticks on the civil magi- 
ftiate. They have puUiflied fuch tenets coo^ 
cerning the duty of oppofing Princes who woe 
enemies of the catholkk isath^ as axmtenanced 
the moft atrocbus crimes^ and tstided to dif- 
folve all the ties which conne& fubjefts with tfaeir 

As the ofder derived both leputacion and ou- 
thority from the ^eal with whkh it itood ibrdi 
in defence of the Romi& dkUrch ^^aaift the at- 
tacks of the reformers, ks members, praud of 
this diftindion, have confidered it as their pe- 
culiar fundion to combat the opinions, and to 
check the progrefs, of die Proteflants. They 
have made ufe of every art, "and have employed 
every weapon againft them. They bave fet 
themfelves in oppofition to every gentle or to- 
lerating meafure in^ their favour. They have 
inceflantly ftirred up againft them all the r^ 
of ecclefiaftical and civil periecution. 

Monks of other denominations have, indeed, 
ventured w teach the fame pernicious do6bines, 
and have held opinions equally inconfiftent with 
the order and happincfs of civil fociety. But 
they, from reafons which are obvious, have ei- 
ther delivered fuch opinions with greater referve,^ 
or have propagated them with lefs fucce6. 
Whoever recollects the events which have hap- 
pened in Europe during two centuries, will find 
that the Jefuits may juftly be confidered as re- 
fponfible for moft of the pernicious effeds arif- 
ing from that corrupt and dangerous cafuiftry, 
from thofe extravagant tenets concerning eccle- 
fiaftical power, and from that intolerant fpirit, 



which have been the difgrace* of the church of Book vr. 
Rome throughout that period, and which have ^-^v**^ 
brought fo many calamities upon civil fociety \ ^^^^* 

But aniidft many bad confequences flowing Some ad- 
from the inftitution of this order, mankind, it Sffrom 
muft be acknowkdged, have derived from it^*»«wft'tu- 
fomc confiderable advantages. As the Jefuits ©rdirf '**'* 
made the education of youth one of their capital 
objedls, and as their firft attempts to eftabliih 
colleges for the reception of ftudents were vio- 
lently oppofed by the univerfities in different 
countries, it became neceflary for them, as the 
moft efiedtual method of acquiring the publick 
favour, to furpais their rivals in fcience and in- 
duftry. This prompted them to cultivate the P»'tfc«i»riy 
ftudy of ancient literature with extraordinary ar- llre!^^^ 
dour. This put them upon various methods for 
facilitating the inftruftion of youth ; and by the 
improvements which they made in it, they have 
contributed fo much towards the progrefs of po- 
lite learning, that on this account they have me^ 
rited well of fociety. Nor has the order of 
Jefuits been fuccefsful only inv teaching the ele- 
ments of literature -, it has produced likewife 
eminent matters in many branches of fcience, 
and can alone boaft of a greater number of in- 
genious authors, than all the other religious fra^ 
ternities taken together % 


n Encyclopedie, Art. J^Ues^ tom.viii. 513. 

X M« a Alembert has obferved, that though the Jefuits 
have made extraordinary progrefs in erudition or every 
fpecies ; though they can reckon up many of their brethren 
who have been eminent mathematicians, antiquaries, and 
critics ; though they have even formed fome orators of repn-c 
tation ; yet the order has never produced one man, whofe 
mind was fo much^ enlightened with found knowledge, as 
to merit the name of a philofopher. But it feems to be the 
^^avoidable efeit of jponfiAicIs ed^c^ition to cpntra^t and 



Book VI. BuT it is in the new world that the Jefuits 
'^'^ ^have exhibited the moft wonderful difplay of 
Morl\?i^. their abilities, and have contributed moft ef- 
^'^h from feftually to the benefit of the human fpecies, 
mcni^ohbe The cohquerors of that unfortunate quarter of 
jeiuits \a xht globe had nothing in view but to plunder, 
"K^^y,- jQ cnflave, and to extirminate its inhabitants. 
The Jefuits alone have made humanity the objeft 
of their fettling there. About the beginning of 
the laft century they obtained admiilicMi into the 
fertile province of Paraguay, which ftretchcs 
acrofs the fouthern continent of America, fmm 
the bottom of the mountains of Potofi, to the 
confines of the Spanifti and Portuguefe fettle- 
ments on the banks of the river de la Plata. 
They found the inhabitants in a ftate little dif- 
ferent from that which takes place among men 
when they firft begin to unite together-, ftrangers 
to the arts ; fubfitfting precarioufly by hunting 
• or fifhing ^ and hardly acquainted with the firft 
principles of fubordination and government. 
The Jduits fet themfelves to inftru6l and to 
civilize thefe favages. They taught them to 
cultivate the ground, to rear tame animals, and 
to build houTes. They brought them to live 
together in villages. They trained them to arts 


fetter the human mind. The partial attachment of a monk 
to the intereft of his order^ which is often incompalibk 
with that of other citizens ; the habit of implicit obedience 
to the will of a fuperior, together with the frequent return 
of the wearifome ^nd fi^ivolous duties of the cloifter, debafe 
bis faculties, and extinguifh that generofity of fentiment 
and fpirit, which qualifies men for thinking or feelingjuftly 
with refpedl to what is proper in life and condud. Father 
Paul of Venice is, perhaps, the only perfon educated in a 
cloider, that ever was altogether fuperior to its prejudices, 
or who viewed the tranfa6tions of men, and reafoned con- 
cerning the interefls of fociety, .with the enlarged fenti- 
ments of a philofoph^r, with the difcernment of a man con- 
ve^fant in W}irs> and with the liberality of a gentleman. 


and tnanufaftures. They made them tafte the Book VI. 
fweets of fociety, and accuftomed them to the '— v— ^ 
bleffings of fecurity and order. Thefe people be- *^^^' 
came the fubjeds of their benefactors, who have 
governed them with a tender attention, refem- 
bling that with which a father diredls his chil- 
dren, Refpedted and beloved almoft to adora- 
tion, a few Jefuits prefided over fome hundred 
thoufand Indians. They maintained a perfeft 
cq[uality among all the members of the commu- 
nity. Each of them was obliged to labour, not 
for himfelf alone, but for the publick. The pro- 
duce of their fields, tc^ether with the fruits of 
their induftry of every Ipecies, were depofited in * 
common ftorehoufes, from which each individual 
received every thing neceffary for the fupply of 
his wants. By this inititution, almoft ali the 
paffions which difturb the.peace of fociety, and 
render the members of it unhappy, were extin- 
guiihed. A few magiftrates, chofen by the In- 
dians themfelves, watched over the publick tran- 
quillity, and fecured obedience to the laws. The 
fanguinary punifhments frequent under other 
governments were unknown. An admonition 
from a Jefuit, a flight mark of infamy, or, on 
fome Angular occafion, a few laflies with a whip, 
were fufficlent to maintain good order among 
thefe innocent and happy people y. 

But even in this meritorious eflTort of the ^ven here 
Jefuits for the good of mankind, the genius and [ioVand po- 
fpirit of their order have mingled and are dif- ^^y of the 
cernible. They plainly aimed ac eftablilhing in cern[bic.' 
Paraguay an independent empire, fubjedt to the 
fociety alpne, and which, by the fuperior excel- 

y Hift. du Paraguay par Pere de Charlevoix, torn ii. 42, 
ice. Voyage au Perou par Don G. Juan & D. Ant. de 
XJlIoa, torn. i. 540, &c. Par. 410. 1752. 


Book VI. lence of its conftitution and police, couki fcarccT 
^^"^^^^-^ ly have failed to extend its (ionximon over all die 
' ^*^* fouthern continent of An>erica, Wjth this view, 
in order to prevent the Spaniards or Portuguefe 
in the adjacent fettlements from acquiring any 
dangerous influence over the people within the 
limits of the province fubjeft to the fo^iety, die 
Jefuits endeavoured to infpire the Indians widi 
hatred and contempt of thefe nations. They cut 
otf* all intercourfe between their fubgefts and die 
Spanifti or Portuguefe fettlements. They pro- 
hibited any private trader of cither natiori nora 
entering their territories. When they were 
obliged to adimit any perfon in a publick charac- 
ter from the neighbouring governnients, they 
did not permit him to have any converfation widi 
their fubjedts *, and no Indian was allowed even 
to enter the houfe where thefe ftrangers refided^ 
unlefs in the prefence of a JefuiL In order to 
render any communication between them as dif- 
ficult as poflible, they induftrioufly avoided ^v- 
ing the Indians any knowledge of the Spanifh, or 
pf any other European language ; but encouraged 
the different tribes, which thev had civilized, to 
acquire a certain dialed of tne Indian tongue, 
and laboured to make that the univerfal lan- 
guage throughout their dominions. As all thefe 
precautions, without military force, would have 
been infufficient to have rendered their empire 
fecure and permanent, they inftrufted their fub- 
jefts in the European arts of war. They fonne4 
them into bodies of cavalry and infantry, com- 
pletely armed and regularly difciplined. They 
provided a great train of artillery, as well as 
magazines flored with all the implements of war. 
Thus they eflablifhed an army fo numerous and 
\vell-appointed, as to be formidable in a coun- 
try, where a few fickly and ill-difci|)lined batta- 
' • Ii6n3 


lions compofed all the military force kept on foot Book Vf. 
by the Spaniards or Portuguefe *. ' — ^^"^^ 

The Jcfuits gained no inconfiderable degree of R^a^on for 
power durmg tibc reign of Charles V. who, with fuiuvi'tw 
his ufaal fagacity, dtfcerned the dangerous ten-°f^'^«g<'- 
dency of the kiftitution, and checked its pro- Ind°^^refs 
grcfs*. But as the onfer wa^ founded in the<>^^^«o»^<*«'* 
period of which I write the hiftory, and as the 
age to which I addrefs this work hath feen its fall, 
the view which I have exhibited of the laws and 
genius of this formidable body will not, I hope, 
be unacceptable to my readers; efpecially as 
one circumftance has enabled me to enter into 
this detail with particular advantage. Europe 
had obferved, for two centuries, the ambition 
^nd power of the order. But while it felt many 
fatal effe£b of thefe, it could not fully difcern 
j^he caufes to which they were to be imputed. It 
was unacquainted with many of the Angular re- 
gulations in the political conftitution or govern- 
ment of the Jefuits, which formed the enterprizing 
fpirit of intrigue that diftinguifhed its members, 
and elevated the body itfelf to fuch a height 
of power. It was a fundamental maxim with 
the Jefuits, from their firft inllitution, not to 
publifh the rules of their order. Thefe they 
kept concealed as an impenetrable myftery. 
^hey never communicated them to ftrangers ; 
nor even to the greater part of their own mem- 
ipcrs. They refufed to produce them when re- 
quired by courts of juftice**; and by a ftrange 
|olecifm in policy, the civil power in different 
fiountries authorized or connived at the efta- 
^lilhment of aq order of men, whofe conftitution 


- % Voyage de Jqan &deUlloa, torn. i. i;49. Recueil des 
foutes les Pieces qui ont paru far les Affaires desjefuites 
cn PortagaU torn. i. p. 7, &c. 

» Compte par M. de Moncl. p. 3 1 2. ^ Hift. dc Jef. 

pm. iii. 2361 &c. Coippte par M. de Chalot, p. 38* 


Book VI. and laws were concealed with a folicitude, wlucb 
'^-'-v^'-^ alone was a good reafon for having excluded 
'^^' them. During the prolecutions lately carried 
on againft them in Portugal and France, the 
Jefuits have been fo inconfiiderate as to produce 
the myfterious volumes of their inftitute. By 
the aid of thefe authentick records, the principles 
of their government may be delineated, and the 
fources of their power inveftigated with a degree 
of certainty and precilion, which, previous to 
that event, it was impoflible to attain % But as 
I have pointed out the dangerous tendency of 
the conflitution and fpirit of the order with the 
freedom becoming an hiftorian, the candour 
and impartiality no lefs requifite in that charac- 
ter call on me to add one obfcrvation. That no 
clafs of regular clergy in the Romifh church has 
been more eminent for decency, and even purity 
of manners, than the major part of the order of 
Jefuits**. The maxims of an intriguing, am- 
bitious, interefted policy, might influence thofe . 
who governed the fociety, and might even cor- 
rupt the heart, and pervert the conduft of fomc 
individuals, while the greater number, engaged 
in literary purfuits, or employed in the fun£tions 
of religion, was left to the guidance of thofe 
common principles which reilrain men from 


c The greater part of my information concerning thego- 
vernment and laws of the order of Jefaits, I have derived 
from the reports of M. de Chalotais and M. de Monclar. I 
reft not my narrative, however, upon the authority c?cn of 
thefe refpedtable magiftrates, and elegant writers, boc upon 
innumerable paflages which thty have extra^ed from the ( 

conftitQtions of the order, depofited in their hands. Hof- 
pinian, a Proteftant Divine of Zurich, in his HiJIoriaJe- 
fuitrcat printed A. D. 1619, publifhed a fmall part of the 
conftitutions of the Jefuits, of which by fome accident he 
bad got a copy : p. 13 — 54. i 

^ SurladelUua. des JcH par M. D'AIembert, p. ^5. 


vice, and excite them to what is becoming and Book VL 
laydable. The caufes which occafioned the ruin ^^^ ^v ^ 
of this mighty body, as well as the circumft^nces '^+^' 
and efiedts with whiqh it has been attended in 
the different countries of Europe, though ob- 
jefts extremely worthy the attention of every inr 
telligent obferver of human affairs, do no? fall 
within the period of this hiftqry. 

No fponer had Charles re-eftablifhed order in Aff*iri of 
the Low-Countries, than he was obliged to turn ^•'"**"y- 
his attention to the affairs of Germany. The 
J^roteftants preffcd him eameftly to appoint that 
conference between a feleft number of the di- 
vines Qf each party, which had been ftipulated 
in the CQnvention. at Francfort. The Pope coq- 
fideted fuch aq attempt to examine or decide the 
points in difpute as derogatory to his right of 
being the fupreme judge in controverfyj and 
being convinced that it would either be ineffec- 
tual by determining nothing, or prove danger- 
pus by determining too much, he employed 
every art to prevent the meeting. The Em- 
peror, however, finding it more for his intereft 
to (both the Germans, than to gratify Paul, paid 
little regard to his remonftrances. In a diet held ^ ^'i!^^ 
at Haguenaw, matters were ripened for the con- tween the 
ference. In another diet aflembled at Worms, p^j^tHot 
ihe conference was begun, Melandlhon on the Divines" 
one Ade, and Eckius on the other, fuftaining the ^""^^^* 
principal part in the difpute -, but after they had 
made fpme progrefs, though without conclud- 
ing any thing, it was fufpended by the Empe- 
ror's command, that it might be renewed with 
greater foiemhity in his own prefence in a diet 
fummoned to meet at Ratilbon. This aflemb.ly 1541. 
was opened with great pomp, and with a gene- 
ral expectation that its proceedings would be 



Book VI. vigorous and decifive. By tb€ confent of both 
^^-v*--' parties, the Emperor was cntriifted with the 
'54'- power of nominating the perfbns who fhould 
manage the conference, which it was agreed 
fhould be conduced not in the form of a public 
difputation, but as a friendly fcrqtiny of exami- 
nation into the articles which had given rife to 
the prefent controverfies. He appcMnted Eckius, 
Gropper and Pflug, on the part of the Catholics; 
Melanfthon, Bucer, and Piftorius, on that of 
the Proteftants ; all men of diftinguifhed repu- 
tation among their own adherents, and, except 
Eckuis, all eminent for their moderation, as 
well as defirous of peace. As they were about 
to begin their confultations, the Emperor put 
into their hands a book, compofed, as he fak), 
by a learned divine in the Low-Countries, wkh 
fuch extraordinary perfpicuity and temper, as, 
in his opinion, might go far to unite and com- 
prehend the two contending parties. Gropper, 
a canon of Cologne, whom he had named among 
the managers of the conference, a man of addrcS 
as well as of erudition, was afterwards fufpefted 
to be the author of this (hort treatifc. It con- 
tained pofitions with regard to twenty-two of the 
chief articles in theology, which included moft 
of the queftions then agitated in the controyerfy 
between the Lutherans and the church of Rome. 
By ranging his fentiments in a natural order, and 
exprefling them with great fimplicity ; by em- 
ploying often the very words of fcripture, or of 
the primitive fathers ; by foftening the rigour of 
fome opinions, and explaining away what was 
abfurd in others ; by conceflions, now on one 
fide, and now on the other •, and efpecially by 
banifhing as much as poffible fcholaftick phrafes, 
thofe words and terms of art in controvcrfy, 
^hich ferve as badges of diftindtion to the dif- 


ferent feds, and for which theok}gians often con- Book vi 
told more fiercely chan for opinions themfclves ; ^' -^ - 
he framed his work in fuch a manner, as pro- '^^'' 
titifed fairer than any thing that had hitherto 
been ^tttempted, to compofe and to terminate re- 
l^otts difienfions % 

80T the t^tention of the age was turned, with Fruiiicft. 
filch dcuteobfervation, towards theok)gical con« 
trovcrties, that it was not eafy to impofe on it 
by toy gl^ how artful or fpecious foever. 
The length and eagernefs of the difpute had ic* 
pirated the cdntetidtng parties fo completely^ 
and hid fet dieir oainds at fuch variance, that 
they were not to be reconciled by partial concef- 
£oins» AQ the zealous Catholics, particularly 
the txclcfiaftics who had a feat in the diet, joined 
in condieflMung Gropper's treatife as too favour* 
^le to the Lutheran opinions, the poifon of 
which hercfy it conveyed, as they pretended, 
with greater danger, feixraufe it was in fome de- 
cree di%uifed. The rigid Proteftants, efpecially 
Luther himfelf, and his patron the Ek6lor of 
Saxony, were for rejeding it as an impious 
compound of error and truth, craftily prepared 
that it might impofe on the weak, the timid, and 
the unthinking. But the divines, to whom the ex- 
amination of it was committed, entered upon 
that bufinefs with greater deliberatbn and tem* 
per. As it was more eafy in itfclf, as well as 
more confident with the dignity of the church 
to make conceQions, and even alterations with re- 
gard to fpeculative opinions, the difcuffion where- 
of is confined chiefly to fehools, and which pre- 
fent nothing to the people that either ftrikes their 
imagination or zm&s their fenfes, they came to 
an accommodation about thefe without much 


c Goldaft. Conftit. loiper. ii. p. 182. 


Book VI. labour, and even defined the great article coh« 
^ - w ^-^ cerning joftification to their mutual fatisfaftioit. 
'5^'' But, when they proceeded to points of jurifdic- 
tion, where the intereft and authority of the 
Roman See were concerned, or to the rites and 
forms of external worlhip, where every change 
that could be made muft be publick, and draw 
the obfervation of the people, there the Catho- 
licks were altc^ther untraftable i nor could the 
church either with fafety or with honour aboliih 
its ancient inftitutions. All the articles reladve 
to the power of the Pope, the authority of coun- 
cils, the adminiftration of the facraments, \k 
worihip of faints j and many other patticulars did 
not, in their nature, admit of any tempera- 
ment*, fo that after labouring long to bring 
about an accommodation with refpeft to thefe^ 
the Emperor found all his endeavours ineffe&ual^ 
Being impatient, however^ to clofe the dict^ he 
at laft prevailed on a majority of the members 
Recefs of to approvc of the following recefs ^ ** That the 
R»t?ibon1n ^^^^^^^^ concerning which the divines had agreed 
favour of a iti the confercucc, ihould be held as points de- 
coMcU cided, and be obferved inviolably by all ; that 
the other articles about which they had dificrec^ 
Ihould be referred to the determination of a gc^ 
neral council, or if that could not be obtained, to 
a national fynod of Germany ; and if it (hould 
prove imprafticable, likcwife, to aflemble i 
fynod, that a general diet of the Empire fliould 
be called within eighteen months, in order to 
give feme final judgment upon the whole con- 
troverfy ; that the Emperor (hould ufe all his 
intereft and authority with the Pope, to procure 
the meeting either of a general council of fynod ; 
that, in the mean time, no innovations ihould be 
attempted, no endeavours (hould be employed to 
gain profelytes y and neither the revenues of die 




church, nor the rights of the monafteries, fhould Book vl 
be invaded ^'* v--^^-^^ 

1 541. 

All the proceedings of this diet, as well as Gives of- 
the recefs in which they terminated, gave great ["plp^iof 
offence to the Pope. The power which the*«dProtcf- 
Germans had aflumed, of appointing their own ^"^^^ 
divines to examine and determine matters of 
contro^erfy, he confidered as a very dangerous 
invafion on his rights; the renewing of their 
ancient propofal concerning a national fynod, 
which had been fo often rejected by him and his 
predeceilbrs, appeared extremely undutiful ; but 
the bare mention of allowing a diet, compofed 
chiefly of laymen, to pafs judgment with refpeft 
to articles of faith, was deemed no lefs criminal 
and profane, than the worft of thoie herefies 
which they Teemed zealous to fupprefs. On the 
other hand, the Proteftants were no lefs diiTatis- 
fied with a recefs, that confiderably abridged the 
liberty which they enjoyed at that time. As they chtrict 
murmured loudly againft it, Charles, unwilling p^^JJ^^J^JJ, 
to leave any feeds of difcontent in the Empire, 
granted them a private declaration, in the moft 
ample terms, exempting them from whatever 
they thought oppreflTive or injurious in the fecefs, 
and afcertaining to them the full pofTeftion of all 
the privileges which they had ever enjoyed &. 

Extraordinary as thefe conceflions mayAffkirtof 
appear, the fituation of the Emperor's affairs at """«*'''• 
this juncture made it necefTary ror him to grant 
them. He forefaw a rupture with France to be 
not only unavoidable, but near at hand, and durfl: 


f Slcidan, 267, kc. Pallav. 1. iv. c. 11. p. 136. F. 
Paul, p. 86. Seckend. 1. iii. 256. 

g Sleid. 283. Seckend. 366. Dumont Corps Diplom. 
i?. p. ii. p. 2 10, 


496 THE R 

Book VI. not give any fuch 
<- — ,<— ' Protcftants, as mig 
'S*'- to court the prot 
from whom, at pi 
ated. The rapid j 
gary, was a more 
the moderation w 
great revolution hi 
John Zapc4 Sca^i 
related, rather to 
than to renounce 
had been accufton 
his mighty procci 
Ferdinand a great 
him only the pr< 
But being a prina 
quent attempts of 
among the Hung 
had Imt, greatly d 
fjty on thefe occafi 
whom he confider 
rather than auxili: 
ing. In order, th' 
fcs, as well as to (! 
joying the arts anc 
A.i>.'s4 1 lifted, he fecrctl 
his competitor, or 
nand fhould ackno 
gary, and leave htr 
pofiei£on of that 
his power; but tl 
right of the wholt 
nand \ As John 
was then far advar 
contraft feemed v< 
But, foon after, fo 
folicitous to prevei 
their throne, prcv: 

k Iftuaotuffii t 

tp a long Celibacy, by n JIa, the Book VI. 

flaugbKr of Si^fmond^ K I. John ' """^ 

had the fatisfaAio^; before :h hap- or 'th tf ihi 

pened within lefs than a ye arriagc,Kingof 

^ to fee* fon bofrf to inhci _ a; To"""^''' 

him. witfadwt regarding his treaty with Ftrdi- 
tario, whicf) ht conridered, do doubt, as void,' 
ypcm an event not fore&en when it was conclod- 
<Ea, be bequcafhefl his crown f appointing the 
■" een and George Mafiiniizpi, biflnop of Wa- 
inj giiardiails of his fon, and regents of the 
kingdom. The greatef* part of the Hungarians 
immediately ackfliowLedged the young King, to 
whom; in memory of the founder of theif mo- 

■ tiarchy, they gave the natoie of Stephen '. 


* by this u 
'■ don the 1 
I compaffc 

' H^iit by 

mitted we care 
' too much fpirit i 
1 vho poilefled i 
Tbe Queen, to 
OWQ iex,' added 
I vxd m^naniaiit 
I himi«]f from tt 
I fpnt dignity, w 
I men, Who^ by th 
I talents, are Bice 
I ling and fa^ic 
I functions of hi: 
I the femblance c 

Voi. it. 


, cSbmto 


cd by his "«•'»• 
fadors CO 
o&t ihs 
ic for her 
a£kn his 
had coin- 



' ]<Sfii Mift. lib. xxxii. p. 239,- a. liti 



Book VF. He difcovcrcd^ in civil tranfaftions, induftryi 
"^""^^"''^ dexterity, and boldnefs. During war he laid 
'^*'' afide the cafibck, and appeared on horfeback 
with his fey rhitar and buckler, asaftive, as of- 
tentatious, and as gallant as any of his country* 
men, Amidft all thefe different and contradic- 
tory forms which he could affume, an infatiablc 
defire of dominion and authority was conipicu- 
Ous. From fuch perfons it was obvious what 
anfwer Ferdinand had to expeft. He fbon per- 
ceived that he muft depend on arms alone for 
recovering Hungary. Having levied for this 
>urpofe a confiderable body or Germans, whom 
lis partifans among the Hungarians joined with 
their vaifals, he ordered them to march into that 
part of the kingdom which ac^hered to Stephen. 
Martinuzzi, unable to make head againft fuch, 
a powerful army in the field, fatisfied himfelf 
with holding out the towns, all of which, efpe- 
cially Buda, the place of greateft confeauence, 
he provided with every thing neceflary ror de- 
fence V and in the mean time he fent ambaiTadors 
Ctiu in itie to Solyman, befecching him to extend towards 
° • the fon, the fame Imperial proteftion which had 
fo long maintained the father on his throne. The 
Sultan, though Ferdinand ufed his utmoft en- 
deavours 16 thwart this negociation, and even 
ofFened to accept of the Hungarian crown on 
the fame' ignominious condition of paying tri- 
bute to the Ottoman Porte, by which John had 
held it, faw fuch profpefts of advantage from 
cfpoufing the intereft of the young King, that 
he inftantly promifed him his protedtion ; and 
commanding one army to advance forthwidi 
towards Hungary, he himfelf followed with an- 
other. Meanwhile the Germans, hoping to ter- 
minate the war by the redudtion of a city in 
which the King and his mother were Ihut up, 



had formed the fiege,of Buda. MartinirzzijBooKVi. 
navirig drawn thither the firength of the Hun- ^""'^"''^^ 
garian nobility, defended the town with fuch '^^'* 
courage and (kill, as allowed the Turkifh forces 
time to conie up to its relief: They inftantlj^ 
attacked thci Getmans, iSveakened by fatigue^ 
difeafes, and defertion, and defeated them with 
great flaughtef*': 

SoLYMAN fobri after joined his vidtorious SoiymtnV, 
troops, and being weary of fo many expen(ive"ofdna!*' 
Expeditions undertaken in defence of dominions 
which were not his b\vn, or being unable to* refift 
this alluring oppoi-tunity of feizing a kingdom, 
while pofleffed by an infant, Uhder the guardian- 
fhip of a woman iind a pried, he allowed in- 
terefted cohfiderations to triumph with too much 
facility over the principles of honour ^nd the 
feritimehts of humanity. What he planned un- 
generdufly, he exiecuted by fraudl Having pre- 
vailed oh £hc Queen to fend her fdn, whorrt ht 
pretended to be defirbus of feeing, into his 
camp, and having at the fame time invited the 
chief of the nobility to an entertainment there, 
while they, fufpefting no treachery, gave them- 
iclves up to the mirth and jbllity of the feaft, a 
ftledl band of troops by the Sukari*s orders 
felzed one of the gates of Buda. Being thus 
matter of the capital, of the Kii1g*s peHbn, and 
of the leading men among the nobles, he ordered 
the Queen, together with her foil, to be condufted 
to Tranfylvania, which province he allotted to 
them, and, appointing a Bafha to refide in Buda 
with a large body of foldiers, annexed Hungary 
to the Ottonian Empire. The tears and com- 
plaints of the unhappy Queen had no influence 
to change his pufpofe, nor cbuld Martihuzzi 

K k 2 cither 

V Iftttftdhaffii Hift. Hung, lib, xlr. p. 150. 


Book vt.«ith&r Kfift his abfblute and micontrcm1a:bte com- 
"* tnand, or prevail oa hitnto recat it '. 

ot uiat Kingaom '". 

Such was the ftatc of affairs in Hungary. 
As the unfortunate events there had either hap- 
pened before the diflblution of the diet at Ra- 
tilbon, or were dreaded at that time, Charl« 
faw the danger of irritating and inBaming the 
minds of the Germans, while fuch a formidable 
enemy was ready to break into the Empire ; and 
perceived that he could not expeft any vigorous 
afliftancc. either towards rfie recovery of Hun- 
gary, or the defence of the Auftrian frontier, un- 
lefs he courted and fatisfied the Proteftants. By 
the conceQions which liave been mentioned, at 

1 TAoautiaAi, lib. xiv. p. 5$. JovS klftor. lib. xxxix. 
j>. 2476, &c. 

ra inuaohafiii hift. Hang. lib. xiv. p. 158. 


gained tbispoint, nmJ iucb liberal fupplics both Bqqk vt, 
of men aod money were votcci for carryij^g on' — ^"""^ 
the war agaioft the Turks, as left him uader lit- ^54»- 
de anxiety about the fecurity of Germany dur- 
il^ new; campaign «^ 

luHnmAnvY up9i> thij conclufion of the diet. Emperor vi- 
the Emperor fct out hr Italy, A3 he pafled ^'* ^'*' ^* 
through LA3Cca he had a fboxt interview with 
the Pope I but nothing could he concluded, con^ 
ceming the jprofier method of conqpoGog thu 
religions disputes in Gernoany^ between two 
Princes, whofe views and intereft with regard to 
that matter wexe at this jundure fo oppofite. 
The Pope's endeavours to remove the caufcs of 
difcord betweeo Charles and Francis, and to 
eactic^uiib thofe mutual animofities which threat- 
ened to break out fuddenly into open hoilility^ 
were not more iiiccelsful. 

The Emperor's thoughts were bent fo entire- nu expedi- 
ly, at that tiooc, on the great enterpri^se which AK*°~i 
he had concerted againfl: Algiers, that he liften^ mociyes of 
cd with little attention to the Pope's fchemes or *^' 
overtures, and haftened to join his army and fleet ^ 

AjLGiERS ftill continued in that ftale of de* 
pendence on the Turkilb enapire to which Bar- 
parofTa had fubje£ted it. Ever fince he, as cap^ 
tain Ba(ha, commanded the Ottoman fleet, Al- 
giers had been governed by Hafcen-Aga, a re* 
nq^ado eunuch, who, by pafling through every 
ilation in the Coriair's fervice, h^ acquired fuch 
experience in war, that he was well mtcd for a 
ftation which required a man of tried and daring 
courage. Hafcen, in order to fliew how well he 
deferved that dignity, carried on his piratical 
d^edations againft the Chriftian States .with 


* Sleid. 2831 « Sandov. liiftor. torn. ii. 289. 


Book YI. amazing aftivity, and outdid, ifpoflible. Bar; 

* — <-*^barofla himfelf in boldnefs and cruelty. The 
*S4'' commerce of th? Mediterranean was greatly in- 
terrupted by his crullers, ^ and fiich frequent 
jalarms given to the coafts of Spain, that there 
was a neceffity of ere£tin^ watch-towers at pro- 
per di fiances, and of kec^ng guards conftantly 
on foot, in order to defcry the approach of his 
fquadrons, and to proteft the inhabitants froni 
their defcdnts P. Ot this the Emperor's fubjefts 
had long complained, reprefenting it as an en- 
tcrprife correfponding to his power, and becom- 
ing his humanity, to reduce Algiers, which^ 
fince the conqueft of Tunis, was the common 
receptacle of all the free-boqters 5 and to exter- 
minate that lawleife race, the implacable ene- 
mies of the Chriftian name. Moved partly by 
their entreaties, and partly allured by the hope 
of adding to the glory which he had acquired 
by his laft expedition Jnto Africa, Charles, be- 
fore he left Madrid, in his way to the Low-Coun- 
tries,' had ilTued orders both in Spain and Italy 
to prepare a fleet and army for this purpofc. 
T^d change' in circumftahccs, ' fince that time, 
could divert him from this refolution, or prevail 
on him to turq his arms towards Hungary j 
though the fuccefs of the Turks in that country 
feemed more immediately to require his prcfcnce 
there ; though ni^hy of his moft faithful adhe- 
rents in Germany urged that the defence of the 
Empire Ought td be his firft and peculiar care 5 
though fucha!s bore him no good-will ridiculed 
his prepofterous conduft in flying from an ene- 
my almofl: ^t hand, that he might go iq queft of 
a remote and more ignoble foe. But to attack 
ihc Sultan ip Hungary, how fplendid foever that 
meafih-c might' appear, was an undertaking which 
Exceeded his power, and was not conMent with 


P Jovii hift. 1, xl. p. 266* 


his intereft. To draw troops out of Spain or Book V r« 
Italy, to march them into a country fo diftant ^"^"^^""^ 
as Hungary, to provide the vaft apparatus ne- ^^*'' 
ceffary tor tranfporting thither the artillery, am- 
munition, and baggage of a regular army, and 
to pufti the war in that quarter, where it could 
|iot be brought to any imie during feveral cam-^ 
paigns, were undertaJcings fo expenfive and un- / 

wieldy as did not correfpond with the low con- 
dition of the Emperor*s treafury. While his 
principal force was thi^ employed, his donii- 
nions m Italy and the Low-Countries mud have 
lain open to the French King, who would no; 
have allowed fuch a favourable opportunity of 
attacking them to go unimproved. Whereas the 
African expedition, the preparations for which 
were already finiihed, and almofl the whole ex- 
pence of it defrayed, would depend upon 0^ 
fingle effort, and befides the fecurity and fa- 
tisfaftion^ which the fuccefs of it muft give 
his fubjedts, would detain him fo fhort a 
ipace, that Francis could harcjly take advantage 
of his abfence, to invade his dominions in £u-<r 

On all thefe accounts, Charles adhered to his Hi« prepi- 
firft plan, and with fuch determined obftinacy, "^*°'*** 
that he paid no regard to the Pope, who advifed, 
or to Andrew Doria, who conjured him not to 
expofe his whole armament to almofl: unavoid- 
able defl:ru6tion, by venturing at fuch alf|acivan- 
ced feafon of the year, and while the autumnal 
winds were fo violent, to approach the danger- 
ous coafl: of Algiers. Having embarked on 
board Doria's gallies at Porto-Venere, in the 
Genoefe territories, he foon found that this ex* 
perienced failor had not judged wrong concern- 
ing the element with which he was fo well ac- 
quainted j 

504 THt REI6K 09 TH% 

Book Vt. ^uaintcd ; fof filch a ftorm arofe that k woa wid^ 
^'""■■'^'"*^ the utmoft diftcolty $nd danger he rcadiecj Sar* 
'^V' dinia, the place of gener^ nrndezvo^s. Bttt m 
bis fcoqr^e was umlatiiitedy and his tamper 
often infiexibk, neither ^ rei»>nftnuices of the 
l^ope and Doria, nor the danger to which b^ 
had already been expofed by d^reg^rdkg them, 
had any other t&6t than to confirm ^im in hii 
fatal refokitlon. The forcc^ indeed^ which he 
had coUefted was fudi as msgh$ have infpired 4 
Prince lefe adventurous, and lefs coniidem in hi| 
bwn fchemes, with %hc moft fangulne hopes of 
fuccefs* It confifted of twenty thou£tnd foot, 
knd two thoufand horfe, Spaniards, Italians, and 
Germans, moftly vetcrana^ together with three 
thoufand volunteers, the Aower of the Spanifli 
and Italian nobility, fond (^paving court to the 
Emperor by attending him in tnis favoarite €X^ 
pedition, and eager to ihare in the glory which 
they believed he was goingr to map ; to thdi 
were added a thoufand foldiers knt from HAdkk 
by the order of Sti John, led by an huddr^ of 
its moft gallant Knights^ 

• * 

jLindtia The voyage, from Majorca to the African 
f^*' coaft, was not iefs tedioUff, or full of hazard, 
than that which he had juiit fintfltedl 'When hd 
approached the land, the inoU of the jfea, and 
vehemence of the winds, would not permit the 
troops to diiembark. But at laft, the Emtperor, 
feizing a favourable opportunity, landed them 
without oppofkion, not far from Al^rs, and 
immediately advanced towards the town. To 
pppofe this mighty army,' Hafcen had onl^ 
eight hundred Turks, and five thoufand Moors, 
partly natives of Africa and partly refug|cei 
from Granada. He returned, however, a fierce 
and haughty aniwer when fummoncd to furren«« 



dec. But, wkh fech a handfgl of foldi^, neU ""oo* Vt 
fhcf his dcfpcratc courage, £K>r confqmmat^ (kill ^" — "^ ' 
lit war, could have ioo^ refiftcd forces fuperior '^^* 
€p thofe whieh ha^ defeated Barbarofla at thi 
l^ead of fixty thoufand mep, ^d whkh had re- 
duced Tunb) in fpite of aU hi) endeavours t0 
fare iL 

Bur how far focrer the Empemr might think Tfce ^^^ 
Itimfdf b^ond the reach of any danger from the b*7tihi< 
enemy, he was fuddenly expofed to a more dread- •"»>» 
^ui calamity,, and one againft which human pru<^ 
idence and human efforts availed nothing. On 
the feeond day after his landing, and before he 
liad time for any thing but to difperfe fome light 
armed Arabs, who molefted his troops on their 
march, the douds began to gather, and the hea^ 
yens to appear with a fierce and threatening aC* 
peft. Towards evening, rain began to fall, ac- 
icompanied with violent wind, and the rage of the 
tempeft increafing during the night, the foidiers, 
who had brought nothing afhore but their arms, 
Itmained exp^ed to all its fury, without tents, 
or ftieker, or cover of any kind. The ground 
was foon fo wet that they could not lie down on 
it % their camp being in a low fituation was over« 
flowed with water, and they funk at every ftep 
to the ankles in mud-, while the wind blew with 
fuch impetuofity, that, to prevent their falling, 
they were obliged to thruft their fpears into the 

ground, and to fupport themfclves by taking 
old of them, Hafcen was too vigilant an officer 
to allow an enemy in fuch diftrefs to cemain un« 
molefted. About the dawn of morning, he fal- 
lied out with foidiers, who, having been fcrcen- 
ed from the ftorm under their own roofs, were 
freCh and vigorous, A body of Italians who 
were ifetioncS neareft the city, difpiritcd and be* 



Book VI. numbed with cold, fled at the approach of the 
^ — "^ ' Turks, The troops at the poft behind them, 
'5*'' difcovcred greater courage \ but as the rain had 
cxtinguifhed their matches and wet their powder, 
their mufkets were ufelefs, and having fcarcely 
ilrength to handle their other arms, they were 
foon thrown into confulion. Almoft the whol^ 
army, with the Emperor himfelf in perfon, was 
obliged to advance, before the enemy could be 
repulfed, who, after fpreading fuch general con* 
fternation, and killing a confiderable number of 
men, retired at lad in good order. 

■ad Beet. BuT all feeling or remembrance of this lois 
and danger were quickly obliterated by a more 
dreadful as well as afieding fpedlacle. It wa$ 
now broad day ; the hurricane had abated no- 
thing of its violence, and the fea appeared agi- 
tated with all the rage of which that deftrudive 
element is capable ; all the fhips, on which alone 
the whole army knew that their fafety and fub- 
fiftence depended, were feen driven from their 
anchor^, fome dafliing a^ainft each other, fome 
beat to pieces on the rocKs, many forced afliore, 
and not a few Anking in the waves. In lefs than 
an hour, fifteen fhips of war, and an hundred 
und forty tranfports with eight thoufand men 
peri{hed ; and fuch of the unhappy crews as 
cfcaped the fury of the fea, were murdered with- 
out mercy, by the Arabs, as foon as they reached 
land* The Emperor ftood in filent anguifh and 
aftonifliment beholding this fatal event, which 
at once blafted all his hopes of fuccefs, and bu- 
ried in the depths the vaft ftores which he had 
provide!^, as well for annoying the enemy, as for 
fubftfting his own troops. He had it not in his 
power to afford them any other affiftance or re- 
lief, than by fending fome troops to driye away 



^ the Arabs, and thus delivering a few who were Book VI, 
fo fortunate as to get afhore from the cruel fate ""^ — "^ — ^ 
which their companions had met with. At laft ^^*-' 
the wind began to fall, and to giye fome hopes 
that as many (hips might efcape', as to fave the 
army from perifhing by famine, and tranfport 
them back to Europe, But thefe were only 
hopes i ihe approach of evening covered the fea 
with darknefs *, and it being impoflible for the 
officers aboard the ihips which had outlived the 
ftorm, to fend any intelligence to their compa^ 
hions who were alhore, they rernained during 
the night in all the anguiih of fufpence and un- 
certainty. Next day, a boat difpatched by Doria 
made fhift to reach land, with information, that 
having weathered out the ftorm, to which, du«p 
ring fifty years knowledge of the fea, he had 
never feen any equal in fiercenefs and horror, he 
had found it necelTary to bear away with his 
ihattered fhips to Cape Metafuz. He advifed 
the Emperor, as the face of the iky was ftill 
lowering and tempeftuous, to march with all 
fpeed to that place, where the troops Qould re** 
embark with greater eafe. 


Whatever comfort this intelligence affisrd- ^^}^f ^ 
ed Charles, from being aflured that part of 
his fleet had efcaped, was balanced by the new 
cares and perplexity in which it involved him 
with regard to his army. Metafuz was at leaft 
three days march from his prefent camp; all 
the provifions which he had brought a(hore at 
his firft landing were now confumed ; his fol* 
diers, worn out with fatigue, were hardly able 
for fuch a journey, even in a friendly country ; 
and being difpirited by a fucceffion of hardfhips, 
which viftory itfelf would fcarce have render^ 
tolerable, they were in no condition to undergo 



Book vi. new tmls. But the fituatioa c( the army w^ 
u ^^^, ^ Cuch, as allowed not one moment for dcUbem- 
*5^*' tion, nor left it in the kaft doubtful what tQ 
choofe. They were ordered ii)0:aAdy to iMKh% 
the wounded, the ikk aiid the f^bk beii;^ 
placed in the center •» fuch d$ ieemod moQ: vi* 
gorous were ftationed in the front aod i^^ar. 
Then the fad efieds of what they had ful&red 
b^an to appear more maoifeftly than ever, and 
new calamities were added to all thofe which 
they had already endured. Some could fcarce^ 
bear the weight t)i thi»r arms; othen^ fpent 
with the toil df forcing thdr way throi^h deef 
and almoft impaCBbte roads, funk down and 
died; many perifhed by famine, a$ the whck 
army (abfifted chiefly on roots and beriies, or 
the flelh o( horfes, killed by the Emperor's or« 
der, and diftributed among the ieveral batta^ 
lions; many were drowned in brooks, which 
were fwoln lb much by the extenfive rains, that 
in pafiing them they waded up to the chin ; not 
a few were killed by the enemy, who, dur'mg the 
greateft part of their retreat, alarmed) harailedt 
and annoyed them night and day. At lafl: thej 
arrived at Metafuz ; and the weather being now 
(o calm as to reftore their communication with 
the fleet, they were fupplied with plenty of pio* 
vilions, and cheered witn the profped of fafety, 

Hiiforti. PuRiKodiis dreadful feries of calamities, the 
mind!^ Emperor difcovered great qualities, many of 
which an almoft uninterrupted flow of prcrfperity 
had iutherto afforded him no opportunity c^ 
dilblaying. He appeared confoicuous for finxi^ 
nets and conftancy of fpirit, i^r magnanimity, 
fortitude, humanity, and compafiion. He en* 
4ured as great hardfhips as the meanefl: foldier ^ 
he expoira his own perfon wherever danger 

threatened i 

^T^^rv^^^!^ -ifif: 


threatened; he encouraged the defponding 5 Book VI. 
yHited the fick and wounded ; and animated all ' — ^""^ 
by his woris and example. When the army em- '^^* * 
barked, he was among the laft who left the 
Ibore, although a body of Arabs hovered at no 
great diftance, ready to fall on the rear. By 
thefe virtues, Charles atoned, in fome degree, 
for his obftinacy and prefumption in Undertak- 
ing an expedition fo fatal to his fubjeds. 

The calamities which attended this unfor- ^«^"'n» ^<> 
tunate enterprize did not end here ; for no foonef "'**^** 
were the forces got on board, than a new ftorni 
arifing, though lefs furious than the former, Mat- 
tered the fleet, and obliged them, feparately, 
to make towards fuch ports in Spain or Italy as 
they could firft reach ; thus fpreading the ac- 
count of their difafters, with all the circum- 
ftances of aggravation and horror, which their 
fear or fancy fuggefted. The Emperor himfelf, 
after efcaping great dangers, and being forced 
into the port of Bugia in Africa, where he was Decern. ». 
obliged by contrary winds to remain feveral 
tveeks, arrived at laft in Spain, in a condition 
Very different from that in which he had return- 
ed from his former expedition againft the In- 
fidels \ 

* Carol. V. Expeditio ad Argyrlam pel* Nicolaum Villag- 
iidnem Equitem Rhodium ap Scardiam, v. ii. 365. Jovii 
Hift. 1. xl. p. 269, &c. Vera y Zuniga vida de Carlos V. 
1^. 83. Sandov. Hiftor. ii. 299, ice. 

&NO 0¥ VOL. UL 

* ^ 


V. • *» ,. I fr - W V* L-