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Les choses de petite durde ont contume de devenir fauces, quand elles ont passe leur 

* An rfegne de Christ, il n'y a que le nouvel homme qui soit floriesant, qui ait de la 
vigueur, et dont 11 faille faire cas.' 







All rights reserved. 


WITH this volume we complete the publication 
of the work of M. Merle d' Aubign^ on the his- 
tory of the Reformation. The ten volumes published 
by the author himself and the three posthumous 
volumes are the fruit of his long labours, begun in 
1817, and continued almost uninterruptedly until 

It was in 1817, immediately after his ordina- 
tion to the ministry, and in the course of a visit 
to Germany undertaken to perfect his theological 
studies, that M. Merle d'Aubign^ conceived the 
project of writing this history. Germany was at 
that time celebrating at Eisenach the third centenary 
of the Reformation. The people were in a state of 
great excitement. Humiliated by long-continued 
oppression and irritated by severe suffering, Ger- 
many, which had so long been the theatre and the 
victim of the sanguinary wars of the Empire, had at 
length risen with an impetuous energy and a fervour 
of feeling which were irresistible, and had powerfully 
contributed to the overthrow of the imperial warrior 
who had appeared to be invincible. Rescued thus 


and into their closets. Finally I should wish that 
this history should be thoroughly Christian, and cal- 
culated to give an impulse to true rehgion. I would 
show by the evidence of facts that the aim of the 
Reformation was not so much to destroy as to build 
up — not so much to overthrow that which was in 
excess, superstition, as to impart that which had 
ceased to exist, the new life, and holiness, the essence 
of Christianity, and to revive or rather to create 
faith. I shall begin to collect materials, and I will 
dedicate my history to the Protestant churches of 
France.' * 

Thus, in his youthful dreams, did the pious 
descendant of the refugees of the sixteenth century 
sketch out the leading featm-es of the monumental 
work, to the execution of which he thenceforward 
uninterruptedly devoted himself. At this day when, 
by means of many collections, innumerable docu- 
ments relating to the Reformation have been placed 
within the reach of all, it is not easy to imagine 
the amount of labour and research which it cost 
]\Ierle d'Aubign^ to enter as he did into intimacy 
with the reformers and to master their most secret 
thoughts. Eighteen years had passed away before 
he was prepared, in 1835, to present to the public 
the first volume of his work. 

In a preface worthy of the subject, he said : — ' It 
is not the history of a party that I purpose writing ; 
but the history of one of the greatest revolutions 
that was ever wrought in the condition of the human 

* Journal de Merle d'Auhigtii. 


race ; the history of a mighty impulse imparted to 
the world three centuries ago, the results of which 
are still universally recognised. The history of the 
Keformation is not identical with the history of 
Protestantism. In the former everything bears the 
impress of a regeneration of humanity, of a social 
and religious transformation which has its source in 
Grod ; while in the latter we too frequently observe 
a considerable falling away from first principles, the 
action of party spirit, sectarian tendencies, and the 
stamp of petty personalities. The history of Pro- 
testantism might possess interest for Protestants 
alone ; the history of the Reformation is for all 
Christians, nay, rather for all men.' 

We are thus made acquainted by the author's 
own statement with the purpose which he had con- 
ceived ; and it is for the reader to judge how far 
that purpose has been accomplished. This judgment 
has indeed been already pronounced. It declares 
that the work of Merle d' Aubigne, everywhere learned 
and accurate, animated and attractive, approaches in 
some passages the very perfection of literary art. 
Amongst these passages are the pleasant and lively 
pages in the first volumes devoted to the youth of 
Luther, and in the posthumous volumes the chapters 
of a more serious and severe character devoted to 
Calvin and his work at Geneva. 

Little is wanting to the completion of the monu- 
ment erected by Merle d'Aubigne. It is to be 
regretted that we cannot follow John Knox in 
Scotland, or Marnix in the Netherlands, to the full 


accomplishment of their work. In these countries 
the temple door is closed before us just as our feet 
are pressing the threshold. To complete his history 
the author would have required two more years of 
life and of labour ; and this was denied him. Every- 
thing, however, that is essential to the history of the 
Reformation is narrated in these thirteen volumes. 

Those portions of the work which have been 
most recently published are not in all cases the 
latest written. Some of them were written long ago 
and have never been retouched. It is not to be 
supposed that the author would have published these 
without alteration. M. Merle d'Aubign^'s method 
of procedure in composition was as follows : — First, 
he would make a summary study of an important 
period, and rapidly sketch its history ; next, he 
would refer to the original sources, collecting around 
him all the documents which he could discover, and 
sometimes making a long journey for the purpose of 
consulting a manuscript preserved in some library. 
He would then plunge again into his theme, familiar- 
ising himself thoroughly with its form and its colour, 
so as to make it real and present to his mind, and 
see it as it were with his own eyes. And, finally, he 
would rewrite the story, completing and giving life 
to his narratives, and depicting the scenes for the 
reader as he had already done for himself. The 
result of this process was an entirely new work. 

A third and even a fourth recasting was not 
seldom undertaken before the author was satisfied : 
so vast and so complex was that spiritual movement 


which he had undertaken to describe, so numerous 
and almost inexhaustible were the documents of all 
kinds which he continued to examiiie throughout his 

Some of the later chapters, and particularly that 
which relates to Germany, had not been subjected to 
this revision. The editor, however, has not felt him- 
self at liberty to suppress these chapters, both on 
account of their intrinsic value, and because they 
contain information not accessible to general readers. 
We hope that they will be read with interest and 

The editor wishes here to express his thanks to 
Mr. Gates for his valuable assistance as translator 
of the last three volumes of the work into English. 

The editor has now fulfilled what he con- 
siders a duty to the Christian public, by presenting 
to them this last volume of a work the composition 
of which was not only the principal occupation, but 
also the principal enjoyment of ' the noble life, con- 
secrated to toil,' * of J. H. Merle d'Aubigne. 

* Jules Bonnet, Notice sur Merle d^Aubigrd, Paris, 1874. 


This closing volume of tke ' History of the Reformation ' is 
enriched with a facsimile of the famous Indulgence issued by 
Pope Leo X., the sale of which by Tetzel in Germany, in 1517, 
provoked the bold and memorable denunciation of the traffic by 
Luther in the ninety-five theses which he affixed to the church 
door of Wittenberg. The fac-simile is taken from a copy of 
the Indulgence very recently acquired by the Trustees of the 
British Museum. So far as is known, no facsimile has been 
published before, nor has any previously printed copy possessed 
the merit of complete accuracy. It has therefore been thought 
worth while to place an absolutely exact reproduction of so 
important an historical document within reach of the readers 
of Merle d'Aubigne's work, although, by the accident of its 
recent acquisition, it can only appear in the last instead of 
the first volume, its most appropriate place. 

At the request of the Publishers an interesting statement 
has been contributed illustrative of one passage in the Bull of 
Indulgence hitherto somewhat obscure but of remarkable signi- 
ficance. (See Appendix.') 

A General Index to the eight volumes of this series — ' The 
Reformation in the Time of Calvin ' — has been specially prepared 
by the Translator for the English edition ; and it is hoped 
that this Index will be found sufficiently copious, detailed, and 




Preface . . . . . . Page v 





Torquemada — The Alumhrados — Lutheran Books in Spain — Jolin 
d'Avila — The secret of his eloquence — His manner of speaking 
of the Saviour — His pastoral activity — His influence over St. 
Theresa — Sancha de Carile — Agitation of men's minds — The 
first Spanish Reformer, Eodrigo de Valerio — His conversion — 
His asceticism — His study of the Scriptures — John de Vergara 
and his brothers — A Theological Disputation^Peter de Lerma — 
Elis departure from Spain — Departure of Louis of Cadena — - 
Pursuit of John d'Avila — Alfonso Virves — His imprisonment — ■ 
His rescue from the Inquisition by Charles V. . . Page 1 



Eodrigo de Valerio — John Egidius, a scholastic preacher — Valerio 
and Egidius — Conversion of Egidius — Trial and release of 
Valerio — Eloquence of Egidius — Ponce de la Puente and Vargas 


— Intimacy of the Three Friends — Their harmonious activity — 
Uncontroversial preaching — Their influence — Opposition — 
Advance of Spiritual Religion — Eloquence of Ponce de la Puente 
— Desire of Charles V. to hear him — Attached to the Emperor!s 
household — Death of Vargas— Egidius left alone at Seville — 
Condemnation of Eodrigo de Valerio — His Death in Prison 

Page 25 



The Three Brothers Enzinas — Their character and their studies — 
Their friendship with George Cassander — Their reading of 
Melanchthon's Works — Francis Enzinas — Translation of New 
Testament — Friendship with Hardenberg — Letter to Alasco — 
Visit to Paris — James Enzinas — A Martyr at Paris — Heroism of 
Claude Lepeintre — John Enzinas — Conversion and zeal of San 
Eomano — His Letters to Charles V. — His arrest — His indigna- 
tion — His release — Journey to Eatisbon — Interviews with the 
Emperor — Second arrest — In the Emperor's suite — His suiferings 
and his steadfastness ....... 45 




Enzinas at Louvain — The Spanish New Testament — Enzinas at 
Antwerp — The Printing begun — Debates on the Title — Com- 
pletion of the Work — Pedro de Soto, Confessor to Charles V. — 
His instigation to persecution — Abuse of the Confessional — 
Dedication of Enzinas's Work to the Emperor — Enzinas at 
Brussels — His feeling in the Emperor's presence — Presentation 
of the Spanish New Testament to the Emperor — Eeply of Charles 
V. — The Book submitted to the judgment of De Soto — Enzinas 
in the Convent of the Dominicans — The Doctrines of De Soto — 
Treason— A Snare — The Mask dropped by De Soto — Argument 
of Enzinas — Excitement in the Convent — Arrest of Enzinas — 
His Dejection in the Prison — Consoled by Giles Tielmans — The 


Examination — The Defence — -Intercession — Spiritual Consolations 
— A Preacher in Bonds — Hopes deceived — A Horrible Persecu- 
tion — The Queen's Chaplain — His Trial and Plight — Escape of 
Enzinas — The walls of Brussels cleared — His arrival at Mechlin 

— At Antwerp — A legend — Another legend — Correspondence 
with Calvin — Enzinas at Wittenberg — James Enzinaa at Kome — 
liis arrest, trial, and condemnation — His martyrdom — Grief of 
Francis ......... Page 70 



Studies of Diaz at Paris — His friendship with James Enzinas — 
Visit to Geneva — Representative of the Reformed at Ratisbon — 
Meeting with Malvenda — Discussions — Threats — Denunciations 

— Alonzo Diaz in Germany — His interview with Malvenda — 
Discovery of his brother's place of refuge — Intercourse between 
the two brothers — Hypocrisy of Alonzo — Fratricide . .119 



Bartholomew Carranza — Don Domingo de Roxas — Confession of the 
True Doctrine by de Roxas — -Augustine Cazalla — Don Carlos 
de Seso — The Marchioness of Alcagnices — Carranza's Progress — 
The Reformation spread by his Books — Carranza, Primate of 
Spain — His imprisonment — San Romano in Spain — Led to exe- 
cution — His glorious death — The Martyrs of the Reformation — 
Death of San Romano not fruitless — Growing boldness of the 
Evangelicals .... .... 135 


(BoB.v 1479— Died 155.5.) 

A shameful Captivity — Joanna's Youth — Her Marriage — Her 
Opposition to the Catholic Rites — Isabella's Scheme for excluding 


her from the Throne — Intrigues of Ferdinand — Meeting of 
Ferdinand and Philip — Conspiracy of tlie Two Princes — Death 
of Pliilip — A Mournful Journey — Confinement of Joanna at 
Tordesillas — Her aversion to Romish Ceremonies — 111 treatment 
— Bitter Complaints — Was Joanna a Lutheran? — Her Christian 
Death — A Victim of the gloomiest Fanaticism . . Page 152 





Birth of Edward VI. — Death of the Queen — A new wife sought by 
the King — Relations of Henry VIII. with the Swiss — English 
students in Switzerland — A Letter to Calvin — Works of Swiss 
Theologians — The King's opinions on these Works — Reginald 
Pole — Made Cardinal — Legate beyond the Alps — Anger of Henry 
VIII. — Pole in Prance and Belgium — Failure of his Mission — 
His return to Rome — German Divines in England — Protracted 
discussions— Ill-will of some of the Bishops — Fruitless attempts 
at conciliation — Departure of the German Doctors — Melanch- 
thon's Letter to Henry VIII 169 



Gardiner^His return to England — Instigation to persecution — 
Sampson, Bishop of Chichester — A Conspiracy against the Re- 
i'ormation — A return to old usages — The Minister John 
Nicholson — His Treatise on the Lord's Supper — His Appeal to 
the King — Appearance before the King — Examination — His 
Confession of Evangelical Doctrine — His resolute Deolaratioa on 
the Sacrament — Cranmer's Answer — The King's anger — Nichol- 
son condemned to be burnt — His Execution — Flatteries addressed 
to the King 191 




Negotiations for the King's Marriage — Their failure — Printing of 
the Bible at Paris — The Printing stopped — -Completion of the 
Work in London — Divisions — Attempted Compromise — Its 
failure — The King's fears — The Six Articles — '^ranmer's Oppo- 
sition — Latimer's Resignation of his See — The King's advances 
to Cranmer, Cromwell, and Norfolk — Cranmer's Time-serving 
— Five Hundred sent to Prison — Peeling in Germany — The 
Articles condemned at Wittenberg and Geneva — Melanohthon's 
Letter to the King of England — The King appeased — Puerile 
Games ..... ... Page 210 



Anne of Cleves — Praises uttered of her — Her simple character — 
Her arrival in England — The King's disappointment — His desire 
to get rid of her — His fear to break off the engagement — The 
Marriage celebrated at Greenwich — Henry's Complaint to Charles 
V. — Ill-will of Charles — ^The King's distrust — Preaching of the 
Gospel ordered by Cromwell — Gardiner's Sermon — Barnes's 
Sermon — His boldness — His imprisonment — Numerous editions 
of the Bible 231 



Cromwell threatened — Loaded with honours by the King — The 
King's intention — ■ The King's Letter to Cromwell — Arrest of 
Cromwell — Foolish charges — The real motive of the blow — 
CromweU abandoned by all his Friends — Defended by Cranmer 



alone — Cranmer's Letter to the King — The Bill of Attainder — 
Heresy — The Accuser — No Trial — The Examination — The Bill 
carried in both Houses — Condemnation — Cromwell's Letter to the 
King — The King's hesitation — Catherine Howard^ The Queen 
sent away — Cromwell on the Scaffold — His profession of Faith 
— His Confession and Prayer — His Death — His Character. 

Page 247 



Singular impartiality — A Pi-ocession of Martyrs, three Evangelists, 
three Papists — Preparations for Divorce of the Queen — A shame- 
ful Comedy — The King's hypocrisy — Convocation of the Clergy — 
The Marriage declared void — The Divorce accepted by Anne of 
Cleves 271 



Marriage of the King with Catherine Howard — His return to 
Catholicism — Royal infallibility — Catholic reaction — Bonner, 
Bishop of London — A young Martyr — The Prisons filled — The 
King praised by Francis L — Martyrdom of a Reader of the Bible 
■ — Conspiracy against Cranmer — The Archbishop's firmness — 
Charges against him — The King's hesitation — His determination 
to save him — Cranmer before the Privy Council — The King's 
Ring — Cranmer's Enemies confounded — The King's love for the 
Queen — Terrible Revelations — Guilt of the Queen — Cranmer's 
Visit to her — Frenzy of the Queen — Cranmer's Emotion — Con- 
demnations and Executions — ^The Queen Executed — Her Guilt 
undoubted — Convocation of the Clergy- — A sharp blow struck at 
Convocation by Cranmer — Remarkable Progress of the Reforma- 
tion . . 282 




Eiohard Hilles, a London Merchant — His Studies and Eeadings — 
Cranmer's cautious promotion of the Reformation — Amendment in 
Doctrine — Catherine Parr — Her Character — Another Plot against 
Cranmer — ^His Forgiveness of his Enemies — Several Martyrs — 
Marbeck's English Concordance — Henry's Complaints against 
France — - His Alliance with Charles V. — War with France — 
Sympathies of the Italians — Persecutors punished . Page 311 



Session of Parliament — The King's Speech — The Rod and the Royal 
Schoolmaster — Anne Askew — Her Trial — Examinations — Her 
Release — -Again Imprisoned — Her Steadfastness — Her Discretion 
— In Prison — Condemned to be Burnt — A Royal Proclamation — 
Anne Askew tortured by the Lord Chancellor — Led to Execution 
— Death of the Martyrs — Approaching triumph of their Doc- 
trines 327 



The Queen's piety — Her rash zeal — Conversations with the King — 
The King offended — Conspiracy of the Catholic Leaders — The 
King's distrust — A Prosecution ordered— The Bill of Indictment 
— The Queen unsuspecting — The Indictment in her hands — Her 
Distress — Her Interview with the King — Her Declaration — 
Rescue — Astonishment of her Enemies — Her Forgiveness of 
them ......... 343 




(1546— January 1547.) 

Disgrace of Gardiner — Two Parties at the Court — The Howards 
and the Seymours — Ambition of the Howards — Proceedings 
against Norfolk and Surrey — The King's impatience — Searches — 
A Divided House — Execution of Surrey — Humble Appeal of 
Norfolk — Inflexibility of the King — Last Hours of the King — 
His Death — His Will — Henry VIII. to be condemned as a Man, 
a King, and a Christian Page 359 





The Reformation a Resurrection — Pretended Unity of Rome — 
All kinds of Progress produced by the Reformation — John 
Bugenhagen — His Conversion— Named 'Pomeranus' — The Re- 
formation embraced by German Towns — Magdeburg, Brunswick, 
Hamburg — Pomeranus at Hamburg — LUbeck . . . 375 



The Princes of Anhalt — Duke George — His Anxieties — His Reso- 
lution — Luther's Letter — Prince Joachim — WUrtembera; — 
Westphalia — Paderborn — Hermann, Elector of Cologne — Peace 
of Nurnberg 389 




Melchior Hoffmann — Bernard Rottmann — Rottmann's Marriage — 
John Matthisson of Haarlem — John Bockkold of Leyden — 
Bernard Knipperdolling — Disorders at Munster — The Visionaries 
in power — Their Enemies expelled — Destruction of Books and 
Works of Art — John of Leyden in power — Terror . Page 401 



The King of the Universe — Pride and Luxury — A Supper — An 
Apostolate — Cruelty . ...... 414 



Siege and Famine — Vain Efforts — The Assault — Capture of 
Munster — Executions — Luther's Opinion — Three Causes of the 
Disorders — The Fingerpost ...... 420 


(Febkuaey 18, 1546.) 

Luther at Eisleben — Sense of his approaching end — Serenity of his 
Faith — His last testimony — His last breath . . . 428 


Transcript of ' Indulgence ' of Leo X [421] 

GENERAL INDEX to Volumes I.-VIH. . . ,435 


Facsimile of the Author's Handwriting . to face, Title-page 

Facsimile of ' Indulgence ' issued by Pope 

Leo X., AND SOLD by Tetzel . . „ page [421] 








THE Church of Spain had long preserved its inde- 
pendence with regard to the papacy. It was at 
the time of the ambitious and monopolising Hilde- 
brand that it began to lose it. 

At the period of the Reformation it had been sub- 
ject to the pope for more than four hundred years, 
and great obstacles were opposed to its deliverance. 
The mass of the people were given to superstition ; 
the Spanish character was resolute to the degree of 
obstinacy ; the clerg}^ reigned supreme ; the Inquisi- 
tion had just been armed Avith new terrors by Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella; and the peninsular situation of 



the country seemed inevitably to isolate it from those 
lands in which the Reformation was triumphant. 

Xevertheless many minds were, up to a certain 
point, prepared for evangelical reform. In almost 
every class the Inquisition excited the liveliest dis- 
content. Towards the close of the fifteenth century, 
a man was often to be met with traversing Spain, 
surrounded by a guard of fifty mounted attendants 
and two hundred foot-soldiers. This man, whose 
name was Torquemada, was the terror of the people ; 
and consequently in his progresses he displayed the 
greatest distrust, imagining that everyone was bent 
on assassinating him. On his arrival at any place, 
when he sat down to table, he trembled lest the 
dishes brought to him should have been poisoned. 
For this reason, before partaking of any food, he used 
to place before him the horn of a unicorn, to which 
he attributed the virtue of discovering and even of 
neutralising poisons. Universal hatred accompanied 
him to the tomb. Torquemada, the first inquisitor- 
general, caused eight thousand persons to be put to 
death, and a hundred thousand to be imprisoned and 
despoiled of their goods. Whole provinces rose 
against this horrible tribunal.* ' They steal, they 
kill, they outrage, ' wrote the chevalier de Cordova, 
Gonzalo de Ayora, speaking of the inquisitors to the 
first secretary of King Ferdinand. ' They care 
neither for justice nor for God himself.'f '0 unhappy 
Spain !' cried Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, councillor for 
the Indies, in his distress. ' ]\Iother of so many heroes, 
how this horrible scourge dishonours thee ! 'J 

• Llorente, Histoire de T Inquidtion, i. p. 285. 

t Ihid. p. •Uii, X Martyris, Epi':t. Lib., ep, 333. 


Meanwhile the universities were being eiiHght- 
ened. Various writings, especially those of Erasmus, 
were much read ; and while doctors and students 
learned to scrutinise more closely the state of the 
Church, a spirit of inquiry began to penetrate those 
ancient institutions. There were, besides, scattered 
here and there in the towns and in country-places, 
some Christians, called Alumbrados, who sought after 
an inward light and applied themselves to secret 
prayer. These pious Mystics were better prepared to 
receive divine truth.* 

More than this, political circumstances were 
favourable to the introduction of the Reformation. 
Spain was at this time under the same sceptre as 
Germany and the Netherlands, and the rays of light 
emanating from the Scriptures could not but reach it. 
The emperor Charles the Fifth, who was fighting 
against the Reformation in Germany, was to be the 
means of bringing it into the country of his very 
Catholic ancestors. The young Alfonso Valdes, his 
secretary, who was with him at Brussels in 1520, 
and afterwards at Worms in 1521, was at first struck 
with horror at seeing the boldness with which Luther 
attacked the authority of the pope. But what he 
saw and heard led him gradually to comprehend the 
necessity for reformation. Consequently, when writ- 
ing from Brussels and Worms* to his fi'iend Peter 
Martyr d'Anghiera, Yaldes sorrowfully exclaimed, 
' While the pontiff shuts his eyes and desires to see 
Luther devoured by the flames, the whole Christian 
community is near its ruin, unless God save it.'f 

* Llorente, Histoire de V Inquisition, ii. p. 3. 
+ Martvris, Ejyp., pp. 689, 722. 


Books more dangerous to Rome tlian those of 
Erasmus reached Spain. A printer of Basel, the very 
year in which Charles was elected emperor (1519), 
packed up carefully for transport beyond the Pyre- 
nees some precious merchandise not yet prohibited 
in the peninsula, because as yet unknown there. It 
consisted of various Latin works of Luther.* In 
1520 the ' Commentary on the Galatians,' and after- 
wards other writings of the reformer, were trans- 
lated into Spanish.^ The union existing between 
Spain and the- Xetherlands had led many Spaniards 
to settle in the latter country, and it may possibly 
have been one of these who translated them. It is at 
least certain that they were printed at Antwerp, and 
that merchant vessels carried them thence into Spain. 

]\Iany noble minds were stirred up and became 
attentive to what was passing in Germany. Francis 
de Angelis, provincial of the Order of the Angeli, 
who had been present at the coronation of the em- 
peror, was still more enlightened than Yaldes himself. 
Being sent back to Spain after the Diet of Worms 
upon an important mission, he stopped at Basel. 
There he visited Pellican, and in a conversation 
which he had with him he showed himself almost in 
agreement with Luther.| All these circumstances 
arousing the attention of Rome, Leo X. sent (March 
20, 1521) two briefs lo Spain to demand that the in- 
troduction of the books of the German reformer and 
his partisans into that country should be checked; 
and Adrian YI., the successor of Leo, called upon the 

* Frobenius to Lutlier, February 14, 1519. — Walch., xt. p. 1631. 
t ' Libellus Lutberi de libertate Christiana et de servo arbitrio in 
Ilispanicum idioma translatus.' — Gerdeaius, Ann., iii. p. 16S, 
I Melcb. Adami, Tifce Throl.,-p. iSs, 


government to assist the Inquisition in the accom- 
plishment of this duty.* 

But in Spain itself evangelical truth was then 
preached with earnestness, though not with the 
fulness, clearness, and purity of the reformers. There 
was in Andalusia a young priest who from about 
1525 preached with extraordinary power. His name 
was John d'Avila. ' The fervour,' says one of his 
biographers, ' with which he exerted himself to sow 
the heaveidy seed of the Word of God in the hearts 
of men was almost incredible. 'f He strove both to 
convert souls estransed from God, and to lead those 
who were converted to go forward courageously in 
the service of God. He employed no more time in 
the composition of his morning addresses than he did 
in delivering them. A long preparation would in 
his case have been impossible, on account of the 
numerous engagements which his charity drew 
upon him from all quarters. ' The Holy Spirit 
enlightened him with his light and spoke by his 
mouth; so that he was obliged to be careful not to 
extend his discourses too much, so abundant was the 
source from which they flowed.' 

Seeing the great number of souls converted by his 
word, the question was asked, what was the chief 
source of his power? Is it, they said, the force of the 
doctrine, or the fervour of his charity, or the ten- 
derness of his fatherly kindness, joined to ineffable 
humility and gentleness? He has himself decided 
this important point, and answered the inquiry. A 

* Llorente, Histcdre de I' Inquisition, i. p. 419. 

t Works of Jolm d'Avila, translated by Arnauld d'Andilly. Paris, 


preacher, struck by D'Avila's success, and desiring 
the like for himself, begged him for some advice on 
preaching, and on the way to render it efficacious. ' I 
know no better way,' he replied, ' than to love Jesus 
Christ. ' This is the true science of homiletics. 

Jesus Christ and his love was indeed the strength 
of his eloquence. It was by setting before sinners a 
dying Jesus that he called them to repentance. ' We, 
Lord,' he cried, ' have transgressed, and thou bearest 
the punishment ! Our crimes have loaded thee with 
all kinds of shame, and have caused thee to die upon 
the cross ! Oh ! what sinner would not at this sight 
lament over his sins ! ' * But D'Avila pointed out at 
the same time in this death a means of salvation. 
' They bind him with cords,' he said ; ' they buffet 
him; they crown him with thorns; they nail him on 
the cross, and he suffers death thereon. If he is thus 
treated it is because he loved you, and would wash 
away your sins in his own blood! Jesus, my 
Saviour, thou wast not content with these outward 
sufferings; it has pleased thee to endure also inward 
pain far surpassing them. Thou hast submitted to 
the stern decree of thy Father's justice ; thou hast 
taken upon thee all the sins of the world. Lamb 
of God, thou hast borne the burden alone; thou hast 
sufficed thereto, and hast obtained for us redemption 
by thy death. We have been made the righteous- 
ness of God in thee, and the Father loves us in his 
well-beloved Son. Let us not be afraid of praising 
him too much for the entire blotting out of our sins, 
the privilege bestowed by God on those whom he 
justifies by the merits of Jesus Christ. This exalts 

* Works of John d'Avila. p. 071. 


the greatness of those merits which have procured 
them so much blessedness, although thej' were so un- 
worthy of it. Lord, be glorified for ever for this.' * 

Nevertheless, John d'Avila, while he recognised 
the necessity of justification by the death of Christ, 
had a less distinct conception of it than the reformers, 
and gave it a less prominent place in his teaching 
than they did. It was on its efficacy for sanctification 
that he especially dwelt. He committed indeed the 
error of placing love in the chapter of justification, 
instead of placing it, like the reformers, in that of 
sanctification, which is its true place. But he could not 
too much insist on the transformation which must 
be wrought in the character and life of the Christian. 
' What,' he cried, ' is it conceivable that Jesus Christ 
should wash, purify, and sanctify our souls with his 
own blood, and that they should still remain un- 
righteous, defiled, impure?'. . . . He sometimes 
employed strange figures to inculcate the necessity of 
this work. ' A creature having but the head of a 
man,' he said, ' all the rest of its body being that of 
a beast, would be considered a horrible monster. It 
would be no less monstrous, in the sphere of grace, 
that God who is righteousness and purity itself should 
have for his members unrighteous, defiled, and cor- 
rupt men.'f 

D'Avda laboured not only by his discourses, but 
likewise by his conversations and letters in promoting 
the kingdom of God in the souls of men. He was 
benevolence itself. He consoled the afilicted, encou- 
raged the timid, aroused the cowardly, stirred up 

* Works of John d'AvUa, pp. 684, 685, 688, 714, 716, 717. 
t Ibid. pp. 710, 712. 


the lukewarm, fortified the weak, sustained those who 
were tempted, sought to raise up sinners after their 
falls, and humbled the proud. His letters are mostly 
far superior to those of Fenelon. They are at least 
much more evangelical.* ' I tell you this,' he wrote 
to some friends in affliction, ' only in order to assure 
you that Jesus Christ loves you. Ought not these 
words, that a God loves us, to fill with joy such poor 
creatures as we are? ' f ' Eead the sacred wiitings,' 
said he in another letter to those who wished for in- 
struction, ' but remember that if he who has the key 
of knowledge, and who alone can open the book, does 
not give the power to comprehend, you will never 
understand it.' % 

D'Avila possessed the gift of discernment. He 
did not, indeed, entirely escape the influence of 
the period and of the country in which he lived ; 
but we find him exposing the pretended revelations 
of Madeline de la Croix, who deceived so many, 
and undertaking the defence of the pious Theresa 
de Cepedre, when persecuted by the Inquisition. 
Theresa, born at Avila in 1515, of a noble family, 
had so much zeal even in her childhood that she 
one day quitted her father's house with her brother 
to go and seek martyrdom amongst the Moors. A 
relative met the two children and took them back. 
She was from that time divided between the love of 
the world and the love of God, throwing herself 
alternately into dissipation and into the monastic life. 
This woman, the famous St. Theresa, was one of 

• There are four books of them, containing in all 162 letters, generally 
very lengthy. 

"t ^\.rks of lyAvOa, p. 007. J Hid. p. 95. 


those ardent spirits who rush by turns to the two 
extremes. Happily she met with D'Avila, whose 
judgment was more mature than her own, received 
his instructions, and, by his means, became confirmed 
in spiritual life. Her writings, full of piety, and even 
attractive in style, were translated by tlie Jansenists, 
like those of D'Avila.* He was the fi-iend and direc- 
tor to a poor soldier, who, having been discharged in 
1536, was converted, and turned his house into an 
hospital, for which he provided by the work of his 
own hands, and thus became founder of the Order of 
Charity. D'Avila gave to this charitable Christian, 
who was called Jolm de Dieu, the wisest counsels, 
the sum of which was, ' Die rather than be unfaithful 
to so good a Master.' 

One day a young girl, named Sancha de Carile, 
daughter of a senor of Cordova, was preparing to go 
to court, where she had just been appointed maid of 
honour to the queen. She wished first to have a con- 
versation with John d'Avila, and was so touched by 
his words that she thenceforth abandoned the court 
and the world. Instead, however, of entering a con- 
vent, she remained in her father's house, and there 
devoted herself till death to the service of Jesus 
Christ, whom she had found as her Saviour.f It was 
for Sancha de Carile that D'Avila composed his prin- 
cipal work, entitled Audi, Jilia, et vide (' Hearken, 
daughter, and consider 'J), Ps. xlv. 10. D'Avila 
did not side with the doctors and disciples of the 

* Llorente, Sistoire de V Inquisition, ii. 6, 138. ^^'orks of D'Avila, 
p. 122. 

t Works of D'Avila, p. 397. 

X It is an exposition of Christian doctrine, viewed not from the 
dogmatical, but from the spiritual and practical point of view. 


Reformation, who were continually increasing in 
number in Germany. He differed from them, 
indeed, on several points, but on others approached 
them so nearly that his preaching could not but pre- 
pare men's minds to receive the fulness of evangelical 
doctrine. The Inquisition understood this.* 

The period which elapsed between 1520 and 1535 
was an epoch which prepared the way for reforma- 
tion in Spain. In the universities, in the towns, 
and in country places many minds were silently in- 
clining towards a better doctrine. The Reformation 
was then like fire smouldering under the ashes, but 
was to manifest itself later in many a noble heart. 
Nevertheless, from time to time the flame became 
visible. A peasant, a simple man without any cul- 
ture whatever, who had busied himself only about 
his fields, had by some means received Christian 
convictions.f One day, when in company with 
some relations and friends, he exclaimed, ' It is 
Christ who, with his own blood, daily washes and 
purifies from their sins those who belong to him, 
and there is no other purgatory.' It seems that the 
poor man had only repeated a saying which he had 
heard in some meeting, and which had pleased him, 
without being penetrated by the truth which he 
had expressed. When, therefore, he was cited be- 
fore the inquisitors of the faith, he said, ' I have 
certainly held that opinion, but, since it displeases 
your reverences, I willingly retract it.' This did 
not satisfy the priests. They heaped reproaches 

* Llorente, Histoire de t Inquisition, ii. p. 7. 

t ' Homo simplex, ruri perpetuo addictus, &c.' — Moutanus, Inquisi- 
tionis hispaniccs artes, p. 31. 


upon him. ' They may have feared,' says the author 
of the Artifices of the Spanish Inquisition^ ' that 
their inquisitive faculties would stagnate and rot 
unless they set about finding some knavery in the 
man, thus pretending to find knots in a bulrush 
— nodus in scirpo.'' ' You have asserted that there 
is no purgatory. Ergo you believe that the pope is 
mistaken — that the councils are mistaken — and that 
man is justified by faith alone.' In short, they un- 
folded before him all the doctrines which they called 
heresies, and charged the unfortunate man with them 
as if he had actually professed them. The poor pea- 
sant protested ; he confidently maintained that he 
did not even know what these doctrines meant. But 
they insisted on their charge, and showed him the 
close connexion which subsists between all these 
dogmas. The poor man had been deprived of the 
ordinary means of instruction; but these priests, who 
were more opposed to the Gospel than water is to 
fire, saj^s the narrator, taught and enlightened him. 
Those who boasted themselves to be the great extir- 
pators of the truth became its propagators. The 
peasant of whom We speak thus attained to the ful- 
ness of the faith which hitherto had only just dawned 
upon him. It was a striking example of the won- 
derful way in which Divine Goodness sometimes calls 
its chosen ones. There were many other such in- 
stances.' * 

The chief reformer of Spain was to spring from a 
higher class. He was born in Andalusia, the Baetica 

* ' Adoranda hie maxime est divina proTidentia erga eos quoa elegit 
. . . cujus rei, vel is ipse rusticus luculentum exemplum esse possit.' — 
Montamis, Artes Inq. hisp., pp. 32, 33. 


which in the eyes of the ancients was the fairest and 
happiest of all the countries in the world. Near 
rocky mountains, on a vast plain of picturesque and 
solemn aspect, lies Lebrixa, an ancient town about 
ten leagues from Seville on the Cadiz side. Here 
lived Rodrigo de Valerio, a young man of a rich and 
distinguished family. He had, in common with the 
Andalusians, great quickness of apprehension ; fancy 
spai'kled in his speech, and his temperament was very 
cheerful. Like them, he was distinguished by his 
love of pleasure, and it was his glory to surpass in 
its indulgence all the young men with whom he asso- 
ciated. He generally lived at Seville, a town called 
by the Romans 'little Rome' {Romula)^ which had 
long been a centre of intelligence, and where the 
Alcazar and other monuments recalled the magnifi- 
cence of the Moorish kings. Rodrigo had received a 
liberal education, and had learned a little Latin ; but 
this had been speedily forgotten amidst the diversions 
of youth. There was not a hunt nor a game at which 
he was not present. He was to be seen arriving at 
the rendezvous mounted on a superb horse, richly 
equipped, and himself magnificently attired.* Easy 
and skilful in bodily exercises, he carried away 
every prize. Full of grace and elegance, he suc- 
ceeded in winning the favour of fair ladies. His 
delight was to mount the wildest horse, to scale the 
rocks, to dance with light foot, to hunt with horn and 
hound, to draw the cross-bow or shoot with the 
arquebus, and to be the leader of fashionable young 
men in every party and at every festival. 

* ' In equis, in equorum apparatu, in ludis, in vestium luxu, in vena- 
tionibus, etc' — Ai-tes Inq. hisp., p. 260. 


All at once Valerio disappeared from society. He 
was sought at tlie games, in the dance, at the races, 
but was nowhere to be found. Everyone was asking 
what had become of him. He had abandoned every- 
thing. The pleasures of the world had oppressed and 
wearied him, and he had found all void and bitter- 
ness. What ! thought he, play the lute, make one's 
horse caper, sing, dance .... and forget what it 
is to be a man ! A. voice had cried in his heart that 
God was all in all. He had yielded to no human in- 
fluence ; God alone had touched him by his Spirit.* 
The change was for this reason all the more remark- 
able. The lively affections of his heart, which had 
hitherto rushed like a tempestuous torrent down- 
wards towards the world, now rose with the same 
energy towards heaven. ' A divine passion,' says a 
contemporary, ' suddenly seized him.f Casting off 
his old inclinations, and despising human judgment, 
he applied his whole strength, both of mind and body, 
so zealously to the pursuit of piety, that no worldly 
affection seemed to be left in him.' If Rodrigo had 
then retired to a convent, all would have been en 
regie, and everyone would have admired him ; but 
no one could understand why, while renouncing 
pleasure, he did not immediately shut himself up in 
one of those human sanctuaries to which alone the 
world at that time gave the patent of a devout life. 
Some, indeed, of the remarks made on him were very 
natural. He had passed from one extreme to the 
other, and in his first fervour he exposed himself to 

* Llorente, Hi^cdre de V Inquisition, ii. p. 148. 

t ' Repente divinus quidem furor eum corripit.' — Montanus, pp. 260, 


the ridicule of his old companions. The young man 
who had hitherto been remarkable for the delicacy of 
his manners, the elegance of his discourse, and the 
splendour of his dress, displayed now a somewhat 
repulsive roughness and negligence.* Sincere and 
upright, but as yet unenlightened, unacquainted in- 
deed with any other pious life than that of ascetics, 
it is not astonishing that he threw himself at first 
into an exaggerated asceticism. He thought that he 
shotild thus renounce the world more completely and 
make a more perfect sacrifice to the Lord. He has 
lost his head, said some ; he is drunk, said others. 
But on closer observation the true fear of God was to 
be seen in him, a sincere repentance for the vanity of 
his life, an ardent thirst for righteousness, and an 
indefatigable zeal in acquiring all the characteristics 
of true piety. But one thing above all occupied his 
mind. We have seen that he had learned Latin. 
This knowledge, which he had despised, now be- 
came of the greatest service to him. It was onlv 
in this language that the sacred writings could 
be read ; he studied them day and night ; f by 
means of hard toil he fixed them in his memor)'-, 
and he had an admirable gift for appl}*ing the 
words of Scripture with correctness and promp- 
titude. He endeavoured to regulate his whole con- 
duct by their teaching; and people perceived in 
him the presence of the Spirit by whom they were 

Valerio became one of the apostles of the doctrines 

* ' In cultu corporis antea molliciilo et splendido, turn vero horrido et 
sordido apparetat.' — Montanus, p. 261. 

t ' Sacras litteras diu noctuque rersabat.' — Ibid. 


of Luther and the other reformers.* ' It was not 
in their own writings that he had learned these. He 
had derived them directly from the Holy Scriptures. 
Those sacred books, which, according to some, are 
the source of such various doctrines, then produced 
in every country of Christendom the same faith 
and the same life.' He soon began to diffuse around 
him the light he had received. People were astonished 
at hearing this young layman, who had recently made 
one of every party of pleasure, speaking with so 
much fervour. ' From whom do you hold your com- 
mission ? ' asked some one. ' From God himself,' 
replied he, ' who enlightens us with his Holy Spirit, 
and does not consider whether his messenger is a 
priest or a monk.' 

Valerio was not the only one to awaken from 
sleep. A literary movement in the path opened by 
Erasmus had, as we have already said, prepared the 
way of the Gospel in Spain. One of its chiefs was 
John de Vergara, canon of Toledo, who had been sec- 
retary to Cardinal Ximenes. An accomplished Greek 
and Hebrew scholar, he had pointed out some errors 
in the Vulgate ; and he was one of the editors of 
the Polyglot of Alcala. ' With what pleasure do I 
learn,' wrote the scholar of Rotterdam to him in 1527, 
' that the study of languages and of literature is 
flourishing in that Spain which was of old the fruitful 
mother of the greatest geniuses.' John de Vergara 
had a brother named Francis, a professor of Greek 
literature at Complutum (the present Alcala de 
Henares). Alcala, near Madrid, the seat of the fore- 
most university in the kingdom next to Salamanca, 

* IJorente, Jiistoire de I' Inquisition^, ii. p. 148. 


was at this epoch a centre of intelligeuce, and had ac- 
quired a European renown. A breath of freedom and 
life seemed to have passed over it. John and Francis, 
with another Spaniard, Bernardin de Tobar, ap- 
parently their brother, put forth their united efforts 
to revive the pursuit of literature in their native land, 
and kindled bright hopes in the breast of the prince 
of the schools. Calling to mind, as was his wont, the 
stories of ancient times, Erasmus compared these 
three friends of letters to Geryon, king of the Ba- 
learic Islands, the most powerful of men, of whom the 
poets had made a giant with three bodies. ' Spain,' 
said he, ' has once more its Geryon, with three bodies 
but one spirit, and the happiest anticipations are 
excited in our minds.' * The modern Geryon, how- 
ever, failed to win the honour of the triumph promised 
by Erasmus. In the Inquisition he met the Her- 
cules who vanquished him. These eminent men had 
found their way through the love of learning to the 
love of the Gospel ; and John had carried his audacit}' 
to such a pitch that he aimed at correcting the A^ul- 
gate. Hereupon certain monks who knew nothing 
of Latin beyond the jargon of the schools raised the 
alarm. John and Tobar were arrested by the in- 
quisitors of Toledo, cast into a dungeon, and called 
upon to renounce the heresies of Luther. This charge 
they had not at all anticipated. It was not by the 
reformer, but by his opponent, Erasmus, that thev 
had been attracted to the Holy Scriptures. Being as 
yet weak in faith, they thought they might declare 
themselves unacquainted with Lutheranism ; and 
they were released. Certain penances, however, were 

" ' Km'sus Hispanias habere suum Genjonem, sed auspicatissimum, 
tricorporem quidem, sed unanimem.' — Erasmi Epp., lib. xx. ep. 15. 


imposed on them, and they were placed under the 
surveillance of the Inquisition?* 

At this time, between 1530 and 1540, a great 
theological controversy was being carried on in the 
university of Alcala. One of the champions was 
Matthew Pascual, a doctor distinguished for his ac- 
quirements in learning — he was master of Hebrew, 
Greek, and Latin — for his love of letters, of the Holy 
Scriptures, and of a doctrine more pure than that of 
the monks. The discussion had become animated ; and 
the opponent of Pascual, in the heat of the conflict, 
exclaimed — ' If the case be as Doctor Matthew main- 
tains, it would follow that there would be no purga- 
tory ! ' Pascual had probably said with St. John 
that the blood of Jesus Christ his Son deanseth us from 
all sin. He replied simply — ' What then ? ( Quid 
turn ?) ' The monks were all agitated at these 
words. ' He said Quid turn ! He denies purgatory.' 
He was forthwith committed to the prison of the 
holy fathers,f from which he was not liberated till 
long afterwards, and then with the loss of all his 
property. He then left Spain. Two monosyllables 
had cost him dear. 

There was resident at Alcala at this time a man 
who far surpassed the Vergaras and the Pascuals, and 
whose judgments were universally accepted in Spain 
as oracles. J This was Peter de Lerma, abbot of 
Alcala, canon, professor of theology, and chancellor 
of the university, skilled in the oriental languages, 

* Llorente, Histoire de l' Inquisition, ii. pp. 7, 8. JSpp. Th. Mori ct 
Lud. Vives, col. 114. 

t ' Propter hoc unum verbum, sine mora in custodiam SS. PP. est 
ti-aditus.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 156. 

{ ' lUius judicium instar oraouli.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 1.58. 


■which he had studied in Paris, and well versed in 
Scholastic theology. He was highly esteemed through- 
out the whole Peninsula. He was consulted on the 
greatest affairs of state ; and many had recourse to 
him as to a touch-stone which at once indicated to 
them what was good and what was evil. As he was 
wealthy and belonged to a noble family of Burgos, 
he had great influence. From an early age he gave 
himself up to the reading of the Holy Scriptures, 
convinced that without them it was impossible to 
attain any real knowledge of holy things. At an 
advanced age he read the works of Erasmus. His 
mind was enlightened by them; and he acknowledged 
that the studies pursued at the universities served 
only for vain display. A new form was given to his 
activity, and his words were henceforth remarkable 
for their freedom, their simplicity, and their vigour. 
' Draw,' said he, ' from the oldest sources ; do not take 
up opinions upon the sole authority of any masters, 
however sohd they may be.' Words like these were 
altogether new in the Catholic churches. Peter de 
Lerma was a kindly old man, now aged about seventv. 
The monks, regardless of his age, his attainments, or 
the authority which he enjoyed, had him cast into 
prison by their agents. His opponents attacked him 
in private conferences. But the aged doctor, find- 
ing that the best reasons were of no avail with his 
enemies, that they refused to listen to the truth, and 
had no regard for innocence, declared that he would 
hold no more discussion with Spaniards, and required 
them to summon learned men of other lands, capable 
of understanding the evidence laid before them. To 
the inquisitors this seemed to be horrible blasphemv. 


' Would it not be ssaid,' they exclaimed, ' that the holy 
fathers of the Inquisition may be in error, and that 
they are unable to comprehend a hundred others 
better than you ? ' They assailed him Avith insults, 
they plagued him in the prison, they threatened him 
with torture. The poor old man at last, enfeebled 
by age and by persecution, and not yet sufficiently 
established in the faith, as was usually the case with 
the converts of Erasmus, complied with the demands 
of his persecutors. He then withdrew to Burgos, 
his native place. Melancholy weighed him down. 
The energies of his soul were crushed. His hopes 
for the future of his people had vanished. He bowed 
down his head and suffered. Informed ere long that 
it was intended to arrest him, he fled to Flanders; 
then went to Paris, where he died dean of the Sor- 
bonne, and professor of theology in that university. 

The preaching of the old man was not fruitless in 
Spain. Like John d'Avila and others, he was one 
of those Spanish evangelicals who did not make use 
of Luther's name, but asserted that they preached 
simply the primitive doctrines of the Apostles. This 
came to much the same thing. The tint was only 
a little softened and less powerful. 

Louis of Cadena, one of his nephcAvs, had suc- 
ceeded him as chancellor of the university of Alcala. 
By his elegant Latinitj', and his acquaintance with 
Hebrew, Arabic, and Greek, he acquired great repu- 
tation among men of letters. Convinced that if Spain 
were ever to become great, it was necessary to give 
her an impulse towards light and liberty, he under- 
took, notwithstanding the fate of his uncle, to bring 
to an end the reign of Scholasticism. Information 

c 2 


was laid against him, as one suspected of Lutheran- 
ism, before the Inquisition at Toledo ; and he was 
compelled to fly in order to escape the dungeons of 
the holy office. The Inquisition in those days lost 
no opportunity of putting an extinguisher over any 
light divinely kindled in Spain, of suppressing 
thought and checking its progress.* Louis betook 
himself likewise to Paris, where, like his uncle, he 
restrained his zeal to avoid exposure to fresh perse- 

John d'Avila himself, the apostle of Andalusia, 
whose only thought was the conversion of souls, and 
who did not meddle with controversies, found that 
the monks, enraged and provoked by his refusal to 
engage in disputation, denounced him to the Inquisi- 
tion as a Lutheran or alumbrado. In 1534, an in- 
auspicious year for evangelical Spain, this humble 
pastor was arrested at Seville, and cast into the 
prisons of the holy office. But his enemies, impelled 
by blind hatred, had not even informed the arch- 
bishop of Seville, Don Alfonso de ]\Ianriqne, who was 
at this time Grand Inquisitor. The prelate, who 
cherished the highest esteem for John d'AvUa, was 
aff"ected on hearing what his subordinates had just 
done. He pointed out that this man was no Luthe- 
ran, but was only seeking to do good to the souls of 
men. D'Avila was consequently acquitted, and he 
continued quietly to preach the Gospel till his death. 
The inquisitors, by fastening the name ' Lutheran ' 
on everything pious, rendered indirect homaofe to 

' Llorente, ii. p. 456. Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 123. 

t Llorente, ii. pp. 480-4-31. J Llorente, iii. pp. 6, 7. 

cnAi\ I. ALFONSO \'IEVES. 21 

Maiirique was not alone in occasional opposition 
to the fanaticism of the inquisitors. Charles the Fifth 
himself, although strongly opposed to everything 
which appeared to him heresy, seems to have had 
some relish for solid preaching. His fine under- 
standing preferred it to the fables of the monks. He 
had for his chaplain a Dominican monk named Alfonso 
Virves, an accomplished orientalist and a good theo- 
logian. Charles took him with him when he travelled 
in Germany; and he not only liked to hear him 
preach, but also associated with him in his numerous 
journeyings with a certain degree of intimacy. After ■ 
his return to Spain, the emperor would hear no other 
preacher. Certain monks who coveted the privilege 
of preaching before the emperor were filled with envy 
and hatred. They inveighed against A'irves. In vain 
he contended, according to the dictates of his con- 
science, for what he believed to be true piety ; these 
wretches uttered shameless calumnies against him, and 
obvious falsehoods, and resorted to malicious intrigues. 
This was their usual method.* Virves esteemed the 
fine genius of Erasmus, but censured him for his too 
great freedom. He asserted that his wish was to 
secure Spain against Lutheranism. But he had seen 
in Germany the leading reformers, had enjoyed 
friendly intercourse with them, and declared that he 
renounced the attempt to recall them from their 
errors.f This was ground enough for a prosecution; 
and without any regard to the wish of the emperor, 

* ' Tarn impiidentibus calmnniis, tarn evidentibus mendaciis, tarn 
nialitiosis artibus.' — Erasmi E^tp. lib. xviii. ep. 2. 

t Virves, Epist., Eatiabon, April 15, 15.32. Burcberi Spicil., v. pp. 


the inquisitors arrested his chaplain, threw him into 
the prison of the Holj' Office at Seville, and in 
eager haste prepared to sacrifice him. The news of 
their proceedings reaching Charles the Fifth ; he was 
astonished and indignant. He was better acquainted 
with Virves than the inquisitors were. He deter- 
mined by energetic action to foil the conspiracies of 
the monks. He felt confident that Virves was the 
victim of an intrigue. He even banished Manrique, 
the inquisitor-general, who was compelled to retire to 
his diocese, and died there. Charles did more than 
this. He addressed to the Holy Office, July 18, 1534, 
an ordinance prohibiting the arrest of a monk before 
laying the evidence before the council and awaiting 
its orders. But the emperor, all-powerful as he was, 
was not powerful enough to snatch a victim from the 
Inquisition. Yirves, whose only crime was that of 
being a pious and moderate Catholic, had to undergo 
for four years all the horrors of a secret prison. He 
says himself that they hardly gave him leave to 
breathe. The inquisitors overwhelmed him with ac- 
cusations, with interdictions, with libels and with 
words, he says, which one cannot hear without 
being terrified. He adds that he was charged with 
errors, heresies, blasphemies, anathemas, schism, and 
other similar monstrosities. To convince them, he 
undertook labours which might be likened to those 
of Hercules. He exhibited the points which he 
had drawn up by way of preparation for an attack 
on Melanchthon before the diet of Ratisbon. But 
all -was useless. The tribunal condemned him in 
1537 to abjure aU heresies, among others those of 
Luther, to be confined in a monastery for two years, 


and to abstain from preacHng for two years after his 
liberation. The poor man had to appear in the 
cathedral of Seville, and to retract, among other propo- 
sitions, the following : — ' A life of action is more meri- 
torious than a life of contemplation. — A larger number 
of Christians are saved in the married state than in 
all other states.' Charles the Fifth, determined at all 
cost to rescue his chaplain from imprisonment, applied 
to the pope, who by a brief of May 29, 1538, ordered 
that Virves should be set at liberty, and be again 
allowed to preach. Charles now nominated him bishop 
of the Canary Islands. After some hesitation, the 
pope consented to the appointment, and in 1540 the 
heretic was invested with the episcopal mitre. In 
the following year he published at Antwerp his 
PhilippiccB Disputationes, i]i which his objections to 
the doctrines of Luther are set forth. In the same 
book, however, he asserted that heretics ought jiot 
to be ill-used, but persuaded, and this especially by 
setting before them the testimonies of Holy Scripture ; 
because all Scripture given by inspiration of God is 
profitable, says St. Paul, for doctrine, for reproof for 
correction. Alfonso Virves was one of those Spaniards 
whom the Inquisition prevented from becoming 
evangelical, but could not succeed in making papis- 
tical and ultramontane.* 

Virves was not the only Spaniard who imbibed 
in Germany views which nearly approached to those 
of the Reformation. Several learnt more than he 
did in the land of Luther, and exerted an influence 
on the Peninsula. Curiosity was awakened, and 
people wanted to know what that reformation was of 

* Llorente, ii. pp. 8-14. 


which SO much was said. Spain, rigid and antique, 
began to be astir. Meetings were held in the country 
and secret associations were formed. The Inquisi- 
tion, astonished, turned in all directions its search- 
ing eyes. In vain were learned theologians sent to 
Germany and other lands for the purpose of bringing 
back to the church of Rome those who were leaving 
it. The doctors themselves returned to Spain, con- 
quered by the truth against which they were to fight.* 
Many of them became victims to their faith after 
their return to their native land ; others became 
martyrs in foreign lands. 

* ' Qui ad alios illuminandos amandati erant, ipsimet lumuie capti 
ad nos redierunt, deceptique ab haereticis.' — G. de Illescas, Mist. Fcmtif- 
ficaly Catolica, i. p. 672, 

CHAP. II. 25 



SEVILLE and Valladolid were the two principal 
seats of the awakening. These towns were at 
this time, properly speaking, the two capitals of 
Spain. In both of them evangelical Christians used 
to meet together secretly to worship God in spirit 
and in truth, and to confirm each other in the faith 
and in obedience to the commandments of the Lord. 
There were monasteries nearly all the members of 
which had received the doctrine of the gospel. It had, 
moreover, adherents scattered about in all parts of 
the Peninsula. Rodrigo de Valerio, the lay reformer 
of Spain, continued his labours in Seville. He held 
conversations daily with the priests and the monks. 
' Pray how comes it to pass,' he said to them, ' that 
not only the clergy but the whole Christian commu- 
nity is found to be in so lamentable a condition that 
there seems to be hardly any hope of a remedy for 
it? It is you that are the cause of this state of 
things. I.'he corruption of your order has corrupted 
everything. Lose no time in applying an efficient 
remedy to so vast an evil. Be yourselves transformed 
that you may be able to transform others.' ^^alerio 
supported these eloquent appeals by the declarations 
of Holy Scripture. The priests were astonished and 
indignant. ' Whence comes the audacity,' they said, 
' with which you assail those who are the very lights 


and pillars of the Church ? * How dare a mere lay- 
man, an unlettered man, who has been occupied 
solely in secular affairs and in ruining himself, speak 
with such insolence? . . . Who commissioned you, 
and where is the seal of your calling? ' 'Assuredly,' 
replied Valerio, candidly, 'I did not acquire this wisdom 
from your corrupt morals ; it comes from the Spirit of 
God, which flows, like rivers of living water, from 
those who believe in Jesus Christ. As for my bold- 
ness, it is given by him who sends me. He is the 
truth itself which I proclaim. The Spirit of God 
is not bound to any order, least of all to that of a 
corrupt clergy. Those men were laymen, plain 
fishermen, who convicted of blindness the whole 
learned synagogue, and called the world to the know- 
ledge of salvation.' 

Thus spoke Rodrigo ; and he was distressed to see 
all these priests ' unable to endure the shining light of 
the Gospel.' One great consolation was given to him. 
The preacher of Seville cathedral at this time was 
John Gil, or Egidius, a doctor, born at Olvera, in 
Aragon, and educated at the university of Alcala. 
He possessed the qualities of an orator ; for he Avas a 
man of fine character and of keen sensibility. But 
these essential qualities, instead of being developed at 
the university, had lain dormant. The intellectual fa- 
culty alone had been cultivated. There was a fire in the 
man's nature, but it had been quenched by Scholastic- 
ism. Egidius had plunged into the study of the theo- 
logy of the schools, the only science then in vogue 
in Spain. In this he had distinguished himself, had 

* ' Unde ilia audacia qua in sanctos pati-es eccltsise luiuina atque 
columnas . . . inveheretur ? ' — JMoutaiiiis, pp. 261, -202. 


won the highest academical lionuurs, and had become 
professor of theology at Siguenza. He was not con- 
tent with letting the Word of God alone; he openly- 
avowed contempt for the study of it, ridiculed such 
members of the university as diligently read the 
sacred books, and with a shrug of the shoulders used 
to call them ' those good Biblists.' Peter Lombard, 
Thomas Aquinas, Scotus, and other doctors of the 
same class, were the men for him. His flatterers 
went so far as to allege that he surpassed them. As 
the reputation of Egidius was spreading far and wide, 
when the ofiice of chief canon or preacher of the 
cathedral of Seville became vacant, the chapter unani- 
mously elected him, and even dispensed with the trial 
usual in such cases. Egidius, absorbed in his Scho- 
lastic books, had never preached in public nor studied 
the Holy Scriptures. He nevertheless fancied that 
nothing could be easier to him than preaching, which 
in his view was an inferior office. He expected even 
that he should dazzle his hearers by the blaze of 
Scholasticism, and attract them by its charms. He 
therefore ascended the pulpit of the cathedral of the 
capital of Andalusia. A numerous congregation had 
assembled, and expecting something wonderful were 
very attentive. The illustrious doctor preached, but 
after the Scholastic fashion. Having put forward 
some proposition, he explained its various meanings. 
The terms which he made use of were those of the 
schools, and his hearers could hardly understand 
them. What frivolous distinctions ! What profit- 
less questions ! The preacher thought it all very 
fine : his audience felt it to be very tiresome. They 
gave him, however, a second and a third hearing ; 


but it ^vas always the same — dry and wearisome. 
The famous theologian was thus the least popular 
of the preachers, and Egidius saw his congregation 
lessening day by day. His sermons fell into the 
greatest contempt among the people. Those who 
had imprudently called him to the post began to 
consider how they could get rid of him; and the 
preacher himself, anxious about his reputation and 
the usefulness of his ministry, began to look out for 
a less brilliant position, in which people might make 
more account of him.* 

Rodrigo had gone with the nmltitude, and was 
one of those who were dissatisfied with these Scho- 
lastic discourses. But he was gifted with the dis- 
cerning of spirits, and beneath the Scholastic doctor 
he had been able to recognize the orator and his in- 
disputable abilities. He was grieved to see the gifts 
of God thus thrown away, and he resolved to speak 
frankly to Egidius. ' Divine Providence,' says the 
chronicler, ' impelled him to this course.' Having 
made request, therefore, for an interview with the 
canon, Valerio, received by him with some feeling of 
surprise, but still with kindliness, began at once to 
speak to him about the function of the Christian orator.f 
This function, in his vieAv, was not to set forth certain 
theses and anti-theses, but to address the consciences 
of men, to present Christ to them as the author of 
eternal salvation, and to press them to throw them- 
selves into the arms of this Saviour, that through him 
they might become new creatures. ' You are in need 

' Magno contemptui esse coepit, quo in die magis magisque aueto. 
— Montanus, p. 258. 

t ' Eum exacte edocuit Ohristiani concionatoris ofRcium.' — Montanus, 
p. 258. 


of other studies,' he said to the schoolman, ' other 
books, and other guides than those which you have 
chosen.' Egidius was at tirst astounded ; his pride 
rebelled. ' What audacity ! ' he thought ; ' this man 
sprung from the common people, ignorant and of 
feeble understanding, dares to criticize me, and con- 
hdently to teach me, a man with whom he is hardly 
acquainted ! '* Nevertheless, the natural kindliness of 
Egidius, and the reflexion that Rodrigo was speaking 
of the art of preaching, in which he had miserably 
failed, repressed this first emotion. He kept his self- 
possession and listened attentively to the layman. 
Rodrigo frankly pointed out to him the defects of his 
manner of preaching, and exhorted him to search the 
Scriptures. ' You will never succeed,' he said, ' in 
becoming really powerful as a teacher unless you 
study the Bible day and night. 'f He told him that 
in order to preach salvation he must first have found 
it himself, and that out of the abundance of the heart 
the mouth must speak. A few hours sufficed for the 
enlightenment of Egidius; and from this time he be- 
came a new man. J How many years had he lost, both 
as student and as professor ! ' I perceive,' said he, ' that 
all the studies and all the labours of my past life have 
been A'ain. I now enter upon the new path of a wis- 
dom of which I did not know the A B C The 
weariness and dejection of Egidius were now over 
and he felt great peace and joy. He saw God open- 
ing to him the treasury of his love. ' The heavens 

* ' Otetupescekit primo Egidius . . . IJnus e media plebe, idiota etc' 
— Montanus, p. 258. 

t Llorent-^, ii. pp. 139, 140. 

X ' Fuit divina monenti tanta spiritus Dei \-is in dicendo ut ab ea 
hora jEgidius in alium vinim mutatus.' — Montanui?, p. 269. 


were beginning to be serene and the earth peaceful.' 
Egidins was naturally very open-hearted, frank, and 
sincere. The gospel, the great revelation of God's 
love, had. for him an unspeakable charm. He re- 
ceived it joyfully, and his heart resounded with a 
new song. He studied the Holy Scriptures, prayed, 
meditated, and read good authors ; and thus made 
progress in the knowledge of true theology. 

Rodrigo de Valerio was made glad by the won- 
derful change which God had wrought through his 
ministry; and the victory Avhich he had won raised 
still higher his burning zeal. He began to proclaim 
the gospel not only in private meetings, but in pub- 
lic, in the streets and squares of the town, near the 
Giralda, the convent of Buena Vitta, the Alcazar, 
and on the banks of the Guadalquivir. He was de- 
nounced to the holy office, and when he appeared 
before the tribunal of the Inquisition he spoke ear- 
nestly about the real church of Christ, set forth its 
distinguishing marks, and especially insisted on the 
justification of man by faith. This took place a little 
while after the conversion of Egidius, whose new 
faith was not yet known, and who still enjoyed in 
society the reputation of a scholar and a good Catho- 
lic. Glad of an opportunity of repaying his great 
debt, he came before the tribunal and defended his 
friend. He thus exerted an influence over the 
judges, and they took into consideration the lowliness 
of Valerio's family and the rank which he held in 
society. Moreover, they said, Valerio is tainted with 
insanity, and it can hardly be necessary to hand over 
a madman to the secular power. His goods were con- 
fiscated, he was exhorted to return to the right path, 
and was then set at liberty. 


The astonishing change which had been effected 
in Egidius was soon remarked at Seville. Now 
fully persuaded of the need of repentance and faith, 
and possessing salvation by personal experience,'" 
his preaching was henceforth as simple, affectionate, 
and fervent as it had before been cold, ignorant, and 
pedantic. Abstract propositions and fruitless dispu- 
tations now gave place to powerful .ippeals to con- 
science and to entreaties full of charity. General 
attention was aroused. Once more a multitude 
thronged the noble cathedral, erected on the very 
spot on which the Arabs had formerly built a mag- 
nificent mosque, in which neither altar nor image was 
to be seen, but which was brilliant with marbles and 
lamps. The Christians were now summoned to hear 
the good news by bells in the summit of the Moham- 
medan tower, the Giralda, whence the muezzins had 
once called the people to prayer. This was the sole 
remnant of the mosque, and it gave its name to the 
church. Jesus Christ now took the place of the false 
prophet and the vain forms of the papacy; and many 
believed in the grace of the Son of God. In the dis- 
courses of Egidius there was a charm which was felt 
alike by the educated and the ignorant. He was the 
most animated and the most popular preacher who had 
ever appeared at Seville ; and his history shows, better 
perhaps than that of any other preacher, that the first 
quality of an orator is a heart burning with love 
and with fervent emotion. Pectus facit oratorem. 
This man had received from God the excellent gift of 
penetrating the souls of those who heard him with 
a divine fire f which animated all their deeds of 

* ' Prsecipue sua ipsiiis experientia erat edoctus.' — Montanus, p. 263. 
t ' Ig-neam quamdam pietatis facem.' — lUd., p. 231. 


piety and fitted them to endure lovingly the cross 
with which they were threatened. Christ was with 
him in his ministry, says one of those who were 
converted by him; and this divine master himself 
engraved, by the virtue of his Spirit, the words of 
his servant on the hearts of his hearers.* Valerio 
was the layman of the Reformation ; Egidius became 
its minister. 

He was not long alone. During his residence at 
Alcala, three students were observed to be united in 
close friendship with each other. These "were John 
Egidius, Constantine Ponce de la Fuente, and Vargas. 
Now these two old fellow-students arrived at Seville. 
The Castilian, Constantine Ponce de la Fuente, was 
born at St. Clement, in the diocese of Cuenga. The 
inhabitants of these districts concealed under an aspect 
of coldness a free and boisterous gaiety. Ponce de 
la Fuente was certainly one of these people. He had 
a caustic humour, was a lover of pleasure, and ardent 
in all that he did. His youth had been somewhat 
dissipated, and for this he was afterwards reproached 
by his enemies. But he possessed also good sense 
and a moral disposition, which soon led him to em- 
brace a more regular life, even before he was ac- 
quainted with the gospel. He never lost, however, 
his cheerfulness and his wit. He was animated by 
a strong desire to gain solid knowledge, and at the 
same time he felt great aversion to the pedantry 
and barbarism of the schools. In some respects he 
was like Erasmus. He was a son of the Renaissance, 
and, like his master, enjoyed ridiculing the ignorance 

* ' Adesse Ohristiim qui verba, eo externe miuistrante, in ipsis visceri"biis 
suorum virtute spiritus siii exaraxet.' — Ibid., p. 201. 


of the monks, the fooleries of the preachers, and the 
hypocrisy of the pharisees. Although he had not 
the genius of the great man of letters, in some points 
he surpassed him. There was more depth in his 
faith and more decision in his character. Contradic- 
tory qualities met in his nature. He Avould hurl in 
all directions his satirical darts, and yet he was full 
of benevolence and generosity, and was always ready 
to give assistance to anyone. It was, moreover, said 
of him that no one ever loved or hated him mo- 
derately. His acquaintance with the liuman heart, 
his knowledge of the egotism and the indifference 
which are found even in the best men, made him 
very scrupulous in the selection of his friends. But 
he deeply loved the few to whom he was attached ; 
and with his great accj[uirements he combined a free 
and cordial manner. 

Ponce de la Fuente was apparently detained at 
Seville by the report of the conversion of Egidius 
and of the great sensation which his discourses were 
producing in that town. Like Vargas, he hungered 
and thirsted for a truth which should satisfy all his 
wants, and which was as yet unknown to him. That 
which these two were still in search of, they learnt 
that the third had found. They hastened to his 
presence. They found Egidius convinced that the 
knowledge of Christ surpasses everything besides, 
so that in order to obtain it there is nothing which 
ought not to be given up. He had found it the chief 
good. He had gained it by faith, and he was pre- 
pared for the sake of keeping it to lose all that he 
possessed. The communion of the three friends be 
came more and more intimate, their friendship sweeter 



and sweeter.* In their intercourse with each other 
they found so much solace and so much profit to 
their souls that when they were parted they sighed 
for the moment when they should meet again. Their 
souls were one. Egidius made known evangeUcal 
truth to his old fellow-students; and on their part 
Vargas, and still more de la Fuente, ' the extent of 
whose knowledge was marvellous,' f gave hun a whole- 
some impulse, under the influence of which he made 
rapid progress both in sound literature and true 
theology. The brotherly affection which united them 
filled their hearts with joy; and this joy, says a re- 
former, was perfumed with the sweet odour of the 
service of God. 

The three friends formed a plan, and combined 
their efforts to spread true piety around them. Egidius 
and de la Fuente divided between them the work of 
preaching. Their manner of speaking differed. While 
Egidius had much openness of heart, de la Fuente 
had much openness of intellect. In the discourses 
of Egidius there was more fire; more light in those 
of de la Fuente. The former took souls captive; the 
latter enlightened understandings, and obtained, says 
a historian,! as much and even more applause than 
his master. This means doubtless that his influence 
was still more powerful. Vargas had undertaken 
another department, that of jaractical exegesis. At 
first he explained in the church the Gospel according 
to St. Matthew, as Zwingli had done at Zurich; and 
afterwards the Psalms. § These three evangelists 

* ' Familiaris consuetude atque ai'cta amicitia.' — Montanus, p. 266. 

t ' Oonstantini Fontii, viri ad prodigium usque eruditi.' — Ibid. 

X Llorente, ii, p. 273. 

§ A learned and pious historian, M'Orie, who devoted much attention 


spoke with a sacred authority, and Avith admirable 
unity. ' What harmony,' people said, ' prevails be- 
tween Egidius, Constantine, and Vargas ! ' But no- 
body suspected that the word spoken by these three 
powerful teachers was the evangelical doctrine then 
being preached by Luther, Farel, and the other re- 
formers. There was no more reference to them in 
the discourses of the Spaniards than if they had not 
existed. All those souls which thirsted for the truth 
would have been alarmed at the names of these men, 
heretics in their eyes ; but they were attracted by 
the words full of grace and truth which were those 
of John, Peter, and Paul, nay, rather of Jesus him- 
self. The sheep entered into the fold in which were 
already those who were elsewhere called by Melanch- 
thon and by Calvin, without in the least suspecting 
the fact. Their strong but invisible bond of union 
was Christ, whose grace operated silently but with 
the same efficacy on the banks of the Elbe, the 
Rhone, and the Guadalquivir. 

The reputation of Ponce de la Fuente was ere 
long as widespread as that of Egidius. There was 
one feature in his character which doubled, nay, 
which multiplied a hundredfold the force and result 
of his preaching. He was free from vanity. This 
besetting sin of the orator, a vice which paralyses 
his influence, had no place in him. He was quite 
exempt from that exalted opinion of himself which is 
so natural to the human heart, and especially to the 

to the history of the Beformation in Spain, states that Vargas first ex- 
plained the Epistle to the Romans. But Montanus de Montes, a con- 
temporary and friend of Egidius, says—' Prcelegehat evangdium Matthcei, 
quo absoluto accepit Psalmos.' P. 281. 

D 2 


public speaker. He had recovered the first of all 
loves — the love of God; and this so filled his soul 
that it left no room for any other. He was indififerent 
to the praises of his hearers, and his only thought 
was how to win their hearts for God. His reputation 
procured him several calls. The chapter of Cuenga 
unanimously invited him to be preacher at the cathe- 
dral. By accepting the invitation he would have 
gained an honourable position in his own province; 
but he chose rather to remain the curate of Egidius. 
Some time afterwards a deputation arrived at Seville, 
commissioned to announce to de la Fuente that he 
was called to succeed the titular bishop of Utica as 
preacher at the metropolitan church of Toledo, an 
office of high honour and very much sought after.* 
No one doubted that he would accept a place which 
was the object of ambition to so many men. De la 
Fuente, having no wish to leave Seville, where a 
great door was opened to him, declined the ofi"er. 
The canons persisted in their application, pressed 
him and seemed bent on compelling him. In order 
to get rid of their importunity, Ponce availed himself 
of an objection which was certainly in character with 
the turn of his mind. In the church of Toledo a 
dispute was at this time going on between several 
members of the chapter and the cardinal-archbishop 
John de Martinez Siliceo, who had decreed that the 
candidates elected by the chapter should be bound to 
prove that they were descended from blameless ances- 
tors. Now de la Fuente had no reason to fear this rule 
more than any other ; but being driven to extremities, 

* ' Capitiilum cum honoriflca legalione aceersetat.' — Montanus, 
p. 270 


lie replied to the deputies witli an arch smile that ' the 
bones of his ancestors had rested in peace for many- 
years, and that he "R-ould not disturb their repose.' 

It was inevitable that the labours of these evan- 
gelical men should arouse at Seville a lively opposi- 
tion. The more the hearers of the three evangelists 
were rescued by their preaching from the darkness 
of ignorance, and the more they shook off the dust of 
the middle ages, so much the more they esteemed the 
noble men to whom they were indebted for the light, 
and the less respect they felt for the troop of hypo- 
crites who had so long destroyed their souls by their 
teaching.* Consequently the palace of the Inquisi- 
tion resounded with complaints, and nothing but 
threats was to be heard in the castle of Triana, 
situated in a suburb of Seville, in which the tribunal 
of the holy office was established. The evangeUsts, 
however, had friends so numerous and so powerful 
that the inquisitors did not dare at present to attack 
them. They turned their attention to the other 
preachers, endeavoured to awaken them, and implored 
them to defend the faith of Rome, now so terribly 
shaken. And, in fact, the priests attached to ancient 
superstitions ere long arose as out of a long sleep 
and warmed their torpid zeal. The fire of Rome, well- 
nigh extinct, was rekindled. There were two camps 
in Seville. Over the cathedral floated the banner of 
the gospel ; in almost all the other churches was raised 
the flag of the papacy. A contemporary asserts that 
it was the flag of Epictetus, and he thinks that these 
priests were rather inferior to the Stoic philosopher.f 

* 'Yilesceret vero indies assidua congressione lucis hypocritarum 
turba.' — Montanus, p. 266. 

t ' Ad Epicteti Stoici placita . , . eo Epioteto inferior.' — Ibid., p. 238. 


' Unstring your rosaries and your beads more fre- 
quently,' said the priests ; ' get many masses said ; 
abstain from meat ; go on pilgrimage ; have such and 
such dresses, such an aspect, and other poor things 
of the like kind.'* ' A fine mask of piety,' people 
used to say ; ' but if you examine these things more 
closely, what do you find ? ' At the cathedral, on the 
contrary, the preachers urged their hearers to read 
the Holy Scriptures ; they set forth the merits of a 
crucified Saviour and called upon men to place all 
their trust in him. The evangelical preachers were 
fewer in number than the others, but around them 
were gathered the best part of the population. Gradu- 
ally the books of the Roman service were laid aside 
and gave place to the gospel. Many hearts were 
attracted by the Word of God. The religion of 
form lost many of its adherents, and the religion 
of the spirit gained them. Among these were seve- 
ral inmates of the convent of the Hieronymites, in 
San Isidro del Campo. But for the Inquisition, the 
Reformation would have transformed Spain, and se- 
cured the prosperity and welfare of its people. 

Ponce de la Fuente, above all, charmed his hearers 
not only by the beauty of the doctrine which he pro- 
claimed, but also by the purity and elegance of his 
language, and by the overpowering bursts of his 
eloquence. Those who heard it exclaimed, 'A 
miracle ! ' f Ponce was a great observer, and this 
both by nature and by choice. He took his stand as 

* 'De ei'eljris jejuniis, de mortificatione, vestitu, sermone, vultu . . 
ad missas complures, ad saororum locorum frequentationes, et ad multa 
alia nugamenta.' — Montanus, p. 2.38. 

t •' Accesserat ea Hispaniss liuguas peritia et facundia qu:e quibus- 
cumque illius studiosissiinis miraculo asset.' — Ibid., p. 27ii. 


it were upon a height, and set himself to consider 
attentively all that presented itself to him — physical 
phenomena, moral affections, and human affairs.* By 
means of his learning, his experience, and his know- 
ledge of the Holy Scriptures, he was able to contem- 
plate as from an elevated position all things human 
and divine. He had also an accurate judgment, a 
quality of the first importance to a preacher. He 
had a sense of the just value of things; discretion 
not only guided him in all his actions, but also inspired 
all his words. This explains the popularity which 
he ere long enjoyed. In his view the tact of the 
orator should teach him to avoid whatever would 
uselessly shock the hearer, and to seek after every- 
thing which could bring souls to salvation. On the 
days when he preached, Seville cathedral presented 
the finest spectacle. His service was usually at eight 
o'clock in the morning ; and the concourse of people 
was so great that as early as four o'clock, frequently 
even at three, hardly a place in the church was left 
vacant.f It was openly asserted in Seville that Ponce 
de la Fuente surpassed the most illustrious orators of 
his own age and of the age which had preceded it.J 
In spite of the extraordinary popularity which he en- 
joyed, he had remained one of the simplest of men, 
free from the love of money, without ambition, satis- 
fied with frugal diet, with a small library, and not 
caring for that wealth for the sake of which certain 

* ' Videbatur enim veluti a specula quadam humana omnia negotia 
contemplari.' — Montaniis, p. 278. 

t ' Tantus erat populi concursua ut quarta, ssepe etiam tertia, nootis 
hora vix in templo inveniretur commodu3 ad audiendum locus.' — Ibid., 
p. 279. 

J ' Clarissimos anteoelluit.' — Ilid., p. i'78. 


public pests, said one of his friends, ravaged the 
church of God. He had given proof of this by re- 
fusing the rich canonry of Toledo. 

During many years Seville, more fortunate in this 
respect than any other town in Spain,* heard the 
pure gospel of Christ proclaimed . Besides the service 
in the cathedral, there were meetings of a more pri- 
vate character in some of the houses. The abundant 
harvest which the fertile soil of Spain afterwards 
yielded was the fruit of these laborious sowings. f De 
la Fuente, Egidius, and Vargas, men as remarkable 
for their doctrine as for their life, were the first great 
sowers of the good seed in the Peninsula. ' They 
deserve,' said one of their good friends, ' to be held 
in perpetual remembrance.' Who can tell what 
might have happened in Spain if the work of these 
three associated Chi'istians could have been longer 
carried on? But on a sudden Egidius found himself 
deprived of his two companions in arms, and this in 
most diverse ways. 

Charles the Fifth happened to be in Spain jvist 
at the time when Ponce de la Fuente was achieving 
the greatest success. The emperor came to Seville; 
and in consequence of the high praise of the preacher 
which reached him from all quarters he wished to 
hear him. Charles was delighted. He was fond of 
fine things, and the same doctrines which, when pro- 
fessed in Belgium, in some obscure conventicle by a 
cutler or a furrier, he punished as frightful heresies, 
did not oiFend him when they came from the lips of 

* ' Ea m-bs omnium totius Hispanioe felioissima.' — Montanus, p. 240. 
t ' Ilia enim messis qu£e per totos jam octo aut decern annos colligitur, 
ex iUa laboriosa novatione proyenire certum est.' — Ibid. 


a great orator, and were proclaimed to an immense 
crowd in the most beautiful church in Spain. He 
almost believed that talent was orthodox. We have 
moreover remarked that one of the characteristics of 
de la Fuente was to preach the pure gospel, avoiding 
everything which might shock his hearers. The 
emperor sent for him to the palace. Charmed with 
his conversation, his intelligence, and his polished 
and agreeable manners, he named him one of his 
chaplains. To this appointment he soon added the 
office of almoner, and invited him to follow him be- 
yond the Pyrenees. De la Fuente, being attached to 
Seville, would gladly have declined the call, as he had 
those from Cuenca and Toledo. But this time it was 


his sovereign who called him. The will of Charles 
the Fifth was law, and there was no way of escape. 
Moreover this call, in his judgment, came from God 
himself. He, therefore, prepared for his departure. 
Strange to say, the emperor charged him to accom- 
pany his son Philip into the Netherlands and to 
England.* ' I intend,' he said, ' to show the 
Flemings that Spain is not without her amiable 
scholars and eminent orators.' De la Fuente, there- 
fore, accompanied Philip. He afterwards rejoined 
Charles in Germany, discharged the duties of chaplain 
to him, and had the opportunity of making the 
acquaintance of some of the reformers. 

The departure of Ponce de la Fuente left the 
Roman party at Seville more at ease. They resolved 
now to get rid first of Vargas. This theologian, who 
perhaps had neither the tact of de la Fuente nor the 

* ' Oonatantinus (de la Fuente) a Osesare et Alio Philippo ascitiis 
Hiapali discedere oogeretur,' — JMontanus, p. 282. 


fervour of Egidius, was just on the point of being 
cited before tbe tribunals wben he died. Egidius 
thus left alone felt keenl}' the loss of his friends. He 
was to have no more intimate communion, no more 
familiar conversations. The illustrious preacher en- 
countered everywhere hostile looks, and had no 
longer a friendly ear into which he could pour his 
sorrow. His singular openheartedness exposed him 
more than others to hatred. Simple and candid, when 
called to speak from the chief pulpit of Seville, he 
attacked the enemies of the light more openly and more 
frequently than his colleagues had done.* Conse- 
quently, his adversaries, full of anger against him, 
put into circulation the most unfavourable reports of 
his orthodoxy. They surrounded him with secret 
agents, who were instructed to pick up his sayings and 
to spy out his proceedings ; and they schemed among 
themselves what course they must take to get rid of 
a man whom they detested. Egidius was left alone; 
but even alone he was a power in Se\dlle. If his 
enemies could succeed in overthrowino; him, the 
Inquisition would then reign without a rival. Un- 
fortunately for these fanatical men, Egidius cou.nted 
a large number of friends among all classes. After 
a careful examination of all the circumstances, they 
had not courage publicly to accuse him. There was 
need of the briUiant popularity of which he was 
subsequently the object to raise their irritation to 
such a pitch that they determined to proceed to 

The inquisitors did not stop here. Rodrigo de 

* ' Qui ut simplicitate ingenii et auctoritate praestabat, apertius et 
frequentius lucis hostes lacessetat.' — Montaims, p. 266. 


Valerio, after having been set at liberty, on the 
ground, they said, that he was merely mad, had re- 
frained, by the desire of his friends, from publicly 
preaching the gospel. Unwilling, hoAvever, to do 
absolutely nothing, he had gathered together a cer- 
tain number of his friends and had in a familiar way 
interpreted to them the Epistle of St. Paul to the 
Romans, that ocean, as Chrysostom called it, which 
meets us everywhere at the beginning of the awaken- 
ings.* Some of those who listened to him persevered 
in the faith ; others, at a later time, rejected it. 
Among the latter in particular was Peter Diaz, who 
having forsaken the gospel entered the Society of 
Jesuits and died at Mexico.f But the brave Rodrigo 
could not long submit to this restriction. Ought he 
to shrink, he said to himself, from exposing his 
liberty, or even his life, when the gospel was at 
stake? Others had given their lives for a less object 
than this. He was in hope, moreover, of arousing 
by his own example other combatants who should 
finally win the victory. He, therefore, laid aside 
timid precautions and began again to point out pub- 
licly the errors and superstitions of Rome. He was 
once more denounced, and was arrested by the Inqui- 
sition, which was quite determined this time not to 
let slip the pretended madman. He was sentenced 
to imprisonment for life and to wear the san benito, 
a cloak of a yellow colour, the usual garb of 
the victims of the Inquisition, Every Sunday and 

* ' A Valerio Nebriasensi ex d. Pauli epistolse ad Romanes familiari 
interpretatione (-veritatem) ante didicerat (Diazius).'— Montanus, p. 268. 

f Peter is not to be confounded -with one of the two brothers Juan 
and Alfonso, wliose tragic history holds a place in the annals of the 
Reform ation. 


feast-day, Yalerio was taken, as well as other peni- 
tents, by the familiars of the holy otfice to Saint 
Saviour's Church, at Seville, to hear both the sermon 
and the high mass. He appeared as a penitent with- 
out repentance. He could not listen to the doctrine 
of the monks without in some way sho-\ving his oppo- 
sition to it. He would sometimes rise from his seat, 
and, while the whole assembly fixed their eyes on 
him, put questions to the preacher, refute his doc- 
trines, and entreat his hearers to take care they 
did not receive them.* Rodrigo could not hear a 
doctrine contrarv to the gospel without his whole 
soul being stirred within him. The inquisitors, 
steadily persuaded of his madness, at first excused 
these interpellations, which to them seemed to be the 
clearest proof of his malady. But the discourses of 
this insane man were so reasonable that they pro- 
duced an impression. The inquisitors at length 
confined him in a convent on the coast of San Lucar, 
where all society was forbidden him; and here he 
died at about the age of fifty. His san henito was 
exhibited in the metropolitan Church of Seville, with 
this inscription: — Rodrigo Vaierio, a fake apostle who 
gave out that he was sent of God. It was after the 
departure of de la Fuente from Seville that the final 
sentence was pronounced against Yalerio. 

* ' Saepe e sua sede surgens, spectante universo populo, concionatoribus 
contradixit.' — Montaniis, p. 204. 

CHiP. III. 45 



THE Spaniards who at this epoch distinguished 
themselves by the purest faith were those who, 
having been by various circumstances transported into 
Germany and the Netherlands, were there brought 
into contact with the Reformation and its most 
remarkable men. Thus it happens that respecting 
these we possess the inost detailed information. We 
are, therefore, called to look in this chapter and the 
following ones at Spain out of Spain. 

While Seville was a great evangelical centre in 
the South, and the foremost town in Spain at the 
epoch of the Reformation, there were also cities in 
the north of the Peninsula which were distinguished 
by some remarkable features, particularly Valladolid 
and Burgos. The latter town, situated in a fertile 
country, and once the capital of Castile, gave birth 
to four young men, who were afterwards noted for 
their devotion to the gospel, but who spent most of 
their lives beyond the Pyrenees. These were James, 
Francis and John de Enzinas, sons of a respectable 
citizen of Burgos, who had kinsmen of noble rank 
and high connexions, and Francis San Romano, of 
more humble origin, but whose parents were ' good 
Jionest people.' His father was alcalde of Bribiesca. 


These four young men, almost of the same age, 
were comrades at Burgos/"' For various reasons they 
quitted the town in their youth. The father of the 
Enzinas, a man in his way ambitious for his children, 
and holding firmly by his authority as a father, con- 
tinued to rule his sons even after they had attained 
their majority. He sent them to complete their edu- 
cation at the university of Louvain, partly because 
the course of study there was of a more liberal cast 
than in Spain, and partly because he had kinsmen 
settled in the Xetherlands, some of whom were at the 
court and enjoyed the favour of Charles the Fifth. 
It appeared to him that a fine career was there open 
to their ambition, and that they would perhaps ulti- 
mately rise to the high position of their father. They 
were indeed to find a career, but one of a more noble 
and glorious kind. 

The Enzinas, having arrived in the Xetherlands 
before 1540, applied themselves zealously to their 
studies. They were all of them, and especially 
Francis, desirous of discovering all that was true and 
good, fully determined to communicate to others the 
truths which they had acquired, filled with courage 
to defend them against all attacks and with perse- 
verance to continue in the face of danger faithful to 
their convictions.f They had the Spanish tempera- 
ment, depth and fervour of soul, seriousness and 
reflectiveness of understanding; and some faults of 
their nature were corrected by Christian faith. Their 

' Quern olim in nostra civitate adolescentem puer familiariter novi,' 
says Francis Enzinas of San Komano. — Memoirs of JEuzinas, ii. p. 174. 

t ' Virum grayem admodum constantemque et fortem in iis asserendis 
defendendisque quae vera atque recta esse discendo comperisset.' — Camera- 
I'ius, ^lehiiichthonh Vita, p. 324. 


language had not only stateliness but thought. The 
sense of honour did not in them degenerate into 
pride, as is so often the case; and their religious faith, 
by the influence of the gospel, Avas preserved from 
superstition. They have been known under different 
names in different countries. Their family name 
Enzinas, which in Spanish denotes a species of oak, 
was as usual hellenized in Germany, where they bore 
the name of Dryander, and was turned into French 
in France, where they were sometimes called 

These three young men had a taste for literature, 
and made rapid progress in it. Mobile the truly noble 
and liberal bent of their intellect separated them from 
the theologians who were virtually imprisoned within 
the walls of the Scholastic method and doctrine, their 
naturally religious disposition, the common charac- 
teristic of their countrymen, led them to seek out 
the pious men of their day. Two of these were the 
means of bringing them over from Roman Catholic- 
ism to evangelical Protestantism; both of them con- 
ciliatory men, who, though they belonged especially 
to one of the two categories, maintained at the same 
time some relations with the other. One of them 
stood on the Catholic side, the other on the Protest- 
ant; but they had both been desirous of bringing 
about a reconciliation between the Reformation and 
Catholicism. One of these men was George Cassander, 
born in 1515, probably in the island of Cassandria, 
at the mouth of the Scheldt. He was a good scholar, 
and was a perfect master of languages and literature, 
.law and theology, and taught with great reputation 
in various universities in the Netherlands. Sincerely 


pious, he miide it the purpose of his hfe to demon- 
strate the agreement of the two parties in essential 
doctrines and to endeavour to unite them. With 
this intent he published various works.* The empe- 
ror Ferdinand at a later time requested him to work 
for this end. The Enzinas associated themselves with 
him. An intimate friendship grew up between them; 
they had frequent conversations and wrote to each 
other when separated. f But while the Catholics 
thought that Cassander conceded too much to the 
Protestants, the latter, and especially Calvin, com- 
plained that he conceded too much to the Catholics. 
He did, iu fact, remain always united with the Roman 
church, declared that he submitted to its judgment, 
and openly condemned schism and its authors. 

The three brothers, endowed with an honest 
spirit, werq resolved to get to the bottom of things. 
The spirit of Cassander, timid, as they thought, and 
the inadequacy of flie reforms which he allowed to be 
desirable, displeased them; and they gradually with- 
drew from him. They looked for better guides, and 
studied the Holy Scriptures. B)' public report they 
heard of Melanchthon, and they began to read and 
to meditate on his writings. He was their second 
teacher, more enlightened, more evangelical, and 
more illustrious than the first. ]Melanchthon laid 
open to their understanding in a luminous manner the 
sacred Epistles. He revealed to his reader the grace 
of Jesus Christ, and this without the asperity and the 

■ ' De officio pii viri in hoc dissidio religionis. Consultatio de articulis 
iidei inter papistas et protestantes controTersis, &c. 

+ ' lUustrium et clarorum virorum epistolK, sciiptse a Belgis Tel ad 
Belgas,' pp. 55, 58. Lugd. Batav., 1617. 


violent language which are sometimes to be met 
with in Luther. Melanchthon's moderation charmed 
them. They had found their master. 

About the close of 1537, Francis Enzinas, then 
from twenty to twenty-five years of age, was recalled 
by his family to Burgos. His relative, Peter de 
Lerma, had just been prosecuted by the Inquisition. 
It was supposed that the views for which proceedings 
had been taken against him Mere to be attributed to 
his sojourn at Paris. Those inhabitants of Ikirgos 
who had sent their sons to foreign universities were 
alarmed lest their children and theinselves should 
be subjected to the severities of the Inquisition. This 
was mainly the cause of the return of Francis to 
Burgos. ' At that time,' says he, ' I Avas assailed 
by earnest remonstrances on the part of my parents, 
and I began to be looked on with suspicion by many 
great persons, because I would not comply with their 
requirements and give up the studies, the savour of 
which I had already tasted.' * His aged uncle, 
Peter de Lerma, was at tliis time at Burgos. Francis 
went to see him, and found him imhappy and dis- 
pirited, unable to reconcile himself to the thought of 
living in a country where a man must either be in 
agreement with the Inquisition or become its victim. 
' Ah ! ' said he, ' I can no longer remain in Spain. It 
is impossible for men of learning to dwell in 
safety in the midst of so many persecutors.' What 
though he was now nearly eighty years old ? What 
though he must renounce, if he quitted Spain, all 
his goods and all his honours? He determined to 

* Memoirs of Enzinfus, ii. pp. 172, 173. 


seek after another abode in whicli he miglit end his 
da3's in peace. He would not hear of delay either 
on account of the season of the year, when storms 
are most to be dreaded, or on account of the war 
which was raging beyond the Pyrenees. He was 
resolved to leave Spain immediately. Perhaps he 
was encouraged not to put off his departure bj'^ the 
thought that the younger Enzinas might be of some 
service to him in carrying out his project. The old 
man embarked on a vessel which was sailing for 
Flanders. On his arrival there he betook himself 
to Paris, where he had formerly resided. During his 
first stay in the capital of France, De Lerma had 
been made doctor of the Sorbonne; he now found 
himself the most aged member of the University. 
His friends, persuaded that he had been persecuted 
unjustly, received htm with much respect. He spent 
four years at Paris. 

Francis had returned to Louvain. A great thought 
had by this time taken possession of his mind. His 
supreme desire was to see Spain converted to the 
gospel. XoAV what means so mighty for this end as to 
give to the land the Word of God, and what a happi- 
ness it would be for him to enrich his native country 
with this treasure ! In former aces the Bible had 
been translated, but the Inquisition had flung it into 
the flames. Hardly a single copy had escaped;* 
and Spaniards proudly boasted of the fact that their 
language had never served to dishonour the Book of 
God by exposing it to profane eyes. Enzinas, in 
common with others, supposed that the Xew Testa- 
ment had never yet been translated into Spanish. He 

* M'Ciie, HpfoniKitiuii in Sjjnin, pp. 4UC. 414. 

CHAP. III. enzijStas and ALASCO. 51 

therefore zealously undertook this task. But when 
he had made a beginning he felt that it was not in 
the Netherlands that he could conveniently accom- 
plish it. The superstitions prevalent around him, 
and the annoyances which he had to endure on 
the part of the fanatical ultramontanes, made him 
ardently long to leave Louvain. At the same time 
he felt the need of a visit to Wittenberg, to talk 
over his work with Luther and Melanchthon, that he 
might profit by their larger knowledge. He was 
already acquainted with their writings, but he wished 
lor their counsel, and desired an introduction to them. 
Enzinas had met Alasco at Louvain in 1536, when 
the latter, after leaving Poland, had directed his steps 
to the Netherlands. He had been struck with the 
aspect, at once serious and gentle, of the Polish 
noble, and he had admired the air of stateliness and 
dignity which invested his whole person.* But he 
had not yet percei^'ed ' the treasures which lay 
hidden in the depth of his soul.' Subsequently, 
Albert Hardenberg arrived at Louvain. They talked 
tosrether about John Alasco, and Hardenbers; ex- 
pressed himself with all the warmth of a friend. 
' How can I name to you,' he said, ' all the gifts 
which God has bestowed on him, his eminent piety, 
his pure religion, the sweetness and the benevolence 
of his disposition, his Avonderful acquaintance with 
all the liberal sciences, his aptitude for languages? 
. . . Li these respects he surpasses all other men.' f 
These words of Hardenberg kindled in the heart 

* ' Cum gravitatem illam vultus pari suavitate conjimotam, et totius 
corporis majestatem vere heroicam contemplarer.' — Gerdesius, iii. Monu- 
menta, p. 83. 

t ' Divinitus donatus prje ceteris mortalibu.s.' — Ibid. 

E 2 


of Enzinas a warm love for Alasco; and ere long, 
he says, the little spark became a great flame.* He 
would fain have gone to him in all haste ; but he 
was detained at Louvain by insuperable obstacles. 
He attempted to write to him ; but when he read over 
his letter, abashed and anxious, he threw it away. 
At last he set out ; but when he had reached Antwerp 
he found himself compelled to go back to Louvain. 
xvTot long after his return he heard that Alasco's wife 
was there. She was, as we have seen, a native of this 
town. Francis hastened to her dwelling. He saw 
the wife and the daughter of his friend ; he almost 
fancied that he saw the friend himself. He availed 
himself of the opportunity to write to the man for 
whom he had conceived one of those great and in- 
tense aflFections which are sometimes found in healthy 
natures. He wrote to Alasco as a soldier who stands 
near his captain. It appears that his parents had 
destined him for a military career, and he knew the 
almost inflexible will of his father. He had had 
conflicts to go through. A Spanish noble, doubtless 
for the purpose of encouraging him to enter upon 
the career which his father had chosen, had presented 
him with a beautiful and antique sword, 'Although,' 
wrote the young soldier of Christ to Alasco, ' I should 
see the whole world taking up arms against me, 
because in spite of the advice of respected men I 
dedicate myself to study, I would not slight the gifts 
which God in his goodness, and without any deserv- 
ings on my part, has given me. I will strive like a 
man to propagate the truth which God has revealed 

* ' Scintillula ignis . . . ut totum fere pectus conflagi-aro viJeretiir.' — • 
OerJt'sius, iii. Munumenta, >6''i. 


to US. But for this purpose I must fly far from this 
Babylonish captivity, and betake myself to some 
place where piety is not proscribed, and where a man 
may devote himself to noble studies. I have decided 
to go to Wittenberg, to the university which pos- 
sesses so many learned professors, where knowledge 
of such various kinds is to be found, and which enjoys 
the approbation of all good men. I think so highly 
of the knowledge, the judgment, and the gift of 
teaching of Philip Melanchthon, that for his sake 
alone, to enjoy the conversation and the instruction 
of so great a man, I would fly to the ends of the 
world.* Aid me in my project. This you may 
do by giving me letters to facilitate my access to 
Luther, Melanchthon, and other scholars, and to 
obtain for me their kindly regard.' 

This was not all. Enzinas delivered to Alasco's 
wife, as an act of homage to her husband, the antique 
and valuable sword presented to him by a Spanish 
noble. 'You will say to me,' he adds, '"What 
would you have me do with a sword? " I know that 
you are armed with a better, one which penetrates 
deeper than any other, the Word of God. But 1 
send you this as a token of the love that I bear to 
you, and of the respect that I feel for the gifts which 
God has given you.' This letter is dated May 10, 

Francis Enzinas was not able to go immediately 
to Wittenberg. He had to undertake a journey 
to Paris in the summer of 1541, partly to see his 
elder brother then residing there, and partly to attend 

* ' Vel ad extremmn orbem advolare.' — Gerdesius, iii. p. 85. 


on his aged uncle, Peter de Tierma, -who was now 
drawing near to his end. The young man was 
thus with his aged kinsman on two most solemn 
occasions — his departure from Spain, and his death. 
Francis found him weakened, but still enjoying the 
use of his fine faculties. He went frequently to see 
him, and they had long and confidential inter^dews. 
The suavity of the old man, and his seriousness un- 
mixed with severity, charmed and delighted Francis,* 
who from infancy had always loved and honoured 
his relative, and now esteemed it a privilege to tes- 
tify to the last his respectful affection. His parents 
wrote to him from Burgos to take the greatest care 
of his aged uncle. He therefore went daily to see 
him, and his visits made glad the heart of the old 
man. Suddenly, in the month of August 1541, 
Peter de Lerma exchanged the miseries of this 
world for the joys of the life eternal.f The patri- 
arch of eighty-five and the youth of twenty-five 
were together at this solemn moment. Life was just 
beginning for Francis at the time when it was ending 
for his uncle ; and the former, like the latter, was to 
experience all its burdens. As the sole representa- 
tive of the family, he gave the old man honour and 
reverence till his death.J 

At Paris, Francis had found, as we have stated, 
his elder brother James, who had gone thither by his 
father's command to complete his studies ; and it 

* ' Ciijua suavi colloqiiio et minime molesta gravitate mirifice delec- 
taljar.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 166. 

t Miserias hujus mundi cum seterna vita conunutaTit.' — Memoirs of 
Eiiziniis, ii. p. 166, in the scholarly edition of M. Campan. (Brussels, 

t ' U.>ciue ad cineres sunima sura eum reverentia prosecutus.' — Ibid. 


is possible tliat this interview may have been the 
real purpose of his journey. James had, like his 
brother, a noble and independent mind, a sensitive 
conscience, and a pure and innocent nature which 
unsuspectingly showed itself as it was. This open- 
ness of character exposed him to great danger. To 
these qualities he added a very refined taste, which 
enabled him to appreciate instinctively the works 
of intellect and the productions of art. James was 
already convinced of the great truths of the gospel, 
but his faith was strengthened during his stay at 
Paris ; and he exerted a beneficial influence on some 
of his fellow-countrymen who were stud}ing there at 
the same time. 

In this capital he did not find everything answer- 
ing to his expectation. The professors were mostly 
bigots, who had a very small stock of knowledge, but 
nevertheless assumed a consequential air, although the 
little philosophy which they possessed made them really 
less intelligent than if they had had none at all. The 
students had little good-breeding, nor did they show 
any desire for really liberal researches. James Enzinas 
was deeply moved by the heroism of the martyrs, 
and the cruelty of their executioners made hiixi 
shudder. One day a very young man named Claude 
Lepeintre, about twenty years of age, was conducted 
to the Place Maubert, to sufiPer there the last penalty. 
He had resided three years at Geneva, serving, it 
appears, an apprenticeship to a goldsmith. In that 
city he had found the gospel. After his return to 
Paris, his native place, ' he had endeavoured to im- 
part to his friends the knowledge of eternal salva- 
tion.' Some people of the house in which he carried 


on l^'is trade as a goldsmith ' could not endure the 
sweet savour of the gospel of the Son of God,' and 
therefore took him before the criminal judge, Avho 
condemned him to Be burnt alive. He appealed to 
the parliament, which, as Claude refused to recant, 
added that he should forthwith have his tongue cut 
out. Without change of countenance the pious 
young Christian presented his tongue to the exe- 
cutioner, who seized it with pincers and cut it off. 
It is even added that with it he struck the martyr 
several blows on the cheek. He was then placed in 
a car to be taken to the stake. Several evangelical 
Christians, students and others, such as James En- 
zinas, his friend the advocate Crespin, and Eustace 
of Knobelsdorf, would not leave him till his death. 
His martyrdom was described by all three of them. 
WhUe on his way to the Place j\raubert he was 
subjected, say these eye-witnesses, to 'numberless 
insults which they cast at him. But it was wonderful 
to see his self-possession and constancy, and how he 
passed on with a light heart. It might have been 
thought that he was going to a banquet.' He alighted 
of his own accord from the car, and stood by the post 
to which they bound him by coiling chains about his 
body. The crowd excited against him assaUed him 
with outcries and insults ; but he bore them with un- 
speakable calmness. His tongue having been torn 
out, he could not speak ; but his eyes were steadily 
tixed on heaven, as on the abode which he was about 
to enter, and whence he looked for help. The exe- 
cutioner covered his head with brimstone, and when 
he had finished sho-wed him with a threatening air 
the lighted torch with which he was going to set 


fire to the pile. The young martyr niade a sign 
that he would willingly suiFer this death. ' This 
youth,' says Knobelsdorf, one of the eye-witnesses, 
' seemed to be raised to a more than human eleva- 
tion.' ' This most happy end,' says another witness, 
Crespin, ' confirmed those who had begun to have 
some sense of the truth, to which the Lord gave 
before our eyes a true and living testimon}'' in the 
person of Claude.' * 

James had employed his leisure hours in com- 
posing in Spanish a catechism v/hich he thought 
adapted to impress on the minds of his countrymen 
the great truths of the gospel. Confirmed in his 
faith by the martyrdom of Claude Lepeintre, weary 
of his Paris life, and anxious to publish his work, he 
went to Louvain and thence to Antwerp. This town 
offered facilities for printing it, and the ships bound 
for Spain easily conveyed the books when printed 
into that countrj'. Francis, on his return from Paris, 
stayed for some time in Belgium, and next went to 
Wittenberg, where freedom of studies was possible, 
and where Melanchthon was to be found. 

John Enzinas, the youngest of the three brothers, 
was also a lover of the gospel ; but he led a more 
peaceful life than the elder ones. He had chosen the 
medical profession, and had settled in Germany. He 
became a professor at the university of Marburg, and 
acquired a certain reputation by his works on medi- 
cine and astronomy, and by the invention of various 

* Illust. et Clar. Virorum Ejjp. selectee, a Belgis vel ad Belgas scrip- 
tse ; Leyden, 1617. Ep. from Knobelsdorf to Oassander, July 10, 1542 ; 
from Janies Dryander to Cassauder, pp. 88-45, 55, 60. Crespin, Act is 
des Martyrs, iii. p. 127. 


instruments useful for the advancement of those 
sciences. But in the annals of the Reformation his 
name is less conspicuous than those of his brothers. 

Another young Spaniard, like the Enzinas a 
native of Burgos, and a friend of theirs, was in 1540 
at Antwerp, whither James had already gone, and 
Francis Hkewise was to go. San Romano, of whom we 
have previously made mention, had devoted himself 
to trade, and his business affairs had called him into 
the Xetherlands. There was a fair-time at Antwerp, 
during which it was usual for the merchants of various 
countries to settle their accounts. As San Romano 
was a very intelHgent young man, and was, moreover, 
already acquainted with the merchants of Bremen, 
he was commissioned by their creditors, his country- 
men, to go to Bremen to claim and receive what was 
owing to them. Another Spaniard was associated 
with him. It will be remembered that Jacob Spreng, 
provost of the Augustines of Antwerp, had taken 
refuge in this tovsm after his escape from the perse- 
cutions of the inquisitors. He was now preaching 
the gospel there with much power.* San Romano, 
whose business had not concluded so quickly as he 
might have OTshed, was desirous of learning some- 
thing about the doctrine which was being preached in 
Germany, and which was hated in Spain. Although 
he knew very little of German, he entered the 
church. He drew near, he listened, and his attention 
was soon riveted. To his great surprise he under- 
stood the whole sermon. f He was intensely interested, 
enlightened, and convinced. He felt pierced as by 

' See vol. vii. p. 5(1?. 

t ' Totam concionem intellexit.' — Memoirs of Enzinn?, ii. p. \~Q. 


an arrow from the hand of God,* and was greatly 
moved. The orator's discourse made his heart burn 
within him.f Something new and strange was going 
on. No sooner was the service over than, forgetting 
all matters of business, he hastened to the preacher. 
The latter received him with much kindness, and took 
hirn to his house. 

There, when they were alone, San Romano re- 
called to Spreng what he had said, repeating the 
whole discourse as if he had learnt it by heart. He 
told him the impressions which it had produced on 
his heart, and thus earnestly entreated him: ' Pray 
explain to me moi'e clearly this doctrine which I 
begin to relish, but which I do not yet thoroughly 
understand.' The pastor marvelled at tbe vehemence 
of the young man and at his sudden conversion. 
The liveliness of his new-born faith, which seemed 
resolved to subdue everything, this first ardour 
of a striking transformation, astonished him. He 
counselled San Romano to restrain himself and not 
to fail in prudence; but at the same time he taught 
him carefully and kindly the great truths of salva- 
tion, San Romano remained for three days in the 
pastor's house. Nothing could induce him to go out. 
He had seemingly forgotten the business on which 
he had come to Bremen. A divine ligbt shone 
more and more clearly in bis mind. During these 
three days he was completely changed, like Paul at 
Damascus, and became a new man. J 

* ' Divino quodam oestro pei'citus.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 176. 
t ' Ipsum iuflammavit concionatoris oratio.' — Ibid. 
X ' Toto triduo . . in alium quemdam hominem prorsus noTum est 
immutatus.' — Ibid., -p. 178. 


When this time had elapsed, San Romano went 
to pa)' some attention to his business, entrusted it to 
his companion, and then several times returned to 
converse further with his new guide. The words of 
the gospel had laid hold on him ; they were Jiis only 
theme of thought by day, his only dream by night.* 
He would not miss one of Spreng's sermons. When 
he returned to his abode he wrote them down and 
then read them over to the pastor. More than this — 
he openly professed the truth which he had learned. 
' This man,' thought Spreng, ' is certainly not hke 
the rest of the world, Other men make a gradual 
progress, but he has learnt all in a few days. He 
seems to be saturated with the Word of God, 
although apparently he has read so little of it. He 
despises the world and the life of the world ; he 
despises everything for Christ, whose Word he fear- 
lessly spreads abroad.' f He was anxious not only 
for the salvation of those about him, Ijut wrote long 
letters to his friends at Antwerp. ' I give thanks to 
God,' he said to them, ' who led me to a man by 
whose instrumentality I found Jesus Christ, my true 
Saviour, and from whom I have gained a knowledge 
of the Holy Scriptures, which I cannot sufSciently 
prize.' He exhorted them all to turn to God, if 
they would not perish for ever with those who led 
them astrav. Lamenting the cruelty of Spain and 
the blindness of the Spaniards, ' Alas ! ' he said, ' they 
will not open their eyes to contemplate the glorious 

* ' Nihil toto die meditabatur, nihil nocte somniabat, prseter eas sen- 
tentiaa.' — ^Temoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. \7^. 

t Letter from Sprang to Enzinas, Jan. 6, 1546. Archives of Pro- 
testant Seminary at Strasbm-jr. 


light of the gospel, nor give attentive ear or mind 
to the manifest counsels of God who calls them to 
repentance.' He therefore formed a resolution. ' I 
purpose,' said he, ' returning to Antwerp, to see 
whether the light of divine knowledge may not 
enlighten the hearts of my friends. I shall then pro- 
ceed to Spain, to endeavour to convert to the true 
worship of God my relations and our whole city, 
which is at present shrouded in the horrible dark- 
ness of idolatry.'* In the ardour of his first love, 
San Romano imagined that nothing could resist a 
truth, all the sweetness and power of which he him- 
self knew so well. But, alas ! it was by the flames 
of martyrdom that he was destined to illuminate his 

His zeal no longer knew any limits. He wrote 
to Charles the Fifth earnestly conjuring hina to 
acknowledge worthily the great benefits of God, by 
faithfully fulfilling his duty. ' Allay the dissensions 
of Christendom,' he said, ' that the glory of God 
may by your means be made manifest in the world; 
re-establish in Spain and in every country which is 
subject to your sway the pure doctrine of Christ our 
Saviour.' San Romano wrote thus two or three 
times to the emperor. At the same time he wrote 
■some evangelical books in Spanish. All this was 
done in one month, or at most in forty days, while 
he was awaiting the answer to the letters which he 
had written to Antwerp. 

These had been well received by his friends, and 
they had instantly understood from what malady he 

* ' Postea in Hispaniam commigrare ut parentes ac totam deniqiie 
civitatera nostram converteret.' — Memoirs of Eir.in(is,ii. -p. 1H2. 


was suffering.* Far from thmking of their own sal- 
vation as he implored them, they only thought how 
to ruin him, and set all their ingenuity to work to 
entrap him. ' Ah ! ' they wrote in terms of endear- 
ment, 'if only you return to Antwerp, the great 
things of which you speak will, without the least 
doubt, be accomplished.' At the same time they 
came to an understanding with the Dominican monks, 
some of whom they appointed to watch for the mo- 
ment at which he should enter the city. ' You are 
to seize on him,' said they, ' you are to question him 
about his father, and if he differs from you in the 
least on this subject you are to put him to death, or 
throw him into some pit in which he will be buried 
as a living corpse.' f 

The poor man, whom the answer of his friends 
had filled with hope and joy, mounted on horseback, 
saying to himself that he should be able without 
great difficulty to convert all the Spaniards to the 
true religion. He arrived, passed the gates, and 
entered the town ; but all at once the monks in am- 
bush surrounded him, dragged him from his horse, and 
led him off as a prisoner to the house of a tradesman 
who was devoted to their cause. J There thej- bound 
him hand and foot and began searching his baggage. 
They found in it a good many books in German, 
French, and Latin ; some were by Luther, others by 
Melanchthon, and the rest by Qilcolampadius and 
other equally suspected authors. They even dis- 

' 'Quo morbo laboraret.' — M'ejnoirs ofEnziimx, ii. p. Isj.. 

t ' In aliquod antrum, quasi vivum cadaver insepultum detruderent.' — 
lUd., p. 184. 

X 'Ex equo deponunt, et captivum in sedes cujusdam mercatoris de- 
ducunt.' — Ibid., p. ISO. 


covered, to their great horror, insulting pictures of 
the pope. They turned angrily to him, saying, 
' Thou art a perfect Lutheran.' San Romano, having 
fallen so unexpectedly into an ambush, was con- 
fused, excited, and inflamed with wrath. He was a 
true Spaniard, calm while nothing disturbed him, but 
when hurt in any way, giving vent to the passions 
of a soul on fire. He had known the gospel too 
short a time to have become wise as a serpent and 
harmless as a dove. He was no longer master of 
himself. 'You are rascals,'* he exclaimed. 'lam 
not a Lutheran, but 1 profess the eternal wisdom of 
the Sou of God, whom ye hate. And as to your 
dreams, your impostures, your corrupt doctrines, I 
abhor them with all my heart.' ' What, then, is thy 
religion?' asked the monks. ' I believe in God the 
Father, Creator of all,' replied San Romano, 'and I 
believe in God the Son, Jesus Christ, who redeemed 
mankind by his blood, and who by delivering them 
fi-om the bondage of the devil, of sin, and of death, 
established them in the liberty of the gospel.' ' Dost 
thou believe,' asked the monks, 'that the pope of 
Rome is the vicar of Christ, that all the treasures of 
the church are in his hands, and that he has power to 
make new articles of faith and to abolish the others ? ' 
' 1 believe nothing of the sort,' exclaimed San Ro- 
mano, horrified. ' I believe that the pope, like a 
wolf, disperses, leads astray, and tears in pieces the 
poor sheep of Jesus Christ.' ' He blasphemes ! ' said 
the Spaniards. ' You shall be put to death, and by 
fire,' cried the monks. ' I am not afraid to die,' re- 
plied he, ' for him who shed his blood for me.' The 

* ' Pessimi netulones.' — Miinoirs of Enzincis, ii. p. 18>!. 


mouks then lighted a fire ; but they contented them- 
selves with burning all his books before his face. 
But when he saw the Xew Testament throAvn into 
the flames, he could contain himself no longer. ' He 
is mad,' said the Spaniards; and they carried him, 
bound, to a certain tower, six leagues from Antwerp, 
where they kept him for eight months in a dark 
dungeon. Admitting, however, that a want of mo- 
deration was excusable in the state of extreme 
agitation into which he ^\■as thrown, his fellow- 
countrymen caused him to be set at libert}'. 

San Romano then betook himself to Louvain, 
knowing that he should find there friends of the gospel. 
Here he met with Francis Enzinas, who had not yet 
set out for Paris, and who, knowing the inexperience, 
boldness, and zeal of his countryman, and the dangers 
which awaited him, spoke to him frankly and wisely, 
advising him not to undertake, as he had purposed, 
the conversion of all Spain. ' Remain,' said he, ' in 
the calling to which G od has called you ; you may be 
able to do much good in your business. Do not set 
yourself to speak about religion to every person 
whom you meet, nor to cry out like a madman at the 
top of your voice in the streets and public places. 
Perhaps you may not be able to reply to the argu- 
ments of your adversaries, nor to confirm your own 
by good authorities. If God has need of you he will 
call you, and it will be time then to expose yourself 
to every peril.' ' You say truly,' replied San Romano, 
' and for the future * I will speak more modestly.' 

But there Tvas in this young man a fire which 
nothing could extinguish. His ruling passion was 

* Memoirs of Eiizinat, ii. p. lils. 


the desire to do everj^thiiig in his power which he 
believed calculated to save mankind and to glorify 
God. He had a wonderful fervency of spirit which 
prompted him to perpetual efforts, even to what 
many would, perhaps, call an excess of piety and 
charity. This has often been the case with the most 
eminent Christians. The words of Scripture were 
true of him : The zeal of thine house hath eaten me 
up. Scarcely had he promised Enzinas to be more 
prudent, when he set out with a few friends for 
Ratisbon, where the Imperial Diet had been opened 
in April (1541), and where Charles the Fifth then 
was. The prince was showing, as they said, much 
favour towards the Protestants. He desired, in fact, 
to obtain the support of the evangelical party for the 
war against the Turks who were attacking Austria.* 
San Romano, therefore, believed the moment to be fa- 
vourable for attempting the conversion of Charles. He 
did not mention his design to his companions. WhUe, 
however, he went on his way in silence, he reasoned 
within himself that the truth of the gospel was ob- 
vious, and that if the emperor, whom the Spaniards 
regarded as master of the world, should once receive 
it, he would spread it abroad throughout Christen- 
dom, and throughout the whole world. And he 
thouo-ht that if vulgar fears should hinder him from 
speaking to Charles, he would be taking upon him- 
self an immense responsibility. 

No sooner had he arrived at Ratisbon than he 
requested and obtained an audience of the emperor. 
He entreated him to make use of his power to 
repress the fanatical proceedings of the Inquisition. 

* See tte opening speecli of the Diet. — Sleiclan, ii, p. 125 sqq. 


' Sire,' said he, ' the true religion is to be fourd 
amongst the Protestants, and the Spaniards are 
sunk in abominable errors. Receive worthily the 
true doctrine of the Son of God, which is proclaimed 
so clearl)' in the Germanic churches. Repress all 
cruelty, re-establish the true worship of God in 
your states, and cause the doctrine of salvation to 
be proclaimed throughout the world.' Long and 
bold as San Romano's discourse was, the emperor 
listened to it very patiently. It was not mere 
ranting.* ' I have this matter much at heart,' re- 
plied Charles, pleasantly, ' and I will spare no pains 
for it.' San Romano withdrew full of hope. 

A conference was now going on at Ratisbon be- 
tween the Romanists and the evangelical party, who, 
at the emperor's request, were endeavouring to come 
to an agreement. Charles's moderation might well 
be the result of his desire to do nothing: which misfht 
interfere with an arrangement. But no desire was 
manifested to render justice to the Reformation. On 
the contrary, Luther wrote to the Elector of SaxonJ^ 
All this is only pure popish deceit. It is impossible 
to bring Christ and the Serpent to an agreement.'! 
Fanatical Catholics, both Germans and Spaniards, 
were already indulging in acts of cruelty towards 
the evangelical Christians. At this spectacle San 
Romano felt his hopes vanish. He did not, however, 
lose heart ; but appealed a second and a third time 
with great boldness to the emperor, receiving none 
but gracious replies from him. 

* ' Longam atque audacem orationem . . . audivit imperator pa- 
tienter." — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 200. 

t ' Es ist unmbglich Christum zu vergleiclien mit der Sclilangen.' — 
Lulh., Ejyp., V. p. 3f6. 


The Spaniards in Charles's suite were less politic 
than himself, and they displayed much irritation at 
the language of their countryman. When, therefore, 
the young Christian of Burgos desired to speak a 
fourth time with the monarch, they had him carried 
off and put into prison. Their fury rose to the 
highest pitch, and weary of the consideration shown 
to him, they were about to seize the audacious young 
man and throw him without further ceremony into the 
Danube.* The emperor prevented this, and ordered 
him to be tried according to the laws of the empire. 
He was then thrown into a deep dungeon, where he 
was kept in chains. According to some accounts, 
he was bound to the wheels of a chariot, dragged 
in the train of the emperor, and even transported to 
Africa, whither Charles at this time betook himself 
on a famous expedition. f This story appears to us 
very improbable. However that may be, on the day 
when he was released from prison he was cruelly 
bound and chained together with real criminals, with- 
out the least regard to his social position or the cause 
for which he had been arrested, and thus conducted 
on a miserable cart either into Africa or into Spain. 
One of the Spaniards who had accompanied him on 
the way from Louvain to Ratisbon approached the 
cart, and, surprised at the barbarous manner in which 
his friend was treated, asked him, ' What is the mean- 
ing of this? Why are you here in company with 
criminals and treated with such ignominy?' Poor 
San Romano, constant in his faith and hope, raised 

* 'Volebant eum, sine mora, in Danubium prEBcipitem dare.' — Me- 
moirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 202. 

t ' Etiam (ut audivi) in ipsam Africanam expeditionem.' — Ih., p. 206. 



his arms as high as he could, saying, ' Do you see 
these iron chains? They will procure me in the 
presence of God greater honours than all the pomp 
and magnificence of the emperor's court. glo- 
rious bonds ! you will soon shine like a crown of 
precious stones. You see, my brother, how my arms 
and legs are bound and how my whole body, weighed 
down by these irons, is fastened to the cart, without 
being able to stir. But all these bonds cannot pre- 
vent my spirit, over which the emperor has no au- 
thority, from being perfectly free,* nor from rising 
to the dwelling of the eternal Father to contemplate 
heavenly things, nor from being there continually 
refreshed by the sweet society of saints. Ah ! would 
to God that the bonds of this mortal body were 
already severed and that my soul could even now 
take flight to my heavenly home ! It is my firm 
assurance, that soon, instead of these transient chains, 
everlasting joy in the glorious presence of God will be 
given me by the just Judge.' Such was the faith of 
the martyrs of the Reformation. There was some- 
thing within them that was free, liberrimus animus. 
There the emperor had nothing to command, nothing 
to say. Thus it was that after the night and bond- 
age of the iliddle Ages, our modem freedom took 
its rise. Holy and glorious origin ! San Romano's 
friend was so astonished and touched by these words 
that he ' shed a torrent of tears.' His grief was so 
intense that he could not speak, and ant^wered only 
by tears and sighs. But soon the guards, noticing 

* ' Nihil tamen obstant hsec omnia vinciila, quin meua animus alioqui 
liberrimus, in quern nihil habet juris imperator.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. 
p. 204. 


perhaps this conversation, drove on at a great rate, 
and the friends were separated.* 

San Romano on his arrival in Spain was delivered 
over to the Inquisition of Valladolid. The inquisi- 
tors threw him into a dark prison, ' a most horrible 
subterranean hole,' says the French translator. They 
subjected him to far more cruel treatment than he 
had ever experienced from the soldiers ; and he 
suffered more than in the great dangers which he had 
incurred at sea, from the chains with which he was 
loaded, and a thousand other torments. This took 
place in 1542, and San Romano remained in prison 
about two years. f 

* ' Nimium in via properatant.' — Memoirs of Enzmas, ii. p. 206. 

t The conclusion of San Romano's story will he found in ch. vi. infra. 





WHILE these events were passing, Francis Enzi- 
nas was working at Wittenberg under the eye 
of Melanchthon at his translation of the New Testa- 
ment. The work was at last completed, and there 
remained only to print it and send it to Spain. For 
this purpose Enzinas was to go to Antwerp. He set 
off, therefore, from Wittenberg in the month of Janu- 
ary 1543, just after his friend San Romano had been 
confined in the dungeons of Valladolid. He first 
proceeded, by very bad roads, and in the midst of 
winter, to Embden, where he wished to see John 
Alaseo. ' We conferred on several matters, which 
he has no doubt communicated to you,' wrote Fran- 
cis to Melanchthon. Thence he went to the con^-ent 
of Adnard, in the neighbourhood of Groningen, 
where Hardenberg then was. This man's regard for 
the gospel had abated, and he had determined to pass 
the rest of his days in peace in his convent. Enzinas 
endeavoured to induce him openly to profess the doc- 
trine of the gospel. In this he succeeded. Hardenberg 
left the convent and went to Cologne. Francis went 
to Louvain, where he arrived in March 1543.* 

* Memoirs of Enzinas, i. pp. 9-13. 


The moment was not favourable. The Inquisition 
and the secular power itself were both preparing their 
terrors. There was an under-current of agitation in 
the city ; hatred or fear was everywhere rife. Enzi- 
nas had many friends in the city ; but knowing that 
he came fi"om Wittenberg, and pretending that he 
' smelt of sulphur,' those with whom he was most 
intimate, far from lavishing on him marks of tender 
affection, as formerly, remained mute and trembled 
in his presence. He well understood the reason. 
The very day after his arrival, the Attorney-General, 
Peter du Fief, cast into prison, as we have seen else- 
where,* all of the evangelical party who fell into his 
hands. An uncle whom Enzinas had at Antwerp, 
Don Diego Ortega, invited him to go and see him, 
and he was received in that town with open arms. 
At this period he was alternately at Antwerp, Brus- 
sels, and Louvain. 

The persecution which had befallen a great num- 
ber of his friends now absorbed all his thoughts; but 
when the storm had somewhat abated, his project of 
publishing his Spanish translation of the New Tes- 
tament again engaged his attention. Being modest, 
as distinguished men generally are, he felt some hesi- 
tation when he considered how great an enterprise it 
was, especially for a young man like himself. ' I do not 
wish,' he said, 'to accomplish this work in obedience 
to my own impulse alone.' He therefore consulted 
several men belonging to different nations and emi- 
nent for their learning and wisdom. All of them 
approved his project, and begged him to hasten the 

* Vol. vii. p. 675, 


printing. ' Since the birth, of Jesus Christ,' said 
some of the monks, even among the superstitious, ' so 
great a benefit has never been offered to the Spanish 
people.' ' I could wish,' said another, ' to see that 
book printed, were it even with my own blood.' * 
Enzinas took another step even more humble, and 
which might have compromised him It was neces- 
sary that theological books should receive the sanction 
of the faculty of theology. 'Assuredly,' said Enzi- 
nas, ' this was never required, nor ought to be re- 
quired, for the Holy Scriptures. But no matter.' 
He sent his translation to the dean of Louvain by 
a monk of his acquaintance. The members of the 
faculty, after conferring together, replied, ' We do not 
know Spanish; but we know that every heresy in the 
Netherlands proceeded from reading the sacred books 
in the vulgar tongue. It would, therefore, be advis- 
able not to furnish the common people ia Spain with 
an opportunity of refuting the decrees of the Church 
by the words of Jesus Christ, the prophets, and the 
apostles. f But since the emperor has not forbidden 
it, we give neither permission nor prohibition.' This 
reply was at least candid and ingenuous. 

Enzinas did not pay much regard to the advice 
of the theologians of Louvain ; but the work would 
have had a much larger circulation if it had been 
sent out under their sanction. Now both prudence 
and zeal incited him to do everything to ensure the 
success of his enterprise. Having met with this re- 

'Vel BUG sanguine librum impressum.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. 
p. 140. 

t ' Responsandi ex prophetarum, Christi, et apostolorum scriptis ad- 
versua Ecclesias decreta.' — Ibid., p. 146. 


fusal, he contented himself with communicating his 
manuscript to Spanish scholars, who declared that 
thej' had collated the most important passages, and had 
found the translation very faithful. They urged him, 
therefore, to hasten the publication of so beneficial a 
work.* He now went once more to Antwerp, intend- 
ing to have his book printed there ; but he was soon 
to discover that his application to the theologians of 
the university of Louvain, by spreading in a certain 
circle a report of his enterprise, sufiiced to throw 
great obstacles in his way. 

There were, in fact, at this time in the Low 
Countries dignitaries of the Spanish Church whose 
eyes were open and who would not fail to use every 
eflFort to hinder the printing of the Holy Scriptures 
in Spanish. Amongst others was the archbishop of 
Compostella, Don Caspar d'Avalos, a man whom 
Spanish devotees considered, on account of the per- 
fection of his ultramontane doctrine, as a divinity 
among mortals,^ but Avhom men of sound judgment 
regarded as a fanatic. Filled with abhorrence for the 
holy doctrine of the gospel, he took every opportu- 
nity of contending against and uprooting it. He 
was the first to oppose the translation of Enzinas. 
' To publish the New Testament in Spanish,' said he, 
' is a crime worthy of death.' One day, when the 
archbishop and the translator were both at Antwerp, 
the former preached. The Spaniards, who were at 
this time numerous at Antwerp, were present, and 

* ' Utilis ilia admodum, atque proficua futura sit opera.' — Gerdesiua, 
Hist. Reform., iii. p. 166. 

t 'Ut divinum quoddam numea inter mortales existimetur.' — Me- 
moirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 126. 

74 THE REFORMAriON IN EUEOPE. book xiv, 

many others came out of mere curiosity. Enzinas 
slipped into the church, and, wishing to hear well, 
succeeded in placing himself close to the illustrious 
preacher. The latter, according to the taste of the 
Romish priests, delivered a controversial sermon, and 
it must be confessed that he had reasons for doing so. 
He thundered against the books which set forth the 
doctrine of the gospel. He did not preach, said 
Enzinas, he vociferated, and strove by furious cla- 
mour to stir up hi-s audience and excite the people to 
sedition.* He went even further. Without naming 
Enzinas, he hurled covert words at him, never sus- 
pecting that the man whom he was attacking was 
sitting close by him.-j- 

Francis, whether after or before this sermon we 
do not know, went to Stephen Meerdmann the printer, 
and the following conversation took place : — 

Enzinas : ' Are you willing to print a Spanish 
translation of the New Testament ? ' 

Meerdmann : ' Quite willing ; such a work is de- 
sired by many.' 

Enzinas : ' Is there any need of a license ? ' 

Meerdmann : ' The emperor has never forbidden 
the printing of the Holy Scriptures, and the New 
Testament has been printed at Antwerp in almost 
every European language. If your translation is 
faithful it may be printed without permission.' 

Enzinas : ' Then prepare your presses ; I take the 
responsibility of the translation; do you take that 

* ' Insanis vociferationibus, non dicam conoionantem, sed vere furen- 
tem, et coucionem ipsamadseditionemexcitantem.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, 
ii. p. 128. 

f ' Non pauca ille in te oblique dicitur ejaculatus . . . cum tu ipse 
proximus illi sederes . . . , quern tamen ipse non potuit agnoscere.' — Ibid. 


of the publication. Of course I bear the cost my- 

There was nothing underhand in all this. The 
enterprise of Enzinas was well known, and some ap- 
proved, while others blamed it. Anyone who wished 
was admitted to the translator's house. One day, 
when he had some members of his family with him, 
and before he had sent the copy to the printer, an old 
Dominican monk, who scented some heretical design 
underneath it all, presented himself at his door. 
After the customary salutations, he took up the first 
page which lay on the table in manuscript and con- 
tained the title and an epistle to the emperor. The 
monk read : The New Testament, that is, the New Cove- 
nant of our Redeemer and only Saviour Jesus Christ. 
Francis had said Covenant because he had noticed 
that the word Testament was not well understood ; 
and he had inserted the word only before the word 
Saviour to dissipate the error so common among the 
Spaniards, of admitting other Saviours besides the 
Son of God. ' Covenant,^ said the monk ; ' your trans- 
lation is faithful and good, but the word Covenant 
grates on my ears ; it is a completely Lutheran 
phrase.' ' Xo, it is not a phrase of Luther's,' said 
Enzinas, ' but of the prophets and apostles.' ' This 
is intolerable,' resumed the monk ; ' a youth, born but 
yesterday or the day before,* claims to teach the 
wisest and oldest men what they have taught all 
their life long ! I swear by my sacred cowl f that 
your design is to administer to men's souls the 

* ' Juvenculum heri aut nudius tertius natum.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, 
i. p. 188. This is evidence of the youth of Enzinas. 

t ' Jurare per sacrosanctam cucuUam.' — Memoire of Enzinas, i. p. 190, 


poisonous beverages of Luther, craftily mixing them 
with the most holy words of the New Testament.' 
Then turning to the relatives of Enzinas, he began 
to rail like a madman, endeavouring by tragical words 
to excite his o-\\-n family against him. Indeed, the 
monk had scarcely finished, when Francis was sur- 
rounded by his relatives, beseeching him, for the love 
of them, to erase the unlucky word. He did so, in 
order not to offend them, but he left standing the 
phrase only Saviour^ to which the monk did not ob- 
ject. He then sent the sheets to the printer who 
put it to press and worked oflf a large number. 

Having received this first printed sheet, Enzinas, 
through excess of caution, communicated it to a 
Spaniard of his acquaintance, an elderly, well-in- 
formed, and influential man. ' Only Saviour I ^ cried 
he, on seeing the title. ' If you will be advised by nie, 
omit the word only, which will give rise to grave 
suspicions.' Enzinas explained his reasons. The 
Spaniard acknowledged the truth of the doctrine, but 
denied the expediency of putting it so prominently 
forward. The word was omitted, and the sheet had 
to be reprinted.* The whole edition was some time 
after ready to appear. 

It was now the beginning of November 1543. 
The emperor had just made war against the Duke 
of Cleves, had conquered him, and had obtained 
by the treaty of Venloo a portion of the states of 
that prince. The duke's mother, the Princess Mary, 

* The title stood finally thus : ' El Nuevo Testamento de nuestro 
Redemptor y Salvador Jesu Ohristo, traduzido de Griego en lengua Oas- 
tellana por Francisco de Enzinas, dedicado a la cesarea Magestad. 
En Enveres, en casa de Estevan Mierdmanno, en el anno de mdxliii.' 
' — In 8vo. 


a clever woman, had died of grief and indignation ; * 
but the emperor was proud of his achievements, and 
thought only of following up his triumphs of every 
kind. It was to his Spanish troops in particular 
that Charles owed this victory. A great number of 
Spaniards of every rank accompanied him, and he 
had just appointed as his confessor a Dominican from 
the Peninsula, Pedro de Soto, who was afterwards 
the first theologian of Pius IV., in the third convoca- 
tion of the Council of Trent. At this time Soto 
ranked, both in the Low Countries and in Germany, 
among the most zealous of the Romish priests. He 
sought to gain over ignorant minds, and knew how 
to insinuate himself into the good graces of the 
great. As he had the emperor's conscience at his 
disposal he ' instilled into him his venom,! thus per- 
verting the sentiments of a prince who was full of 
clemency,' says Enziiias. But this supposed benig- 
nity on Charles's part was an illusion. Policy was 
his great guiding motive, and he was merciful or 
harsh, according as the interests of his ambition 
required. It is, however, true that Soto endeavoured 
both by his sermons and otherwise to inflame 
men's minds, and especially that of Charles, against 
those whom he called heretics. Whenever the Do- 
minican preached before Charles the Fifth and his 
court, he was to be seen entering the church in a 
lowly manner, his head sunk between his shoulders, 
his cowl pulled over his forehead, his eyes fixed 

* ' Cognitis pactionis hujua legibus . . . e vita, velut indignabunda, 
excedens humanis valedixit.' — Ubbo Emmiu3, 832. Raake, Deutsche 
Geschickte, iv. p. 295. 

t ' Eum praesentaneo veneno pimgit.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 100, 


on the ground, and his hands clasped.* One would 
have thought him a man dead to the world, who 
contemplated only heavenly things, and who would 
not harm a fly.f He mounted the pulpit, threw 
back his cowl and gravely saluted the emperor, and 
the princes and lords who surrounded him. Then 
he began his sermon, speaking with a low voice and 
slow enunciation, but clearly and firmly, so that his 
words sank the more impressively into men's hearts. 
He recalled with enthusiasm the religion of their 
ancestors and extolled the piety and zeal of Charles. 
Then, affecting to be more and more moved, he 
deplored with sighs and tears the ruin of religion and 
the attacks made upon the dignity of the priest, and 
conjured the emperor to tread in the way mai'ked out 
for him by his predecessors. Having thus by feigned 
modesty insinuated himself into the hearts of his 
audience, he raised his head boldly, gave vent to 
the passion by which he was animated, and brought 
into play the powerful artifices suggested to him 
by the Evil One. J He hurled the thunders of his 
eloquence at his adversaries ; he aimed a thousand 
shafts at them, and subdued his audience. But if 
his violence took the assembly by surprise, he shocked 
many, who thought with amazement ; ' We might 
fancy we were listening to a man who had descended 
from the abode of the gods on Olympus to announce 
the secrets he had learned from Jupiter.' ' He was 
seized,' said one of his hearers, ' with a diabolical 

* ' Inflexo capite in humeros, oucullo usque ad oculos demisso, terrain 
intuens, modeste, &c.' — Memoirs of Enzinm, ii. p. 100. 

t ' Qui ne muscam quidem Isedere poasit.' — Ibid. 

X ' TuQi admonet omnes machinas quas illi suggerit Satanse furor.' — 
Ibid., p. 102. 


fury, and seemed like a priest of the mysteries, 
gesticulating and leaping in a chorus of the Furies.'* 
He laid siege to the mind of the emperor, and in- 
flamed the princes with hatred of the divine doctrine. 
This he distorted and defamed; and he strove by all 
means to extinguish the salutary light of the gospel 
which God had rekindled in the midst of the dark- 
ness. Turning towards the emperor and the princes, 
he proclaimed in a prophetic voice, that God would 
not be favourable to them until they should have 
destroyed the apostates with fire and sword. He did 
not conclude his discourse till he thought he had 
constrained his hearers by his thundering eloquence 
to burn all the laitherans. 

Nevertheless it was quite manifest that the 
emperor did not always use such diligence as De Soto 
demanded of him in his seditious discourses. Dis- 
quieted, therefore, and saddened because the monarch 
appeared 'backward to persecution,' he appealed to 
him in private, urging him to make confession ; and 
it was in the retired chamber in which he received 
as a penitent the master of the world that he sought, 
by striking great blows, to drive Charles on to per- 
secution. ' Most sacred Majesty,' he said, ' you are 
the monarch whom God has raised to the highest 
pitch of honour, in order that you may defend the 
Church and take vengeance on impiety, and I am 
the man whom God has appointed to govern your 
conscience. Power has been given me, as your ma- 
jesty is aware, to remit and to retain sins. If your 
majesty does not purify the Church from pollution, I 

* ' Yel in ipso furiarum clioro bacchantem.' — Memoirs of JSiisiaas, 
ii. p. 100. 


cannot absolve you, ego non possum te absolvere.'' He 
even menaced him with the anger of God and the 
pains of hell. Charles, who was easily intimidated 
— even, as we know, by the approach of a comet — 
' imagined himself already plunged iato the abyss 
of hell.' * The monk, perceiving this, pressed his 
point, and did not pronounce absolution until he had 
extorted from the sovereign a promise to put the 
heretics to death. 

This narrative by a contemporary appears to us 
perfectly authentic. There is, however, one point on 
which we cannot follow it. We do not believe that 
De Soto was a hypocrite and employed fraud and 
treason, as this author seems to think, Charles's con- 
fessor was, we believe, a fanatic, but a sincere fanatic ; 
he really believed himself to be prosecuting error. 

No sooner had De Soto obtained the promise of 
Charles than he hastened to Granvella. It was said 
at court that these two personages had made a com- 
pact, by virtue of which the first minister never 
thwarted the confessor in matters of religion. It 
might be so ; but we believe that Charles did not 
lightly submit his designs to the fanaticism of the 
priests, nor would he, we repeat, give them the rein 
unless it suited his policy. 

On November 24, 1543, Charles the Fifth, after 
having signed the treaty of ^^enloo, entered Brussels, 
probably by the Louvain gate. Another personage 
entered the city at the same time, but by the Ant- 
werp gate. This was Francis Enzinas. He had, as we 
have said, dedicated his translation to the emperor. 

* ' Imperator existimat se jam nunc iu imo Tai'tari esse demersum.' — 
Memoh-s of Eimnas, ii. p. lOG. 


' Most sacred majesty,' said he in this dedication, 
' owing to versions of the Holy Scriptures, all men 
can now hear Jesus Christ and his apostles speak 
in their own languages of the mysteries of our 
redemption, on which the salvation and the con- 
solation of our souls depend. Xew versions are now 
continually being published in every kingdom of 
Christendom, in Itah", in Flanders, and in Germany, 
which is flooded with them. Spain alone remains 
isolated in her corner at the extremity of Europe. 
My desire is to be useful, according to my abilities, 
to my country. I hope that your majesty will ap- 
prove of my work and protect it with your royal 
authority.' This dedication was dated from Ant- 
werp, October 1, 1543. 

Enzinas did not wish his book to be offered for 
sale until he had presented it to the emperor ; and he 
had come to Brussels to confer with his friends as to 
where he would have to go and how he should pro- 
ceed. As soon as he had arrived he directed his 
steps towards the palace, where, no doubt, one of 
his acquaintances resided. On approaching he saw 
to his great surprise the emperor himself just arriv- 
ing at court, surrounded by a numerous suite.* At 
this sight Francis greatly rejoiced. ' What a happy 
augury! ' thought he; ' this opportune meeting should 
certainly give me hope that my business will succeed.' 
The question now was, how to get access to Charles. 
Francis de Enzinas, whose family occupied an ho- 
nourable position, had several distinguished kinsmen 

* ' Eodem tempore quum ego, ad aulam accedebat (imperator).' — 
Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 196. 



and friends at court,* to whom he could apply. He 
went, therefore, to their houses, but learned to his 
great disappointment that some of them had not yet 
arrived at Brussels ; and having visited the others, 
he found that these great personages were infidels 
Avho sco£Fed at religion as something far beneath 
them. For them it was only an instrument of 
government, and they were not at aU inclined to 
compromise themselves with the emperor by becom- 
ing patrons of Lutheranism. Enzinas withdrew, 
disappointed in his expectations. ' Certainly,' said 
he, ' I will not ask them to use their influence in 
favour of a work which they detest. Moreover, 
as I am connected with them either by friendship or 
by blood, I am unwilling to annoy them, or do them 
harm.' What, then, was to be done? 

There was one bishop at court who was in high 
favour with the emperor. This was Don Francisco 
de Mendoza, son of the first marquis of Mondejar, 
bishop of Jaen, a town not far from Granada and 
Cordova. He was a man in the prime of life, grave, 
candid, and open-hearted, pure in life, and a lover of 
piet}-. Enzinas went one Saturday to the palace in 
which the bishop lived. The latter received his 
young and noble fellow-countryman affectionately, 
and on learning that he came to speak with him about 
his translation of the New Testament he displayed 
the liveliest interest in the work.f ' I offer you my 
services in the matter,' said he, ' and I will use aU my 
influence with the emperor, to induce him to receive 

• ' In aula habebam non paucos neque vulgares amicos et cognates.' — 
Memoirs of Enzinns. i. p. 196. 

t ' Xostrce XotI Testament! interpretationi unice favebat.' Ibid., 

p. 200. 


your work favourably. Return to me to-morrow, and 
we will then see his majesty.' The next day was 
Sunday. A great crowd was stirring in the palace, 
and magnificent preparations were being made for a 
high mass which was to be celebrated before the em- 
peror. There was a considerable number of musi- 
cians, instruments, and singers. Enzinas shrunk back 
at the sight of these preparations. ' I will return 
to the town to see some of my learned friends,' he 
said, ' and leave them to perform their play at their 

After mass he came again. The bishop sent for 
him and took him into a hall where a table was 
prepared for the emperor's dinner. Charles arrived 
shortly after, followed by a great number of princes 
and lords. He entered with much dignity and sat 
down to table alone.* The bishop and Enzmas stood 
opposite to him duriiag the repast. The haU was 
quite filled with princes and nobles. Some of them 
waited at table, some poured out the wine, and others 
removed the dishes. All eyes were fixed upon one 
man alone. Charles the Fifth sat there like an idol 
surrounded by its worshippers. But he was quite 
equal to the part which he had to play. Enzinas ob- 
served attentively the gravity of his appearance, the 
features of his countenance, the grace of his move- 
ments, and the heroic grandeur which seemed a part 
of his nature. The young Spaniard was so deeply 
plunged in meditation that he forgot the purpose 
which had brought him there. At last he bethought 
himself of it; but the great number of princes and 

* ' Sinn-ulari quadam majestate procedens, solus assedit mensse.' — 
Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 200. 



lords around him and the interview which he was to 
have with the emperor seemed to him something so 
extraordinary that he was seized with fear. A sense 
of the greatness of his cause, however, restored to 
him some confidence. 'Ah!' thought he, 'if all the 
princes in the world were assembled here I should 
look upon them as ordained of God to bring my 
project to a successful issue.' Then again the thought 
of addressing this august, mysterious being, who sat 
there alone and silent, waited upon by the greatest 
personages of the empire, excited within him the 
liveliest emotion. Amidst his agitation these words 
of Scripture came to his mind : / will speak of thy 
testimonies also before Icings^ and ivill not he ashamed. 
These words frequently and fervently repeated in his 
inmost soul* revived his sinking courage. ' Nothing 
to me now,' said he, ' are all the powers of the world 
and the fury of men who would oppose the oracles of 

When dinner was finished and divers ceremonies 
completed, the emperor rose and remained standing 
for a while, leaning on a slender staff magnificently 
ornamented, and as if he were in expectation that 
some one might wish to speak with him. The first 
to present kimself was a distinguished general who 
enjoyed high authority and whose exploits rendered 
him dear to Charles. He delivered to him some letters, 
and having kissed his hand immediately retired. The 
bishop of Jaen was the next to come forward, hold- 
ing by the hand Francis de Enzinas. The bishop, in 
a few grave words, recommended to the notice of 

* Pb. cxix. 46. 'Hsec seutentia in animo meo frequenter atque 
ardenter repetita, sic vires reficiebat, ' &c. — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 202. 


Charles the work which was dedicated to him, and 
which was worthy, he said, of much honour. The 
emperor then turned to Enzinas, and the following 
conversation took place : — 

The Emperor : ' What book do you present to 

Unzinas : ' The New Testament, your imperial 
majesty, faithfully translated by me, and containing 
the gospel history and the letters of the apostles. I 
pray your majesty to recommend this work to the 
nation by your approval.' 

' Are you, then, the author of this book? ' * 

' Xo, sire, the Holy Spirit is its author. He 
breathed inspiration into holy men of God, who gave 
to mankind in the Greek language these divine 
oracles of our salvation. I, for my part, am but the 
feeble instrument who has translated this book into 
our Spanish tongue.' 

' Into Castilian ? ' 

' Yes, your imperial majesty, into our Castilian 
tongue, and I pray you to become its patron.' 

' What you request shall be done, provided there 
be nothing in the work open to suspicion.' 

' Nothing, sire, unless the voice of God speaking 
from heaven, and the redemption accomplished by 
his only Son, Jesus Christ, are to be objects of sus- 
picion to Christians.' 

' Your request wiU. be granted if the book be 
such as you and the bishop say.' The emperor took 
the volume and entered an adjoining apartment. 

Enzinas was in amazement. The emperor to 
imagine that he was the author of the New Testa- 

• ' Tunc auctor es istiuB libri ? ' — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 206. 


ment, and that the gospel could contain anything 
suspicious ! He could hardly repress words which 
would have ill-suited the place where he was. 
' thing unheard of ! ' said he within himself, ' and 
enough to make one shed tears of blood ! ' * Shortly 
afterwards, by the bishop's advice, he returned to 

The next day the emperor ordered the bishop of 
Jaen to hand over the volume to a certain Spanish 
monk, a very celebrated man, fully capable of judg- 
ing of the translation, and to request him to give his 
opinion on the subject. The bishop accordingly de- 
livered the book to this personage. Now this monk 
was De Soto, the confessor of Charles V. When 
the prelate saw the confessor again, the latter said : 
' This book pleases me ; I highly approve of it ; there 
are only a few remarks of little importance to make 

on the translation I should like to see the 

author and speak to him about it.' Enzinas commu- 
nicated the invitation which he received to go to 
Brussels to some of his friends and relations at Ant- 
werp. ' Your return to Brussels,' said they, ' would 
expose you to great danger.f If you wish to fall 
into the hands of your enemies, go ; but understand 
that in so doing you act with more boldness than 
prudence.' ' I will go,' said he, ' to render an account 
of my work, and this in spite of whatever may 
liappen. I will omit nothing that is useful or neces- 
sary to the advancement of the glory of God.' He 
accordingly set out. 

* ' O rem unam lacrymis plane aanguineia deplorandam.' — Memoirs of 
Enzinas, i. p. 208. 

t ' Rem esse cum vnaffao perioulo conjunctam.' — Ibid,, p. 212, 


Enzinas met with the most friendly reception 
from the bishop of Jaen, who encouraged him with 
the best of hopes. The prelate, being indisposed, 
ordered his steward to accompany his young friend 
next day to the confessor's, at the Dominican con- 
vent. Enzinas went thither at eight o'clock in the 
morning, in order to be sure of finding him ; but he 
was told that De Soto was at the house of M. de 
Granvella. This was Nicholas Perrenot de Granvella, 
chancellor to the emperor and father to the fomous 
cardinal. Enzinas returned at ten o'clock, and re- 
ceived the same answer ; at noon — still the same. 
' We shall wait for him,' said Enzinas. 

At one o'clock the confessor arrived, and the 
steward having inti'oduced Enzinas, the monk threw 
back his cowl and bowed his whole body, as if wor- 
shipping a saint or saluting a prince. ' Don Francis,' 
said he, ' I esteem myself very happy in having the 
pleasure of seeing you to-day; I love you as my own 
brother, and I have a high appreciation of the grace 
which has been given you. I am naturally disposed 
to be fond of men of intelligence and learning, but 
especially of those who apply themselves to religion, 
literature, and the advancement of the glory of God. 
There is so much sloth, so much corruption in our 
age, that if one of our nation is raised up to promote 
these excellent things, it is a great honour to Spain. 
I offer you, therefore, all that lies in my power. 
This is certainly the due of one by whose means 
the Spaniards are to recover the great treasure of 
heavenly doctrine.* ' But,' added he, ' I cannot 

* ' Oujus opera thesaiirum amplissimum coelestis doctrinse Hispani 
homines sunt consecuti,' — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 218. 


attend to this matter just now. Come back to me 
at four o'clock.' Enzinas left the monastery and 
went to one of his friends, a learned and Godfearing 
man, who implored him not to trust to the monk, 
for he was certain that he would have cause to repent 
of it. ' I will do nothing rashly,' said Francis, ' but 
if God should see fit to send me a cross, it will be 
for my good.' He returned to the convent of the 
Dominicans, and arrived there before the appointed 

De Soto was giving a lesson on the Acts of the 
Apostles to about twenty Spanish courtiers who 
wished to pass for lovers of literature, or perhaps to 
become so. Enzinas sat down quietly beside them, 
happy to have this opportunity of becoming ac- 
quainted with the doctrines of the monk. He was 
just at that passage in the first chapter, where it is 
said that Judas, who had betrayed the Lord, fell 
headlong and burst asunder in the midst. ' There- 
fore,' concluded he, 'all traitors ought to be hung 
and rent asunder in the midst ; ' * and he exhorted 
his audience to fidelity towards the emperor, lest 
they should fall into the condemnation of Judas. 
Then coming to the election of an apostle by the 
assembly of the disciples : — ' This method of election,' 
said he, ' was only intended for those times ; since 
then the election has been transferred to the emperor, 
which is far preferable.' Besides laying down these 
strange doctrines, the monk spoke incorrectly and 
offended the ears of his hearers by low language. f 

' Omnes proditores et suspendi et crepare medics debere'. — Memoirt 
of Enzinas, i. p. 228. 

t ' Spurco sermone miseras auditorum aures exercebat.' — Ibid., p. 226. 


He did not know Latin, but with a view to make 
what he said more wonderful, or rather more obscure, 
he intermingled Latin words which were worse than 
barbarous, and incessantly committed grammatical er- 
rors. Enzinas, with his cultivated mind and refined 
scholarship, suflFered tortures both from the words 
and the matter. ' It was not without sighs and tears,' 
said he, ' that I listened to him.' 

The lesson was firdshed at four o'clock. Enzmas 
then went up to the monk, who began anew his flat- 
tering words ; but having in hand, he said, some very 
important business, he begged him to return at six 
o'clock. ' I will willingly wait at the convent,' said 
Enzinas, and he began to walk up and down the 

The confessor lost no time. He had gone to the 
chancellor Granvella. ' There is a young Spaniard 
here,' said he, ' who by his labours and his efforts 
will soon convert the whole of Spain to Lutheranism, 
if we do not prevent it.* He has resided with 
Melanchthon ; he discusses religion, he blames the 
decrees of the Church, approves the sentiments of its 
adversaries, and is gradually alluring everyone to 
his opinion. To spread the evil still farther he has 
translated the New Testament into Spanish. ... If 
it is allowed to be read in Spain, what troubles it will 
cause ! How many thousand souls will be perverted 
from the simplicity of the faith ! ' . . . Granvella was 
appalled on hearing these words, and instantly gave 
orders to arrest Enzinas. 

At six o'clock the confessor retui'ned to the 

* ' Ut paulo post totam Hispaniam ad lutheranismum converteret I ' 
— Metnoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 66. 


monastery and conducted Enzinas to his apartment, 
cajoling liim on the way with honeyed and delusive 
words. When he had opened the doer, Francis 
started. ' What monsters ! ' he thought. ' Eternal 
God! what a number of idols!'* There were four 
altars in the cell, and an image on each of them, 
St. Christopher, St. Roch, and others, enshrined in 
gold and surrounded by lighted tapers. Here it was 
that De Soto addressed his prayers to his saints. 

' Don Francis,' said the confessor, ' excuse me if 
I make you wait still longer. I have not yet finished 
my devotions ; permit me to conclude them while 
I am walking. To while away the time, here is a 
book, and the Bible besides.' He went out. The 
book was entitled: 'On the Cai;se and Origin of all 
Heresies ; by Alfonso de Castro, Franciscan.' The 
author was an ignorant monk of Burgos, whom 
Enzinas knew by report. However, he opened the 
book. The cause of heresies, it was asserted, was 
the reading of the Bible in the vulgar tongue ; 
and the author exhorted the inquisitors to prevent 
the Spaniards from imbibing such poison. Enzinas, 
disturbed and agitated, could hardly refrain from 
tearing the pages. He threw the book from him. 
Then, on reflexion, he began to wonder whether the 
confessor were not plotting some treason, and whether 
his comings and goings had any other aim than that 
of preparing to waylay him. In order to dissipate 
these gloomy ideas, he took the Latin Bible and read. 

After some time De Soto came in agaiu, and 
taking up the New Testament which the emperor 

* ' Deum immortalem ! qualia illic portenta, quot idolorum foimse ! ' 
— Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 236. 


had sent to him, he requested Enzinas to sit down 
beside him. Then lowering his eyebrows, and 
wrinkling his forehead, as though to render his ap- 
pearance the more formidable, he kept silence for 
a while. At last he began : ' Francis, we two have 
met here alone to confer upon the New Testament, in 
the presence of God, the angels, and the saints whom 
you behold on these altars. You regard the study 
of this book as profitable to piety, and I consider it 
injurious. Its prohibition has been the only means 
of preserving Spain from the contamination of sects. 
Francis, you have accomplished a most audacious en- 
terprise, and done an impious deed in daring to pub- 
lish a version of the New Testament in defiance of 
the laws of the emperor and your own duty to our 
holy religion. It is an atrocious crime which merits 
more than mere death. Further, you have been in 
Germany at the house of Philip Melanchthon ; you 
extol his virtues and learning everywhere, and this 
alone is considered with us a proceeding worthy of 
capital punishment.* How deplorable it is that you, 
still so young, and only beginning your studies, should 
have fallen so low! It is my duty to consider the 
good of the church universal rather than the safety 
of a single man. Your crimes are so serious that 
I know not how you can escape the penalty with 
which you are threatened.' Enzinas was unspeakably 
grieved at this speech. So much superstition, im- 
piety, and cruelty overwhelmed him. At the same 
time he knew that he could not escape the great 
dangers which were impending over him. In this 

* ' Quod unum apud nos extremo dignum supplicio judicatur.' — Me- 
moirs of Enzinas, i. p. 246. 


Dominican house he breathed the heavy and deadly 
atmosphere of the Inquisition, and he seemed to be- 
hold around him its terrible features, its chains, and 
its instruments of torture. 

Nevertheless he took courage and, bearing witness 
to the gospel, extolled the unspeakable value of Holy 
Scripture, and set forth the reasons which he felt to 
be conclusive for reading it. ' The Old and New 
Testaments,' he said, ' were given to us from heaven, 
and there is nothing more salutary or more essential 
to mankind. Apart from this book we should know 
nothing of the only -begotten Son of God, our Saviour, 
who, after having redeemed us by the sacrifice of 
himself, raises us to heaven to live there with him 
for ever. This is a doctrine which was never taught 
by any philosopher, and is only to be diawn from 
these sources. Without it, all human thought is 
blind and barren, and no creature can obtain sal- 
vation.' * He said that if it were a crime to go to 
Germany and to confer with the scholars of that 
country, it was a crime which had been committed 
by the emperor, and by many princes and excellent 
men who had conversed with Melanchthon, Luther, 
and other doctors. He was still speaking when an 
unpleasant apparition silenced him. The door had 
opened, and a monk of hideous aspect entered the 
cell. His eyes were fierce, his mouth awry, his as- 
pect threatening. Everything about him betokened 
a bad man, and one who was meditating some cruel 
purpose. It was the prior of the Dominicans. He 
turned towards Enzinas, and suppressing his malice, 

* ' Ex istis fontibus haurieuda est (doctrina) sine quibus sterilis et 
ceeca est liumana cogitatio.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, i. p. 256. 


meekly withdrew his head from his cowl, saluted him, 
and stated that his valet was below and was come to 
call him to supper. This was the message agreed on 
between the two monks as the signal that all was 
ready. ' I know the way,' said Enzinas, who was 
bent on prolonging the interview ; ' I shall find my 
lodging without the aid of a servant ; please tell him 
that he may return to the house.' The prior went 
out. Enzinas then requested the confessor to tell 
him his opinion of the translation, as the emperor 
had asked for this, and it was indeed the object of 
their conference. But the signal appointed had been 
given, and the confessor put an end to the interview. 
' It is too late now,' said he, ' come again to-morrow 
if it suits you.' Enzinas, therefore, fearing to be 
importunate, took leave of the monk, and De Soto's 
servant conducted him as far as the courtyard. But 
gloomy thoughts were crowding into his mind. As 
he passed through the convent he had seen a number 
of monks, in a state of eagerness and excitement, some 
going up, others going down. In their looks he saw 
strange agitation and fierceness. They cast upon him 
sidelong glances expressive of terror ; they spoke low 
to one another, and uttered words which Enzinas 
could not understand.* It was evident that this im- 
moderate agitation in the monastery and among the 
inmates was occasioned by some unusual occurrence. 
Francis conjectured what it might be ; it began to 
arouse anxiety in his breast ; and he wondered 
Avhether some great blow was about to fall on him. 

* 'Videtam magnam monachorum turbam sursum deorsum cursi- 
tantium, nescio quid inter se susurrantium. . , .' — Memoirs of Enzinns, 
i. p. 266. 


When he reached the courtyard a man, who was 
a stranger to him, but who looked civil, came up and 
inquired whether his name was Francis de Enzinas. 
He answered that it was. ' I want to speak with you,' 
said the stranger. ' I am at your service,' replied the 
young Spaniard. They then passed on towards the 
gate of the monastery. The vast convent of the 
Dominicans with its outbuildings occupied a con- 
siderable part of the present site of the Mint, opposite 
the Theatre Royal, as well as some adjacent land. 
The gate by which Enzinas had to go out opened 
upon this place. As soon as it was unbarred he saw 
a large body of men armed with halberds, swords, 
and other weapons of war. They threw themselves 
upon him in a threatening manner.* Meanwhile the 
man who was in his company laid hold of his arms 
and said, ' You are my prisoner.' ' There was no 
need,' said Enzinas, ' to assemble such a troop of exe- 
cutioners against a poor man like me. They should 
be sent against brigands. My conscience is at peace, 
and I am ready to appear before any judge in the 
world, even before the emperor. I will go to prison, 
into exile, to the stake, and whithersoever you may 
please to conduct me.' ' I will not take you far,' said 
the unknown. ' Had it been possible to decline the 
mission which I am fulfilling, I assure you that I 
should have done so. But the chancellor Granvella 
has compelled me, asserting that he had received ex- 
press orders from the emperor.' The prisoner, with 
his guide and his guards, crossed a small street, and 
arrived at the prison of the Vrunte, vulgarly called 

* ' Qui kastis, gladiis ac multiplici armorum genera instruct! capiti 
meo imminebant.' — Memoirs of JSnzinas, i. p. 268. 


the Amigo, where the noble young man was confined, 
for havmg translated_^ into good Spanish the gospel 
of Jesus Christ. This took place on December 13, 

The first four hours, from six at night till ten, 
were very painful. Enzinas had a lively imagination, 
and he saw before him great and numberless dangers, 
among which death seemed to be the least. All these 
perils were drawn up in battle array around him, 
and he seemed actually to see them.* But they did 
not appal him. ' How great soever may be the perils 
which await me,' he said, ' by God's grace I possess, 
for encountering them, a courage that is stronger and 
greater than they are.' Nevertheless, the treachery 
of the ' wicked monk ' tormented him so much that 
he found it hard to endure. ' If t)nly,' he thought, 
' he had made fair war on me, if from the first he 
had shown himself my enemy. . . .' He remained 
sunk in sorrow and dejection. 

They had placed him in the apartment where 
all the prisoners were ; but as he expressed a wish to 
be alone, he was conducted to an upper chamber. 
Weighed down with care, he was dejected and silent. 
The man who had brought him there looked at him 
and at length said, ' Of all those who have been 
brought to this place, I never saw anyone so dis- 
tressed as you. Bethink you, brother, that God our 
Father cares for his children, and often leads them 
by a way which they do not choose. Do not, there- 
fore, be cast down, but have good courage. Your 
age, your manners, your physiognomy, all bear wit- 

* { ' 

' Pericula . . . non secua quam si omnia coram praevidissem.'- 
Memoirs of HJnzinas, ii. p. 6. 


ness to your innocence. If you have committed any 
offence incident to youth, remember the mercy of 
God.' Francis listened with astonishment to the 
words of this man, and then related to him the cause 
of his imprisonment and the means by which it was 
effected. On hearing this, the man, whom he had 
taken for one of the gaoler's servants, appeared to be 
deeply affected, and going up to Francis embraced 
him. ' Ah ! ' said he, ' I recognise in you a true 
brother ; for you are a prisoner for the same gospel 
for the love of which I have been enduring these 
bonds for eight months. You need not be surprised, 
brother ; for it is a characteristic of the Word of God 
that it is never brought to light without being fol- 
lowed by thunders and lightnings.* But I hear 
some one coming up ; let us say no more for the pre- 
sent.' This man was the pious and charitable Giles 
Tielmans, of whom we have formerly given an ac- 
count,f and who was afterwards burnt. From this 
time he came to see Enzinas every morning and even- 
ing, and spoke to him so forcibly and so tenderly that 
Enzinas felt ready to suffer death to confirm the 
truth of the gospel. 

On the fourth day of his imprisonment, the impe- 
rial commissioners, members of the Privy Council, 
came to conduct the inquiry. They entered, with 
great parade and a magnificence almost royal, into 
the place where the prisoners were assembled. AH 
the latter rose and retired, leaving Francis alone with 
the commissioners. 

The examination began in Latin. ' Francis,' said 

* ' Nunquam in luoem erumpit, quin fulgura et tonitrua aubsequantur.' 
— Momoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 16. 
t Vol. vii. pp. 687-701. 


the commissioners, 'you are to tell us the whole 
truth, and in that case, although your cause is most 
hateful, we shall treat you with gentleness, unless we 
are obliged to wrest from you 6?//orce what we want to 
know.' They then exhibited the papers on the basis 
of which they proceeded to the examination. Enzinas 
recognised the handwriting of the confessor of Charles 
the Fifth. Two crimes especially formed the subject 
of the inquiry. ' Have you been to Wittenberg ? ' 
' Yes.' ' Have you been acquainted with Melanch- 
thon ? ' ' Yes.' ' What do you think of him ? ' 
Francis saw that he was caught, and that his answer 
would put into the hands of his enemies ' a knife for 
his own throat.' Still he did not falter. Never did 
this noble young man disown his friends. ' I think,' 
said he, ' that of all the men I ever knew he is the 
best.'* ' How can you be so impudent,' exclaimed 
his judges, ' as to speak thus of Melanchthon, a man 
that is a heretic and excommunicated ? ' 

The commissioners now passed on to the second 
point. ' In your translation of the epistle to the 
Romans, chapter III., verse 28,' they said, ' we find 
these words printed in capitals : Theeefore we 

OUT THE DEEDS OF THE LAW. For what reason,' 
they continued, ' have you had this Lutheran maxim 
set in capital letters ? It is a very grave oflFence, and 
deserves burning.' f ' This doctrine was not devised 
in Luther's brain,' replied Enzinas. ' Its soui'ce is the 
mysterious throne of the Eternal Father, and it was 

* ' Judicq hominem esse omnium quos ego unquam viderim optimum.' 
— Memoirs of Enzinas, p. 54. 

t ' Ingens facinus ac incendio digmim.' — IbicL, p. 60. 


revealed to the church by the ministry of St. Paul, 
for the salvation of everyone who believeth.' 

Meanwhile the tidings of the arrest of Enzinas 
had burst upon Antwerp like a bomb-shell, and 
spread grief among all his kinsfolk and his friends. 
Irritated at one time by what they called the im- 
prudence of the young man. at another filled with 
compassion for the calamity which had befallen him, 
they went without delay to Brussels, his uncle Don 
Diego Ortega heading the party, and proceeded direct 
to the prison. ' Thou seest now,' they said to him, 
' the fruit of thy thoughtlessness. Thou wouldst not 
believe what we told thee. What business hadst thou 
to meddle with theology, or to study the sacred 
writings ? Thou oughtest to leave that to the 
monks. What hast thou got by it ? Thou hast 
exposed thyself to a violent death, and hast brought 
great disgrace and lasting infamy upon thy whole 
race.' When he heard these reproaches Enzinas 
was overpowered with bitter grief. He endeavoured 
by great meekness and modesty to assuage the 
anger of his kinsmen, and entreated them not to 
judge of the merits of an enterprise by its result.* 
' I am already unhappy enough,' said he ; ' pray do 
not add to my pain.' At these words his kinsmen 
were affected. ' Yes, yes,' they said, ' we know 
thy innocence ; we are come to rescue thee if it be 
possible, or at least to mitigate thy suffering.' They 
remained, indeed, a whole week at Brussels ; they 
went frequently to the confessor and to several great 

* 'Ne opus alioqui laudabile ab eventu renim jestimarent.' — Memoir 
of MiziiKis, ii. p. 50. 


lords, and earnestly entreated that Francis might be 
set at liberty, and especially that the matter should 
not be referred to the Spanish Inquisition, since in 
that case his death would be inevitable. But they 
returned to Antwerp, distressed at their failure, 
though not without hope. 

Enzinas had gradually recovered from his excite- 
ment. Books had been brought to him, and he read 
them diligently. There was one work especially 
which made a deep impression on his mind. This was 
the ' Supplication and exhortation of Calvin to the 
Emperor and to the States of the Empire to devote 
their utmost attention to the re-establishment of the 
church.'* This work was highly praised by Bucer, 
and Theodore Beza said of it that perhaps nothing 
more vigorous had been published in that age. 
' The perusal of this work while I was in prison,' 
said Enzinas at a later time to Calvin, ' inspired me 
with such courage that I felt more willing to face 
death than I had ever felt before.' f 

But his chief delight was m.editation upon the 
Holy Scriptures. ' The promises of Christ,' he said, 
' allay my sorrows, and I am wonderfully invigorated 
by the reading of the Psalms. Eternal Gcd ! what 
abundant consolation this book has afforded me ! 
With what delight have I tasted the excellent savour 
of heavenly wisdom 1 That lyre of David so ravishes 
me with its divine harmony, that heavenlj^ harp 
excites within me such love for the things of God, as 

* ' Supplex exhortatio ad invictissimum Osesarem Oarolum V. et illus- 
trissimos principes/ &c., 1543. — Calv. 0pp., vi. 

t ' Ut plane seutirem me ad mortem paratiorem qiiam ante fueram.' — 
Cod. Genev., lla, fol. 07, August .3, 1545. Calv. 0pp., xii. p. 127. 

H 2 


I can find no words to express.' * He occupied him- 
self in arranging some of the Psalms in the form of 
prayers, and went on with his task till he had trans- 
lated them all.f 

Francis was not satisfied with meditation alone ; 
he joined with it deeds of unremitting zeal and 
charity. The prison discipline was not severe. The 
gaoler, one John Thyssens, a man of about thii'ty- 
eight, had long: carried on the trade of shoemaker, 
and had afterwards undertaken by contract the main- 
tenance of the prisoners. He was very negligent in 
the discharge of his duties, and allowed a large 
measure of liberty to the prisoners and their friends. 
Inhabitants of Brabant, of Flanders, of Holland, of 
Antwerp, and gentlemen of the court came to visit 
Enzinas. In this way he saw nearly four hundred 
citizens of Brussels, among them some persons of 
quality. Many of them were acquainted with the 
gospel ; others were ardently longing for the word of 
God, and entreated Enzinas to make it known to 
them. He knew the danger to which he exposed 
himself by doing this, but he did not spare himself ; 
and many gave glory to God because they had 
received from a poor prisoner the pearl of great price, 
the heavenly doctrine. ' There are more than seven 
thousand people in Brussels who know the gospel,' 
they told him ; ' the whole city is friendly to it ; J 

* ' Profecto sic me Davidicum plectrum harmonia sua plane ccelesti 
rapiebat.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 78. 

t M. Oampan, editor of the Memoirs of Enzinm, conjectures that this 
is the work -which was first puhlished in 1628, imder the title, Los 
JPscdmos de David, dirigidos in forma de oraciones. — See Bibliotheca Wif- 
feniana, p. 142. 

X ' Universara civitatem in favorem evangelicse doctrinse propendere. 
— Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 82. 


and were not the people in fear of their lives they 
would openly profess it.' It was hardly possible to 
name a single town in Belgium or in Holland whose 
inhabitants had not a desire to converse with him. 
He was a captive who proclaimed liberty to free men. 
' The word of God,' some of them told him, ' is making 
great way amongst us. It grows and spreads day by 
day in the midst of the fire of persecution and the 
terrors of death.' Both men and women sent him 
money, but this he declined to accept. 

Charles the Fifth, who, as we have seen, had 
arrived at Brussels on November 24, 1543, only 
remained there till January 2, 1544. On February 
20 he opened the diet of Spire, demanded large aids 
both of infantry and cavalry, and in June set out at 
the head of his army for France. He took Saint- 
Dizier, advanced within two days' march of Paris, 
causing great terror in that city, and concluded 
peace at Crepy. He then returned to his own 
dominions, and entered Brussels October 1, 1544.* 

This news awakened hopes for Enzinas on the 
part of his kinsmen at Antwerp, and the most 
influential among them immediately set out to solicit 
the release of the young man. They appealed to the 
confessor, who was ready enough to make promises, 
to the chancellor GlranveUa, to his son the bishop of 
Arras, afterwards archbishop of Mechlin and cardinal, 
and to Claude Boissot, dean of Poligny, master of 
requests. They all gave kind answers, but these 
were words and nothing else. The queen of France 
visited Brussels, and a report was spread that all 

* Sleidan, -vol, ii. 1)0011 xv. pp. 236-233. Pn2ners d'Etat, iii. p, 67. 


prisoners would at her request be liberated. Some 
murderers, brigands, and other malefactors were, 
indeed, set free; the first of them was a parricide; 
but Eiizinas and the other evangelicals were more 
strictly and severely kept than before.* At the 
same time, the emperor having gone to Ghent, the 
monks extorted from him some laws written in blood,- 
which were promulgated in all the towns, and which 
enabled them cruelly to assail the Lutherans at tJieir 
own pleasure.f ' On a sudden there broke out in 
Flanders a bloody persecution, a slaughter of Christian 
people, such as had never been seen or heard of.' 
From all the towns, not excepting even the smallest, 
a great number of people and of leading men, on 
being warned of the danger which was impending 
over them, took flight, leaving their -ndves, their 
children, their families, houses, and goods, which 
were forthwith seized by the agents of the emperor. 
But there was a large number who could not fly. 
All the towers were filled. The prisons in the towns 
had not room to hold the victims. They brought in 
two hundred prisoners at a time, both men and 
women. Some of them were thrust into sacks and 
thrown into the water ; others were burned, be- 
headed, buried alive, or condemned to imprisonment 
for life. The like storm swept over Brabant, Hain- 
ault, and Artois. The unhappy witnesses of this 
butchery asserted that ' for many ages so many and 
great cruelties had not been perpetrated, nor seen, 

* ' At vero qui propter religfionem captiyi erant, multo angustius et 
crudelius asservantur.' — Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. p. 374. 

t ' Leges sanguine scriptae . ut liceret illis pro suo arbitrio in 
Lutheranos grassari.' — Ibid., p. •3S4. 


nor heard of in all the world.' Such was the joyful 
entry which Charles the Fifth made into his good 
country of Flanders and the good town of Ghent, in 
which he was born. 

Tidings of these things were brought day by day 
into the prison at Brussels, frequently with a large 
number of captives. When Enzinas and his friends 
heard of the slaughter they were amazed and terri- 
fied. Will there be any end to this ? they asked. 
It might well be doubted whether such men would 
ever be satiated with the blood of their fellow-men ! 
Enzinas began to regret that, from confidence in his 
own innocence, and for fear of bringing the gaoler 
into disgrace, he had not availed himself of several 
opportunities which had offered of making his escape 
from prison. A circumstance which soon occurred 
helped to bring him to a decision. 

The queen of Hungary, governess of the Nether- 
lands, who, from a strange mixture of contradictory 
qualities, was desirous, while obliged to execute the 
persecuting decrees of her brother against evange- 
lical Christianity, to feed upon the word of God, 
had chosen for her chaplain one Peter Alexander, a 
true Christian man. This minister faithfully con- 
fessed his trust in the Saviour, both in preaching and 
in conversation. ' All things needful for salvation,' 
he said, ' are contained in the gospel. We must 
believe only that which is to be found in the Holy 
Scriptures. Faith alone justifies immediately before 
God but works justify a man before his fellow-men. 
The true indulgences are obtained without gold or 
silver, by trust alone in the merits of Christ. The 
one real sin which condemns is not to beheve in 


Christ. The true penance consists in abstinence from 
sin. All the merits of Christ are communicated to 
men by faith, so that they are able to glory in them 
as much as if they were their own. We must honour 
the saints only by imitating their virtues. We 
obtain a blessing of Grod more easily by asking for it 
ourselves than through the saints.* Xo one loves 
God so much as he ought. All the efforts and all the 
labours of those who are not regenerated by the Holy 
Spirit are evil. The religion of the monks is hypo- 
crisy. The fast of God is a perpetual fast, and not 
confined to this or that particular day. It is three 
hundred years since the pure and real gospel was 
preached ; and now whoever preaches it is con- 
sidered a heretic' 

It was a strange sight, this evangelical chaplain 
preaching in the chapel of the most persecuting court 
in Christendom. Alexander, too, after being fre- 
quently accused, was at length obliged to hold a 
theological disputation with the confessor De Soto, in 
the presence of the two GranveUas. In consequence 
of this disputation proceedings were instituted 
against him. The confessor often came before 
the emperor and declared that the whole country 
would be ruined if this man were not severely 
punished. One day a friend of Enzinas came to see 
him in prison, and told him that the queen's preacher 
had fled, because he found that if he stayed an hour 
longer he would be ruined. Alexander was tried 
and burnt in effigy, together A^nth his Latin and 

* ' Facilius per nos ipsos quam per sanctos impetramus. . . .' Fifty- 
six similar propositions had been brought together against Alexander. — 
Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. pp. 390-411. 


French books. As for himself, he became first a 
professor at the university of Heidelberg, afterwards 
canon of Canterbury cathedral, and finally pastor of 
the French church in London. 

This flight brought Enzinas to a decision. On 
February 1, 1545, after sitting a long time at table 
at the evening meal, he felt more depressed than 
usual without knowing why. The clock struck, it 
was half-past seven. He then rose, as he was wont 
to do, not liking protracted meals, and began to pace 
up and down in a gloomy and dejected state, so that 
some of the prisoners came up to him and said — 
' Come, put away this melancholy.' ' Make you 
merry, the rest of you, over your cups,' he answered ; 
' but as for me I want air ; I will go out.' No one 
paid any attention to what he said, nor did he himself 
mean anything particular when he spoke. He con- 
tinued walking about, uneasy, having some difiiculty 
in breathing, and in great distress. He thus came to 
the first gate, the upper part of which, constructed 
of strong lattice-work, allowed him to see into the 
street. Having approached it for the purpose of 
looking out, he felt the gate stir. He took hold of 
it and it opened easily. The second was wide open, 
and the third was only closed during the night. We 
have mentioned the negligence of the gaoler. Francis 
was amazed at the strange circumstance. It seemed 
to him that God called him ; he resolved to take 
advantage of this unlooked-for opportunity, and went 

He reached the street and was there alone. The 
night was very dark, but was lighted up from time to 
time by the torches of passengers traversing the 


streets or the squares. Enzinas, keeping a little on 
one side, considered where he had better go. Every 
refuge appeared to him open to suspicion and full of 
danger. Suddenly he remembered one man of his 
acquaintance, of Christian character, in whom he 
placed implicit confidence. He betook himself to his 
place of abode and called him. ' Come in and stay 
with me,' said the man. Enzinas replied that it 
appeared to him the safest plan to go out of the town 
that very uight. ' Do you know,' he added, ' any 
part of the walls at which it would be possible to 
clear them ? ' ' Yes,' said the other, ' I will guide 
you and will accompany you ^v^herever j'ou wish to 
go.' The friend took his cloak and they set out. 
They went on their way, quite alone in the darkness, 
towards the walls. At night these parts were 
deserted. They found the spot they were seeking 
for, and scaled the wall. At that moment the 
clocks in the town struck the hour of eight.* Their 
flight had, therefore, occupied less than half an hour. 
These two men cleared the wall as easily as if they 
had prepared for it long before. Enzinas was out of 
the town. ' I often found help of God,' said he, 
' while I was in prison ; but never had I experienced 
it as at this moment.' He resolved to proceed that 
same night to Mechlin, and early the next morning 
to Antwerp. 

A thousand thoughts thronged his mind as he 
went silently onwards in the darkness. The gloomy 
fancies of the prison-house were succeeded by joyful 

* ' Ciim hoia media octava audita esset, priusquam in carcere a mensa 
surrexissem, eram jam in ipsis moenibus cum pulsaretur octava.' — Me- 
mnirs of Enzinas, ii. p. i'20. 


hopes. Much affected by his wonderful dehverance, 
he saw in it a mystery, a hidden will of God. 
' Assuredly,' he said, ' if I am set at liberty, it is to 
the end that 1 may be ready for ruder conflicts and 
greater dangers,' and as he walked on he prepared 
himself for them by prayer. ' Father of our 
deliverer Jesus Christ, enlighten my mind, that I 
may know the hope of my calling, and that I may 
faithfully serve the church of Jesus Christ even to 
the latest day of my life.' 

Thus, sometimes praying and sometimes con- 
versing with the brother who accompanied him, 
Enzinas arrived before Mechlin ; but as the gates of 
the town were not yet opened, he had to wait a long 
time. At five o'clock in the morning the otlicers of 
the town ajapeared, and everyone was free to go in 
or out. As Enzinas entered he saw in front of an 
inn a vehicle just on the point of starting, in which 
sat a man whose appearance was not calculated to 
inspire confidence. Enzinas, however, inquired of 
him whither he was going. The man replied, ' To 
Antwerp ; and if you please to get up, the carriage is 
quite ready.' This man was an agent of the inqui- 
sitors, the secretary Louis de Zoete. He was one of 
the great enemies of the Reformation ; he had insti- 
tuted the proceedings against Enzinas, and had 
mustered the witnesses for the prosecution. He was 
now on his way to Antwerp, as bearer of a sentence 
of condemnation issiiing from the imperial court, 
by virtue of which he was to order the burning 
of any evangelicals then in prison. The meeting 
was not a pleasant one. Enzinas and De Zoete had 
probably only casually seen each other. The young 


Spaniard, therefore, not recognising his enemy, 
might with pleasure avail himself of his offer. In 
this case it was more than probable that he would be 
recognised during the journey by the police spy, 
whose business was to track and seize suspected 
persons, as a hunting-dog tracks the game. Zoete 
might possibly find means of adding another to the 
list of those whom he was going to burn alive. 
' Get into the carriage,' said Enzinas to the Brussels 
friend who accompanied him. He got in. The door 
of the hotel at which Francis had knocked was not 
yet opened. While waiting the two friends, one in 
the carriage, the other in the street, were talking 
on various subjects ; and the owner of the carriage 
hearing them took part likewise in the conversation. 
At length the door opened. 'Go with this gentle- 
man,' said Francis to his friend ; ' for my part I 
must travel faster, and shall go on horseback.' The 
people of the inn, who were acquainted with him, 
welcomed him with great demonstrations of joy ; 
and on learning his position gave him a good 
horse. Without losing a moment he mounted and 
set out. He soon overtook the carriage and saluted 
its occupants. ' !Make good speed,' said hLs friend. 
' I will go so fast,' he replied, ' that if all the 
scoundrels in Brussels are determined to pursue me 
they shall not catch me.' It seems impossible that 
De Zoete should not have heard this, and it must have 
given him something to think about.* 

In two hours Enzinas was at Antwerp. Un- 
willing to expose his kinsmen and friends to danger, 
he alighted at an inn, with which he was doubtless 

* Memoirs of Enzinas, ii. pp. 420-425. 


familiar, as he had already been at Antwerp several 
times, and in which he believed that he should be 
safe. In the evening his travelling companion arrived 
at Antwerp. As soon as he saw Enzinas he ex- 
claimed : ' You wUl be greatly astonished to hear in 
what company I have come, and who it is that 
you talked so much with at Mechlin ! ' ' Who was 
he, then ? ' ' The worst man in the whole country, 
Louis de Zoete.' Enzinas thanked God that he had 
so spell-bound the eyes and the mind of the perse- 
cutor, that while he saw and spoke with him he had 
not recognised him. The next day two persons from 
Brussels, strangers to Enzinas, arrived at the inn. 
Enzinas meeting them at table or elsewhere, said 
to them : ' What news from Brussels ? ' 'A great 
miracle has just taken place there,' they replied. 
' And pray what may it be ? ' ' There was a 
Spaniard who had lain in prison for fifteen months, 
and had never been able to obtain either his re- 
lease or his trial. But the host which we worship 
has procured him a miraculous deliverance. The 
other evening, just at nightfall, the air suddenly 
shone around him with great brightness. The three 
gates of the prison opened miraculously before him, 
and he passed forth from the prison and from the 
town, still lighted by that splendour.' ' See, my dear 
master,' said Enzinas afterwards to Melanchthon, 
' the foolishness of the popular fancy, which in so 
short a time dressed up in falsehood a certain amount 
of truth. It is quite true that three gates were 
found open, else I should not have got out. But as 
to the brightness, the light of which they speak, I 
saw no other than that of the lanterns of passengers 


in the street.* T attribute my deliverance not to the 
wonderful sacrament which these idolaters worship, 
but solel}' to the great mercy of God, who deigned 
to hear the prayers of his church.' 

Along with this popular rumour another was 
current in Brussels, but in higher circles. The 
emperor was at this time at Brussels, which town 
he did not leave till April 30, 1545. Don Francis 
de Enzinas was not an ordinary prisoner ; not a 
working-man, a cutler, like Giles Tielmans. An 
eminent family, a good education, learned attain- 
ments, talents, the title of Spaniard, and of a Spaniard 
highly spoken of in high places, these were things 
greatly esteemed by many at court. Charles the 
Fifth himself was far from being unconscious of their 
importance. He had promised his protection to 
Enzinas if there were nothing bad in his book, and 
many persons assured him that there was, on the 
contrary, nothing but good in it. How, then, could 
he put to death a scholar for having translated into 
good Spanish the inspired book of the Christians ? 
According to public rumour the judges had said : 
' "We cannot honourabh- extricate ourselves from this 
cause ; the best plan is to set the man free secretly.' 
It was added that when the gaoler had announced 
the flight of Enzinas to the president, the latter had 
replied : ' Let him go, and do not trouble about it ; 
only do not let it be spoken of.' If this version were 
the true one, it would explain the circumstance of 
Zoete's not appearing to recognise Enzinas. But 
Enzinas himself did not credit it, and it is pro- 

' ' Nullum ego vidi luminis splendorem, nisi tsedanim quje tunc in 
plateis circumferebantiu-.' — Mt-moirs of Enzinrs. ii. p. -li?fi. 


bable that it had no better foundation than the first 

Fruncis remained a month at Antwerp. On his 
release from prison he had sent the news to his 
friends, and had received their congratulations. 
Among these friends were two of the most illustrious 
of the reformers, Calvin and Melanchthon, between 
whom, whatever may be thought of it, there were 
many points of resemblance. Calvin was the man, said 
Enzinas, whom he had alwaj's most warmly loved.* 
He had written a short letter to him, somewhat 
unpolished in style.' f Calvin replied to his friend 
immediately in a letter which breathed the most 
affectionate feeling, and which Francis thought very 
remarkable. It praised his labours and his Christian 
conduct. ' Oh,' said Enzinas, ' in how kindly a 
manner he can speak of things which in themselves 
are not deserving of praise ! ' J This singular kind- 
liness of Calvin, which then struck all his friends, 
has since been much called in question. Enzinas 
replied to him (August 3) : ' Our friendship,' said 
he, ' is now sealed ; between us there is a sacred 
and perpetual alliance, which can only be broken 
by the death of one of us. What do I say ? I 
have this sweet hope, that when bodily ties shall be 
broken, we shall enjoy this friendship in a future 
life with more exquisite delight than we can in this 
mortal flesh. Not till then shall we live a life truly 
blessed, and one which shall endure for ever in the 

' ' Quem ego semper impensissime amavi.' — Dryander Oalvino 
Aug. 8, 1545. ' 

t ' Epistolio subnistico.' — Ibid. 
X ' Quod laude dignum non est, oiBciose prsedicare.' — Ibid. 


presence of God and in the society of the holy angels. 
Nevertheless, while we are still in this exile, and 
while we labour earnestly and unremittingly in our 
calling, each according to the ability which he has 
received from the Lord, let us cultivate our friend- 
ship by fulfilling all its obligations. My dear Calvin, 
I have a most grateful sense of the affection which 
you profess for me, and I wUl spare no pains to make 
myself worthy of it. You will find in me a sincere 
friend. . . . With respect to the pamphlet which you 
have addressed to the States of the Empire, Luther 
has read it and praises it very heartily. Melanch- 
thon very highly approves it. Cruciger is wonder- 
fully fond of you, and cannot sufficiently commend 
any production of yours. As to tbe censures of 
others you need not trouble yourself about them.'* 

Enzinas not only wrote to Melanchthon, but also 
went to him. He arrived at Wittenberg in March, 
rather more than two years after leaving the town. 
He related in detail to his master what had befallen 
him, and what he had seen during these two years ; 
and Melanchthon, struck with his narrative, begged 
him to write and publish it. ' An account of the 
cruelties practised towards Christian people in the 
Netherlands,' he said, ' which you have seen with 
your own eyes, and which you have in part expe- 
rienced, for your life was in danger, might if pub- 
lished be of great service for the future.' f Enzinas 
at first hesitated. ' At the very time,' said he, ' when 

* Dryander OalTino. Sibl. de Geneve, MS. 112. This letter, which 
we liave formerly had occasion to quote, is vmpuhlished. [It has just 
been published in Caiv. 0pp., xii. p. 126.— EnrroK.] 

I ^lemuirs of J^iiziiiaf:, i. p. 7. 


I was driven about by the fury of the tempest, I 
endured patiently my personal suflFerings, considering 
them by far inferior to the perils of my brethren. 
How then can I, in this hour when, thanks he to 
God, I am in port, set myself to recount my own 
history, in seeming forgetfulness of the wounds of 
the church ? ' As Melanchthon pressed the point, 
Francis declared that he would yield in obedience to 
his command. The friend of Luther, thus satisfied, 
wrote to Camerai'ius (April 16, 1545) : ' Our Spaniard, 
Francis, has returned, miraculously delivered, with- 
out any human aid, at least so far as he knows. I 
have begged him to write an account of these things, 
and I will send it to thee.' The interest which 
Melanchthon took in these facts perhaps justifies the 
place ^vhich we have assigned them in the historj' of 
the Reformation. 

Other sorrows were to overtake the Spaniards 
who were scattered about far from their native land. 
James Enzinas, the eldest brother of Francis, had 
hardly got his Spanish catechism printed at Antwerp 
before he received his father's orders to go to Rome. 
The ambitious father was desirous of honours and 
fortune for his eldest son. He was aware of James's 
talents, but he was unaware of his attachment to the 
evangelical faith, and had no doubt that if he were at 
Rome he would make his way to the higher dignities 
of the church. It was glory of another kind which 
James was to find there. Pie was bitterly grieved ; 
he would have greatly preferred to go to Witten- 
berg. But his conscience was so tender, his cha- 
racter so simple and straightforward, his obedience to 
his father so absolute, that he felt bound in duty to 



set out for tlie metropolis of the papacy. There he 
spent two or three years, taking no pleasure in it, 
sorrowing over all that he witnessed, and not by any 
means ingratiating himself with the hierarchy. His 
abilities, his attainments, his character were esteemed ; 
but he was far from gaining anything thereby. On 
the contrary, melancholy, dissatisfaction, and even 
disgust, took possession of him at everythiug around 
him. He saw things not only contrary to Christian 
truth, but contrary to uprightness and to virtue. 
He felt that he was in a wrong position, and entreated 
his father to allow him to leave Italy, but in vain. 
The old man, considering the path which two of his 
sons were pursuing in Germany, probably believed 
that he should at least save the eldest by keeping him 
at Rome. The frank disposition of James did not 
allow him entirely to hide his convictions, especially 
from his fellow-countrymen. Francis also, who knew 
him well, was very much alarmed about him. He 
had no doubt that his brother, if he remained at 
Rome, would be ruined. He therefore implored him 
to cross the Alps. James did not indulge in any 
delusions. He knew that, instead of the honours of 
which his father was dreaming, he could hope for 
nothing in the city of the pope but disgrace and 
death. He determined, therefore, to yield to the 
entreaties of his brother, and made ready to depart. 

He might, doubtless, have quitted Rome by stra- 
tagem, and have secretly escaped. But he was 
too candid entirely to conceal his purpose. One of 
his country-men was informed of it, and hastened to 
denounce him to the Inquisition as a heretic. James 
was then arrested and thrown into strict confinement. 


His arrest made a great noise. A Spaniard accused 
of Lutheranism ! A man of learning and of an 
ancient family opposed to the Church ! An enemy of 
the pope living close by the pope ! What strange 
things ! The Inquisition, therefore, determined to 
make of this trial an imposing affair. There was ' a 
great assembly of the Romans ' to attend at his 
examination. James appeared in the presence not 
only of the inquisitors, but also of the cardinals, 
bishops, and all Spaniards of eminence then at Rome, 
and of several members of the Roman clergy. If 
the popes had been unable, notwithstanding their 
efforts, to keep Luther in their hands, they had now 
at least one of his disciples in their power. James 
Enzinas, in the presence of this imposing assembly, 
perceived that God gave him suddenly, and at Rome 
itself, an opportunity of glorifying him and of doing, 
once for all, the work to which he had desired to 
consecrate his whole life. He took courage. He 
understood perfectly well that the ' lion's mouth ' 
was opening before him, the gulf of death. But 
neither the solemnity of the hour, nor the brilliancy 
of the court, nor the thought that he was about to 
be swept away by a fatal stroke, nor all that was 
dear to him on earth, could make him swerve from 
the straight path. ' He maintained with great con- 
stancy,' says the chronicler, ' and with hoi}' boldness 
the true doctrine of the gospel.' He did more. 
Standing thus in the presence of the princes of the 
Roman church, and of all their pomp, he thought 
that fidelity required him to expose their errors. 
' He forthwith condemned,' says the narrator, ' the im- 
pieties and diabolical impositions of the great Roman 

I 2 


antichrist.' At these words a thrill ran through the 
assembly. The whole court was in commotion. 
The prelates, annoyed at what they heard, were 
agitated as if under the influence of some acute 
nervous irritation. They cried out in astonishment 
and anger. The Spaniards especially could not 
contain themselves. ' All at once, not only the 
cardinals, but those of his own country who were 
present, began to cry aloud that he ought to be 

After a little reflexion, however, the court was of 
a different opinion. If the Spaniard should publicly 
condemn in Rome his so-called errors, the glory of 
the papacy, it was thought, Avould be all the greater. 
The speaker was surrounded and was told that if he 
would appear in the public square and retract his 
heresies, the Church would once more receive him as 
one of her children. His fellow-countrymen pressed 
around him and depicted the honours to which he 
might then attain. But on such a condition he 
would not redeem his life. He would rather glorify 
Christ and die. The wrath of his enemies burst 
forth afresh. ' These fierce ministers of all impiety 
and cruelty,' says the chronicler, ' became more 
violent than before.' James then ascended the pile, 
asserting with immovable courage that all his hope 
was in Christ. ' Unawed by the pompous display 
which, surrounded him, and by the ostentatious de- 
votion of his countrymen, with his heart ever fixed 
on God, he passed on boldly and firmly into the 
midst of the flames, confessing the name and the 
truth of the Son of God to his latest breath. Thus 

* Crespin, Actes des Martyrs, book iii. p. ITO. 


did this good servant of God end his life by a glorious 
martyrdom, in the midst of all impiety, and, wonder- 
ful to tell, in the very city of Rome.'* 

At the news of his death his brothers and his 
friends were filled with sorrow. Francis at first felt 
only the blow which had fallen on his tenderest 
affections. At the very time when he was in daily 
expectation of embracing his brother he learnt that 
all that was left of him was a handful of ashes which 
were cast into the Tiber. This cruel death, taking 
place just when Charles the Fifth was endeavouring 
to crush Protestantism, aud the black clouds which 
were gathering in all directions, filled him with the 
most melancholy thoughts. ' God is surely preparing 
some great dispensation of which we know nothing,' 
he said. All around he saw only disorder and con- 
fusion. In this hour of dejection he received a 
sympathetic and consoling letter from Calvin.f The 
reformer directed his friend's thoughts to the blessed 
life which is after death, and in which it is the pri- 
vilege of the faithful to dwell with Christ. ' I am 
not ignorant,' replied Enzinas, ' how true are the 
things which you write to me. But we are men, 
and the infirmities of the flesh beset us. We cannot, 
nay, we ought not, to cast off all sense of sorrow. 
But in the midst of this distress I rejoice that there 
was given to this brave Christian so much constancy 
in the profession of the truth, and I am persuaded 
that for some wise purpose my brother has been 

* Orespin, Acies, book iii. p. 170. 

t ' Grata mihi fuit tua consolatio de casu frati'is acerbissimo.' — Un- 
published letter from Francis Dryander (Enzinas) to Oalvin. Bibl. de 
Geiieve, MS. 112. (Since published in C'alv. 0pp., xii. p. 510.) 


removed to that eternal assembly of the blessed, in 
which the loftiest spirits now greet him with this 
song of triumph: These are they who have washed 
their robes and made them white in the blood of the 
Lamb.' Francis in his grief did not forget his native 
land. ' God grant,' said he, ' that the tidings of this 
divine fire, wherewith my brother's soul glowed, may 
be diffused in every part of Spain, to the end that 
the noblest minds, stimulated by his example, may 
at length repent of the impiety in which at present 
they are living.' * This letter from Enzinas to Calvin 
was written from Basel, April 14, 1547. 

* ' Utinam vero hgec divina incendia per omnes Hispaniae fines spar- 
gantur.' — C'alv. 0pp., xii. p. 510. Theodore Beza places the martyrdom 
of James Enzinas in 1545; Dr. M'Crie in 1-546. As the letter of Enzi- 
nas to Calvin is dated in April 1547, might not his death be with more 
probahHity assigned to the early months of this year ? 





History, both sacred and profane, opens, so to 
speak, with the enmities of brothers. Cain and Abel, 
Atreus and Thyestes, Eteocles and Polynices, Romu- 
lus and Remus, inaugurate with their murderous 
hatred the origin of human society or the beginning 
of empires. This remark of an eminent thinker, M. 
Saint-Marc Girardin, may be carried farther. In the 
first days of Christianity, Jesus, when announcing to 
his disciples the tribulations which awaited them, 
said : The brothei^ will deliver up the brother to death. 
Similar unnatural conduct is likewise to be met with 
at the second great epoch of Christianity, that of the 
Reformation. Strange ! that a doctrine so worthy to 
be loved should be enough to arouse hatred against 
those who profess it, and even hatred of so monstrous 
a kind as to show itself in fratricide. 

Brotherly love is one of the most beautiful features 
of human nature. A brother is a friend, but a friend 
created with ourselves. Brothers have the same 
father^ the same mother, the same ancestors, the same 
youth, the same famil}', and many things besides in 
common. A brother is not merely a friend whom 


■we meet and cling to, altliougli that is no small 
blessing ; he is a friend given by Grod, a second self. 
But just in proportion to the sacredness of the bond 
of brotherhood is the depth of the evil when it is 
disregarded. The nearer brother stands to brother, 
the deeper is the wound inflicted when they clash. 
The noblest feelings of our nature are then trampled 
under foot, and nothing is left but the most egotistic, 
the most savage instincts. The man disappears, and 
the tiger takes his place. While the history of the 
Reformation brings before us examples of the ten- 
derest brotherly affection, as, for example, in the 
case of the Enzinas, it presents us also with some 
of those tragic catastrophes which must draw from 
us a cry of horror. 

Among the Spaniards who were studying at Paris 
about 1540 there was, besides James Enzinas. a 
young man from Cuenca, named Juan Diaz. After 
making a good beginning in Spain, he had gone in 
1.532 to complete his studies at Paris, at the Sor- 
bonne, at the College Royal, instituted by Francis I. 
There, by his progress in learning, he had soon 
attained a distinguished position among the students. 
At first he applied himself, like a genuine Spaniard, 
to scholastic theology. He became intimate with one 
of his fellow-countrymen, Peter Malvenda, a man 
older than himself, and a doctor of the Sorbonne, who 
was subsequently much employed by Granvella and 
by Charles the Fifth. Malvenda was a man rich in 
resources, but also full of prejudices, superstitions, 
and the pride which is the usual characteristic of the 
Roman doctors. Diaz, on the contrary, was cha- 
racterised by great meekness, benevolence, candour 

onvp. V. 


and simplicity, integrity, plain-dealing, prudence and 
purity of life. Having a deep sense of the value of 
the sacred writings, he was anxious to read them in 
the original, and therefore studied Hebrew and Greek 
with unflagging earnestness. The reading of the 
sacred books opened before him a new world. The 
conflict between two doctrines which was agitating 
Christendom began within himself What ought he 
to believe ? Diligent in prayer, says one of his bio- 
graphers, he very fervently prayed God to give him 
the pure knowledge of his holy will.* He became 
intimate with his fellow-countryman, James Enzinas, 
and they read the Scriptures together, James giving 
an explanation of them. The eyes of Diaz were 
opened, and the same Spirit which had inspired the 
sacred writers made known to him the Saviour whom 
they proclaimed. He clung to him by faith and 
henceforth sought for righteousness in him alone. 
He gave up the scholastic theology, embraced the 
gospel, and became the associate of men who shared 
his own convictions. Among these were Claude de 
Senarclens, Matthew Bude, son of the illustrious 
William Bud^, and John Crespin, son of a juriscon- 
sult of Arras, advocate to the parliament of Paris. 
Impressed with the beauty of evangelical doctrine, 
Diaz was convinced that he must not hide it. He 
burned ' to exhibit it before the world,' he said. 
He felt at the same time the need of gaining more 
knowledge and more power, and of being strength- 
ened in the faith by experienced teachers. He there- 
fore left Paris and betook himself to Geneva with 
Matthew Bude and Crespin, ' for the purpose of see- 

* Orespin, Ades des Martyrs, art. Jfws. 


ing the state of the church in that town and the 
admirable order which was established there.' Diaz 
stayed in the house of the minister Nicholas des 
Gallars. This visit took place in 1545.* 

After ha^dng conversed with the great reformer, 
set forth his faith, and received his approval of his 
doctrine as good and holy, Diaz felt it desirable to 
visit the evangelical churches of Germany. His stay 
extended to about three months, and he then went 
first to Basel, afterwards to Strasburg. Bucer and 
his friends were delighted with the young Spaniard, 
with his acquirements, his talents, his agreeable 
manners, and especially with his piety. Admitted to 
familiar intercourse with them, he entered more and 
more fully into the knowledge of evangelical doctrines 
and affairs. He enjoyed the conversation of these 
Christian people and the free and hearty manners 
which prevailed among them. He had no thought 
of quitting Strnsburg ; but a circumstance which 
occurred about six months afterwards led to his 

As the Protestants declined to recognise the 
Council of "Trent, which had been opened in December 
1545, the Elector Palatine had proposed a colloquy 
between the two parties, and this conference opened 
at Eatisbon, January 27, 1546. Bucer had been no- 
minated one of the delegates on the part of the Refor- 
mation ; and the Senate of Strasburg, judging that a 
Spanish convert from Catholicism to Protestantism, a 
man rich in knowledge and in vu'tue, would carry 
much weight in the discussion, associated Diaz with 

* Oalv. EpjJ- Op2>., xii. pp. 130, 150. — ' Apud GaUasium.' — Ibid. 
p. 330. 


his friend. At Ratisbon, Bucer and Diaz found as 
champions of the papacy, Malvenda, whom Diaz 
had known at Paris, Cochlaeus,* and the Carmel- 
ite monk BiUik. These three were determined to 
maintain the extremest doctrines of the papacy ; for 
seeing that the council was assembled they feared 
that if they made any concession they would be 
struck with the same anathemas as the Protestants. 
Without hesitation Diaz went to see Malvenda. 
Malvenda was his senior, and he ought to pay his 
respects to him. Perhaps he hoped that the ties 
which had formerly united them would give him 
some hold on the mind of his countryman. Pre- 
senting himself, therefore, with one of his friends, he 
told him with the utmost simplicit}^ that he was come 
to Ratisbon with Bucer for the purpose of defending 
the doctrines of the Reformation. Malvenda could 
believe neither his own eyes nor ears. He re- 
mained for a short time astounded, as if some 
monster had made its appearance.f The expres- 
sion of his countenance and the restlessness of his 
movements displayed his astonishment and alarm. 
At length he said : ' What ! Juan Diaz at Ratisbon ! 
Juan Diaz in Germany, and in the company of Pro- 
testants ! . . . No, I am deceived ; it is a phantom 
before me, resembling Diaz, indeed, in stature and in 
feature, but it is a mere empty image ! ' The young 
Spaniard assured the doctor that he really was there 
present before him. ' Wretched man,' said Mal- 
venda, ' do you not know that the Protestants will 

* Oalv. 0pp., xii. p. 253. 

t Bericlit von dem Kegensb. CoUoq. von G. Major, Wittenberg, 1546 ; 
Von M. Bucer, Strasb., 1546.— Oalv., 0pp., xii. p. 252. 


pride themselves far more on having gained over 
to their doctrine one single Spaniard than if they 
had converted ten thousand Germans or an infinite 
number of men of other nations ? ' Diaz wondered 
at these words, for it seemed to him that the sove- 
reign will could convert a Spaniard as easily as a 
German. Malvenda, then, no longer in doubt as to 
the real presence of Piaz in flesh and blood before 
him, assailed him with questions blow after blow. 
' Hast thou been long in Germany ? What ails thee 
that thou hast come into these parts ? Dost thou 
understand the doctrine of Martin Bucer and the 
other Germans ? ' and so forth. Diaz, with more 
presence of mind than his master, replied quietly and 
modestly : ' I have been almost six months in this 
country. My object in coming was to see here 
religion established in its purity, and to confer with 
the learned men who are to be found here. The 
true knowledge of God is before everything ; and 
in a matter so important I would rather trust my 
own eyes than the false reports of evil men. I had 
a wish to see this poison ; and as I find that the 
churches of Germany are in agreement with anti- 
quity, and have in their favour the perpetual consent 
of the apostles and prophets, I cannot reject their 
doctrine.' * 

This admiration for Germany very much asto- 
nished Malvenda. ' Oh ! ' cried he, ' it is an ex- 
ceedingly Avretched lot to live in this country. For 
any man who loves the unity of Rome, six weeks' 
sojourn here is a burden as oppressive as six years ; 

* Crespiu, Acies des Martyrs, book iii. p. 173. 


uay, say rather six centuries. Six days in Germany 
make me older than a long lifetime. Every honest 
man must beware of what is taught here. Much 
more must thou, Diaz, beware, who belongest to a 
land in which the religion of our holy mother the 
Church has always flourished. IJespect, therefore, 
thine own reputation, and do not bring dishonour on 
thyself, nor on thy family, nor on the whole Spanish 
nation.' As Diaz was accompanied by one of his 
friends, Malvenda, embarrassed, did not pursue the 
subject farther. But they agreed to meet again. 

Malvenda prepared to make use of his fine 
rhetorical powers in striking the heaviest blows for 
the purpose of bringing back into the Roman fold 
this sheep which as he thought had gone astray. 
When Diaz made his appearance again, this time 
alone, Malvenda said : ' Dost thou not perceive all 
the dangers which are threatening at once thy body 
and thy soul ? Dost thou not see the formidable 
thunderbolts of the pope, the vicar of the Son of 
God, which are about to fall upon thee ? And dost 
thou not know with what a horrible execration those 
are smitten whom he excommunicates, so that they 
become the plague of the human race ? Is it well, 
then, to venture, for the sake of the opinion of a 
small number of people, to stir up sedition in all 
countries and to disturb the public peace? Dost 
thou not dread the judgment of God, and the ab- 
horrence of all thy fellow-countrymen? ' Assuming, 
then, the most kindly air, he continued : ' I promise 
to aid thee, to befriend thee in this matter to the 
utmost of my power. But do not wait until the 
emperor arrives at Ratisbon ; go to meet him, cast 


thyself at the feet of his confessor, and entreat him 
to pardon thine offence.' 

' I am not afraid,' replied Diaz, modestly but 
decisively, ' of exposing myself to danger for the 
purpose of maintaining the heavenly doctrine on 
which our salvation depends, or even of shedding 
my blood to bear testimony to the religion of Christ. 
To me this would be a great honour and a great 

Malvenda shuddered at these words. If what 
Diaz said was true, what Rome said was false ; and 
yet his fellow-countryman was ready to die to testify 
the truth of his belief. ' No,' exclaimed the priest, 
' the pope, vicar of Christ, cannot err.'' ' What ! ' 
resumed Diaz, ' the popes infallible ! Monsters defiled 
within and without with enormous crimes infallible ! ' 
Malvenda acknowledged that some of the popes had 
led impure lives ; but, as he was anxious to drop this 
subject, he declared to Diaz that it was mere loss of 
time to come to the colloquy, and that no good would 
arise from it. He added that if Diaz wished to do 
any good, he ought to go to the Council of Trent, 
which was established by the pope and attended by 
many prelates. Diaz quitted the doctor, resolved to 
see him no more privately.* 

The young Spaniard had now ruined himself 
with the doctor. The affection which Malvenda had 
felt for him gave place to implacable hatred, and as 
he had not succeeded in gaining him over, his only 
thought now was to ruin him. With this view he 

* Diaz -wrote down the conversation whicli he had with Malvenda, 
and from his papers we derive our information ahout it. — Orespin, Acfes 
des Mnrt.yn, book iii. p. 174. 


applied to the confessor of Charles the Fifth, of whose 
influence he was aware. ' There is now at Ratis- 
bou,' he wrote, ' a young Spaniai'd whom I once knew 
at Paris as an obedient son of Rome, but who now 
avows himself an enemy of the church and a friend of 
the Lutherans. If such things are permitted, Spain 
is lost, and you will see her claiming to shake off her 
shoulders the burdens with which she will profess to 
be overwhelmed. I implore you to avert such a 
calamity, even if necessary by a violent remedy.' 
Malveiida was not content with writing one letter. 
As the confessor gave no answer, he wrote other 
letters, ' far more harsh and violent than the first.' 

De Soto had not answered at once because he was 
perplexed. He was quite capable of feeling the 
worth of such a man as Juan Diaz ; and, whatever 
the chroniclers may have said, he had previously 
been struck with the excellencies of Enzinas, and had 
winked at his escape. Moreover, the case was one 
of real difficulty. Diaz, being one of a deputation 
sent to a colloquy approved by the emperor, was 
protected against violent measures, except at the cost 
of a renewal of the breach of faith of which John Huss 
had been the victim. Just at the time when the 
confessor received from Malvenda his last violent 
letter, he had with him another Spaniard, named 
Marquina, who was entrusted with a mission for 
Rome, respecting which he was conversing with the 
confessor. ' See,' said De Soto, ' what trouble our 
Spaniards give us,' and he read to him Malvenda's 
letter. Marquina, who was an old friend of Juan 
Diaz, had always looked upon him as a model of 
honesty and piety. He therefore said to De Soto : 


' Put no faitli in Malvenda's statements. He is no 
doubt impelled by some private illwill. Believe, 
rather, the public testimonies of good men, who have 
at all times approved the character and the doctrine 
of Diaz.' But De Soto was not convinced. ' We 
must,' he said, ' either convert him, or get him put 
out of the way.' Did he mean that he was to be 
imprisoned or put to death? The latter seems the 
most probable conclusion. Xevei'theless De Soto 
was not so black as Protestant writers depict him. 
Jn 1560 he was prosecuted by the Inquisition of 
Yalladolid, on suspicion of Lutheranism.* His inter- 
course with such men as Enzinas and Diaz might 
well tend to make him afterwards more just towards 
a doctrine which he had at first condeirmed Mar- 
quina set out for Rome. 

In this metropolis was a brother of Juan Diaz, 
named Alonzo, an advocate practising before the 
Roman tribunals. ]\Iarquina related to him all that 
he had heard about Juan. Alonzo loved his brother, 
but he loved Rome still more. At this news, there- 
fore, he was plunged into a deep melancholy. Juan 
a heretic ! What a misfortune for him, but what an 
offence also against the Church I Alonzo, though 
not a thorough bigot, was violent, and was smitten 
with that gloomy and cruel madness which fancies 
that it is defending the church of God when perse- 
cutmg those who hold contrary doctrines. He was 
not without affection for those of his own kin ; bur 
he was pitiless towards them if ever they attacked 
the faith. He would rather they should all perish 
than be guilty of an outrage against the Church. He 

Lloreute, Histoire de I'liiqumiiun, iii. p. 88. 

cnvr. V. AL(_>NZO IN GEKMANY. 129 

was not only superstitious but fanatical ; and fanati- 
cism is to superstition Avhat delirium is to fever. As 
soon as he was informed of the letters which Mal- 
venda had written to the confessor, Alonzo deter- 
mined to go to Germany and to make use of all avail- 
able means to bring back his brother to the faith or 
to retrieve the injury done by him to the Church. 
He selected as his servant a man of evil repute, took 
post and went with the utmost speed to Augsburg, 
and thence to Ratisbon, where he expected to find 
his brother. This journey was made in March 1546. 
The conference was just on the point of closing with- 
out having accomplished anything, and Juan Diaz 
had already left Eatisbon. 

Alonzo was greatly annoyed at this news, and 
resolved to have an interview without delay with 
Malvenda. The latter had no hesitation as to what 
was to be done. ' May I live to see the day,' said he, 
' on which Juan Diaz will be burnt . . . and his soul 
thus be saved.' ' A brutal speech,' says Crespin, the 
friend of Juan, ' altogether diabolical and worthy of 
eternal wrath.' But in those times of error, when 
people fancied that false doctrine ought to be punished 
like any ordinary crime, it is possible that this priest, 
in uttering the wish that the soul should be saved at 
the cost of the body, might imagine that it was really 
a pious and charitable speech. The human under- 
standing was then, and had been for ages, profoundl}^ 
and miserably mistaken on this matter. 

Malvenda and Alonzo discussed together what 
was to be done. First of all, they said, inquiry must 
be made most carefully in what place, country, town, 
or village, Juan- then was. Malvenda summoned a 



Spaniard of his house in whom he had full confidence, 
and bade him find out where it was conjectured 
that Juan was concealed. This Spaniard, who was a 
crafty man, invented a tale which he thought would 
ensure his success, and presented himself to one of 
the friends of Juan — whether Senarclens or another 
we do not know. ' Letters of great importance,' he 
said, ' addressed to Diaz have arrived at the im- 
perial court. If he receive them, it will be of great 
advantage to him. We beg you, therefore, to tell 
us instantly in what place we may deliver them.' 
The friend of Diaz, who knew with whom he had to 
do, replied : ' ^ye do not know where he is ; but if 
you have any papers to forward to him, please hand 
them over to us and we will take care that the-}- 
reach him safely.' 

Alonzo and Malvenda, greatly disappointed at 
receiving such an answer, devised a new trick, the 
success of which appeared to them infallible. The 
Spaniard returned to the friend of Diaz and said : ' It 
is not a question about papers only ; there is now 
at the Crown hotel a gentleman, a great friend 
of Diaz, who brings him news and letters of the 
highest importance. He is bound to deliver them 
to him in person. Pray come and ^peak to him at 
the inn.'* 

Alonzo's stratagem succeeded to his heart's con- 
tent. He discovered ere long his brother's place 
of retirement. Juan, on the approach of Charles the 
Fifth,f felt that he could not remain at Eatisbon, and 

* The close of the chapter is missing in the manuscript. We add a 
few pages respecting- the mournful death of Juan Diaz. — Ediiok. 

+ ' Quum Otesar appropinquare dicebatur, Xeoburgum -^e contulerat, 
quod oppidum est sub ditione Othonis Henrici.' — C'alv.. 0pp., xii. p. 3-36. 


therefore had betaken himself to Neuburg, where he 
ran less risk than at Ratisbon, as the town was with- 
in the jurisdiction of Otto Henry, the elector palatine. 
He was engaged there in superintending the printing 
of a work by Bucer.* It was a great surprise to him 
to see his brother, whose attachment to the papacy he 
well knew. The first days of their meeting were 
spent in painful debates. Alonzo put forth all his 
energy to snatch his brother from heresy. He made 
the best of all the arguments which he thought likely 
to prevail with him. He reminded him of the dis- 
grace which would be reflected on the name of his 
family, the perils to which he exposed himself, prison, 
exile, the scaffold, and the stake with which he was 
threatened. Juan remained inflexible. ' I am ]'eady,' 
he replied, ' to suffer anything for the sake of publicly 
confessing the doctrine which I have embraced.' 
Failing to terrify his brother, Alonzo attempted to 
seduce him. He offered him the wealth and honours 
wherewith Eome would willingly have paid for re- 
conciliation with her adversaries. ' Follow me to 
Rome,' he said, ' and all these things are yours.' 
Jiaan was still less open to the solicitations of worldly 
ambition than he had been to threats of possible 

Alonzo soon perceived that these methods would 
avail him nothing, and he therefore changed his 
tactics. He pretended that he was himself overcome 
by the faith and the generous feeling of his brother, 
and professed himself gained over to the gospel. 
' Come with me to Italy,' said he ; ' there you will 
find a large number of souls open 'to the knowledge 

' Sleidan, lieform., book xvii. 


of the truth, and among these you will have op- 
poi'tunity of doing a great work of mercy. Germany 
possesses pious men in abundance to instruct it. 
Italy is in want of them. Come with me.' Juan 
was almost carried away by this appeal. He was 
desirous, however, of consulting his friends. These 
dissuaded him from such an enterprise, and felt 
suspicious of his brother's sincerity. Diaz still hesi- 
tated. He wrote to Bernard Ochino, pastor at 
Augsburg : ' I must close my eyes to the world that 
T may follow only the call of Christ. May he be my 
light, my guide, my support ! I have not yet come 
to a decision. Whether I am to set out or to remain 
here, I desire only to do the will of God. My trust 
is in Christ, who promises me a happy issue.' His 
friends Bucer, Senarcleus, and others hastened to 
him in alarm, and at length succeeded in dissuading 
him from quitting the asylum in AS^hich he was safe 
under the protection of the elector palatine. 

Alonzo, though deeply annoyed, dissembled his 
anger. He should cherish, he said, the memory of 
the pleasant moments which he had spent in Jiis 
brother's company ; he carried away -in himself a 
light which he would not allow to be extinguished ; 
he commended himself to the prayers of this brother 
who had become his father in Jesus Christ. He 
wept much, and on March 26, 1.54G. he took his de- 
partiu-e, his servant accompanying him. The latter 
was a man accustomed to the shedding of blood. He 
had been an executioner ; and he made a trade of 
selling his services to anyone who wanted to get rid 
of an enemy by the sword or by poison The two 
men went to Augsburir. carefully concealino- their 


presence. The next day, after changing their dros.s, 
they retraced the road by which they had come. On 
the way Alonzo bought a hatchet of a carpenter. 
He slept in a village not far from Neiiburg ; and on 
3Iarch 27, just as the day began to dawn, he re- 
entered the town Avith the man who was in his ser- 
vice. This man knocked at the door of the house in 
which Diaz lodo-ed, and showins; some letters which 
he said that he brought from his brother, requested 
to be admitted. Notwithstanding the early morning 
hour he was allowed to enter the house, and went up 
the staircase while Alonzo waited below, prepared to 
assist in case of need. 

Juan, waking with a start, rose and went out of 
his chamber, half-dressed, and received with kindli- 
ness his brother's messenger. The latter handed a 
letter to him. The still faint light of the dawn 
scarcely penetrated into the room ; Juan went to the 
window and began reading. Alonzo expressed to his 
brother the fears he felt for his personal safety. 
' Above all,' said he, ' do not trust Malvenda, who 
only thirsts for the blood of the saints. From afar I 
watch over you, and in giving you this warning I 
discharge a duty of brotherly piety.'* While T)]'dz 
was reading, the murderer approached him, and, 
armed with the hatchet which he had concealed 
under his cloak, plunged it up to the handle in the 
skull of the unfortunate man, over the right temple. 
So violent was the blow that the victim fell without 
uttering a word. The assassin caught him in his 
arms and laid him quietly upon the floor, and then 
fled without making any noise which might haAc 

* Jules Bonnet, lieciis clu sekibme si'ecU, p. 228. 

131 THE REFOE>rATIOX IX EUROPE. book siv. 

betrayed tlie horrible deed which had just been 

The friend of Diaz, Senarclens, who was sleeping 
in his own chamber, heard nothing but the footsteps 
of the murderer as he descended the stairs. He rose 
hastily, ran to his friend, and found him dying. The 
hatchet had been left buried in the wound. Juan 
Diaz lived an hour longer but did not speak acrain. 
His hands were joined, his lips moved as if in praver, 
and his eyes fixed on heaven showed the mark to- 
ward which he pressed. 

Meanwhile the assassins were flying as fast as 
their horses could carry them. S-n-iftly pursued, 
the\' passed through Augsburg without stopping, and 
at length found refuge at Innspruck, in the dominions 
of the archduke Ferdinand, king of the Romans. 
All Germany was stirred by this odious crime ; and 
the punishment of the guilty was demanded from all 
quarters. But by the intervention of the emperor 
they escaped the condemnation which they had 
deserved, and, if we are to believe Castro,* Charles 
even raised the fratricide to the highest honours and 

* Castro, S/jniih/i I'rotestmits. y\. 14. 




( 1534—1542.) 

The doctrines of the gospel were slowly spreading in 
Spain ; their advance was silent, but it was none the 
less rapid. The Catholic lUescas, in his Historia 
Pontifical, asserts that ' so great were the number, 
the rank, and the importance of the culprits, that if 
the application of the remedy had been delayed for 
two or three months, the whole of Spain would have 
been on fire.' The Reformation would have wrought 
the salvation of this people, not only in a moral and 
religious sense, but also in respect to national pros- 
perity and greatness. Unfortunately the papacy and 
Philip II. had the last word, and tbey ensured its 

We have seen that the gospel had been well 
received at Seville, in tbe south ; it was likewise 
welcomed at Valladolid, in the north, the usual seat 
of the king. There was one man who at this epoch, 
by reason of his ability, the offices with which he was 
invested, the missions which were entrusted to him, 
and his religious character, played an important part 
in Spain. He passed for one of the most violent 
enemies of evangelical truth ; and such indeed he 
was, but ultimately he became himself an evangelical, 
at least in essential points. This was Bartholomew 


Carranza, who was boi-n in 1303, at Miranda, in 
Xavarre, and was at this time teaching theology at 
Yalladolid with great applause. He had completed 
his studies at the university of Alcala, and in 152l) 
had entered the Dominican order. While he was at 
the college of St. Gregory of Valladolid, in 1527, he 
had undertaken the defence of Erasmus, and had 
consequently been denounced to the Holy Office. At 
a still earlier period he had conversed with a Domini- 
can older than himself, Professor ^lichael de Saint 
^lartin, on matters pertaining to the con-science. The 
doctor found that the yoimg monk greatly limited 
the power of the pope. For this he had been rebuked 
and ultimately denounced to the Holy Office (Xo- 
vember 19, 1530). But these two denunciations came 
to nothing. It was found that the evidence was not 
sufficient to support an accusation. On the revival 
of the denunciations at a later period, Carranza, who 
by this time had become an archbishop, was placed 
under arrest. At an early age he had felt some 
relish for the truth. Had he lived in the midst of 
gospel light he would have joyfully received it ; but 
the darkness of Kome withheld him and for a long 
time led him astray. In 1534 he was appointed 
professor of theology at Valladolid, and in 1539 he 
was named a delegate to Eome to attend a chapter 
of his order. He maintained there some theses ynth 
so much success that Pope Paul III. gave him per- 
mission to read prohibited books. The reading of 
these was afterwards of advantage to him. At this 
time he enjoyed the reputation of a fervent Catholic. 
His opposition to heretic*, his olive-coloured com- 
plexion, and the sombre costume of his order, earned 


him the surname of the black monk. Nevertheless 
he displayed altogether a superior mind ; and in con- 
sequence of this he was early distinguished by Charles 
the Fifth. If he were then strongly attached to 
Roman doctrines it was with sincerity, because he 
believed them to be true ; and he was, moreover, a 
stranger to petty ecclesiastical superstitions.* 

Carranza's teaching, perhaps, contributed to make 
the gospel attractive to younger minds at Valladolid. 
At first they showed some timidity ; but the cruel 
death of one of the most earnest Spanish Christians 
inspired them, about the middle of the century, with 
more zeal and courage. Among the disciples of 
Carranza was Don Domingo de Roxas, son of the 
marquis of Poza — a name rendered illustrious by a 
great poet — and Avhose mother was a daughter of 
the count of Seliiias. This young man, who was 
destined by his parents for the church, was amiable, 
upright, a lover of truth, keenly susceptible and 
impressible, endowed likewise with courage, but not 
■with that immovable firmness which belongs to 
powerful characters. He listened with enthusiasm 
to the lectures of Carranza, who in certain cases made 
use of the phrases of the reformers, while condemn- 
ing their doctrines. The same was afterwards done 
by the Council of Trent, to which Carranza was sent 
as delegate by Charles the Fifth. He used to say 
that man, since his fall, could not be justified by the 
power of nature ; but that he is justified by Jesus 
Christ. To these assertions, however, he added 
explanations which weakened them. ' The moral 
power of man,' he said, ' is indeed diminished but not 

* Llorente, Histoire de V Inquisition, pp. 184-187. 


destroyed ; he is able to incline himself to righteous- 
ness, and faith justifies only so far as charity is added 
to it.' 

Ere long Domingo showed less timidity than his 
master. He laid aside everything that weakened the 
doctrine and embraced the pure faith draTm from 
the Word of God. At the same time that he listened 
to Carranza he was reading Luther and Melanchthon, 
and he thought their doctrines more evangelical and 
more powerful than those of his master. The pro- 
fessor trembled lest his disciple should become a 
heretic and should raise up others. What to Roxas 
appeared a friendly light, seemed to Carranza the 
signal of a conflagration. In vain he endeavoured 
to prove to young de Roxas the mass and purgatory. 
The latter, imder standing that the truth was the 
property of aU, communicated it to those around him. 
He put into circulation the works of the reformers ; 
he composed others himself. Among the latter was 
an Exposition of the faith. By these means he gained 
over to the gospel several inhabitants of Yalladolid. 
He encountered opposition on the part of some mem- 
bers of his own family; but he found access to 
others, as well as to several noble houses of Castile.* 

Another 5'oung Castilian, Augustine Cazalla, a 
contemporary of Roxas, at the age of seventeen had 
had Carranza as his confassor ; and he attended, at 
the same time as DomLnga, the lectures of this illus- 
trious master at the college of St. Gri-egory at Valia- 
doHd. His father was director of the royal finances, 
and his mother Leonora (whose maiden name was 
de Vibero), a friend of the friends of the gospel, 

* Llorente, Histoire de I'Inquiskion, ii. p. 233. 


opened her house to them, and freely welcomed 
the refugees -who were driven by persecution from 
their own abodes. On this account the house of 
Leonora was afterwards razed, and on its ruins 
fanaticism erected a monumental stone, which re- 
mained there till our own days.* Cazalla completed 
his studies at Alcala, becaine canon of Salamanca, 
and attained a position in the first rank of Sj)anish 
preachers. The circumstances in which he Avas placed, 
and particularly the hospitality of his mother, pre- 
pared him to receive the gospel. He was even ac- 
cused of having ' openly taught in the Lutheran con- 
venticles of Valladolid.' It appears, however, that 
he did not publiclj' declare himself for the Word of 
God until the emperor, having nominated him his 
preacher and almoner, took him with him into Ger- 
Taanj, where he had frequent intercourse with the 
Lutherans. f 

Even before Cazalla decided for the gospel Don 
Domingo de Roxas had found a powerful assistant in 
the evangelisation of Valladolid and its neighbour- 
hood. An Italian noble, Don Carlos de Seso, born 
at Verona, of one of the first families of the country, 
had distinguished himself in the service of the 
emperor, and had, it seems, learnt something at an 
early age of the doctrine of the Reformation. He 
settled in Spain, and during his residence at Valla- 
dolid became intimate with the evangelical Christians 
of that city. He had a cultivated mind, great nobilit}" 

* It was removed duxing the regency of Espartero. The street ia 
named Calk del doctor Cazalla. 

t Llorente, Histoirc de l' Inquisition, ii, pp. 222, 223, lUescas, Ilistona 
Pontifical, ii. p. .337. 


of character, gentlemanly manners, and much zeal for 
the truth. Having become a Spaniard, he discharged 
in his adopted country certain civil functions ; and 
this afforded him opportunities of diffusing with 
more freedom the knowledge of the gospel. He did 
this zealously in some towns situated to the east of 
A^alladolid, on the banks of the Douro ; at Toro, 
where this river is spanned by the numerous arches 
of an immense bridge, and where Seso was corregidor ; 
and, somewhat further eastward, in the melancholy 
and sombre Zamora, which the Cid had reconquered 
from the Moors, and where the ruins of his palace 
were to be seen. His active exertions were next put 
forth in another quarter. We find him proclaiming 
the love of <Tod in Jesus Christ at Valencia, to the 
north of Valladolid, and under the very walls of its 
beautiful cathedral. He afterwards married Dona 
Isabella de Castilla, niece of the bishop of Calahorra. 
and a descendant of King Pedro the Cruel, and took 
up his abode at Villa Mediana. Here he became 
very successful in the evangelisation of Logrono, and 
the rich and fertile districts lying around, which are 
watered by the Ebro. Don Carlos de Seso was re- 
markable for the enern;\' of his faith, the viwur of his 
language, and the devotion of his whole being to 
Jesus Christ. He was to give evidence of his courage 
at the time of his death, by apostrophizing the cruel 
Philip II. himself, whose fanatical answer became 

Don Domingo de Eoxas had a sister, the mar- 
chioness of Alcagnices, who:^e character bore much 

' Llorente, Histoii-e de Vliiquhittun. ii. pp. '2-jo. I'-Jil, -U)' . Illeicas, 
Uistoria Pontifical, i. p. 307. 



resemblance to his own, and who, like him, attached 
herself to Carranza, but with still more enthusiasm. 
She found in him a faithful, pious, and disinterested 
guide ; not a director, but a Christian friend. Sh.e 
as well as her brother had frequent conversations 
with Carranza. Domingo on one occasion was speak- 
ing with joy about the complete justification of the 
sinner by the grace of Christ. ' But,' he added, ' I do 
not see how this truth is to be reconciled with pur- 
gatorj'.' ' It would be no great harm,' said Carranza, 
' if there were no purgatory.' Domingo Avas as- 
tonished, and replied by citing the decisions of the 
church. His master then closed the discussion by 
saying : ' You are not at present capable of, thoroughly 
understanding this matter.' In a little while, Do- 
mingo, convinced that the j ustification of man is the 
essence of Christianity, returned to the subject ; and 
Carranza told him that he did not see in Holy Scrip- 
ture any clear proofs of the existence of purgatory.* 
De Roxas rejoiced to hear this, for he desired above 
all things that his master should unreservedly accept 
the doctrines of the gospel. But this was not so 
easy as he thought, and whenever he made a timid 
attempt to induce him to adopt them, Carranza at 
once checked him. ' Beware,' said he, ' lest you allow 
yourself to be carried away by your talents.' The 
disciple then withdrew disheartened. Carranza's re- 
fusal to follow him in all the evangelical doctrines 
' excited his deepest compassion,' and also occasioned 
him the greatest grief. ' For,' he said, ' if Don Bar- 
tholomew entirely received the true faith, he would 
induce my sister to adopt it, so completely does the 

* Llorente, Htstoire de VlnqnisiHon, iii. pp. 202, 204. 


Marchioness yield to his opinion.' Filled -with con- 
fidence, Roxas added : ' I am still in hope of seeing 
this change effected ; ' and allured still further and 
further by his hopes he exclaimed : ' If so great a 
change as this be wrought in Carranza, the king and 
all Spain will embrace this religion.'* 

The faith of CaiTanza seemed in fact to become 
brighter and more real, so that the fine castles in 
the air which the young and ardent De Roxas was 
building were not altogether unfounded. One day, 
not long afterwards, Carranza, when preaching at 
Valladolid in Passion week, was suddenly carried 
away by the liveliness of his faith and the warmth of 
his love for the Saviour ; and speaking as if he saw 
heaven opened, as if he discerned not onlv the image 
of the Saviour, but the Saviour himself crucified, he 
spoke with enthusiasm of the unutterable blessedness 
of such contemplation for faithful souls, and extolled 
with all his power the justification of men by a living 
faith in the passion and the death of Jesus Christ. 
' Really,' said the bishop Peter de Castro, who was 
present. ' Carranza jDreached to-day as Philip ile- 
lanchthon might have done.' The bishop informed 
the illustrious orator of his own way of thinking : 
the latter replied only by keeping profound silence. f 
Carranza afterwards preached a sermon of a similar 
kind before Philij) II. in London, whither he had 
accompanied the king, and where he prosecuted the 
evangelical teachers of Oxford and other places, while 
sometimes preaching the same doctrines as they did. 
The fanaticism of Catholic unity and universaKty 

' Llonin t'^. Ilistoire de VInqumtion, iii. pp. 20-3, 20~. 
t Ihi(l,pj>. lOS, m>. 


stifled in his soul the claims of Christian faith. The 
new man, formed within by divine grace, was in his 
case kept down by the natural man, whose instincts 
had been rendered more cruel by the influence of 
Kome and the Inquisition. 

The marchioness of Alcagnices could not do with- 
out him. The piety of Carranza met her deepest 
wants, and his attachment to Rome was a ground of 
confidence to her that in adopting his faith she was 
not separating from the church. Anxious to enjoy 
his teaching even when he was absent, she caused 
copies to be made of his Spanish works, and had 
translations made of those which were in Latin. In 
this task she employed the friar Francis de Torde- 
sillas. This monk, who was a strictly orthodox man, 
was occasionally shocked, while making these transla- 
tions and copies, by certain phrases which appeared 
to have a Lutheran tendency. He was very much 
grieved about it, and so much the more because it 
was not only for the marchioness that he did this 
work, but also for several other ladies, admirers of 
Garranza. Wliat a calamity if he should become an 
agent of the Lutheran heresy ! And yet there were 
so many fine things in those books, and Garranza was 
so illustrious a doctor ! The monk of Tordesillas be- 
thought himself of a means of preventing the evU. 
At the head of the manuscript he put a notice to the 
deader, in which he said, — ' that in reading the works 
of Don Bartholomew, all the propositions which they 
contain must be understood in the Gatholic sense, 
and particularly those which relate to justification, 
which it seems possible to interpret in an opposite 
sense ; that in this way there would be no danger of 


falling into any error ; that he had seen the avithor 
practise good works, fasts, almsgiving and prayers, so 
that he, the speaker, was sure that everything which 
the doctor had written was in the spirit of the Catholic 
religion.'* But the religious devotee laboured in 
vain. Most readers took simply and in the natural 
sense what they read. Moreover the tiotice to tJn' 
reader was counteracted by more powerful advice. 
Domingo de Eoxas told both the nuns with whom 
he was connected, particularly those of the convent 
of Bethlehem, and other persons who showed any 
leaning to piety, that the evangelical doctrines, and 
he did not scruple to say to many the maxims of 
Luther, were approved by a man so virtuous and so 
learned as Carranza.f 

Far from being moved to retract his doctrines b^^^ 
the reproaches which he incurred on account of them, 
Carranza, who was of a resolute and determined cha- 
racter, re-asserted them in more and more positive 
laiiguage. One day when he was at the village of 
Alcagnices, probably on a visit to the castle, he felt 
it incumbent on him to make it distinctly understood 
that nothing would induce him to renounce the faith 
which inspired him, and that to leave no room for 
doubt he was even prepared to sign a legal instru- 
ment, bond, or contract, to that effect. For this 
reason, and remembering that according to a popular 
proverb ' where notary has passed there is no goint 
back,' he exclaimed in the presence of Domingo de 
Roxas, Peter de Sotelo. Christopher Padill;i, and 
others : ' At the time of my death I will have a 

' LlmvDte, IIi.<iii're (Ic V Inquisition, iii. -05, I'ljU. 
t V,IJ.. p. -20^. 


notary to attest the renunciation which I make of all 
my good A^orks and all the merit of them. I rely 
on the woi'ks of Jesus Christ ; and knowing that he 
has expiated my sins I look upon them as annulled.' * 

It is remarkable that Carranza, after declarations 
so evangelical, should have been elected, and this 
in Spain, and against his own will, to the highest 
dignity of the church, the primacy. True, Rome 
afterwards made up for this gentle treatment by 
great severity. This illustrious doctor and distin- 
guished prelate, who had caused so many evangelical 
Christians to be imprisoned, himself spent the last 
seventeen years of his life in prison. He exalted the 
pope, his government, and his ministry, as much as 
and more than any other man ; but he committed 
the crime of exalting Jesus Christ still more. The 
punishment was only retarded, not averted, by his 
submission to Eome. Even at the time when 
Carranza was still in the enjoyment of the highest 
favour Valladolid saw a memorable example of 
punishment instantly awarded to anyone who should 
magnify Jesus Chi'ist, without caring for the pope 
and his church. 

The young San Romano, who had been converted 
at Bremen, and had been arrested after making great 
efforts to induce Charles the Fifth to countenance the 
Reformation, arrived in ill health at Valladolid at 
the time when the gospel was working in private 
circles, and even in general society, but had not yet 
been boldly preached there as at Seville. He had 
been roughly treated, and. compelled to follow in the 
emperor's suite as a captive, some say even into 

* Llorente, Histoire da f Inquisition, iii. p. 210. 


Africa ; but the treatment whicli he had to undergo 
at the hands of the inquisitors of A^alladolid, to 
whom he was dehvered up, far surpassed in harshness 
that of Charles. They confined him in a dark and 
horrible dungeon ; they sent to him incessantly 
wicked and ignorant monks, who were instructed to 
worry him and to induce him to abandon his faith; 
they frequently made a spectacle of him, exposing 
him to the laughter and contempt of the populace, 
and daily loaded him with reproaches and insults, 
in the hope of thereby terrifying him, breaking down 
his spirit, and leading him to retract his faith. 
But their attempt was frustrated. They found, on 
the contrary, that in some marvellous way which 
they could not understand, his strength, his earnest- 
ness, and his resolution day by day increased. He 
confuted the arguments of the monks, and courage- 
ously avowed the doctrines which were the objects of 
their anathemas. The sacrifice of the mass, said the 
monks, procures ex opere operato the remission of 
sins. ' Horrible abomination,' said San Komano. 
'Auricular confession,' resumed the inquisitors, 'the 
satisfaction of purgatory, the invocation of saints ' . . . 
But he stopped them and cried out : ' Blasphemy 
against God and profanation of the blood of Jesus 
Christ ! ' * These monks, of orders grey, brown, or 
black, who buzzed about him like wasps, and were 
incessantlv stinojinff him, were amazed at such lau- 
guage, and asked him what then he did believe. He 
replied : ' I maintain and wUl openly and clearly 
maintain to my latest breath that there is no creature 

' ■ Adversus Deum Uasphemiam et saiifuinis Cliristi profanaticnem.' 
■ — Llorente, Histoire de Vlnquitition . iii. p. 20?. 


who by his own strength, his own works, or any 
worthiness of his own can merit the pardon of his 
sins and obtain the salvation of his souL The mercy 
of God alone, the work of the mediator, who by his 
own blood has cleansed us from all sin, these save us.' 
His condemnation was henceforth certain. 

San Romano, and with him a great number of 
criminals, appeared before a multitude of the people 
to receive sentence. He was condemned to be burnt 
alive as a heretic, the others were absolved. ' Ah ! ' 
said one of his friends, 

Dat veniam corvis, vexat censura columbas. 

After sentence had been passed, they put upon the 
head of the martyr a paper crown, on which were 
depicted many horrible figures of demons,* and then 
led him away to the place of execution. 

San Romano walked on, surrounded by the mob, 
who heaped on him insults ' harder to bear than 
death.' Just beyond the suburbs of the town he 
came to a wooden cross. The crowd stopped and the 
inquisitors wished to compel him to adore it. ' It is 
not wood,' he replied, ' which Christians adore, but 
God. He is present in my heart and I adore him 
there with all reverence. Pass on ; go straight to 
the place of my destination.' At these words the 
people uttered loud cries, and loaded him with 
insults, considering his refusal to be a crime. ' The 
cross,' said some of them, ' the cross would not allow 
a heretic to adore it.' Then, fancying that there was 
some divinity in the wood, the crowd pressed round 

* ' Corona chartea in qua erant mille hombilissimonim cacodsemonum 
figurte depictce.' — Llorente, Histo-ire de V Inquisition, iii. p. 210. 

L 2 


it ; some drew their swords, aud clove tlie cross into 
a thousand pieces.* Most happy did anyone think 
himself who could secure the smallest fragment, for 
the wood was to heal them of every disease. 

San Romano was accompanied by a numerous 
escort. He was surrounded by archers of the Im- 
perial Guard. Some great personages belonging to 
both parties had desired to be witnesses of the last 
moments of this man, whose convictions were so 
deep. Amongst them was the English envoy. San 
Romano was placed in the midst of a great heap of 
wood, which was forthwith set on fire in several 
places. When he began to feel the fire he raised his 
head,f looking up to heaven, which was about to 
receive him. But the inquisitors imagined that he 
was calling them and would yield to their entreaties. 
' Draw away the wood,' they said, ' he wants to 
retract his doctrine.' The burning pieces were 
removed, and San Romano was set as it were at 
liberty, without having taken any harm from the 
fire. Turning then a look of indignation upon the 
inquisitors, he said : ' What malice urges you to 
this ? Why envy me my happiness ? Why snatch 
me from the true glory which awaits me ? ' J The 
inquisitors then, confused and irritated, ordered him 
to be again cast into the fire, which had by this 
time risen to great violence, and instantly consumed 

The sermon at this auto-da-fe had been preached 

* ' Strictis gladiis ad crucem, quaui in miUe partes disseeuoruut.' — 
L^orente, Sistoire de I 'Inquisition, p. 210. 

t ' Leva^-it caput aliquantulum.' — Ibid., iii. p. 2] 2. 
I ' Quare me a vera gloria abstraxiitis.' — Ibid., p. 214. 


by Carranza,* but it does not appear that he had 
convinced all his hearers. Some of the archers of the 
Imperial Guard carefully collected the ashes of the 
disciple of the gospel. The English ambassador 
avowed that he recognised in him ' a true martyr of 
Jesus Christ.' In consequence of this saymg he 
was obliged to absent himself from court for several 
months. f The archers who had gathered up the 
ashes were sent to prison. Meanwhile the inquisitors 
declared everywhere that San Romano was damned, 
that none was permitted to pray for him, and that 
whosoever should dare to hope for his salvation 
would be considered a heretic. This martyrdom 
took place about the year 1542. J 

The times of the Reformation abound in martyrs ; 
rind we might well ask ^vhether primitive Christianity, 
which came to an end when the reign of Constantine 
began, had so great a number of them as the reno- 
vated Christianity of the sixteenth century ; especially 
if we take into account the different length of the 
periods. The impulse which le'd the martyrs of the 
Netherlands, of France, England, Hungary, Italy, 
Spain, and other lands to give up their lives calmly 
and even joyfully, proceeded from the depth of their 
convictions, the holy and sovereign voice of con- 

* Lloreute, Histoire de V Inquisition, p. 188. 

t ' Legatus Anglise qui . . . veium Obiisti martyrem agnoscebat, ad 
aliquot menses ex aula exulavit.' — Mnnoirs of Enzitias, ii. p. 216. 

X Crespin, Acf.es des yiniit/rs, booli iii. p. 157. Lloreute says 1540. 
De Oastro, p. 41, says: ' That event must have happened in 1545 or 1546.' 
Orespin and M'Oiie, p. 174, say 1544. In order to determine the date 
v,-e must observe that Euzinas (ii. p. 1 70) vrrites the narrative Avhile he 
is himself a prisoner at Brussels, and that he escaped in 1545. M. 0am- 
pan assigns the date 154.1, the year in which the account veas written. 
This account follows that which relates to Peter de Lei ma, who died in 
August 1541. — Edtiok. 

150 THE EEFOEMATION IN EUEOl'E. book xit. 

science, enlightened, purified, and strengthened by 
the word of God. In the souls of these lowly heroes 
there was a secret and mighty testimony to the truth 
of the gospel which vividly manifested to them its 
grandeur, impelled them to sacrifice all for its sake, 
and gave them courage to obey, although it cost them 
not only goods and worldly greatness, but also the 
good opinion, the afiection and esteem even of those 
whom they most tenderly loved. Obedience, indeed, 
was not always instantaneous. Sometimes there were 
hindrances, conflicts, hesitation, and delay. There 
were also some weak consciences which were over- 
come. But wherever the conscience was sound, it 
acquired in the midst of difiiculties more and more 
force, and when once its voice was heard the victory 
was won. It must be understood that we do not 
mean here a conscience which a man has made for 
himself ; that of which we speak was the highest ex- 
pression of truth, justice, and the divine will, and it 
was found to be the same in all regions. The souls 
of these martyrs were exempt from all prejudices, 
pure as a cloudless sky. They were conscientious 
men ; and herein we have the complete explanation 
of the grand phenomenon presented to us in the 
Reformation. Here was a force sufficient to break 
through stubborn bonds, to surmount passionate 
opposition, to brave torture, and to go to the stake. 
iS"o concessions were to be made, no agreement'with 
error. The noble martyrs of the first centuries and 
of the sixteenth were the select spirits and the glory 
of the human race. 

The death of San Romano was not fruitless. The 
saying current in the first centuries was once more 


verified, — the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the 
church. His faith, his renunciation of the world, his 
courage at the stake, his rejoicing at the near ap- 
proach of death, deeply aifected such of the spectators 
as had a conscience not yet seared. The evangelicals 
of Valladolid, who had hardly avowed their convic- 
tions except to their most intimate friends, were 
emboldened. They expressed their sympathy with 
the martyr, and zeal and decision took the place of 
timidity and lukewarmness. No church, however, 
was formed in Valladolid till some years afterwards. 



(boen 1479; died 1555.) 

AMOXG the victims immolated in Spain, in tlie 
Xetherlands, and elsewhere, by the fanaticism of 
Charles the Fifth and his subordinates, there was 
one, the most illustrious of all, whose history has 
been long hidden by a mysterious veil. This was his 
mother. Queen Joanna, the daughter of Ferdinand 
and Isabella. The TeU has been partly lifted in our 
days by the discovery of some documents in the 
archives of Simancas.* Although the information is 
not yet complete, and perhaps may never be so, it is 
nevertheless possible now to get some glimpses of the 
mysterious drama which darkened the life of this 
unfortunate princess. Few histories are more asto- 
nishing than the history of this woman, whom we 
see by some tragic destiny connected with three 
executioners — her father, her husband, and her son. 
These three men, king Ferdinand, the archduke 
Philip, and the emperor Charles the Fifth, whom she 
never ceased to love, and whom God had given her 
for protectors, deprived her of her kmgdoms, cast her 

* Calendar of letters, dispatcher, and state papers, relating to nego- 
tiations between England and ^paiu, edited by d. A, Bergenrotli. 
Loudon: Longmans & Co. l.*OS. 


into prison, and had the strappado inflicted on her.* 
To complete their infamy, they circulated a report 
that she was mad. She displayed remarkable intelli- 
gence, and in this respect she would have taken high 
rank among princes, far above her father and her 
husband, if not above her son. The latter derived 
from her, certainly not from his father, his great 
abilities. Some celebrated physicians having been 
summoned by the Comuneros to inquire whether the 
alleged madness existed, and having interrogated the 
officers and servants who were about her, cardinal — 
afterwards Pope — Adrian, one of her gaolers, gave 
the empei'or an account of the inquiry in these words : 
' Almost all the officers and servants of the queen 
assert that she has been oppressed and forcibly de- 
tained in this castle for fourteen years, under pre- 
tence of madness, while in fact she has always been 
as sound in mind and as rational as at the time of 
her marriage.' f 

The desire to possess themselves of the supreme 
power incited these three unworthy princes to deprive 
Joanna and to keep her in shameful captivity. It 
was to her, and not to her father Ferdinand, that 
the kingdom of Castile belonged after the death of 
Isabella. It was to her, and not to her husband 
Philip, nor afterwards to her son Charles, that the 
Spains, Naples, Sicily, and other dominions belonged. 
She was deprived of all by these traitorous princes, 
and received in exchange a narrow prison. 

Joanna, the daughter of Ferdinand of Aragon 

• Premia, Bar cvei-da. 

t Letter from cardinal Adrian to the emperor, Sept. 4, 1520. — Ber- 
genroth, Calendar of Letters, &c. 


and Isabella of Castile, was born in 1479, and was 
brought up in Spain under the care of her mother. 
Although it was not in those days the custom of the 
court, as it was in the time of Philip II., to attend 
the auto-da-fe, the whipping and the torture of here- 
tics, these exploits of fanaticism done to the honour 
of Jesus Christ and his holy mother were nevertheless 
at this epoch the favourite subject of conversation at 
that devout court. The prison, the whip, the rack, 
and the stake, were the commonplaces of their inter- 
course. The compassionate heart, the sound under- 
standing, and all the good instincts of the young girl 
rebelled against these excesses of the Eoman faith ; 
and it Avas soon discovered that there was in her 
mind an opposition to the favourite notions of her 
mother, and a deep feeling against these punishments. 
It was a great grief to Isabella to see her own 
daughter wantonly ruining herself; for was it not 
in her eyes ruin to doubt of the holiness of the 
proceedings of the Inquisition ? She, therefore, 
attempted to stifle the first germs of disobedience. 
She did not shrink from extreme meastu-es to bring 
Joanna to a better mind. The marquis of Denia, 
chief gaoler of the unhappy prisoner, wrote to Charles 
the Fifth, on January 26, 1522. as follows : 'If your 
Majesty would employ torture against her, it would 
be in many respects rendering service to God and at 
the same time doing a good work towards the queen 
herself. This course is necessary with persons of 
her disposition ; and the queen, yom- grandmother, 
punished and treated in this way her daughter the 
queen, our sovereign lady.' 

When Joanna had attained the age of seventeen 


hei' father and mother began to think about a mar- 
riage alliance for her ; and it is easy to understand 
that she was eager to accept the hand of the archduke 
of Burgundy, one of the handsomest knights of his 
age. The prince was to conduct her to the Nether- 
lands, of which he had been sovereign since 1482, 
and thus he would withdraw her from the teaching 
of her mother. Joanna's readiness was very natural 
vmder the circumstauces. 

Soon after her arrival in the Netherlands it was 
observed that feelings to which the cruelty of the 
Inquisition iiad given birth in her noble heart were 
developing themselves — indignation against the per- 
secutors, and love for the persecuted. It is known 
that in these parts were to be found some of the 
Vaudois, the Lollards, and the Brethren of the Com- 
mon Life, all alike inspired with a true religious spirit. 
The fresh information which Joanna now received 
strengthened her previous irapressions of hostility to 
Roman superstition. The Catholic Isabella, alarmed 
at the reports which reached her, sent to Brussels the 
sub-prior of Santa Cruz, Thomas de Matienzo, to see 
what the facts were, and to arrest the evil. The 
princess, who tenderly loved her mother, was cast 
down on hearing of her displeasure, and tears started 
to her eyes. But her resolution did not give way. 
The sub-prior took all possible pains to draw from 
Joanna some answer to the questions which Isabella 
had charged him to ask. He was very coldly re- 
ceived ; and on Assumption Day, when two of the 
confessors of the princess presented themselves for 
the purpose of receiving her confession, she declined 
their services in the very presence of her mother's 


envoy.* Her former tutor, Friar Andrew, who felt 
much, anxiety for the soul of his pupil, entreated her 
to dismiss certain Parisian theologians, who seem to 
have been more enlightened than the majority of the 
priests, but whom Friar Andrew called drunkards. 
At the same time he begged the princess to supply 
their place by taking for her confessor a good Spanish 
monk. But aU his entreaties were fruitless. Nothing 
could overcome the repugnance which she felt to- 
wards the Roman religion. On several occasions she 
refused its rites, but she did not advance nor take 
any active steps. Her strength was passive only. 

On February 24, 1500, Joanna gave birth to a 
son, who was to become the emperor Charles the 
Fifth. Conspicuous amongst the magnificent pre- 
sents offered to the young prince was the gift of the 
ecclesiastics of Flanders, who laid before him the 
New Testament, splendidly bound, and beaiing the 
inscription in letters of gold — Search the Scriptures. 

Isabella was deeply distressed to see her daughter 
thus drifting away from Spanish orthodoxy. It was 
not a complete rebellion ; Joanna did not openly 
profess all the doctrines called in Spain heretical. 
But the queen had ordered hundreds of her subjects 
to b.e burnt for slighter opposition than that of the 
princess. Would Isabella's devotion to the Virgin 
go so far as to sacrifice to it her daughter ? Even 
had she desired it, it would not have been easy ; for 
Joanna, as the wife of a foreign prince, was eman- 
cipated from her mother's control. Besides, it may 
well be believed that Isabella would not have com- 
mitted such a crime. Still, the question arises, would 

• Reports of Friar Thomas de Matienzo, August 1498. 


she allow a heretic to ascend the throne of Castile ? 
Would she expose the Inquisition, an institution so 
dear to her, to the risk of being suppressed by the 
princess Avho was to succeed her ? Never. Her 
whole being revolted against such a thought. The 
priestly party rejoiced to see these scruples of the 
queen, and endeavoured to increase them. King 
Ferdinand himself, Joanna's father, but not a tender- 
hearted father, felt that it was for his own interest to 
embitter more and more the feeling of her mother. 

As early as 1502 Isabella's plan was formed. 
She would keep the heretic Joanna from the throne 
which belonged to her after her own death. On the 
meeting of the Cortes, at Toledo, in 1502, and at 
Madrid and Alcala de Henares, in 1503, the queen 
caused to be laid before them a project of law by 
virtue of which the government of Castile should 
belong after her death to Ferdinand, in case of 
Joanna's absence, or of her unwillingness or inability 
personally to exercise the rights which belonged to 
her. This resolution was voted by the Cortes, and 
was inserted by Isabella m her will, in which she set 
forth the conditions which she had at first laid down. 
The pope confirmed the arrangement. Thus was 
Joanna to be set aside from succession to the throne 
which belonged to her on account of her opposition 
to the Inquisition and to other Roman practices. 
But Isabella took care not to state this, because she 
perceived that such an avowal would be dangerous. 
The priesthood and the holy office were almost uni- 
versally detested, and, therefore, it was necessary to 
avoid asserting that they were the cause of the ex- 
clusion of Joanna, for this would have rallied to her 


cause the majority of tlie nation. Some pretext 
must, however, be found. It should be reported 
that she was mad. This is nothing but the truth, 
thought the priests. Is it possible that anyone not 
mad would reject Home and her decrees, and put in 
their place some other senseless doctrines ? 

In 1504 Isabella died. Ferdinand publicly an- 
nounced to the people, assembled in front of the 
palace of Medina del Campo, that although the crown 
belonged to his daughter he should continue to 
govern during his lifetime. Joanna and PhUip, her 
husband, were still in the Netherlands. It appears 
that Joanna bore with meekness this robbery of the 
crown by her father ; but it was otherwise with her 
husband. PhUip energetically protested against this 
act of spoliation. ' Ferdinand,' he said, ' has put into 
circulation a false report of the madness of his 
daughter and other absurdities of the like kind, 
solely with a view to furnish himself with a pretext 
for seizing her crown.'* It has generally been 
stated that it was Philip's mother who had caused 
the madness of his Avidow. But this report, it is 
evident, was already in circulation at a time when 
she had, without contradiction, the full possession of 
her reason. We have seen from what source the 
report came, and the interest which her father had in 
causing it to be believed. 

In 1506 Philip, accompanied by Joanna, arrived 
in Spain for the purpose of assuming himself the 
power which his father-in-law had usurped. The 
majority of the people soon declared themselves on 
the side of Joanna ; and Ferdinand, in a fit of anger, 

' Instructions of tlie archduke Philip to John Heidin, 


was on the point of encountering his son-in-law with 
capa y spada, intending to plunge his sword into his 
bosom. But he observed ere long that a party was 
forming, and was becoming more and more nume- 
rous, at the head of which was the constable of 
Castile, whose object was to set aside both Philip and 
Ferdinand, and to place the legitimate queen on the 
throne. Ferdinand was perplexed, finding that he 
had two rivals, his son-in-law and his daughter. It 
was clear to him that Joanna, as Infanta and lawful 
heiress, would easily win aU the hearts of the people, 
and that Philip, as a foreigner and usurper, would 
find it hard to gain acceptance. He resolved, there- 
fore, to unite with Philip against his own daughter. 
He gave him an appointment to meet him at Yilla- 
fafila, on June 26 (1506). The king determined to 
assume an appearance of amiability. He took with 
him only a small number of attendants, dressed 
himself plainly, mounted an ass, and thus arrived 
in the presence of his son-in-law with the air of a 
gallant country gentleman, an amiable smile upon 
his lips, and saying that he came ' with love in his 
heart and peace in his hands.' Philip received him 
attended by a considerable number of grandees of 
the Netherlands and of Spain, besides a large body 
of men-at-arms. Philip himself, who was surnamed 
the Handsome, was in the pride of his youth and 
strength. Ferdinand havmg dismounted from his 
ass and saluted his son-in-law, begged him to follow 
him alone into the church. All the members of 
their suite were forbidden to accompany the two 
princes, and guards were stationed at the entrance to 
prevent anyone from penetrating into the church. 


There, at the foot of the altar, these two traitorous 
men were about to conspire the ruin, the spoliation, 
and we might almost say the death of their innocent 
victim, daughter of one of them and wife of the 
other. The interview began. The sentinels were 
able occasionally to catch glimpses of the two princes, 
and even to hear their voices, but they could not 
understand what they said. Ferdinand spoke much 
and with animation ; Philip made only short answers 
and at times seemed to be embarrassed. The 
father-in-law pointed out to his son-in-law that 
Joanna was on the point of being placed on the 
throne by the people, and that both of them would 
thus be deprived of it; that they ought to pledge 
themselves to combine all their efforts to exclude 
her, and that they would assign as their motive that 
she was incapacitated for reigning by reason of ' her 
malady,' which propriety did not permit them to 
name. It is evident that the reference was to the 
alleged madness. Whether Philip, who lived with 
Joanna and knew her real state, had also protested 
against this false accusation, gave way at once, 
we cannot tell. However this may be, Ferdinand, 
who for a long time had not seen his daughter, suc- 
ceeded in persuading his son-in-law to adopt this 
pretext. It likewise appears that there was already 
some talk about imprisoning the queen.* While 
Ferdinand thus sacrificed his daughter, he felt no 
scruple about deceiving his son-in-laAv. An agree- 
ment was concluded between the two conspirators 
that the government of Castile should belong to 

* Instrucion del rey don Fernaudo. Granvella'a State Pajiers, July 
29, 150G. 


PMlip ; and in the instrumsnt signed the same day 
it was alleged that Joanna refused to accept it her- 
self. Meanwhile the courtiers were awaiting the two 
princes ; and the guards having reported the visible 
animation and eloquence of the father-in-law, it was 
expected that he would come away triumphant. 
Great, therefore, was the astonishment when it be- 
came known tliat he had yielded everything to his 
son-in-law. Thus the story of the madness of Joanna, 
fii'st invented in the interest of Rome, was con- 
firmed by her father, by her husband, and after- 
wards by her son Charles the Fifth, in their own 
interest, and with a view to despoil her of the crown 
of Spain, of Naples, Sicily, and her other dominions. 
But what is to be thought of Ferdinand's con- 
cession ? It was a mere piece of acting. His ass, 
his modest suite, his plain unarmed arrival, had been 
nothing but a comedy, the object of which was to 
put him in a position to allege that he had fallen into 
the hands of his son-in-law, and that the latter had 
compelled him to sign the agreement. He imme- 
diately prepared a secret protest, in which he de- 
clared that Joanna was kept prisoner by Philip on 
false pretences, and that he considered it his duty to 
deliver her and to place her on the throne. He then 
set out for Naples, delegating as his representative 
with Philip his well-beloved jNIaster Louis Ferrer, 
who enjoyed his entire confidence, desiring him 
to look after his interests. He had hardly set out 
when, after an illness of three or four days, Philip 
died. The current rumour was that he had been 
poisoned. Some persons declared that they knew he 
had received a dose of poison in his food (bocado). 



But the scandal of a trial was dreaded, and the 
matter Avas hushed up. The guilty Ferdinand re- 
mained master of the situation. Joanna had been 
placed in confinement by her husband immediately 
after the interview of Villafafila. After the death 
of Philip, Ferrer took possession of her. Several 
princes, particularly Henry VII. of England, aspired 
to the hand of this widow, heiress of several king- 
doms ; but Ferdinand hastened to write in all direc- 
tions that to ' his great vexation ' his daughter could 
not possibly think of a second marriage. This 
gradually gave wider currency to the fable of her 

The queen was then at Bui'gos, and it was deter- 
mined to remove her thence to Tordesillas, where 
they intended to keep her in confinement. Philip 
had died at Burgos, and his body was to be trans- 
ferred to Granada, to be there interred in the sepul- 
chre of the kings. This involved a journey from the 
north to the middle of Spain, and Tordesillas lay on 
the road. The scheme was to have the queen set out 
at the same time as the bodj' of her husband. One 
and the same escort would thus serve for both. It 
has been supposed that there miglit be financial 
reasons for this arrangement. In our days, it has 
been said, no one would ever think of such economy. 
But at that time the want of money Avas incessantly 
obtruding itself, and people might be well pleased to 
save a thousand scudos* This conjecture is admis- 
sible ; but there were other reasons. The journey 

* See the interesting' luu-rative of these events entitled T/ie Emj)eror 
Charles the I'iflh and his mother Jutinna, in Prolussor Sybil's Hislormhe 
Ziitsi'hrifl, \ol. XX. p. 124-1. Munich: ISC'?. 


was made slowly. On two or three occasions the 
queen was removed from one place to another by 
night. But it is of little moment whether the 
journey from Burgos to TordesUlas was made by 
night or by day. In any case it was a strange spec- 
tacle, the grand funeral car, with its dismal but 
splendid accompaniments, and after these the car- 
riages of the captive queen, about whom the most 
extraordinary reports were already in circulation. It 
has been stated that the death of Philip had cost 
Joanna the loss of her reason ; it has been said that 
she had so much affection for her husband that she 
wished to have his body always near her, as if it 
were still living ; that she was jealous even of her 
dead husband, and would not allow her women to 
approach his corpse.* It was rumoured at the time 
that the queen, watching for the moment of his re- 
turn to life, refused to be separated from the lifeless 
body; and this very journey was referred to as an 
irrefragable proof of her madness. But these allega- 
tions are belied by facts. As the tomb at Granada 
was not yet ready, the bod}?^ of Philip remained for 
several years in the convent of St. Clara at Torde- 
sillas, and the queen did not once go to see it nor 
did she even express a wish to do so. She vised to 
speak of Philip as any faithful wife would speak of 
her deceased husband. Her excessive tenderness for 
Philip, who had behaved infamously towards her, her 
resolution never to be separated from his corpse — 
these are fables of modern history, invented by those 
who were determined to deprive her of her rights 
and to thrust themselves into her place. 

' Kobjrtsoii, Jlistwi/ (if Chm-U.i the Fifth, Iiuok i. 
M 2 


Joanna arrived at Tordesillas under the guardian- 
ship of Ferrer, the man who, it was beheved, had 
poisoned her husband. The palace was a plain 
house, situated in a barren country ; the chraate 
was scorching in summer and very severe in winter. 
Joanna Avas confined here in a narrow chamber, with- 
out windows, and lighted only by a candle ; she 
Avas not alloAved to AA'alk, even for a few minutes, in 
a corridor Avhich looked out upon the river. She 
Avas thus refused a liberty accorded even to mur- 
derers. She Avas there, without money, attended by 
two female keepers, and unable to communicate with 
the outer world. 

The mother of Charles V. continued to shoAV in 
the prison of Tordesillas her dislike to the Roman 
ceremonies. She refused to hear mass ; and the main 
business of her keepers Avas to get her to attend it. 
The cruel marquis of Denia, count of Lerma, who 
succeeded Ferrer, endeavoured to compel the queen 
to practices which she abhorred. ' There is not a day 
passes,' he wrote, ' on Avhich Ave are not taken up 
Avith the affair of the mass.'* At length the queen 
consented to attend mass, at the end of the corridoi', 
either from fear of the scourge, the pain of Avhich she 
knew, or perhaps in order not to sunder herself from 
the religion of Spain, of Avhich siie constantly hoped 
to be acknoAvledged as queen. But Avhen they brought 
her the pax, the paten which the priest offers to great 
persons to kiss, she refused it, and commanded it to 
be presented to the Infanta her daughter, whom they 
had not yet taken aAvay from her. 

At Christmas 1521 matins were beino^ sunof in 

* Lt'fter of the mai-quis of Heiiia, of July 3, 1.51.-^. 


the cliapc4 which had been fitted up at the end of the 
corridor. The Infanta alone was present. Suddenly 
Joanna appeared, wretchedly attired for a queen. 
She did not attend the mass herself, and even wished 
to prevent her daughter from attending it. She in- 
terrupted the service, ordered with a voice that rer 
echoed from the walls that the altar should be taken 
away and everything else that was used in the reli- 
gious ceremonies, and then laying hold of her daughter 
she dragged her away from the place. Nothing could 
at this time bend her; she resolutely refused to 
attend mass or any other Catholic services. In vain 
did the marquis of Denia entreat her to conform 
to the Eoman practices ; she would not hear of such 
a thing. ' In truth,' wrote the marquis to Charles Y., 
'i if your majesty would apply the torture (premia), it 
Avould be doing service to God and to her highness.'* 
The mother of Charles V. was plunged into the 
deepest melancholy by the treatment to which she 
was subjected. Her days were a constant succession 
of sorrows. Her passage through life was from one 
suffering to another. All her desire was to get out 
of that horrible prison ; and in striving to attain 
this object she displayed much good sense, earnest- 
ness, and perseverance. She begged the marquis of 
Denia to allow her to quit Tordesillas, at least for a 
time. She wished to eo to Valladolid. She alleged 
as a reason the bad air she breathed and the acute 
sufferings it caused her. Her health required a 
change of air, and she must at least undertake 
fi journey. Her deep feeling moved her l)arbarous 
gaoler himself. For a moment pity touched that 

* The marquis of Denia to the emperor, January 25, 1522. 


heart of stone. ' Her language is so touching,' 
wrote Uenia to the emperor, ' that it becomes 
difficult for the marchioness and myself to with- 
stand her appeals. It is impossible for me to let 
anyone go near her, for not a man in the Avorld 
could resist her persuasion. Her complaints awaken 
in me deep compassion, and her utterances might 
move stones.' * This is not how Denia would have 
written to Charles if he had been speaking of a mad 
woman. Moreover he requested him to destroy his 
letters. At times she remained silent ; and we 
know that the grief which does not utter itself is only 
the more fatal to the sufferer. At other times her 
distress broke forth; One day (April 1525) she 
contrived to find access to the corridor and filled it 
with her sighs and moanings, shedding the while 
floods of tears. Denia gave orders immediately that 
she should be taken into her narrow chamber, so 
that she might not be heard.f At the same time he 
wrote to Charles V.: 'I have always thought that in 
her highness 's state of indisposition, nothing would 
do her more good than the rack ; and after this that 
some good and loyal servant of your majesty should 
speak to her. It is necessaiy to see whether she 
will not make any progress in the things which your 
majesty desires.' By these things he means confes- 
sion, the mass, and other Eoman rites. 

In 1530, despairing of seeing the queen confess, 
' I cannot believe,' he wrote, ' that so fortunate a 
thing can happen. However, I will use all needful 

* ' .'Mover piedrns.' 

t Letter of the marquis of Denia of May 25, ]525. 

CHAP. vn. Joanna's eeligion. 167 

The officers of Charles V., and the monks who 
had incessantly laboured for the conversion of Joanna 
to Romanism, multiplied their efforts as her death 
approached. She withstood their pressing entreaties 
to receive the rites, the symbols of the papacy, and 
people heard the cries which she uttered while they 
put her to torture. She would have neither confes- 
sion nor extreme unction. 

Had Joanna become acquainted with the Reforma- 
tion and the writings of tlie Reformers, and with the 
doctrines which they professed? This has been 
doubted; but it seems improbable that she should 
have been ignorant of them. Joanna was a Lutheran, 
says one of the learned writers who have devoted 
most attention to this subject.* This statement is 
perhaps too definite. But the evangelical doctrines 
were penetrating everywhere; and they must have 
reached the prison of Joanna. It has been asserted 
that Luther at this time had more numerous ad- 
herents in Spain than in Germany itselff The 
keepers of the prison perhaps prevented evangelical 
works from reaching the queen. There is, however, a , 
light which no hand of man can intercept. The theolo- 
gian de Soto, celebrated for his acquirements, as well 
as for his piety, came to her on the morning of her 
death; and he appears to have thought her a Chris- 
tian, but not a Roman Catholic. He said : ' Blessed 
be the Lord^ her highness told me things lohich have 
consoled m'.' Here is the Christian. He adds : 

' ' .lohanna war eine Lutheraneiin.'— Srbel, Historuche Zeitschriff , 
XX. p. 262. 

t Ihid., on the authority of the instructions for the duke of Alva of 
April 12, 13, and 14, 1531 (Archives of Simancas), 


' Nevertheless, she is not disposed to the sacrament of 
the Eucharist.^ Here is the enlightened woman who 
rejects the rites of Eome. ' She committed her soul 
to Gdd,' said the princess Joanna, granddaughter of 
the queen, ' and gave thanks to Him that at length 
He delivered her from all her sorrows.' Her last 
words were : ' Jesus Christ crucified, be v:ith me.'' * 
She breathed her last on April 12, 1555, between 
five and six o'clock in the morning. 

Thus died the mother of Chai-les Y . at the age of 
seventy-six years. She had been at various times 
kept in prison by her husband, Philip of Austria ; 
for ten years by her father, Ferdinand the Catholic ; 
and for thirty-nine years by her son, the emperor 
Charles V. She is a unique example of the greatest 
misfortunes, and her dark destiny surpasses all the 
stories of ancient times. The heiress of so many 
famous kingdoms, treated as the most wretched of 
women, was in her last year strictly confined in 
her dungeon, and lay in the midst of filth which was 
never removed. Covered as she Avas with tumours, 

. ill anguish and solitude, can we wonder that strange 
and terrifying images were sometimes produced in 
her brain by her isolation, melancholy, and fear ? 
But while she was the victim of the gloomiest fanati- 
cism ever met with in the world, she was consoled in 
the midst of all these horrors, as her latest words 
prove, by her God and Father in heaven. 

The time has come lor posterity to render to her 
memory the compassion and the honour which are 

her due. 

* Sandoval, bishop of Pampeluna, History of Charles V. — Yalladolid, 


B K X y. 


(1536— ] 540.) 

There were in 1536 three distinct parties in England, 
the papists, the evangeUcals, and the Anglican Catho- 
lics, who were halting between the two extremes. 
It was a question Avhich of rhe three would gain the 
upper hand. 

The Reformation in England was born of the 
power of the Word of God, and did not encounter 
there such obstacles as were raised against it in 
France by a powerful clergy and by princes hostile 
to evangelical faith and morality. The English pre- 
lates, weakened by various circumstances, were unable 
to withstand an energetic attack; and the sovereign 
was ' the mad Harry,' as Luther had called him.* His 
whims opened the doors to religious freedom, of 
which the Reformation was to take advantage. Thus 
England, which had remained in a state of rudeness 
and ignorance much longer than France, was early 

* 'Der tolle Heinze.' — Luther, Contra Ilenricum regem Anglite. 


enliglitened by the Reformation ; and the nation 
awakened by the Gospel gave birth in the sixteenth 
century to such masterminds as France, though more 
highly civilised, failed to produce so early. Shake- 
speare was born in 1563, one year before the death 
of Calvin. The Reformation placed England a cen- 
tury ahead of the rest of Eul'ope. The final triumph, 
however, of the Reformation was not reached without 
many conflicts ; and the two adversaries more than 
once engaged hand to hand, before one overthrew 
the other. 

About the middle of October 1537 an event 
occurred which was of great importance for the 
triumph of the Gospel. There was at that time great 
rejoicing in the palace of the Tudors and in all 
England, for Queen Jane (Seymour), on October 
12, presented to Henry VIII. the son which he 
had so much desired. Letters written beforehand, 
in the name of the Queen, announced it in every 
place, and congratulations arrived from all quarters. 
This birth was called ' the most joyful news which 
for man)'^ years had been announced in England.' 
Bishop Latimer wrote : ' Here is no less joying and 
rejoicing in these parts for the birth of our prince, 
whom we hungered so long, than there was, I 
trow, inter vicinos at the birth of St. John Baptist.'* 
(Luke i. 58.) Princeps natus ad imperium ! ex- 
claimed the politicians. ' God grant him long life 
and abundant honours ! ' they wi-ote from the Conti- 
nent. Henry was anxious that people should believe 
in this future. ' Our prince,' Cromwell sent word to 
the ambassadors of England, ' our Lord be thanked, 

* Latimer, WorTu, vol. ii. p. 885. (Parker Society.) 


is in good health, and sucketh like a child of his 
puissance, which you my lord William can declare.' * 
It was all the more important to declare this, be- 
cause the very contrary was asserted. It was even 
reported by some that the child was dead. As Henry 
feared that some attempt might be made on his 
son's life, he forbade that anyone should approach 
the cradle without an order signed by his own hand. 
Everything brought into the child's room was to be 
perfumed, and measures of precaution against poison 
were taken. The infant was named Edward ; Arch- 
bishop Cranmer baptized him, and was one of his 
godfathers. The king created him at the age of six 
Prince of Wales and Duke of Cornwall. Sir Edward 
Seymour, his uncle by the mother's side, was created 
Earl of Hertford. It was alleged that a spell had been 
thrown upon the king to prevent his having a male 
child; and behold, he had now an heir in spite of the 
spell. His dynasty was strengthened. Henry VIII. 
became more powerful at home, more respected abroad. 

This great rejoicing was followed by a great 
mourning. The queen took cold; the women in 
attendance were indiscreet in their management ; f 
the queen was seized with acute pains. She was 
very ill during the night of October 23, and died on 
the following day. 

What would Henry do ? He had not a tender 
heart. Far from rejecting the thought of a fresh 

. * state Papers, Yol. i. pp. 070, 571 ; vii. p. 715 ; yiii. p. 1. 
t ' Which auffred her to take greate cold and to eate things that her 
fantazie in sylmes called for.' — State Papas, yiii. p. 1. The story that 
the cseaarian operation had heen performed and that the mother was 
sacrificed to the child appears to have been invented by the Roman 


marriage, he gave an order, as we find in a letter 
written on the very day of the queen's death, re- 
quiring his ambassadors, the Bishop of Winchester 
and Lord William Howard, to seek another Avife for 
him. Cromwell pointed out to them two among others, 
Margaret, daughter of Francis I., afterwards duchess 
of Savoy, and Mary of Guise, widoAv of the duke of 
Longueville, who was the mother of Mary Stuart. 
The secretary of state, even before the body of the de- 
ceased queen was quite cold, wrote: ' In the ensearch- 
ing out of which matter, his majesty desireth you 
both to exhibit that circumspection and diligence 
that may answer to His Grace's expectation conceived 
of you.' * 

Voila I'extreme deiiil dont son ame est atteinte ! 

Other agents besides these took part in the 
search. Hutton,f envoy in the Netherlands, offered 
several spouses to the king. He might make his 
choice. There was a daughter of the Sire de Bre- 
derode, fourteen years of age ; the widoAv of count 
Egmont, Avho was forty, but did not look so old; the 
princess of Cleves, but of her there was not much to 
be said in praise either of her mind or her beauty; 
the young widow of the duke of Milan, Christina of 
Denmark, niece of the emperor, who was said to be 
very beautiful, of agreeable conversation and digni- 
fied in person. The king resolved on this last alli- 
ance, which would reconcile him with the emperor. 
For some time nothing was thought of but the making 
of marriages in this direction. The princess Mary 
was to marry Louis of Portugal, Elizabeth a son of 

* state Papers, viii. p. l'. t Ibkh, pp. 5, C. 


the king of the Romans, and Edward was to be 
betrothed to a daughter of the emperor. 

The bh'th of the youug prince had, however, 
another kind of significance. The hopes of the parti- 
sans of the Catholic Mary disappeared, and the friends 
of the Reformation rejoiced at the thought that the 
young prince was godson of the archbishop. Many 
circumstances contributed to their encouragement. 
They witnessed the formation of unlooked-for ties 
between the evangelicals of England and those of 
Switzerland ; and the pure Gospel as professed by 
the latter began to exercise a real influence over 
England. Edward, during his very short reign, was 
to fulfil the best hopes to which his birth had given 
rise, and the triumph to which his reign seemed des- 
tined was already visibly in preparation. 

Simon Grynaeus, the friend of Erasmus and 
Melanchthon, and professor at the university of 
Basel, had as early as 1531 held intercourse with 
Henry VIII. and Cranmer.' * Afterwards Cranmer 
and BuUinger, successor of Zwinglius at Zurich, had 
also become acquainted with each other ; and, as 
early as 1536, some young Englishmen of good family 
had betaken themselves to Zurich, that they might 
drink at tbe full fountain of Christian knowledge and 
life which sprang forth there. Some of them lived 
in the house of Pellican, others with Bulhnger him- 
self. These young men Avere John Butler, who had 
a rich patrimony in England — a sagacious man and 
a Christian who persevered in prayer ; Nicholas 
Partridge, from Kent, a man of active and devoted 

* See his letter to Henry VIII., Origimil Letters rdatioe to the Eng- 
IUa liefonnatioii, ii. p. 554 (Parker Society'). 


character ; Bartholomew Traheron, who had already 
(1527 and 1528) declared at Oxford for the Re- 
formation, and had been persecuted by Doctor 
London ; Nicholas Eliot, who had studied law in 
England, and who afterwards held some government 
office ; and others besides.* Bulhnger was strongly 
attached to these young Englishmen. He directed 
their studies and, in addition to his public teaching, 
he explained to them in his own house the prophet 

There was much talk at Zurich at this time about 
a young French theologian, Calvin by name, who was 
settled at Geneva, and had published a profound 
and eloquent exposition of Christian doctrines. The 
young Englishmen eagerly longed to make his ac- 
quaintance. Butler, Partridge, Eliot, and Traheron 
set out for Geneva in November 1537, bearing letters 
of introduction from BuUinger to the reformer. The 
latter received them in the most kindly manner. It 
was more than common courtesy, they wrote to 
Bullinger.f They were delighted with his appear- 
ance and with his conversation, at once so simple 
and so fruitful. They felt a charm which drew them 
to his presence again and again. The master taught 
well, and the disciples listened well. Calvin was at 
the time in great trouble. Caroli was causing him 
much annoyance, and persecution had just broken 
out at Xismes.j The four Englishmen, being called 
elsewhere, took their departure deeply saddened by 

* Original Letters. &c., pp. 621, 316, 608, 225, 226. 
<• Ibid., p. ()2:^, 

X Letter from Geneva to the minister of Zurich, Xovember 13^ 103". 
— C'alv., 02>t>., X. p. 12'.i. 


the painful separation. A letter written by them 
shortly afterwards is the first communication ad- 
dressed by England to the reformer of Geneva. It 
runs as follows : — ' We wish you the true joy in 
Christ. May as much happiness be appointed to us 
from henceforth as our going away from you has 
occasioned us sorrow ! For although our absence, as 
we hope, will not be of very long continuance, yet 
we cannot but grieve at being deprived even for a 
few hours of so much suavity of disposition and 
delightful conversation. And this also distresses us 
in no sm.all measure, lest there should be any persons 
who may regard us as resembling flies, which swarm 
everywhere in the summer, but disappear on the 
approach of winter. You may be assured that, if 
we had been able to assist you in any way, no plea- 
sure should have' called us away from you, nor should 
any peril have withdrawn us. This distress, indeed, 
which the disordered tempers of certain individuals 
have brought upon you, is far beyond our power to 
alleviate. But you have one, Christ Jesus, avIio can 
easily dispel by the beams of his consolation what- 
ever cloud may arise upon your mind. He will re- 
store to you a joyful tranquillity ; he will scatter and 
put to flight youL' enemies ; he will make you glo- 
riously to triumph over your conquered adversaries ; 
and we will entreat him, as earnestly as we can, to 
do this as speedily as possible. We have written 
these few lines at present, most amiable and learned 
Master Calvin, that you may receive a memorial of 
our regard towards you. Salute in our names that 
individual of a truly heroic spirit and singular learning 
and godliness, Master Farel. Salute, too, our sincere 


friends Master Olivetan aud your brother Fontaine. 
Our countrymen send abundant salutations. Fare- 
well, very dear friend.'* 

England at this time did justice to the Geneve se 

Much admiration was likewise felt for Bullinger. 
' We confess ourselves to be entirely yours,' wrote to 
him the four Englishmen, ' as long as we can be our 
own.' The works of the Zurich doctor were much 
read in England, and diffused there the spirit of the 
gospel. Nicolas Eliot wrote to him : — • And how 
great weight all persons attribute to your commen- 
taries, how greedily they embrace and admire them 
(to pass over numberless other arguments), the book- 
sellers are most ample witnesses whom by the sale of 
your writings alone, from being more destitute than 
Irus and Codrus, you see suddenly become as rich as 
Croesus. f May God, therefore, give you the disposi- 
sition to publish all your writings as speedily as 
possible, wherebj' you will not only fill the coffers of 
the booksellers, but wHl gain over very many souls 
to Christ, and adorn his church with most precious 
jewels.' 1 

At the news that the mighty king of England 
had separated from the pope, the S«iss theologians 
were filled with hope, and they vied with each other 
in speeding his progress towards the truth. Bul- 
linger composed two works in Latin which he dedi- 
cated to Heiirv ^'IIL; tlic fir?t of them on The 

' Original Letters relalire to the Enf/iish Reformation, ii. p. 6il. 
t Iiuj. a beggTir of Ithaca: (_ odrus, an inferior poet of the time of 

\ Orirjinal Lettcn, &c., ij. p. lUO. 


Authority^ the Certitude^ the Stability and the Abso- 
lute Perfection of Holy Scripture ; the second ou 
The Listitution and the Function of Bishops. He for- 
warded copies of these works to Partridge and Eliot 
for presentation to the king, to Cranmer, and to 
Cromwell. The two young Englishmen went first to 
the archbishop and delivered to him the volumes in- 
tended for the king and for himself. The archbishop 
consented to present the book to the prince, but not 
till after he had read it himself, and on condition that 
Eliot and Partridge should be present, that they 
might answer any questions asked by the king. Then 
going to Cromwell, they gave him the copy intended 
for him ; and the vicegerent, more prompt than the 
archbishop, showed it the same day to Henry VIIL, 
to whom Cranmer then hastened to present his own 
copy. The king expressed a wish that the work 
should be translated into English. ' Your books are 
wonderfully well received,' wrote Eliot to BuUinger, 
' not only by our king, but equally so by the lord 
Cromwell, who is keeper of the king's privy seal and 
vicar-general of the church of England.' '"" 

Other Continental divines who held the same 
views as the Swiss likewise dedicated some theolo- 
gical writings both to the king and to Cranmer. 
Capito, who was at the time at Strasburg, dedicated 
to Henry VIIL a book in which he treated, among 
other subjects, of the mass {de missa, &c.). The king, 
as usual, handed it to two persons belonging to the 
two opposing parties, in order to get their opinions. 
He then examined their verdict, and announced his 
own. Cranmer wrote to Capito that the king ' could 

* Original Letters, &c., ii. pp. 611, 618, 


by no means digest ' his piece on. the mass,* although 
at the same time he approved some of the other 
pieces. Bucer, a colleague of Capito, having written 
a commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, dedi- 
cated it to Cranmer, and wrote to him as follows : — 
' It is not enough to have shaken off the yoke of the 
pope, and to be unwilling to take upon us the yoke 
of Christ ; but if Grod be for us who can be against 
us? and Christianity is a warfare.' f 

WhUe the Swiss and the Strasburgers were seek- 
ing to enlighten England, the Roman party on the 
Continent and the Catholic party in England itself 
were striving to keep her in darkness. The pope, 
in sorrow and in anger, saw England lost to Rome. 
Nevertheless the Catholic rising in the northern coun- 
ties allowed binn still to cherish hope. The king of 
France and the emperor, both near neighbours of 
England, could if necessary strike with the sword. 
The pope must therefore stir up to action not only 
the English CathoHcs, but also the courts of Paris 
and Brussels. Whom should he select for the mis- 
sion? Reginald Pole, an Englishman, a zealous 
Roman Catholic, and a kinsman of Hem-y Till., 
seemed to be the man made for the occasion. It 
was he who had lately written these words — ' There 
was never a greater matter entreated, of more im- 
portance to the wealth of the realm and the whole 
church than this [the re-establishment of papal au- 
thority]. And this same that you go about to take 
away, the authority of one head in the church, was 
a more principal and groundle cause of the loss of the 

* Oranmer to Capito, Oriffiruil Letters, p. 16. 
f Bucer to Cranmer, Ibk!., p. o'2o. 


Orient, to be in infidels' hands, and all true religion 
degenerate, than ever was the Turk's sword, as most 
wisest men have judged. For if they had agreed all 
with the Occidental Church, they had never come to 
that misery; and like misery if God have not mercy 
on us to return to the church, is most to be feared in 

our realm Your sweet liberty you have got, 

since you were delivered from the obedience papal, 
speaketh for itself. Whereof the rest of the realm 
hath such part that you be without envy of other 
countries, that no natic.n wisheth the same to have 
such liberty granted them.'* This last assertion 
was doubtful. 

Pole was at this time at Padua, where he had 
studied, and where he was resident by permission of 
the king. He avoided going to Rome lest he should 
offend Henry. But he received one day an invitation 
from Paul HI., who summoned him to the Vatican to 
take part in a consultation about the general council. 
To comply with this summons would be to pass the 
Rubicon ; it would make Henry VIII. his irrecon- 
cilable enemy, and would expose to great danger not 
only himself but all his family. Pole therefore hesi- 
tated. The advice, however, of the pious Contarini, 
the command of the pope, and his own enthusiasm 
for the cause, brought him to a decision. On his 
arrival at Rome he gave himself up entirely ; and 
when Christmas was drawing near, on December 20, 
1536, the pope created him cardinal, together with 
del Monte, afterwards Julius III. ; Caraffa, afterwards 
Paul IV.; Sadoleto, Borgia, Cajetan, and four others. f 

* Strype, Eccles. Mem., vol. i. part 2, Appendix, Irxxiii. 

t State Papers, vii. p. 669. Wallop to Viscount Lisle, 

s 2 


These proceedings were very seriously criticised in 
England. For the vainglory of a red hat,* said Ton- 
stall and Stokesley, Pole is, ia fact, an instrument of 
the pope to set forth his malice, to depose the king 
from his kingdom, and to stir his subjects against 
him. There, was, however, something more in his 
case than a cardinal's hat ; there was, we must ac- 
knowledge, a faith doubtless fanatical but sincere 
in the papacy. !Not long afterwards the pope no- 
minated him the new cardinal legate beyond the 
Alps ; the object of this measure being per dar fer- 
mento,jf to excite men's minds. He was to induce 
the king of France and the emperor to enter into the 
views of the Roman court, to inflame the Catholics 
of England, and, if he should be unable to go there 
himself, to take up his residence in the Xetherlands, 
and thence conspire for the ruin of Protestantism in 

At the beginning of Lent, 1537, Pole, attended 
by a numerous suite, set out from Rome. The pope, 
who was not thoroughly sure of his new legate, had 
appointed as his adviser the bishop of Yerona, who 
was to make up for any deficiency of experience on 
the part of the legate, and to put him on his guard 
against pride. Henry A III., on learning the nature 
of his young cou.sin's mission, was exceedingly angry. 
He declared Pole a rebel, set a price on his head, 
and promised fifty thousand crowns to anyone who 
should kill him. Cromwell, following his master's 
example, exclaimed, 'I will make him eat his own 
heart.' J This was only a figure of speech, but it 

* Strype, Eccles. J/im. i. p. 4(31. t Beccatelli. 

t Sti-ype, Secies. Mem. i. p. 477. 


was rather a strong one. No sooner had Henry VIII. 
heard of the arrival of Pole in France than he de- 
manded that Francis I. should deliver him up, as a 
subject in rebellion against his king. Pole had not 
been long at Paris before lie heard of this demand. It 
aroused in his heart more pride than fear. It revealed 
to him his own importance ; and turning to his at- 
tendants he said, ' This news makes me glad; I 
know now that I am a cardinal.' Francis I. did not 
concede the demand of the angry Tudor; but he did 
consider the mission of Pole as one of those attacks 
on the power of kings in which the papacy from time 
to time indulged. When Pole, therefore, made his 
appearance at the palace he was refused admission. 
While still only at the door, and even before he had 
had time to knock, he himself tells us, he was sent 
away.* 'I am ready to weep,' he added, 'to find 
that a king does not receive a legate of Rome.' 
Francis I. having sent him an order to leave France, 
he fled to Cambray, which at that time formed part 
of the Netherlands. 

No sooner was he there than, under great excite- 
ment about what had occurred to him at Paris, he 
wrote to Cromwell, complaining bitterly that Henry 
VIIL, in order to get him into his power, did not 
scruple to violate both God's law and man's, and even 
' to disturb all commerce between country and country.' 
' I was ashamed to hear that ... a prince of honor 
should desire of another prince of like honor, Betray 
thine own ambassador, betray the legate, and give 

* * Quum ... ad fores pene ejus aulas pervenissem, nee tamen intro- 
missua sum, sed antequam pulsare possem, exclu;us f;ierim.' — Pole's Epp. 
ii. p. 85. 


him into my ambassador's hands to be brought to 
me.' * The like, he says, was never heard of in 
Christendom. Pole had more hope of the emperer 
than of Francis I. ; but he was soon undeceived. He 
was not permitted to go out of the town ; and a 
courier entrusted with his despatches was arrested 
by the Imperialists at Yalenciennes and sent back to 
him. He now resolved on taking a step towards 
opening communication with the English govern- 
ment; and as he did not venture to present himself 
to the ambassadors of Henry VIII. in France, he sent 
to them the bishop of Verona. But this prelate, 
likewise, was not received, and he was only allowed 
to speak to one of the secretaries. He endeavoured 
to convince bim of the perfect innocence of Pole 
and of his mission. ' The cardinal-legate,' he said, 
' is solely charged by the pope to treat of the safety of 
Christendom.' This was true in the sense intended 
by Rome ; but it Is well known what this safety, in 
her view, required. 

Fresh movements in the north of England tended 
to increase the anger of Henry VIII. It was not 
enough that Pole had been driven from France. The 
king now wrote himself to Hutton, his envoy at 
Brussels — ' You shaU deliver unto the regent our 
letters for the stay of his entry into the emperor's 
dominions; . . . you shall press them . . . neither 
to admit him to her presence, nor to suffer unto him 
to have any other entertainment than beseemeth the 
traitor and rebel of their friend and ally. . . You shall 
in any "wise cause good secret and substantial espial to 
be made upon him from place to place where he shall 

' citrvpe, Errh/.'i. Mem., i. Appendix, Xo. Ixxxiv. 


be.' * Pole, on his part, spoke as a Roman legate. 
He summoned the queen to prove her submission to 
the apostolic see, and to grant Mm an audience ; and 
he made use of serious menaces. ' If traitors, con- 
spirators, rebels, and other offenders,' said tbe English 
ambassador, ' might under the shadow of legacie have 
sure access into all places, and thereby to trouble and 
espy all things, that were overmuch dangerous.' f 
Here was no question of rebellion, Pole sent word to 
the regent by the bisbop of Verona, but of the Re- 
formation ; and he was sent to refute the errors 
wbich it was spreading in England. Her opinion 
was that he should return, ' for tbat she had no com- 
mission of the emperor to intermeddle in any point 
of his legacy.' J 

Hereupon Pole went from Cambray to Li^ge ; 
but in consequence of the advice of the bishop of 
Liege, he only ventured to go there in disguise. § 
He was received into the bishop's palace, but his stay 
there was ' not without great fear.' || He set out 
again on August 22, and went to Rome. Never had 
any mission of a Roman pontiff so entirely failed. 
The ambitious projects of the pope against the Re- 
formation in England had proved abortive. But one 
of the secrets of Roman pohcy is to put a good face 
on a bad case. The less successful Pole had been the 
more necessary it was to assume an air of satisfaction 
with him and his embassy. In any case, was it not 
a victory for him to have returned safe and sound 

* state Papers, vii. p. 681. Kliiig Henry VIII. to Hutton. 

t Ibid., p. 693. 

X Ibid., p. 700. 

§ ' Dissimulato vestitu.' — Pole, Ejtp. ii. p. 49. 

II State Papet-s, vii. p. 702, 


after haviBg to do with Francis I., Henry VIII., 
and Charles Y. ? It was Xovember when he reached 
Eome ; and he was received as generals used to be 
received by the ancient Romans after great victories. 
They carried him, so to speak, on their arms ; every- 
one heaped upon him demonstrations of respect and 
joy ; and his secretary, on the last day of the year 
1537, wrote to the Catholics of England, to describe 
to them the great triumph that was made at Rome fm^ 
the safe arrival of his master* Eome may beat or be 
beaten, she always triumphs. 

This mission of Reginald Pole had fatal conse- 
quences. In the following year, his brothers, lord 
Montague, the marquis of Exeter, and Sir Edward 
Xevil were arrested and committed to the Tower. 
Some time afterwards his mother, Margaret, countess 
of Salisbury, the last of the Plantagenets, a woman of 
remarkable spirit, was likewise arrested. They were 
charged with aiming at the deposition of Henry 
and at placing Reginald on the throne. ' I do per- 
ceive,' it was said, ' it should be for my lord Mon- 
tague's brother, which is beyond the sea with the 
bishop of Rome, and is an arrant traitor to the king's 
highness.' f They were condemned and executed in 
January 1539. The countess was not executed tiU 
a later time. 

Paul III. had been mistaken in selecting the 
cousin of the king to stir up Cathohc Europe against 
him. But some other legate might have a chance of 
success. Henry felt the necessit}' of securing allies 

* Strrte Papers, ^-iii. p. 9. 

t Robert "Warner, Xorember il, 1538. Ori^nal Letters illustrative 
nf English History (Ellis), ii. p. 97. 


upon the Continent. Cranmer promptly availed him- 
self of this feeling to persuade Henry to unite with the 
Protestants of Germany. The elector of Saxony, the 
landgrave of Hesse, and the other Protestant princes, 
finding that the king had resolutely broken with 
the pope, had suppressed the monasteries and begun 
other reforms, consented to send a deputation. On 
May 12, Francis Burkhardt, vice-chancellor of Saxony, 
George von Boyneburg, doctor of law, and Frede- 
rick Myconius, superintendent of the church of Gotha 
— a diplomatist, a jurisconsult, and a theologian — 
set out for London. The princes wished to be worthily 
represented, and the envoys were to live in magnifi- 
cent style and keep a liberal table.* The king re- 
ceived them with much goodwill. He thanked them 
that, laying aside their own affairs, they had under- 
taken so laborious a joiirney; and he especially spoke 
of Melanchthon in the most loving terms. f But the 
delegates, whilst they were so honourably treated by 
their own princes and by the king of England, were 
much less so by inferior agents. They were hardly 
settled in the house assigned to them than they were 
attacked by the inhabitants, ' a multitude of rats 
daily and nightly running in their chambers.' J In 
addition to this annoyance, the kitchen was adjacent 
to the parlour, in which they were to diue, so that 
the house was full of smells, and all who came in 
were offended.' 

* 'Splendide vixerant legati et literalem meiisam exhibuerant.' — 
Seckendorf, 1)001!: iii. sec. 16. 

t ' Singularem erga me benevolentiam Sermones mihi tuos 

amantissimos perferri.' — Melanclitlion to Henry VIII., Co;y. Mef., iii. 
p. 671. 

X Oranmer to Cromwell, Letters, p. 379. 


But certain bishops were to give them more trouble 
than the rats. Cranmer received them as friends and 
brethren, and endeavoured to take advantage of their 
presence to promote the triumph of the Gospel in 
England; but Tonstall, Stokesley, and others left no 
stone unturned to render their mission abortive. 
The discussion took place in the archbishop's palace 
at Lambeth, and they did their best to protract it, 
obstinately defending the doctrines and the customs 
of the ^Middle Ages. They were willing, indeed, to 
separate from Rome ; but this was in order to unite 
with the Greek church, not with the evangelicals. 
Each of the two conflicting parties endeavoured to 
gain over to itself those English doctors who were 
stUl wavering. One day, Richard Sampson, bishop 
of Chichester, who usually went with the Scholastic 
party, having come to Lambeth at an early hour, 
Cranmer took him aside and so forcibly urged on him 
the necessitj' of abandoning tradition that the bishop, 
a weak man, was convinced. But Stokesley, who 
had doubtless noticed something in the course of the 
discussion, in his turn took Sampson aside into the 
gallery, just when the meeting was breaking up, and 
spoke to him very earnestly in behalf of the practices 
of the church. These customs ai-e essential, said 
Stokesley, for they are found in the Greek church. 
The poor bishop of Chichester, driven in one direc- 
tion by the bishop of London and in the opposite by 
the archbishop of Canterbury, was much embarrassed, 
and did not know which way to tm-n. His decision 
was for the last speaker. The semi-Roman doctors 
at this period, wlio sacrificed to the king the Roman 
rite, felt it incumbent upon them to cross all Europe 


for the purpose of finding in the Turkish empire the 
Greek rite, which was for them the Gospel. England 
must be dressed in a Grecian garb. But Cranmer 
would not hear of it ; and he presented to his 
countrymen the wedding garment of which the 
Saviour speaks.* 

The summer was now drawing to an end. The 
German delegates had been in London three or four 
months without having made any progress. Wearied 
with fruitless discussions, they began to think of their 
departure. But before setting out, about the middle 
of August, they forwarded to the king a document 
in which they argued from Holy Scripture, from the 
testimony of the most ancient of the Fathers, and 
from the practice of the primitive church, against the 
withdrawal of the cup, private masses, and the celi- 
bacy of priests, three errors which they looked upon 
as having essentially contributed to the deformation 
of Christendom. When Cranmer heard of their in- 
tention to leave England, he was much atFected. 
Their departure dissipated all his hopes. Must he 
then renounce the hope of seeing the Word of God 
prevail in England as it was prevailing in evangelical 
Germany ? He summoned them to Lambeth, and en- 
treated them earnestly and with much kindliness f 
for the king's sake to remain. They replied ' that at 
the king's request they would be very well coiitent 
to tarry during his pleasure, not only a month or two, 
but a year or two, if they were at their own liberty. 
But forasmuch they had been so long from their 
princes, and had not all this season any letters from 

* Strype, Memorials, i. pp. 504, sqq. Oranmer, Letters, &c. 
t ' So gentilly as I could.' — Cranmer, Letters, p. 377. 


them, it was not to be doubted but that they were 
daily looked for at home, and therefore they durst 
not tarry.' However, after renewed entreaties, they 
said, ' We will consult together.' They discussed 
with one another the question whether they ought to 
leave England just at the time when she was per- 
haps on the point of siding with the truth. Shall 
we refuse to sacrifice our private convenience to 
interests so great ? They adopted the least con- 
venient but most useful course. We will tarry, they 
said, for a month, ' upon hope that their tarrying 
should grow into some good success concerning the 
points of their commission,' and ' trusting that the 
king's majesty would write unto their princes for 
their excuse in thus long tarrying.' The evangelicals 
of Germany believed it to be their duty to tolerate 
certain secondary differences, but frankly to renounce 
those en'ors and abuses which were contrary to the 
essential doctrines of the Gospel, and to unite in the 
great truths of the faith. This was precisely what 
the Catholic party and the king himself had no in- 
tention of doing. When Cranmer urged the bishops 
to apply themselves to the task of answering the 
Germans, they rephed ' that the king's grace hath 
taken upon himself to answer the said orators in that 
behalf . . . and therefore they will not meddle with 
the abuses, lest they should write therein contrary to 
that the king shall write.'* It was, indeed, neither 
pleasant nor safe to contradict Henry YIII. But in 
this case the king's opinion was only a convenient 
veil, behind which the bishops sought to conceal 
their ill-will and their evil doctrines. Their reply 

* Oramner, Letters, p. Sr'J. 


was nothing but an evasion. Tlie book was written, 
not by the king, but by one of themselves, Tonstall, 
bishop of Durham.* He ran no risk of contradicting 
himself. In spite of this Ul-will, the Germans re- 
mained not only one month but two. Their conduct, 
like that of Cranmer, was upright, devoted, noble, 
and Christian ; while the bishops of London and 
Durham and their friends, clever men no doubt, 
were souls of a lower cast, who strove to escape by 
chicanery from the free discussion proposed to them, 
and passed off their knavery as prudence. 

The German doctors had now nothiug more to 
do. They had offered the hand and it had been 
rejected. The vessel which was to convey them was 
waiting. They were exhausted with fatigue ; and 
one of them, Myconius, whom the English climate 
appeared not to suit, was very iU. They set out at 
the beginning of October, and gave an account of 
their mission to their sovereigns and to Melanchthon. 
The latter thought that, considering the affection 
which the king displayed towards him, he might, if 
he intervened at this time, do something to incline 
the balance the right way. He therefore wi'ote to 
Henry VIII. a remarkable letter, in which, after ex- 
pressing his warm gratitude for the kmg's goodwill, 
he added : — ' I commend to you, Sire, the cause of 
the Christian religion. Your majesty knows that the 
principal duty of sovereigns is to protect and propa- 

• The document drawn up by the German doctors, and the answer 
of the king, prepared by Tonstall, are to be found in the Cotton MSS. 
Chop. E. They were printed by Burnet (i. p. 491) and by Strype, in 
Appendices to their histories. 


gate tte heavenly doctrine,* and for this reason God 
gives them the same name as his own, saying to 
them. Ye are gods (Ps. Ixxxii. 6). My earnest desire 
is to see a true agreement, so far as regards the 
doctrine of piety, established between all the churches 
which condemn Koman tyranny, an agreement which 
shoiild cause the glory of God to shine forth, should 
induce the other nations to unite with us and main- 
tain peace in the churches.' Melanchthon was right 
as to the last point; but was he right as to the office 
he assigned to kings? In his view it was a heroic 
action to take up arms for the church. f But what 
church was it necessary to protect and extend sword 
in hand? Catholic princes, assuredly, drew the sword 
against the Protestants rather than the Protestants 
against the Catholics. The most heroic kings, by 
this rule, would be Philip II. and Louis XIV. Me- 
lanchthon's principle leads by a straight road to the 
Inquisition. To express our whole thought on the 
matter,^ — what descendant of the Huguenots could 
possibly acknowledge as true, as divine, a principle 
b}' virtue of which his forefathers, men of whom the 
world was not worthy, were stripped of everything, 
afflicted, tormented, scattered in the deserts, moun- 
tains, and caves of the earth, cast into prison, tor- 
tured, banished, and put to death ? Conscience, which 
is the voice of God, is higher than all the voices of 

* ' Prsecipuum hoc officivtm esse siimmoriun principum propagare et 
tueri eoelestem doctrinam.' — Corp. He/., iii. p. 671. 

t 'niud prsecipue est heroicum pro ecclesia contra trramios anna 
gerere.' — Ibid. 






The Romish party in England did not confine itself 
to preventing the union of Henry with the Pro- 
testants of Germany ; but contended at all points 
against evangelical reformation, and strove to gain 
over the king by a display of enthusiastic devotion 
to his person and his ecclesiastical supremacy. This 
was especially the policy of Gardiner. Endowed with 
great acuteness of intellect, he had studied the king's 
character, and he put forth all his powers to secure 
his adoption of his own views. Henry did not 
esteem his character, but highly appreciated his 
talents, and on this account employed him. Now 
Gardiner was the mainstay of the Scholastic doctrines 
and the most inflexible opponent of the Reformation. 
He was for three years ambassador in France, and 
during that mission he had displayed great pomp 
and spent a sum equivalent, in our present reckoning, 
to about sixty thousand pounds. He had visited the 
court of the emperor, and had had interviews with 
the Roman legate. One day, at Ratisbon, an Italian 
named Ludovico, a servant of the legate, while 
talking with one of the attendants of Sir Henry 
Knevet, who was a member of the English embassy, 


had confided to him the statement that Gardiner had 
secretly been reconciled with the pope, and had 
entered into correspondence with him. Knevet, ex- 
ceedingly anxious to know what to think of it, had 
had a conference with Ludovico, and had come away 
convinced of the reaUty of the fact. No sooner did 
Gardiner get wind of these things, than he betook 
himself to Granvella, chancellor of the empire, and 
sharply complained to him of the calumnies of Ludo- 
vico. The chancellor ordered the Italian to be put 
in prison ; but in spite of this measure many con- 
tinued to believe that he had spoken truth. We are 
inclined to think that Ludovico said more than he 
knew. The story, however, indicates from which 
quarter the wind was blowing in the sphere in which 
Gardiner moved. He had set out for Paris on October 
1, 1535; and on September 28, 1538, there was to be 
seen entering London a brilliant and numerous band, 
mules and chariots hung with draperies on which 
were embroidered the arms of the master, lackeys, 
gentlemen dressed in velvet, with many ushers and 
soldiers. This was Gardiner and his suite.* 

The three years' absence of this formidable adver- 
sary of the Gospel had been marked by a slackening 
of the persecution, and by a more active propagation 
of the Holy Scriptures. His return was to be dis- 
tinguished by a vigorous renewal of the struggle 
against the Gospel. This was the main business of 
Gardiner. To this he consecrated all the resources 
of the most acute imderstanding and the most per- 

* Some historians have supposed that Gardiner's embassy had lasted 
only two years. The dates we give are taken from a paper written by 
the bishop, — The Account of his expenses. His suite is described by 
Wriothesley. — State Papers, TJii. p. 51, 


sistent character. He began immediately to lay 
snares round the king, whom in this respect it was 
not very hard to entrap. Two difficulties, however, 
arose. At first Henry VIII., by the influence of 
the deceased queen, had been somewhat softened 
towards the Reformation. Then the rumours of the 
reconciliation of Gardiner with the pope might have 
alienated the king from him. The crafty man pro- 
ceeded cleverly and killed two birds with one stone. 
' The pope,' he said to the king, ' is doing all he can 
to ruin you.' Henry, provoked at the mission of 
Pole, had no doubt of that. ' You ought then, 
Sire,' continued the bishop, ' to do all that is possible 
to conciliate the Continental powers, and to place 
yourself in security from the treacherous designs 
of Rome.* Now the surest means of conciliating 
Francis L, Charles V., and other potentates, is to 
proceed rigorously against heretics, especially against 
the sacramentarians.' Henry agreed to the means 
proposed with the more readiness because he had 
always been a fanatic for the corporal presence, and 
because the Lutherans, in his view, could not take 
offence at seeing him burn some of the sacramen- 

A beginning was made with the Anabaptists. 
The mad and atrocious things perpetrated at Munster 
were still everywhere talked of, and these wretched 
people were persecuted in all European countries. 
Some of them had taken refuge in England. In 
October 1538 the king appointed a commission to 
examine certain people ' lately come into the kingdom, 

* ' Adveraus pontiflcis molimina atque tecknas.' — Gerdesius, Ann., iv. 
p. 284. 



who are keeping themselves in concealment in various 
nooks and corners.' The commission was authorized 
to proceed, even supposing this should be in contra- 
vention of any statutes of the realm.* 

Four Anabaptists bore the fagots at Paul's church, 
and two others, a man and a woman, originally from 
the Netherlands, were burnt in Smithfield. Cranmer 
and Bonner sat on this commission, side by side 
with Stokesley and Sampson. This fact shows what 
astonishing error prevailed at the time in the minds 
of men. Gardiner wanted to go further; and while 
associating, when persecution was in hand, with 
such men as Cranmer, he had secret conferences with 
Stokesley, bishop of London, Tons tall of Durham, 
Sampson of Chichester, and others, who were devoted 
to the doctrines of the Middle Ages. They talked 
over the means of resisting the reforms of Cranmer 
and CromweU, and of restoring Catholicism. 

Bishop Sampson, one of Gardiner's allies, was a 
staunch friend of ancient superstitions, and attached 
especial importance to the requii-ement that God 
should not be addressed iu a language understood by 
the common people. ' In aU places,' he said, ' both 
with tlie Latins and the Greeks, the ministers of the 
church sung or said their offices or prayers in the 
Latin or Greek gi'ammatical tongue, and not in the 
vulgar. That the people prayed apart in such tongues 
as they would .... and he \inshed that all the 
ministers were so well learned that they understood 
their offices, serA-ice or prayers which they said in the 

* ' AJiquibus statutis in parliamentis nostris in contrariam editis, 
cseterisque contrariis non obstantibus quibascmnque.' (Roy 1 Oommis- 
sion of October 1, loMS.) — WiUrins, iii. p. 836. 


Latin tongue.' * In his view, it was not lawful to 
speak to God except grammatically. 

Sampson, a weak and narrow-minded man, was 
swayed by prejudices and ruled by stronger men ; and 
he had introduced in his diocese customs contrary to 
the orders of the king. Weak minds are often in the 
van when important movements are beginning ; the 
strong ones are in the rear and urge them on. This 
was the case with Sampson and Gardiner. Crom- 
well, who had a keen and penetrating intellect, and 
whose glance easily searched the depths of men's 
hearts and pierced to the core of facts, perceived that 
some project was hatching against the Reformation; 
and as he did not dare to attack the real leaders, he 
had Sampson arrested and committed to the Tower. 
The bishop was not strong-minded and trembled for 
a slight cause ; it may, therefore, be imagined how it 
was with him when he found himself in the state prison. 
He fell into great trouble and extraordinary dejection 
of mind.f His imagination was filled with fatal pre- 
sentiments, and his soul was assailed by great terrors. 
To have displeased the king and Cromwell, what a 
crime ! One might have thought that he would die 
of it, says a historian. He saw himself already on 
the scaffold of Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More. 
At this time the powerful minister summoned him to 
his presence. Sampson admitted the formation of an 
alliance between Gardiner, Stokesley, Tonstall and 
himself to maintain the old religion, its traditions 
and rites, and to resist any innovation. He avowed 

* Strype, Eccles. Mem., i. p. 600. t Ibid., i. p. 604. 



the fact that his colleagues and himself stood pledged 
to put forth aU their efforts for the restoration of 
degenerated Catholicism. In their opinion, nothing 
which the Greeks had preserved ought to be rejected 
in England. One day when Bishop Sampson was 
passing over the Thames in a barge, in company with 
the bishop of Durham, to Lambeth Palace, the latter 
produced an old Greek book which he used to cany 
in his pocket, and showed Snmpson several places in 
that book wherein matters that were then in contro- 
versy were ordained by the Greek Church.* These 
bishops, who spoke so courageously to each other, did 
not speak so with the king. They feigned complete 
accordance with him ; and for him they had nothing 
but flatteries. Cranmer was not strong, but at least 
he was never a hypocrite. Sampson, however, exhi- 
bited so much penitence and promised so much sub- 
mission that he was liberated. But Cromwell now 
knew what to think of the matter. A conspiracy 
was threatening the work which he had been at so 
much pains to accompHsh. He observed that the 
archbishop's influence was declining at court, and he 
began to have secret forebodings of calamity in which 
he would be himself involved. 

Gardiner, in fact, energetically urged the king to 
re-establish all the ancient usages. Thus, although 
but a little while before orders had been ofiven to 
place bibles in the churches, and to preach against 
pilgrimages, tapers, kissing of rehcs, and other like 
practices,! it ^^'^^^ ^^^ foi'bidden to translate, publish, 
and circulate any religions works without the king's 
permission ; and injunctions were issued for the use 

* Sti-ype, Eccles. Mem., i. pp. 500 sqq. f Ibid., p. 496. 


of holy water, for processions, for kneeling down and 
crawling before the cross, and for lighting of tapers 
before the Corpus Christi. Discussions about the sa- 
crament of the Eucharist were prohibited.* It was 
Gardiner's wish to seal these ordinances with the 
blood of martyrs. He had begun by striking in anima 
vili; the persecution of the Dutch sacrarnentarians 
was merely the exordium ; it was needful now to pro- 
ceed to the very action itself, to strike a blow at an 
evangelical and esteemed Englishman, and to invest 
his death with a certain importance. 

There was at this time in London a minister 
named John Nicholson, who had studied at the uni- 
versity of Cambridge, had been converted by means 
of his conversations with Bilney, and had afterwards 
been the friend of l.'yndale and Frith, and by his 
intercourse with them had been strengthened in the 
faith. He was a conscientious man, who did not sup- 
pose that it was enough to hold a doctrine conform- 
able with the Word of God, but, conscious of the 
great value of the truth, was ready to lay down his 
life for it, even if there were nothing at stake but a 
point looked upon as secondary. Faithfulness or 
unfaithfulness to one's convictions — this was in his 
view the decisive test of the morahty or immorality 
of a man. In the age of the Reformation there were 
greater preachers and greater theologians than Nichol- 
son ; but there was not one more deserving of honom\ 
Having translated from the Latin and the Greek 
works which might give offence, and having professed 
his faith, he had been obliged to cross the sea, and 
he became chaplain to the English house at Antwerp. 

* Strype, Wilkins, &o. 


Here it Tvas that he became acquainted with Tyndale 
and Frith. Being accused of heresy by one Barlow, he 
was taken to London, by order of Sir Thomas ]\Ioro, 
then chancellor, and was kept prisoner at Oxford, in the 
house of Archbishop Warham, where he was deprived 
of everything, especially of books. On the ocasion of 
his appearance, in 1532, before the archbishop and 
other prelates, ISTicholson steadfastly maintained that 
all that is necessary to salvation is to be found in 
Holy Scripture. ' This,' he said, ' is the question 
which is the head and whole content of all others ob- 
jected against me. This is both the hebn and stem 
of both together.'* There were forty -five points, 
and to these he made answer article by article. f 
Shortly afterwards, in consequence of the death of 
Warham and of Cranmer's appointment to the vacant 
see, the Antwerp chaplain was set at liberty. He 
determined to remain in London, took, it seems, from 
prudential considerations, the name of Lambert, and 
devoted himself to the labours of a teacher, but at 
the same time adhered to the resolution to avail 
himself of every opportunity of maintaining the 

Being informed one day that Doctor Taylor was 
to preach at St. Peter's Church, Cornhill, he went to 
hear him, not only because of his well-known gifts, 
but also because he was not far from the Gospel. 
He was later appointed bishop of Lincoln vmder 
pious King Edward, and was deprived of that office 
under the fanatical Mary. Taylor preached that 

* Fox, V. p. 193. 

t The forty-five points and the answers to them are given in Fox, 

Acts, V. pp. 181-:?i5. 


day on the real presence of Christ in the bread and 
the wine. Nicholson also believed, indeed, in the 
presence of the Lord in the Supper, but this presence, 
he believed, was in the hearts of the faithful. After 
the service he went to see Taylor, and with modesty 
and kindliness urged various arguments against the 
doctrines which he had been setting forth. ' I have 
not time just now,' said the doctor, ' to discuss the 
point with you, as other matters demand my atten- 
tion ; but oblige me by putting your thoughts in 
writing and call again when I am more at leisure.' 
Lambert applied himself to the task of writing, and 
against the doctrine of the presence in the bread he 
adduced ten arguments, which were, says Fox, very 
powerful. It does not appear that Taylor replied to 
them. He was an upright man, who gave impartial 
consideration to these questions, and by Nicholson's 
reasoning he seems to have been somewhat shaken. 
As Taylor was anxious to be enlightened himself and 
to try to satisfy his friendly opponent, he communi- 
cated the document to Barnes. The latter, a truly 
evangelical Christian, was nevertheless of opinion that 
to put forward the doctrine of this little work would 
seriously injure the cause of the Reformation. He 
therefore advised Taylor to speak to Archbishop 
Cranmer on the subject. Cranmer, who was of the 
same opinion, invited Nicholson to a conference, at 
which Barnes, Taylor, and Latimer were also present. 
These four divines had not at this time abandoned 
the view which the ex-chaplain of Antwerp opposed \ 
and considering the fresh revival of sacramental 
Catholicism, they were not inclined to do so. They 
strove therefore to change the opinion of the pious 


minister, but in vain. Finding that they unani- 
mously condemned his views, he exclaimed : ' WeU 
then, I appeal to the king.' This was a foolish and 
fatal appeal. 

Gardiner did not lose a minute, but promptly 
took the business in hand, because he saw in it an 
opportunity of striking a heavy blow ; and, what was 
an inestimable advantage, he would have on his side, 
he thought, Cranmer and the other three evangelical 
divines. He therefore ' went straight to the king,' * 
and requesting a private audience, addressed him in 
the most flattering terms. Then, as if the interests of 
the king were dearer to him than to the king him- 
self, he respectfully pointed out that he had every- 
where excited by various recent proceedings suspicion 
and hatred ; but that at this moment a way was open 
for pacifying men's minds, ' if only in this matter of 
John Lambert, he would manifest unto the people 
how strictly he would resist heretics ; and by this 
new rumour he would bring to pass not only to ex- 
tinguish all other former rumours, and as it were 
with one nail to drive out another, but also should 
discharge himself of all suspicion, in that he now 
began to be reported to be a favourer of new sects 
and opinions.' f 

The vanit}- as well as the interests of Henry 
VIII. dictated to him the same course as Gardiner 
advised. He determined to avail himself of this 
opportunity to make an ostentatious display of his 
own knowledge and zeal. He would make arrange- 
ments of an imposing character ; it would not be 
enough to hold a mere conversation, but there must 

• Fox, V. p. i'i>>-. t Ibid. 


be a grand show. He therefore ordered invitations 
to be sent to a great number of nobles and bishops 
to attend the solemn trial at which he would ap- 
pear as head of the church. He was not content 
with the title alone, he would show that he acted 
the part. One of the principal characteristics of 
Henry VIII. was a fondness for showing off what 
he conceived himself to be or what he supposed him- 
self to know, without ever suspecting that display is 
often the ruia of those who wish to seem more than 
they are.* 

Meanwhile Lambert, confined at Lambeth, wrote 
an apology for his faith which he dedicated to the 
king, and ia which he solidly established the doctrine 
which he had professed. | He rejoiced that his re- 
quest to be heard before Henry VIII. had been 
granted. He desired that his trial might be blessed, 
and he indulged in the pleasing illusion that the 
king, once set in the presence of the truth, must 
needs be enlightened and would publicly proclaim it. 
These pleasant fancies gave him courage, and he lived 
on hope. 

On the appointed day, Friday, November 16, 
1538, the assembly was constituted in Westminster 
Hall. The king, in his robes of state, sat upon the 
throne. On his right were the bishops, judges, and 
jurisconsults ; on his left the lords temporal of the 
realm and the officers of the royal house. The 
guards, attired in white, were near their master, and 
a crowd of spectators fiUed the hall. The prisoner 

* Fox, Burnet, Godwin. 

t This apology, entitled A Treatise of John Lamhert upon the sacra- 
ment, addressed to the Ung, is given in Fox, v. pp. 237-250. 


was placed at the bar. Doctor Day * spoke to the 
following effect: That the kmg in this session would 
have all states, degrees, bishops, and aU others to be 
admonished of his will and pleasure, that no man 
should conceive any sinister opinion of him, as that 
now the authority and name of the bishop of Rome 
being utterly abolished, he would also extuiguish all 
rehgion, or give hberty unto heretics to perturb and 
trouble, without punishment, the churches of England, 
whereof he is the head. And moreover that they 
should not think that they were assembled at that 
present to make any disputation upon the heretical doc- 
trine ; but only for this purpose, that by the industry 
of him and other bishops the heresies of this man 
here present (meaning Lambert), and the heresies of 
all such Uke, should be refuted or openly condemned 
in the presence of them all. Henry's part then 
began. His look was sternly fixed on Lambert, who 
stood facing him ; his features were contracted, his 
brows were knit.f His whole aspect was adapted to 
inspire terror, and indicated a violence of anger un- 
becoming in a judge, and still more so in a sovereign. 
He rose, stood leaning on a white cushion, and look- 
ing Lambert full in the face, he said to htm in a dis- 
dainful tone : ' Ho ! good fellow, what is thy name ? ' 
The accused, humbly kneeling down, replied : ' My 
name is John Nicholson, although of many I be 
called Lambert.' ' What ! ' said the king, ' have you 
two names ? I would not trust you, having two 

* ' Fox saith it was Day, biahop of OHchester ; but in that he was 
mistaken, for he was not yet bishop.' It was in fact Bishop Sampson. — 
Stiype, M'ein. of Cranmer, ch. xriii. (Translator's note.) 

f ' The king's look, his cruel countenance, and his brows bent unto 
severity,' &c. — Fox, t. p. 229. 


names, although you were my brother.' ' most 
noble prmce,' replied the accused, ' your bishops 
forced me of necessity to change my name.' There- 
upon the king, interrupting him, commanded him to 
declare what he thought as touching the sacrament 
of the altar. ' Sire,' said Lambert, ' first of all I 
give God thanks that you do not disdain to hear me. 
Many good men, in many places, are put to death, 
without your knowledge. But now, forasmuch as that 
high and eternal King of kings hath inspired and 
stirred up the king's mind to understand the causes 
of his subjects, specially whom God of his divine 
goodness hath so abundantly endued with so great 
gifts of judgment and knowledge, I do not mistrust 
but that God will bring some great thing to pass 
through him, to the setting forth of the glory of his 
name.' Henry, who could not bear to be praised by 
a heretic, rudely interrupted Lambert, and said to 
him in an angry tone : ' I came not hither to hear 
mine own praises thus painted out in my presence; 
but briefly go to the matter, without any more cu-- 
cumstance.' There was so much harshness in the 
king's voice that Lambert was agitated and con- 
fused. He had dreamed of something very different. 
He had conceived a sovereign just and elevated above 
the reach of clerical passions, whose noble under- 
standing would be struck with the beauty of the 
Gospel. Biit he saw a passionate man, a servant of 
the priests. Li astonishment and confusion he kept 
silence for a few minutes, questioning within himself 
what he ought to do in the extremity to which he 
was reduced. 

Lambert was especially attached to the great 


verities of the Christian religion, and during his 
trial he made unreserved confession of them. ' Our 
Saviour would not have us greatly esteem our merits,' 
said he, ' when we have done what is commanded by 
God, but rather reckon ourselves to be but servants 
unprofitable to God . . . not regarding our merit, 
but his grace and benefit. Woe be to the life of 
men, said St. Augustine, be they ever so holy, if 
Thou shalt examine them, setting thy mercy aside. 
. . . Again he says. Doth any man give what he 
oweth not unto Thee, that Thou should' st be in his 
debt ? and hath any man aught that is not Thine ? 
. . . All my hope is in the Lord's death. His death 
is ray merit, my refuge, my health, and my resurrec- 
tion. And thus,' adds Lambert, ' we should serve 
God with hearty love as children, and not for need or 
dread, as unloving thralls and servants.' * 

But the king wanted to localize the attack and 
to hmit the examination of Lambert to the subject 
of the sacrament. Finding that the accused stood 
silent, the king said to him in a hasty manner with 
anger and vehemency:f ' Why standest thou still? 
Answer as touching the sacrament of the altar, 
whether dost thou say that it is the body of Christ 
or wilt deny it ? ' After uttering these words, the 
king lifted up his cap adorned with pearls and 
feathers, probably as a token of reverence for the 
subject under discussion. ' I answer with St. Augus- 
tine,' said Lambert, ' that it is the body of Christ 
after a certain manner.' J The king replied : ' An- 
swer me neither out of St. Augustine, nor by the 

* Fox, Acts, V. pp. 188, 189. t 2bicl, p. 230. 

J ' Quodam modo.' 

CHAP. n. CEANMER's answer. 205 

authority of any other ; but tell me plainly whether 
thou sayest it is the body of Christ or no.' Lambert 
felt what might be the consequences of his answer, 
but without hesitation he said : ' Then I deny it to 
be the body of Christ.' ' Mark well ! ' exclaimed the 
king; 'for now thou shalt be condemned even by 
Christ's own word, Hoc est corpus meum! 

The king then turning to Ci'anmer commanded 
him to refute the opinion of the accused. The arch- 
bishop spoke with modest}', calling Lambert 'brother,' 
and although refuting his arguments he told him that 
if he proved his opinion from Holy Scripture, he 
(Cranmer) would willingly embrace it. Gardiner, 
finding that Cranmer was too weak, began to speak. 
Tonstall and Stokesley followed. Lambert had put 
forward ten arguments, and ten doctors were ap- 
pointed to deal with them, each doctor to impugn 
one of them. Of the whole disputation the passage 
which made the deepest impression on the assembly 
was Stokesley's argument. ' It is the doctrine of the 
philosophers,' he said, ' that a substance cannot be 
changed but into a substance.' Then, by the example 
of water boiling on the fire, he affirmed the substance 
of the water to pass into the substance of the air.* 
On hearing this argument, the aspect of the bishops, 
hitherto somewhat uneasy, suddenly changed. They 
were transported with joy, and considered this trans- 
mutation of the elements as giving them the victory, 
and they cast their looks over the whole assembly 
with an air of triumph. Loud shouts of applause 
for some time interrupted the sitting. When silence 
was at length restored, Lambert replied that the 

* Fox, Aoti, v. pp. 232, 233. 


moistness of the water, its real essence, remained even 
after this transformation; that nothing was changed 
but the form ; while in their system of the corpiis 
domini the substance itself was changed : and that 
it is impossible that the qualities and accidents of 
things should remain in their own nature apart from 
their own subject. But Lambert was not allowed to 
finish his refutation. The king and the bishops, in- 
dignant that he ventured to impugn an argument 
which had transported them with admiration, gave 
vent to their rage against him,* so that he was forced 
to silence, and had to endure patiently all their 

The sitting had lasted from noon till five o'clock 
in the evening. It had been a real martyrdom for 
Lambert. Loaded with rebukes and insults, intimi- 
dated by the solemnity of the proceedings and by 
the authority of the persons with whom he had to 
do, alarmed by the presence of the king and by the 
terrible threats which were uttered against him, his 
body too, which was weak before, giving way under 
the fatigue of a sitting of five hours, during which, 
standing all the time, he had been compelled to fight 
a fierce battle, convinced that the clearest and most 
irresistible demonstrations would be smothered amidst 
the outcries of the bystanders, he called to mind 
these words of Scripture, ' Be still,' and was silent. 
This self-restraint was regarded as defeat. Where 
is the knowledge so much boasted of ? thev said ; 
where is his power of argumentation ? The assembly 
had looked for great bursts of eloquence, but the 
accused was silent. The palm of victory was awarded 

* Fox. 


to the king and the bishops by noisy and universal 
shouts of applause. 

It was now night. The servants of the royal 
house appeared in the hall and lighted the torches. 
Henry began to find his part as head of the church 
somewhat wearisome. He determined to bring the 
business to a conclusion, and by his severity to give 
to the pope and to Christendom a brilliant proof of 
his orthodoxy. ' What sayest thou now,' he said to 
Lambert, 'after all these great labours which thou 
hast taken upon thee, and all the reasons and instruc- 
tions of these learned men? Art thou not yet satis- 
fied? Wilt thou live or die? What sayest thou? 
Thou hast yet free choice.' Lambert answered, ' I 
commend my soul into the hands of God, but my 
body I wholly yield and submit unto your clemency.' 
Then said the king, ' In that case you must die, for 
I will not be a patron unto heretics.' Unhappy 
Lambert ! He had committed himself to the mercj- 
of a prince who never spared a man who offended 
him, were it even his closest friend. The monarch 
turned to his vicar-general and said, 'CromweU, read 
the sentence of condemnation.' This was a cruel 
task to impose upon a man universall}' considered to 
be the friend of the evangelicals. But Cromwell felt 
the ground already trembling under his feet. He 
took the sentence and read it. Lambert was con- 
demned to be burnt. 

Four days afterwards, on Tuesday, November 20, 
the evangelist was taken out of the prison at eight 
o'clock in the morning and brought to Cromwell's 
house. Cromwell summoned him to his room and 
announced that the hour of his death was come. The 


tidings greatly consoled and gladdened Lambert. It 
is stated that Cromwell added some words by way 
of excuse for the part which he had taken in. his con- 
demnation, and sent him into the room where the 
gentlemen of his household were at breakfast. He 
sat down and at their invitation partook of the meal 
with them, with all the composure of a Christian. 
Immediately after breakfast he was taken to Smith- 
field, and was there placed on the pile, which was not 
raised high. His legs only were burnt, and nothing 
remained but the stumps. He was, however, still 
alive ; and two of the soldiers, observing that his 
whole body could not be consumed, thrust into him 
their halberts, one on each side, and raised him above 
the fire. The martyr, stretching towards the people 
his hands now burning, said, ' Xone but Christ ! 
None but Christ ! ' At this moment the soldiers with- 
drew their weapons and let the pious Lambert drop 
into the fire, which speedily consumed him.* 

Henry YIIL, however, was not satisfied. The 
hope which he had entertained of inducing Lambert 
to recant had been disappointed. The Anglo-Cathohc 
party made up for this by everywhere extolling his 
learning and his eloquence. They praised his sayings 
to the skies — every one of them was an oracle ; he 
was in very deed the defender of the faith. There 
was one, not belonging to that party, who wrote to 
Sir Thomas Wyatt, then foreign minister to the king, 
as follows : — ' It was marvellous to see the gravity 
and the majestic air with which his majestv discharged 
the functions of Supreme Head of the Anglican Church; 
the mildness with which he tried to convert that un- 

* Fox, Godwin, Crespm, Oollyer, Burnet, &c. 


happy man; the force of reasoning with which he 
opposed him. Would that the princes and poten- 
tates of Christendom could have been present at the 
spectacle ; they would certainly have admired the 
wisdom and the judgment of his ma-jesty, and would 
have said that the king is the most excellent prince in the 
Christian worlcl.^* 

This writer was Cromwell himself. He sup- 
pressed at this time all the best aspirations of his 
nature, believing that, as is generally thought, if one 
means to retain the favour of princes, it is necessary 
to adapt one's self to all their wishes. A mournful 
fall, which was not to be the only one of the kind ! It 
has been said, ' Every flatterer, whoever he may be, 
is always a treacherous and hateful creature.' f 

* Biblioth. Anglaise, i, p. 158. Gerdeaius, Ann., iv. p. 286. 
+ Bossuet. 





WHILE the Anglo-Catliolic party were recovering 
their former influence over Henrj's mind, some 
members of the Roman Catholic party were labour- 
ing to re-establish the influence of the pope. They 
supposed that they had found a clue by means of 
which the king might be brought back to the obedi- 
ence of Rome. Henr}- who, while busy in preparing 
fires for the martyrs, did not forget the marz-iage 
altar, was very desirous of obtaining the hand of 
Christina, duchess of ^lUan. Xow, it was this 
princess, a niece of Charles Y., of whom it was thought 
possible to make use for gaining over the king to 
the pope. She was now at the court of Brussels, 
with her aunt Queen Mary ; and it is related that to 
the first ofi"er of Henry ^'III. she had replied with a 
smile, — ' I have but one head; if I had two, one of. 
them should be at the service of his majesty.' If she 
did not say this, as some friends of Henry VIII. have 
maintained, something like it was doubtless said by 
one of the courtiers. However this may be, the king 
did not meet with a refusal. Francis I., alarmed at 
the prospect of an alliance between Menry YIII. and 
Charles V., sent word to Henry that the emperor 
was deceiving him. The king did not believe it. 
The queen regent of the Netherlands endeavoured 


to bring about this union ; Spanish commissioners 
arrived to conduct the negotiation, and Hutton de 
Wriothesley, the English envoy at Brussels, devoted 
himself zealously to the business. One of the prin- 
cipal officers of the court, taking supper with the 
latter, in June 1538, inquired of him for news about 
the negotiation. Hutton expressed his surprise ' that 
the emperor had been so slack therein.' His compa- 
nion remarked that the only difficulty in the matter 
was that the king his (Button's ) master had 'married 
the lady Ivatherine, to whom the duchess is near 
kinswoman,' so that the marriage could not be solem- 
nised without a dispensation from the pope.* 

Ihe emperor spoke more clearly still. Wyatt was 
instructed to tell the king that the hand of the duchess 
of Milan would be given to him, with a dowry of one 
hundred thousand crowns, and an annuity of fifteen 
thousand, secured on the duchy; and that for the gift 
of this beautiful and accomplished young widow all 
they required of him was that he should be reconciled 
with the bishop of Rome.f This was fixing a high 
price on the hand of Christina. The princess, con- 
sidering perhaps that it was a glorious task to bring 
back Henry VIH. to the bosom of the papacy, de- 
clared her readiness to obey the emperor. The pope, 
on his part, was willing to grant the necessary dispen- 
sation ; but the king must first make his submission. 
For a prince of such fiery passions this was a great 
temptation. The chancellor Wriothesley, who was 
negotiating the affair, was himself undecided about 

* state Papers, viii. p. 32. 

t ' If your Majesty wiU hearken to the reconciling with the bishop 
of Rome.'— Wyatt's Eeport to the king. State Papers, viii. p. 37. 



it. At one time he eagerly advocated it, and at another 
time he wrote (January 21, 1539) : ' If this marriage 
may not be had with such honour and friendship as is 
requisite, that his Grace may also fix his most noble 
stomach in some other place.' * Tlie treaty was finally 
broken ofi", the thread snapped, to the great regret of 
the Roman party. One circumstance might influence 
the king's decision. Before the negotiations had been 
closed, in December 1838, the pope published the bull 
of 1535, in which he excommunicated Henry VIII. 
Had the pontiff no hope of good from the matrimonial 
intrigue, or did he intend to catch the king by fear ? 

Henry understood that it was not enough to op- 
pose the king of England to the pope. The Word of 
God was for him the rival of Rome. During these 
years, 1538 and 1539, in which so many measures 
were taken against the evangelical doctrine and its 
teachers, the Bible, strange to say, was printed and 
circulated. This publication has one singular cha- 
racteristic ; it was made by the intervention of 
Henry YIII. and Francis I., the two greatest enemies 
of the faith of the Holy Scriptures among aU the sove- 
reigns of the world. 

The emperor and the king of France occasionally 
coquetted with the king of England, whom each of 
them was anxious to win over to his own side. Fran- 
cis, knowing how sensitive Henry was on the subject 
of marriage, offered him his son Henry of Orleans for 
the princess Mary. Cromwell, who was now giving 
way to the Anglo- Catholic party on many points 
essential to reform, was all the more desirous of hold- 
ing by those which his master would really permit. 

* State Papers, viii. pp. V27, 156. 


Amongst these was the translation of the Bible. He 
saw in the offer made by Francis I. an opening of 
which he might avail himself. An edition of the 
Bible, extending to 2,500 copies, published the year 
before by the eminent printer Richard Grafton in con- 
junction with Whitchurch, was now exhausted. Crom- 
well determined to issue a new one ; and as printing 
was better executed at Paris than in London, the 
French paper also being superior, he begged the king 
to request permission of Francis I. to have the edition 
printed at Paris. Francis addressed a royal letter 
to his beloved Grafton and Whitchurch, saying that 
having received credible testimonies to the effect that 
his very dear brother, the king of the English, whose 
subjects they were, had granted full and lawful liberty 
to ])ruit, both in Latin and m English, the Holy Bible, 
and of importing it into his kingdom, he gave them 
himself his authorization so to do.* Francis com- 
forted himself with the thought that his own subjects 
spoke neither English nor Latin; and, besides, this 
book so much dreaded would be immediately exported 
from France. 

Grafton and the pious and learned Goverdale ar- 
rived at Paris, at the end of spring 1538, to under- 
take this new edition of Tyndale's translation. They 
lodged in the house of the pruiter Francis Regnault, 
who had for some time printed missals for England. 
As the sale of these had very much fallen off, Reg- 
nault changed his course, and determined to print the 

* ' Franeisous, &c. . . . quod . . . sacram Bibliam tarn Latine quam 
Britannice sive Anglice imprimendi . . . et in suum regniim apportandi 
et transferendi libertatem . . . concesserit. . . . ' — Burnet, i. Records, 
p. 286. Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, Appendix, No. xxx. 


Bible. The two Englishmen selected a fine type and 
the best paper to be had in France. But these were 
expensive, and as early as .June 23 they were obliged 
to apply to Cromwell to furnish them with the means 
for carrying on Ms edition of the Bible.* They 
were moreover beset with other difficulties. They 
could not make their appearance out of doors in Paris 
without being exposed to threats ; and they were in 
daily expectation that their work would be inter- 
rupted. Francis I., their reputed protector, was gone 
to Xice. By December 13, after six months' labour, 
their fears had become so serious that when Bonner, 
who had succeeded Gardiner as English ambassador 
in France, was setting out from Paris on his way to 
London, they begged him to take with him. the por- 
tion already printed and deliver it to Cromwell. The 
hypocritical Bonner, not satisfied with all the benefices 
he now held, was grasping at the bishopric of Hereford, 
which he called a great good fortune^ and which he suc- 
ceeded in getting. He was at this time bent on curry- 
ing favour with Cromwell, on whose influence the 
election depended, and therefore, hiding his face imder 
a gracious mask, which he was ere long impudently to 
throw ofi', he had most eagerly complied with the 
request, f 

Four days later, December 17, the officers of the 
Inquisition entered the printing-office and presented 
a document signed by Le Tellier, summoning Reg- 
nault and all whom it concerned to appear and make 
answer touching the printing of the Bible. He was 

State Papers, i. p. 575. Anderson, English Bibh, ii. p. 27. 
t See Bonner's letter to Cromwell of September 2, 1538 ; Fox, Acts, 
T. p. 150; and another of later date, p. 152. 


at the same time enjoined to suspend the work, and 
forbidden to take away what was alreadj' printed. Are 
we to suppose that the Inquisition did not trouble 
itself about the royal letters of Francis I., or that the 
prince had changed his mind ? Either of these sup- 
positions might be entertained. In consequence of 
the despatch of the packet to London, there were but 
a few sheets to be seized, and these were condemned 
to be burnt in the Place Maubert. But the officer 
was even more greedy of gain than fanatical; and 
gold being offered him by the Englishmen for the 
recovery of their property, almost all the sheets were 
restored to them. His compliance is perhaps partly 
to be explained by the consideration that this was not 
a common case. The proprietors of the sheets seized 
were the lord Cromwell, first secretary of state, and 
the king of England. The matter did not rest here ; 
the bold Cromwell was not to be baffled. Agents sent 
by him to Paris got possession of the presses, the types, 
and even the printers^ and took the whole away with 
them to London. In two months from the time of 
their arrival the printing was completed. On the last 
page appeared the statement : The whole Bible finished 
in 1539; and the grateful editors added, A Domino 
factum est istud* The violent proceeding of the In- 
quisition turned to a great gain for England. Many 
French printers and a large stock of type had been 
imported ; and henceforward many and more beautiful 
editions of the Bible were printed in England. ' The 
wicked diggeth a pit and falleth into it.' 

Two parties therefore existed in England, and 

* A few copies of this Bible are still to 1)8 found in various libraries. 
— Anderson, EnffUsA Bible, ii. p. 31. 


these frequently concerned themselves more with the 
points on which they differed than with the great 
facts of their religion. In one pulpit a preacher 
would call for reformation of the abuses of Rome ; in 
a neighbouring church, another preacher would advo- 
cate their maintenance at any cost. One monk of 
York preached against purgatory, while some of his 
colleagues defended the doctrine. All this gave rise to 
most exciting discussion amongst the hearers. In ad- 
dition to the two chief parties, there were the profane, 
animated by a spirit of unbelief and without reverence 
for sacred things. While pious men were peacefully 
assembled for the reading of the Holy Scriptures, 
these mockers sat in public-houses over their pots of 
beer, uttering their sarcasms against everybody, and 
especially against the priests. If they spoke of those 
who gave only the wafer, and not the wine, they 
would say : — ' That is because he has drunk the 
whole of it ; the bottle is empty.' At times they 
undertook even to discuss, as in old times was done 
at Byzantium, the most difficult points in theology, 
and this was still worse. The king, anxious to play 
his part as head of the church, was desirous of 
bringing about a union of the two chief })arties, and 
had no doubt that the party of the profane would 
then disappear. His favourite notion, Uke that of 
princes in general, was to have but one single re- 
ligious opinion in his kingdom. Freedom was a 
restraint to him. He therefore began, as the em- 
peror Constantine had done, by attempting to gain 
his end by means of a system of indifference and of 
subjection to his will. In a voysl proclamation he 
required that the party of reformation and the party 


of tradition should ' draw in one yoke,' * like a pair 
of good oxen at the plough. He did not omit, how- 
ever, to read the priests a lesson. He rebuked them 
for busying themselves far more with the distribution 
of the consecrated wafer and with the sprinkling of 
their flocks with holy water than with teaching them 
what these acts meant. Indifference, however, was 
of course unattainable, for it implies that each party 
should consider unimportant the very doctrines on 
which it sets the highest value. Henry, nevertheless, 
boldly made the attempt. 

When the parliament met on April 28, 1539, the 
lord chancellor announced that the king was very 
anxious to see all his subjects holding one and the 
same opinion in religion, and required that a com- 
mittee should be nominated to examine the various 
opinions, and to draw up articles of agreement to 
which everyone might give his consent. On May 5 
nine commissioners were named, five of whom were 
Anglo- Catholics, and at their head was Lee, arch- 
bishop of York. A project was presented ' for extir- 
pating heresies among the people.' A catalogue of 
heresies was to be drawn up and read at all the 
services. The commissioners held discussion for one 
day, but neither of the two parties would make 
any concession. As the vicegerent Cromwell and 
the archbishop of Canterbury were in the ranks of 
the reformation party, the majority was unable to 
gain the ascendency, and the commission arrived at 
no decision. 

The king was very much dissatisfied with this 
result. He had been willing to leave the work of 

* Royal Proclamation. Rolls, Henry. 


conciliation in the hands of the bishops, and now the 
bishops did not agree. His patience, of which he had 
no large stock, was exhausted. The Anglo- Catholic 
party took advantage of his dissatisfaction, and hinted 
to him that if he really aimed at unity he would have 
to take the matter into his own hands, and settle 
the doctrine to which all must assent. Why should 
he allow his subjects the liberty of thinking for them- 
selves ? Was he not in England master and ruler 
of everything ? 

Another circumstance, of an entirely different 
kind, acted powerfully, about this time, upon the 
king's mind. The pope had just entered into an 
alliance with the emperor and the kina- of France. A 
fact of such importance could not fail to make a great 
noise in England. ' Methinks,' said one of the foreign 
diplomatists now in England, ' that if the pope sent 
an interdict and excommunications, with an injunc- 
tion that no merchant should trade in any way with 
the Enghsh, the nation would, without further 
trouble, bestir itself and compel the king to return to 
the church.'* Henry, in alarm, adopted two mea- 
sures of defence against this triple alliance. He gave 
orders for the fortification of the ports, examination 
of the condition of various landing-places, and re- 
viewing of the troops ; and at the same time, instead 
of endeavouring after a union of the two parties, he 
determined to throw himself entirely on the Scholastic 
and Catholic side. He hoped thereby to satisfy 
the majority of his subjects, who still adhered to 
the Roman church, and perhaps also to appease 
the powers. ' The king is determined on gTounds 

* Oastillon, Feb. J, 1 538. Ranke, v. p. 159. 


of policy,' it was said, 'that these articles should 

Six articles were therefore drawn up of a re- 
actionary character, and the duke of Norfolk was 
selected to bring them forward. He did not pride 
himself on scriptural knowledge. ' I have ne^er read 
the Holy Scriptures and I never will read them,' he 
said ; ' all that I want is that everything should be 
as it was of old.' But if Norfolk were not a great 
theologian, he was the most powerful and the most 
Catholic lord of the Privy Council and of the king- 
dom. On the 16th of May the duke rose in the 
upper house and spoke to the following effect : — 
' The commission which you had named has done 
nothing, and this we had clearly foreseen. We come, 
therefore, to present to you six articles, which, after 
your examination and approval, are to become 
binding. They are the folio wmg : 1st, if anyone 
allege that after consecration there remains any other 
substance in the sacrament of the altar than the 
natural body of Christ conceived of the Virgin Mary, 
he shall be adjudged a heretic and suffer death by 
burning, and shall forfeit to the king all his lands 
and goods, as in the case of high treason; 2nd, if 
anyone teach that the sacrament is to be given to 
laymen under both kinds; or 3rd, that any man who 
has taken holy orders may nevertheless marry ; 4th, 
that any man or woman who has vowed chastity may 
marry ; 5th, that private masses are not lawful and 
should not be used ; or 6th, that auricular confession 
is not according to the law of God, any such person 

* ' Tne king's mind so fully addicted, upon politic respects.' — Fox, v. 
p. 264. 


shall be adjudged to suffer death., and forfeit lands 
and goods as a felon.'* 

Cromwell had been obliged to sanction, and per- 
haps even to prepare, this document. When once 
the king energetically announced his will the minister 
bowed his head, knowing weU that if he raised it in 
opposition he would certainly lose it. Nevertheless, 
that he might to some extent be justified in his own 
sight, he had resolved that the weapon should be 
two-edged, and had added an article purporting that 
any priest giving himself up to uncleanness should 
for the first offence be deprived of his benefices, his 
goods, and his hberty, and for the second should be 
punished u-ith death like the others. 

These articles which have been called the whip 
icith six strings and the bloody statute^^ were submitted 
to the parliament. But none of the lords temporal, 
or of the commons, aware that the king was fully 
resolved, ventured to assail them. One man, how- 
ever, rose, and this was Cranmer. ' Like a constant 
patron of God's cause,' says the chronicler, ' he took 
upon him the earnest defence of the truth, oppressed 
in the parliament ; three days together disputing 
against those six wicked articles : brinoHno^ forth 
such allegations and authorities as might easilv have 
helped the cause, nisi pars major vicisset, ut scepe 
olet, meliorem.'^ Cranmer spoke temperately, with 
respect for the sovereign, but also with fidelity and 

* Lord Herbert of Oherbury, Life and Reign of King Henry VIII., 
p. 510. 

t Ibid. 

\ Fox, Acts, T. p. 265. Lord Herbert says the same, — ' Cranmer for 
thi'ee days together in the open assembly opposed these articles boldly.' — 
Life of Henry VIII., p. 512. 

CHAP. ni. CEANMEE's opposition. 221 

courage. ' It is not my own cause that I defend,' he 
said, ' it is that of God Almighty.' 

The archbishop of Canterbury was not, however, 
alone. The bishops who belonged to the evangelical 
party, those of Worcester, Rochester, St. David's, 
Ely, and Salisbury, likewise spoke against the 
articles.* But the king insisted, and the act passed. 
These articles, said Cranmer at a later time, were 
'in some things so enforced by the evil counsel of 
certain papists against the truth and common judg- 
ment both of divines and lawyers, that if the king's 
Majesty himself had not come personally into the 
parliament house, those laws had never passed.' f 
Cranmer never signed nor consented to the Six 

The parliament at the same time conferred on 
the king unlimited powers. A bill was carried pur- 
porting that some having by their disobedience shown 
that they did not well understand what a king can 
do by virtue of his royal power, it was decreed that 
every proclamation of his majesty, even when inflict- 
ing fines and penalties, should have the same force 
as an Act of parliament. Truth had already been 
sacrificed, and liberty was to be the next victim. 

Latimer, bishop of Worcester, did more than 
Cranmer. On July 1, eight days after the close of 
the session, he resigned his bishopric, and his heart 
leaped for joy as he laid aside his episcopal vestments. 
' Now I am rid of a heavy burden,' he said, ' and never 
did my shoulders feel so light.' One of his former 

* Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, ii. p. 743. 

t Ibid., Appendix, No. 40. 

X Defence against Gardiner, p. 285. 


colleagues having expressed his surprise, he replied: 
' I am resolved to be guided only by the Book of 
Grod, and sooner than depart one jot from that, let 
me be trampled under the feet of wild horses ! ' He 
now withdrew into the country, intending to lead 
there a quiet life. He took care of his flowers and 
gathered his fruit. Having had a fall from a tree, he 
found it necessary to return to London for the pur- 
pose of procuring surgical attendance. When the 
government was informed of this, orders were given 
to arrest and commit him to the Tower, and there he 
remained till the king's death. Shaxton, bishop of 
Salisbuiy, likewise resigned his see, on what grounds 
we do not know. Under Queen Mary he became 
a violent persecutor. Many evangelical Christians 
quitted England, and among them especially to be 
noted are Hooper, Rogers, and John Butler.* 
Cranmer remained in his archiepiscopal palace at 
Lambeth ; but he sent away his wife and children to 
his wife's relations in Grermany. 

This want of fidehty on Cranmer's part is only 
explicable on the ground of the efforts made by 
Henry VIII. to retain him. On the day of the 
prorogation of parHament, June 28, 1539, Henry, 
fearing lest the archbishop, disheartened and dis- 
trusted, should offer to him his resignation, sent for 
him, and, receiving him with all the graciousness of 
manner which he knew so weU how to assume when 
he wished, said : ' I have heard with what force and 
learning you opposed the Six Articles. Pray state 
your arguments in ^Nriting, and deliver the statement 
to me.' iSor was this all that Henry did. Desirous 

* Strype^ JScdes. Mem., i., p. 545. 


that all men, and particularly tlie adherents of Anglo- 
Catholicism, should know the esteem which he felt 
for the primate, he commanded the leader of this 
party, the duke of Norfolk, his brother-in-law, the 
duke of Suffolk, Norfolk's rival, lord Cromwell, and 
several other lords to dine the next day with the 
archbishop at Lambeth. You will assure him, he 
said, of my sincere affection, and you wiU add that 
although his arguments did not convince the parlia- 
ment, they displayed much wisdom and learning. 

The company, according to the king's request, 
arrived at the archbishop's palace, and Cranmer gave 
his guests an honourable reception. The latter exe- 
cuted the king's commission, adding that he must 
not be disheartened although the parliament had 
come to a decision contrary to his opinion. Cranmer 
replied that ' he was obliged to his majesty for his 
good affection, and to the lords for the pains they 
have taken.' Then he added resolutely : ' I have 
hope in God that hereafter my allegations and 
authorities will take place, to the glory of God and 
commodity of the realm.' They sat down to table. 
Every guest apparently did his best to make himself 
agreeable to the primate. ' My lord of Canterbury,' 
said Cromwell, ' you are most happy of all men ; for 
you may do and speak what you list, and, say what all 
men can against you, the king will never believe one 
word to detriment or hindrance.' The meal, how- 
ever, did not pass altogether so smoothly. The king 
had brought together, in Cromwell and Norfolk, the 
most heterogeneous elements; and the feast of peace 
WU.S disturbed by a sudden explosion. Cromwell, 
continuing his praises, instituted a parallel between 


cardinal Wolsey and the archbishop of Canterbury. 
' The cardinal,' he said, ' lost his friends by his haughti- 
ness and pride ; while you gain over your enemies by 
your kindliness and your meekness.' ' You must 
be well aware of that, my lord Cromwell,' said the 
duke of Norfolk, 'for the cardinal was your master.'' 
Cromwell, stung by these words, acknowledged the 
obligations under which he lay to the cardinal, but 
added : ' I was never so far in love with him as to 
have waited upon him to Rome if he had been chosen 
pope, as I understand, my lord duke, that you would 
have done.' Norfolk denied this. But Cromwell 
persisted in his assertion, and even specified a con- 
siderable sum which the duke was to receive for his 
services as admiral to the new pope, and for conduct- 
ing him to Rome. The duke, no longer restraining 
himself, swore with great oaths that Cromwell was 
a liar. The two speakers, forgetting that they were 
attending a feast of peace, became more and more 
excited and did not spare hard words. Cranmer 
interposed to pacify them. But from this time these 
two powerful ministers of the king swore deadly 
hatred to each other. One or other of them must 
needs fall.* 

The king's course with respect to Cranmer is 
not so strange as it appears. Without Cranmer, he 
would have been under the necessity of choosing 
another primate, and what a task would that have 
been. Gardiner, indeed, was quite ready to take the 
post; but the king, although he sometimes listened 
to him, placed no confidence in him. Not only did 

* Fox, Acts, V. pp. 265, 398. Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, p. 74, 
Burnet, Hist. JRef., i. p, 481. 


it seem to Henry difficult to find any other man than 
Cranmer ; but there was a further difficulty of appoint- 
ing an archbishop in due form. Could it be done by 
the aid of the pope ? Impossible. Without the pope? 
This too was very difficult. The priesthood would 
not concede such a power to the king, nor was it 
probable that they would accept his choice. The 
king foresaw troubles and conflicts without end. 
The best course was to keep the present primate, and 
this was the course adopted. Herein lay the security 
of the archbishop in the inidst of the misfortunes and 
scenes of blood aromid him. He had made a declara- 
tion of his faith, and he did not withdraw from it. 
He hoped for better things, according to the advances 
which were made him. He believed that by keeping 
his post he might prevent many calamities. The 
Six Articles were a storm which must be allowed to 
blow over ; and, in accordance with his character, 
he bowed his head while the wind blew in that 

The bloody statute was the cause of profound 
sorrow among the evangelical Christians. Some of 
them, more hasty than others, making use of the 
strong language of the time, asserted that tbe Six 
Articles had been written, not with Gardiner's ink, 
as people said, ' but with the blood of a dragon, or 
rather the claws of the Devil ' * They have been 
spoken of, even by Eomau Catholics of our own age, 
as ' the enactments of this severe and barbarous 
statute.' t But the Catholics of that age rejoiced 
in them, and believed that it was all over with 
the Reformation. Commissioners were immediately 

* Fox, Acts, V. p. 359. t Lingard, Hist, of England, v. p. 131. 



named to execute this cruel law, and there was 
always a bishop among them. These commissioners, 
who sat in London, in Mercer's Chapel, formerly a 
dwelling house and the place of Becket's birth,* even 
exaggerated the harshness of the Six Articles. Fif- 
teen days had not elapsed before five hundred persons 
w(!re imprisoned, some for having read the Bible, 
others for their posture at church. The greatest 
zeal was displayed by Norfolk among the lords 
temporal, and by Stokesley, Gardiner, and TonstaU 
among the lords spiritual. Their aim was to get a 
Booh of Ceremonies, a strange farrago of Romish 
superstitions, adopted as the rule of worship. 

The violent thunder-clap which had suddenly 
pealed over England, and occasioned so much trouble, 
was nowhere on the Continent more unexpected, 
nowhere excited a greater commotion than at Wit 
tenberg. Bucer on one side, and several refugees 
ai'riving at Hamburg on the other, had made known 
this barbarous statute to the reformers, and had 
entreated the Protestants of Germany to interpose 
with Henry in behalf of their fellow-religionists, 
liUther, Melanchthon, Jonas, and Pomeranus met 
together, and were unanimous in their indignation. 
' The king,' they said, ' knows perfectly well that our 
doctrine concerning the sacrament, the marriage of 
priests, and other analogous subjects, is true. How 
many books he has read on the subject ! How many 
reports have been made to him hy the most com- 
petent judges ! He has even had a book translated, 
in which the whole matter is explained, and he 
makes use of this book every day in his prayers. 

* Anderson, English Bible, ii. p, 63. 


Has he not heard and approved Latimer, Cranmer, 
and other pious divines ? He has even censured the 
king of France for condemning this doctrine. And 
now he condemns it himself more harshly than the 
king or the pope. He makes laws like Nebuchad- 
nezzar, and declares that he will put to death anyone 
who does not observe them. Great sovereigns of 
our day are taking it into their heads to fashion for 
themselves religions which may turn to their own 
advantage, like Antiochus Epiphanes of old. I have 
power, says the king of England, to require that siny 
one of my courtiers shall not marry so long as he 
intends to remain at court; for the same reason I 
have also power to forbid the marriage of priests. 
We are now entreated to address remonstrances to 
this prince. The Scriptures certainly teach us to 
endeavour to bring back the weak; but it requires 
that the proud who compound with their conscience 
should be left to go in their own way. It is clear 
that the king of England makes terms with con- 
science. He has already been warned, and has paid 
no attention ; there is, therefore, no hope that he 
will listen to reason if he be warned anew. Con- 
sider, besides, what kind of men those are in whose 
hands he places himself. Look at Gardiner, who 
while exposing before all the nation his scandalous 
connexions (liaisons) dares to assert that it is contrary 
to the law of God for a minister of God to have a 
lawful wife.' * 

Thus did the theologians of Wittenberg talk of 

* ' Vintoniensis fiiliret im Lande uiaher zwei unriiclitige Weiber 
mit sich in Mannskleidern.' For this opinion of the four theologians see 
the letter to the Elector signed by them. — Corj). JRef., iii. p. 796. 



the matter. Calvin thought with theiri, and he wrote, 
almost on the same day, that the king of England had 
distinctly shown his disposition by the imjiious edict 
which he had published.* The doctors of Witten- 
berg referred to the Elector ; and the latter, to whom 
Henry VIII. had communicated the Six Articles, 
requested them to make one more attempt to influence 
the king. Meknchthon therefore wrote to him ; and 
after an exordium in which he endeavoured to prepare 
the mind of Henry, he said, ' What affects and afflicts 
me is not only the danger of those who hold the same 
faith as we do; but it is to see you making yourself 
the instrument of the impiety and cruelty of others ; 
that the doctrine of Christ is set aside in your king- 
dom, superstitious rites perpetuated, and debauchery 
sanctioned; in a word, to see that the Roman anti- 
christ is rejoicing in his heart because you take up 
arms on his side and against us, and is hoping, by 
means of your bishops, easily to recover what by 
wise counsel has been taken from him.' Melanchthon 
then combats the several articles and refutes the 
sophisms of the Catholic party on the subject. 
' Illustrious king,' he continued, ' I am grieved at 
heart that you, while condemning the tyranny of 
the bishop of Rome, should undertake the defence of 
institutions which are the very sinews of his |)ower. 
You are threatening the members of Jesus Christ with 
the most atrocious punishments, and you are putting 
out the light of evangelical truth which was begin- 
ning to shine in your churches. Sire, this is not the 
way to put away antichrist, this is establishing him. . . 

* Letter to Farel, from Strasburg, October 27, 1539, Oalv. 0pp., x. 
p. 425. 

CHAP. III. MELANCHTHON'S letter to henry VIII. 229 

this is confirmation of his idolatry, his errors, his 
cruelty, and his debaucheries. 

' I implore you, therefore, to alter the decree of 
your bishops. Let the prayers offered up to God by 
so many pious souls throughout the world, for the 
true reformation of the Church, for the suppression of 
impious rites, and for the propagation of the Gospel, 
move you. Do justice to those pious men who are 
now in prison for the Lord's sake. If you do this, 
your great clemency will be praised by posterity as 
long as learning exists. Behold how Jesus Christ 
wandered about from place to place. He was hungry, 
he ^vils thirsty, naked and bound ; lie complained of 
the raging of the priests, of the unjust cruelty of 
kings; he commands that the members of his body 
should not be torn in pieces, and that his Gospel should 
be honoured. It is the duty of a pious king to receive 
this Gospel and to watch over it. By doing so, you 
will be rendering to God acceptable worship.' * 

Had these eloquent exhortations any influence on 
Henry VIII. ? On a former occasion he had shown 
himself rather provoked than pleased by letters 
of the I'eformer.f However, after the loud peal of 
thunder which had alarmed evangelical Christians in 
every part of Europe, the horizon cleared a little, and 
the future looked less threatening. 

There was one point on which Henry did incline 
rather to Cranmer's side ; this was auricular confes- 
sion. Perhaps he dreaded it on political grounds. Now 

" ' CuTiimit C'lii'i=!tii5^ esimens, siticus. rmdus, viiictu^, conqiiereus de 
puiitilinuui i-aVjip, Knur agmi.-^cf've. '■xcijiri'e, lu\(Te pii rPL'i-' '■>! 

ufficiuin.' - -llemic-o \'U!., ii';^i Augli;.', Vorp. JUf., \r . p. 8]i). 

t Ibid., p. «00. 


the bishops were urgent for its universal adoption, 
and Tonstall wrote to the king on the subject. Henry 
rejected his demand and called him a self- willed man. 
He seemed thus to draw towards reconciliation with 
his primate. Nor was this all. A bill had passed 
withdrawing heretics from the jurisdiction of the 
bishops, and subjecting them to the secular courts. 
The chancellor, supported by Cranmer, Cromwell, and 
Suffolk, and with the sanction of the king, set at 
liberty the five hundred persons who had been com- 
mitted to prison. The thunderbolt had indeed trenched 
the seas, but nobody was hurt — at least for the mo- 

Henry resorted to other means for the purpose of 
reassuring those who imagined that the pope was 
already re-established in England. He exhibited to 
the citizens of London the spectacle of one of those 
sea-fights, on which the ancient Romans used to 
lavish such enormous sums. Two galleys, one of 
them decorated with the royal ensigns, the other with 
the papal arms, appeared on the Thames, and a naval 
combat began. The two crews attacked each other; 
the struggle was sharp and obstinate; at length the 
soldiers of the king boarded the enemy and threw 
into the water amidst the shouts of the people an 
effigy of the pope and images of several cardinals. 
The pontifical phantom, seized by bold hands, was 
dragged through the streets; it was hung, drowned, 
and burnt. f It would have been better for the king 
to let alone such puerile and vulgar sports, which 
pleased none but the mob, and to give more serious 
proofs of his attachment to the Gospel. 

* Fox, Hall, Buniet. f La Grand, Divorce, ii. p. 205. 




AT the period which we have now reached, Henry 
VIII. displayed in a more and more marked 
manner that autocratic disposition which submits to 
no control. He lifted up or cast down; he crowned 
men with honours or sent them to the scaffold. He 
pronounced things white or black as suited him, and 
there was no other rule but his own absolute and 
arbitrary power. A simple and modest princess was 
one of the first to learn by experience that he was a 
despot in his family as weU as in church and state. 

Henry had now been a widower for two years — a 
widower against his will; for immediately after the 
death of Jane Seymour he had sought in almost all 
quarters for a wife, but he had failed. The two great 
Continental sovereigns had just been reconciled with 
each other, and the emperor had even cast a slight 
upon the king of England in the aflFair of the duchess 
of Mdan. Henry was therefore now desirous of 
contracting a marriage which should give offence to 
Charles, and should at the same time win for himself 
allies among the enemies of that potentate. Cromwell, 
for his part, felt the ground tremble under his feet ; 
Norfolk and Gardiner had confirmed their triumph by 


getting tlie Six Articles passed. The vicegerent was 
therefore aiming to strengthen at once liis own posi- 
tion and that of the Reformation, both of them im- 
paired. Some have supposed it possible that his 
scheme was to unite the nations of the Germanic race, 
England, Germany, and the North, in support of the 
Reformation against the nations of the Latin race. 
We do not think that Cromwell went so far as this. 
A young Protestant princess, Anne, daughter of the 
duke of Cleves and sister-in-law of the elector of 
Saxony, who consequently possessed both the religious 
and the political qualifications looked for by the king 
and his minister, was proposed to Henry by his ambas- 
sadors on the Continent, and Cromwell immediately 
took the matter in hand. This union Avould bring 
the king of England into intimate relations with the 
Protestant princes, and would ensure, he thought, the 
triumph of the Reformation in England, for Henry's 
wives appeared to have great influence over him, at 
least so long as they were in favour. Henry was, how- 
ever, seeking something more in his betrothed than 
diplomatic advantages. Cromwell knew this, and did 
not fail to make use of that argument. 'Every- 
one praises the beauty of this lady,' he wrote to the 
king (March 18, 1539), 'and it is said that she sur- 
passes all other women, even the duchess of Milan. 
She excels the latter both in the features of her coun- 
tenance and in her whole figure as much as the golden 
sun excelleth the silver moon.* Her portrait shall be 
sent you. At the same time, everyone speaks of her 
virtue, her chu.'^tit)', bermode^iy. and the seriousness 
(.if her !is])e(;i.' Tlie [lortrait of Anne, jminted by FIol- 

* Cotton MS. Vitellius, B, xxi. 


bein, was presented to the king, and it gave him the 
idea of a lady not only very beautiful, but of tall and 
majestic stature. He was charmed and hesitated no 
longer. On September 16, the Count Palatine of the 
Rhine and other ambassadors of the elector of Saxony 
and the duke of Cleves arrived at Windsor. Crom- 
well having announced them to the king, the latter 
desired his minister to put all other matters out of 
his head, saving this only.* The affair was arranged, 
and the ambassadors on their departure received mag- 
nificent presents. 

The princess, whose father was dead and had been 
succeeded by his son, left Cleves at the close of the 
year 1.539, in severe winter weather. Her suite num- 
bered two hundred and sixty-three persons, among 
them a great many seig?ieurs, thirteen trumpeters, 
and two hundred and twenty-eight horses. The earl 
of Southampton, lord Howard, and four hundred 
other noblemen and gentlemen, arrayed in damask, 
satin, and velvet, went a mile out of Calais to escort 
her. The superb cortege entered the town, and came 
in sight of the English vessels decorated with a 
hundred banners of silk and gold, and the marines 
all under arms. As soon as the princess appeared 
the trumpets sounded, volleys of cannon succeeded 
each other, and so dense was the smoke that the 
members of the suite coulJ no longer see each other. 
Everyone was in admiration. After a repast pro- 
vided by Southampton, there were jousts and tour- 
neys. The progress of the princess being delayed 
bv ruiigh svfii.ther, Soiitluimpton. aware of rlie impa- 

* iHtate Fapers, i. p. 019. Lord Herbei-t's Lifi^ of Meiu y VllL, 
p. 517. Oott. Libr., A2)p. xxiii. fol. 104. 


tience of his master, felt it necessary to write to him 
to remember ' that neither the winds nor the seas 
obey the commands of men.' He added that ' the 
surpassing beauty of the princess did not fall short 
of what had been told him.' Anne was of simple 
character and timid disposition, and very desirous of 
pleasing the king ; and she dreaded making her ap- 
pearance at tlie famous and sumptuous court of 
Henry YIII. Southampton having called the next 
day to pay his respects to her, she invited him to 
play with her some game at cards which the king 
liked, with a view to her learning it and being able 
to play with his majesty. The earl took his seat at 
the card-table in company with Anne and lord William 
Howard, while other courtiers stood behind the prin- 
cess and taught her the game. ' I can assure your 
majesty,' wrote the courtier, ' that she plays with as 
much grace and dignity as any noble lady that I 
ever saw in my life.' Anne, resolved on serving her 
apprenticeship to the manners of the court, begged 
Southampton to return to sup with her, bringing 
with hitn some of the nobles, because she was ' much 
desirous to see the manner and fashion of English- 
men sitting at their meat.' The earl replied that this 
would be contrary to English custom ; but at length 
he yielded to her wish.* 

As soon as the weather appeared more promising, 
the princess and her suite crossed the Channel and 
reached Dover, whence, in the midst of a violent 
storm, they proceeded to Canterbury. The arch- 
bishop, accompanied by five bishops, received Anne 
in his episcopal town, in a high wind and heavy rain ; 

• Southampton to Henry VIII., State Papers, viii. p. 213. 


the princess appearing as if she might be the sun 
which was to disperse the fogs and the darkness of 
England, and to bring about there tlie triumph of 
evangeUcal light. Anne went on to Rochester, about 
half way between Canterbury and London. The 
king, unable to rest, eagerly longing to see his in- 
tended spouse, set out accompanied by his grand 
equerry, Sir Anthony Brown, and went incognito to 
Rochester.* He was announced, and entered the 
room in which the princess was ; but no sooner had 
he crossed the threshold and seen Anne, than he 
stopped confused and troubled. Never had any man 
been more deceived in his expectation. His imagi- 
nation — that mistress of error and of falsehood, as 
it has been called — had depicted to him a beauty 
full of majesty and grace ; and one glance had dis- 
persed all his dreams. Anne was good and well- 
meaning, but rather weak-minded. Her features 
were coarse; her brown complexion was not at all 
like roses and lilies: she was very corpulent, and 
her manners were awkward. Henry had exquisite 
good taste; he could appreciate beauties and defects, 
especially in the figure, the bearing, and the attire of 
a woman. Taste is not without its corresponding 
distaste. Instead of love, the king felt for Anne only 
repugnance and aversion. Struck with astonishment 
and alarm, he stood before her, amazed and silent. 
Moreover, any conversation would have been impos- 
sible, for Anne was not acquainted with English nor 
Henry with Grerman. The betrothed couple could 
not even speak to each other. Henry left the room, 

* One document, The coming of the Lady Anne, states that the inter- 
view was at Blackheath. 


not having courage even to offer to the princess the 
handsome present which he brought for her. He 
threw himself into his bark, and returned gloomy 
and pensive to Greenwich. ' He was woe,' he said to 
himself, ' that ever she came unto England.' * He 
deliberated with himself how to break it off. How 
could men in their senses have made him reports so 
false? He was glad, he said, that 'he had kept himself 
from making any pact of bond with her.' He thought 
that the matter was too far gone for him to break it 
off. ' It would drive the duke her brother into the 
emperor or French king's hands.' The inconvenience 
of a flattering portrait had never been so deeply felt. 
It is not to be doubted that if at this very moment 
the emperor and the king of France had not been 
together at Paris, Henry would have immediately 
sent back the unfortunate young lady.f 

Shortly after the king's arrival at Greenwich, 
Cromwell, the promoter of this unfortunate affair, 
presented himself to his majesty, not without fear, 
and inquired how he liked the lady Anne. The king 
replied, — ' Nothing so well as she was spoken of. 
Had I known as much before as I do now, she should 
not have come within this realm.' Then, with a deep 
sigh, he exclaimed, ' What remedy ? ' J; ' I know none,' 
said Cromwell, ' and I am very sorry therefor.' The 
agents of the king had given proof neither of intelli- 
gence nor of integrity in the matter. Hutton, who 
had written to Cromwell that the princess was not 
beautiful, and Southampton, who had had a good 

Lord Hri-bcvts Life of Hfiirit VJU.. |. Mr. 
t Unci., Depositions of Sir .i.. Bi'owu. Lord Hussell, \-f. 
X Cromwell to the King. Burnet, Hist. Ref., i. p. 207. 

CHAP IT. henry's disappointment. 237 

view of her at Calais, had both spoken to the king 
only of her beauty. On the following day Anne 
arrived at Greenwich ; the king conducted her to the 
apartment assigned to her, and then retired to his 
own, very melancholy and in an ill humour. Crom- 
well again presented himself. ' My lord,' said the 
king, ' say what they will, she is nothing so fair as 
she hath been reported .... howbeit, she is well 
and seemly.' ' By my faith, sir,' replied Cromwell, 
'ye say truth; but I think she has a queenly man- 
ner.' ' Call together the council,' said Henry. 

The princess made her entry into London in great 
pomp, and appeared at the palace. The court had 
heard of Henry's disappointment and was in conster- 
nation. ' Our king,' they said, ' could never marry 
such a queen.' In default of speech, music would 
have been a means of communication ; it speaks and 
moves. Henry and his courtiers were passionately 
fond of it; but Anne did not know a single note. 
She knew nothing but the ordinary occupations of 
women. In vain did Cromwell venture to say to his 
master that she had, nevertheless, a portly and fine 
person. Henry's only thought was how to get rid of 
her. The marriage ceremony was deferred for a few 
days. The council took into consideration the ques- 
tion whether certain projects of union between Anne 
and the eon of the duke of Lorraine did not form an 
obstacle to her marriage with Henry. But the}' 
found here no adequate ground of objection. ' I am 
not well treated,' the king said to Cromwell. Many 
were afraid of a rupture. The divorce between 
Henry and Catherine, the cruelty with which he had 
treated the innocent Anne Boleyn, had already given 


rise to so much discontent in Europe that people 
dreaded a fresh outbreak. The cup was bitter, but 
he must drink it. The 6th of January was positively 
fixed for the fatal nuptials. The king was heard the 
day before murmuring in a low tone with an accent 
of despair, — 'It must be; it must be,' and presently 
after, ' I will put my neck under the yoke.' He de- 
termined to live in a becoming way with the queen. 
An insuperable antipathy filled his heart, but cour- 
teous words were on his lips. In the morning the king 
said to Cromwell, — ' If it were not for the great pre- 
parations that my states and people have made for 
her, and for fear of making a ruflBe in the world, 
and of driving her brother into the hands of the 
emperor and the French king's hands, being now 
together, I would never have ne married her.' Crom- 
well's position had been first shaken by his quarrel 
with Norfolk; it sustained a second shock from the 
king's disappointment. Henry blamed him for his 
misfortune, and Cromwell in vain laid the blame on 

On January 6 the marriage ceremony was per- 
formed at Greenwich by the archbishop, with much 
solemnity but also with great mournfulness. Henry 
comforted himself for his misfortune by the thought 
that he should be allied with the Protestant princes 
against the emperor, if only they would consent 
somewhat to modify their doctrine. On the morrow 
Cromwell again asked him how he liked the queen. 
Worse than ever, replied the king. He continued, 
however, to testify to his wife the respect due to 

* Hall, Lord Herbert, Burnet, Records. 


It was generally anticipated that this union would 
be favourable to the Reformation. Butler, in a letter 
to Bullinger at Zurich, wrote: 'The state and con- 
dition of that kingdom is much more sound and 
healthy since the marriage of the queen than it was 
before. She is an excellent woman, and one who 
fears God ; great hopes are entertained of a very ex- 
tensive propagation of the Gospel by her influence.' 
And in another letter he says : ' There is great hope 
that it [the kingdom] will ere long be in a much 
more healthy state ; and this every good man is 
striving for in persevering prayer to God.' * Reli- 
gious books were publicly oifered for sale, and many 
faithful ministers, particularly Barnes, freely preached 
the truth with much power, and no one troubled 
them.-j- These good people were under a delusion. 
' The king,' they said, ' who is exceedingly merci- 
ful, would wUlingly desire the promotion of the 
truth.' J 

But the Protestantism of the king of England 
was displayed not so much in matters of faith as in 
public affairs. He showed much irritation against 
the emperor ; and this gave rise to a characteristic 
conversation. Henry having instructed (January 
1540) his ambassador in the Netherlands, Sir Thomas 
Wyatt, to make certain representations and demands 
on various subjects which concerned his govern- 
ment, ' / shall not interfere,^ drily replied the grand 

* Original Letters relative to the English Meformation, ii. pp. 627 and 
628, Feb. 24 and March 29, 1540. (Parker Society.) 

t ' The word is powerfully preached hy Baruea and his feUow- 
ministers.' — Ibid. 

X Partridge to Bullinger, Feb. 29, 1540. — 0>-iginal Letters, ^c, ii. 
p. 614. 


potentate. Wyatt having further made complaint that 
the Enghsh merchants in Spain were interfered with 
by the Inquisition, the emperor laconically answered 
that he knew nothing about it, and referred him to 
Granvella. Wyatt then having been so bold as to 
remark that the monarch answered him in an un- 
gracious manner,* Charles interrupted him and said 
that he ' abused his words toward him.' But the 
ambassador, who meant exactly to carry out his 
master's orders, did not stop, but uttered the word 
ingratitude. Henry considered Charles ungrateful 
on the ground that he had greatly obliged him on 
one important occasion. In fact, the emperor iVIaxi- 
milian having offered to secure the empire for the 
king of England, the thought of encircling his brows 
with the crown of the Roman emperors inflamed the 
ardent imagination of the young prince, who was an 
enthusiast for the romantic traditions of the Middle 
Ages. But, after the death of Maximilian, the 
Germans decided in favour of Charles. The latter 
then came to England, and the two kings met. Not 
very much is known of what they said in their inter- 
view ; but whatever it might be, Henry yielded, and 
he believed that to his generosity Charles was in- 
debted for the empire. ' Ingratitude ! ' replied the 
emperor to the ambassador. ' From whom mean you 
to proceed that ingratitude ? . . . I would ye knew 
I am not ingrate, and if the king your master hath 
done me a good turn I have done him as good or 
better. And 1 take it so, that I cannot be toward 
him ingrate ; the inferior may be ingrate to the 

* ' Unkind handling.' (Wyatt to Hemy Yin.)— State Papm-s, viii, 
p. 240, 


greater. But peradventure because the language is 
not your natural tongue, ye may mistake the term.' 
' Sir,' rephed Wyatt, ' I do not know that I misdo in 
using the term that I am commanded.' The emperor 
was much moved. ' Monsieur I'ambassadeur,' he said, 
' the king's opinions be not always the best.' ' My 
master,' Wyatt answered, 'is a prince to give reason 
to God and to the world sufficient in his opinions.' 
' It may be,' Charles said coolly.* His intentions 
were evidently becoming more and more aggressive. 
Henry VIII. clearly perceived what his projects were. 
' Remember,' said the king the same month to the 
duke of Norfolk, whom he had sent as envoy extra- 
ordinary to France, ' that Charles has it in his head 
to bring Christendom to a monarchy.^ For if he be 
persuaded that he is a superior to all kings, then it 
is not to be doubted that he will by all ways and 
means . . . cause all those whom he so reputeth for 
his inferiors to acknowledge his superiority in such 
sort as their estates should easily be altered at his 
arbitre.' These words show that Henry possessed 
more political good sense than was usually attributed 
to him ; but they are not exactly a proof of his evan- 
gelical zeal. 

He did something, however, in this direction. 
Representatives of the elector of Saxony and the 
landgrave of Hesse had accompanied Anne of Cleves 
to England. Henry received them kindly and enter- 
tained them magnificently ; he succeeded so weU in 
dazzling them by his converse and his manners, that 
these grave ambassadors sent word to their masters 
how the nuptials of his majesty had been celebrated 

* state Papers, viii.^. 241, t HM., p. 249. 



under joyful and sacred auspices.* Nevertheless, 
they did not conceal from Henry YIII. that the 
elector and the landgrave ' had been thrown into 
consternation, as well as many others, by an atro- 
cious decree, the result of the artifices of certain 
bishops, partisans of Roman impiety.' Thereupon 
the king; who wished by all means to gain over the 
evangelical princes, declared to their representatives 
' that his wisdom should soften the harshness of the 
decree, that he would even suspend its execution, and 
that there was nothing in the world that he more de- 
sired than to see the true doctrine of Christ shine in all 
churches,! and that he was determined always to set 
heavenly truth before the tradition of men.' In con- 
sequence of these statements of the king the Witten- 
berg theologians sent to him some evangelical articles, 
to which they requested his adherence, and which were 
entirely opposed to those of Gardiner.;}: We shall pre- 
sently see how Henry proceeded to fulfil his promises. 
Cromwell was anxious to take advantage of these 
declarations to get the Gospel preached, and he knew 
men capable of preaching it. He relied most of all 
on Barnes, who had returned to England with the 
most flattering testimonials from the Wittenberg 
reformers, and even from the elector of Saxony and 
the king of Denmark. Barnes had been employed by 
Henry in the negotiation of his marriage with Anne 
of Cleves, and had thus contributed to this union, a 
circumstance which did not greatly recommend him 

* ' Exposuerunt auspicia nuptiarum fuisse Iseta et sancta.' — Corp. 
Ref., iii. p. 1005. 

t ' Ut vera doctrina Ohristi luceat in Ecclesiis.' — Ihid., p, 1007. 
Strype, Ecchs. Mem., i. p. 548. 

X ' Articuli in Angliam missi.' — Corp. Ref., iii. p. 1009. 

OHAP. rv. Gardiner's sekmon, 243 

to the king. There were, besides, Garret, curate of 
All Saints' Church, in Honey-lane, of whom we have 
elsewhere spoken ; * Jerome, rector of Stepney, and 
others. Bonner, who on his return from France was 
elected bishop of London, and who was afterwards a 
zealous persecutor, designated these three evangelical 
ministers to preach at Paul's Cross during Lent in 
1540. Bonner, perhaps, stUl wished to curry favour 
with Cromwell ; or perhaps these preachers had been 
complained of, and the king wished to put them 
to the test.f Barnes was to preach the first Sunday 
(Feb. 14) ; but Gardiner, foreboding danger, wished 
to prevent him, and consequently sent word to 
Bonner that he should that day preach himself. 
Barnes resigned the pulpit to this powerful prelate, 
who, well aware what doctrine the three evangelicals 
would proclaim at St. Paul's, was determined to pre- 
vent them, and craftily to stir up prejudices against 
the innovators and their innovations. Confutation 
beforehand, he thought, is more useful than after- 
wards. It is better to be first than second ; better 
to prevent evils than to cure them. He displayed 
some ingenuity and wit. Many persons were attracted 
by the notion that the Reformation was a progress 
and advance. He alleged that it was the contrary ; 
and, taking for his text the words addressed to Jesus 
by the tempter on the pinnacle of the temple, Cast 
thyself down, he said : ' Now-a-days the devil tempteth 
the world and biddeth them to cast themselves back- 
ward. There is no forward in the new teaching, 

* History of the Refcyrmation, First Series. 

t Tliis is Fox's opinion {Acts and Monuments, v. p. 420) ; the former 
is the more prohaWe. 



but all backward. Xow the devil teachetb, Come 
back from fasting, come back from praying, come 
back from confession, come back from weeping for 
thy sins; and all is backward, insomuch that men 
must now learn to say their Pater-Noster backward.' '"" 
The bishop of Winchester censured with especial 
severity the evangelical preachers, on the ground 
that they taught the remission of sins through faith 
and not by works. Of old, he said, heaven was sold 
at Rome for a little money ; now that we have done 
with all that trumpery the devil hath invented 
another — he offers us heaven for nothing ! A living 
faith which unites us to the Saviour was counted as 
nothing by Gardiner. 

On the following Sunday Barnes preached. The 
lord mayor and Gardiner, side by side, and many 
other reporters^ says the Chronicle, were present at 
the service. The preacher vigorously defended the 
doctrine attacked by the bishop ; but unfortunately, 
he indulged, like him, in attempts at wit, and even in 
a play upon his name, complaining of the gardener who 
would not take away the tares from the garden of the 
Lord. This punning would anywhere have been offen- 
sive ; it was doubly offensive in the pulpit in the pre- 
sence of the bishop himself. ' Punning,' says one, ' the 
poorest kind of would-be wit.' Barnes, however, ap- 
pears to have been conscious of his fault ; for before 
he closed his discourse he humbly l^egged Gardiner, 
in the presence of all his hearers, to lift up his hand, 
if he forgave him. Gardiner lifted up only a finger. 
Garret preached energetically the next Sunday ; but he 
studiously avoided offending anyone. Lastly, Jerome 

* Gardiner's Sermon, Fox, Acts, v. p. 430, 


preached, and taking up the passage relating to Sarah 
and Hagar in the epistle of St. Paul to the Galatians, 
maintained that all those who are born of Sarah, the 
lawful wife, that is, who have been regenerated by 
faith, are fully and positively justified.* 

Bishop Gardiner and his friends lost no time in 
complaining to the king of the ' intolerable arrogance 
of Barnes.' ' A prelate of the kingdom to be thus 
insulted at Paul's Cross ! ' said the former ambassador 
to France. Henry sent for the culprit to his cabinet. 
Barnes confessed that he had forgotten himself, and 
promised to be on his guard against such rash speeches 
in future. Jerome and Garret likewise were repri- 
manded; and the king commanded the three evangel- 
ists to read in public on the following Sunday, at the 
solemn Easter service celebrated in the church of St. 
Mary's Hospital, a retractation which was delivered 
to them in writing. They felt bound to submit unre- 
servedly to the commands of the king. Barnes, there- 
fore, when the 4th of April was come, ascended the 
pulpit and read word for word the official paper which 
he had received. After this, turning to the bishop of 
Winchester, who was present by order of the king, he 
earnestly and respectfully begged his pardon. Having 
thus discharged, as he believed, his duty, first as a 
subject, then as a Christian, he felt bound to discharge 
also that of a minister of God. He therefore preached 
powerfully the doctrine of salvation by grace, the very 
doctrine for which he was persecuted. The lord mayor, 
who was sitting by Gardiner's side, turned to the 
bishop and asked him whether he should send him from 
the pulpit to ward for that his bold preaching con- 
* Fox, Acts, V. p. 429. Gal. iv. 22. 


trary to his retractation.* Garret and Jerome having 
followed the example of Barnes, the king gave orders 
that the three evangelists should be taken and confined 
in the Tower. ' Three of our best ministers,' wrote But- 
ler to BuUinger, ' are confined in the Tower of London. 
You may judge from this of our misfortunes.' f 

At the same time that Henry '\'^III. was imprison- 
ing the ministers of God's Word, he was giving full 
liberty to the Word itself. It must be confessed that 
in his conflict with the pope he did make use of the 
Bible. He interpreted it, indeed, in his own way ; but 
still he used it and helped to circulate it. This was 
a fact of importance for the Reformation in England. 
The fii'st Bible named after Cranmer appeared at this 
time (April 1540), with a preface by the archbishop, 
in which he called upon 'high and low, male and 
female, rich and poor, master and servant, to read it 
and to meditate upon it in their own houses.' J A mag- 
nificent copy on vellum was presented to the king. In 
the same month appeared another Bible, printed in 
smaller type; in July another great Bible; in Novem- 
ber a third in foho, authorized by Henry YIII., ' su- 
preme head of his church.' It would seem even that 
there was one more edition this year. At aU events, 
the New Testament was printed.§ The enemies of 
the Bible were in power. Nevertheless the Bible 
was gaining the victory; and the luminary which 
was to enlighten the world was beginning to shed 
abroad its light everywhere. 

* Fox, Acts, V. p. 433. 
t Original Letters, S^e., ii. p. 632. 

X The Bible in English, with a prologue hy the Architishoj) of Canter- 
bury. The kingr's copy is in the British Museum. 
§ Anderson, English Bible, index, p. is. 




EIGHT days after the imprisonment of Barnes and 
his two friends (April 12, 1540), parliament 
opened for the first time without abbots or priors. 
Cromwell was thoughtful and uneasy; he saw every- 
where occasions of alarm ; he felt his position insecure. 
The statute of the Six Articles, the conviction which 
possessed his mind that the doctrines of the Middle 
Ages were regaining an indisputable ascendency over 
the king, the wrath of Norfolk, and Henry's iUwill on 
account of the queen whom Cromwell had chosen for 
him — these were the dark points which threatened 
his future. His friends were scattered or perse- 
cuted ; his enemies were gathered about the throne. 
Henry, however, made no sign, but secretly medi- 
tated a violent blow. He concealed the game he 
was playing so that others, and especially Cromwell 
himself, should have no perception of it. The power- 
ful minister, therefore, appeared in parliament, as- 
suming a confident air, as the ever-powerfiil organ 
of the supreme will of the king. Henry VIII., the 
man of extremes, thought proper at this time to 
exhibit himself as an advocate of a middle course. 
The country is agitated by religious dissensions, said 
the vicegerent, his representative; and in his speech 


to tke House he set fortli on the one hand the rooted 
superstition and obstinate chnging to popery, and on 
the other thoughtless and impertinent and culpable 
rashness (referring doubtless to Barnes) : that the king 
desired a union of the two parties; that he leaned to 
neither side ; that he would equally repress the licence 
of heretics and that of the papists, and that he ' set 
the pure and sincere doctrine of Christ before his 
eyes.' * These words of Cromwell were wise. Union 
in the truth is the great want of all ages. But 
Henry added his comment. He refused to turn to 
the right or to the left. He would not himself hold, 
nor did he intend to permit England to hold, any 
other doctrine than that prescribed by his own sove- 
reign authority, sword in hand. Cromwell did not 
fail to let it be known by what method the king meant 
to bring about this union ; he insisted on penalties 
against all who did not submit to the Bible and 
against those who put upon it a wrong interpretation. 
Henry intended to strike right and left with his vigor- 
ous lance. To carry out the scheme of union a com- 
mission was appointed, the result of which, after two 
years' labours, was a confused medley of truths and 

Strange to say, although Cromwell was now on 
the brink of an abyss, the king still heaped favours 
upon him. He Avas already chancellor of the Exche- 
quer, first secretary of state, vicegerent and vicar- 
general of England in spiritual affairs, lord privy seal, 
and knight of the Garter ; but he was now to see fi*esh 
honours added to all these. The earl of Essex had just 

' Strype, Eccles. Mem., i. p. 550. 

t The Xecessary Erudition of a Christian Man, 

CHAP. V. Cromwell's honours and wealth. 249 

died, and a week later died the earl of Oxford, who 
had been lord cliamberlain. Hereupon Henry made 
Cromwell, ' the blacksmith's son,' whom Norfolk and 
the other nobles despised so heartily, earl of Essex 
and lord chamberlain, and had his name placed at the 
head of the roll of peers. Wealth was no more want- 
ing to him than honours. He received a large por- 
tion of the property of the deceased lord Essex ; the 
king conferred on him thirty manors taken from the 
suppressed monasteries ; he owned great estates in 
eight counties ; and he still continued to superintend 
the business of the crown. We might well ask how 
it came to pass that such a profusion of favours fell to 
his lot just at the time when the king was angry with 
him as the man who had given him Anne of Cleves 
for a wife ; when the imprisonment of Barnes, his 
friend and confidential agent, greatly compromised him, 
and when, in addition to these things, Norfolk, Gardi- 
ner, and the whole Catholic party were striving to put 
down this parvenu, who offended them and stood in 
their way. Two answers may be given to this ques- 
tion. Henry was desirous that Cromwell should make 
a great effort to secure the assent of parliament to 
bills of a very extraordinary character but very ad- 
vantageous to the king; and it was his hope that the 
titles under which Cromwell would appear before the 
houses would make success easier. Several contem- 
poraries, however, assigned a different cause for these 
royal favours. ' Some persons now suspect,' wrote 
Hilles to BuUinger, ' that this was all an artifice, to 
make people conclude that he [Cromwell] must have 
been a most wicked traitor, and guUty of treason in 
every possible way ; or else the king would never 


have executed one who was so dear to him, as was made 
manifest by the presents he had bestowed upon him.' * 
Besides, was it not the custom of the ancients to crown 
their victims with flowers before sacrificing them ? 

Henry was greedy of money, and was in want of 
it, for he spent it prodigally. He applied to Crom- 
well for it. The latter was aware that in making 
himself the king's instrument in this matter he was 
estranging from himself the mind of the nation; but 
he considered that a great sovereign must have great 
resources, and he was always willing to sacrifice him- 
self for tlie king, for to him he owed everything, 
and he loved him in spite of Ms faults. On April 23, 
four days after receiving from the king such extra- 
ordinary favours, Cromwell proposed to the house to 
suppress the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, and 
urged that their estates, which were considerable, 
should be given to the king. This was agreed to by 
Parliament. On May 3 he demanded for his majesty 
a subsidy of unparalleled character, namely, four 
tenths and fifteenths, in addition to ten per cent, on 
the rents of lands and five per cent, on the value 
of merchandise. This also he obtained. Next he 
went to the convocation of the clergy, and claimed 
fi-om them two tenths and twenty per cent, on eccle- 
siastical revenues for two years. Again he succeeded. 
By May 8 the king had obtained through Cromwell's 
energy all that he wished for. 

On the very next day, Sunday, May 9, Cromwell 
received in his palace a note fi-om the king thus 
worded : — f 

* Original Letters, &c., i. p. 202. 
t Cotton MS. Tit. B. 1. p. 406. 

CHAP. V. THE king's letter TO HIM. 251 

' Henry R. 

' By the King. 

'Right trusty and well beloved cousin, — We 
greet you well ; signifying unto you our pleasure 
and commandment is that forthwith, and upon the 
receipt of these our letters, setting all other affairs 
apart, ye do repair unto us, for the treaty of such 
great and weighty matters as whereupon doth consist 
the surety of our person, the preservation of our 
honour, and the tranquillity and quietness of you, 
and all other our loving and faithful subjects, like as 
at your arrival here ye shall more plainly perceive 
and understand. And that ye fail not hereof, as we 
specially trust you. 

' Given under our signet, at our manor of West- 
minster, the 9th day of May.' 

What could this urgent and mysterious note 
mean? Cromwell could not rest after reading it. 
' The surety of our person, the preservation of our 
honour ' are in question, said the king. We may 
imagine the agitation of his mind, his fears as to the 
result of the visit, and the state of perplexity in 
which, without losing a minute, he went in obedience 
to the king's command. We have no information as 
to what passed at this interAdew. Probably the 
minister supposed that he had justified himself in his 
master's sight. On the following day, Monday, the 
earl of Essex was present as usual in the House of 
Lords and introduced a bill. The day after, parlia- 
ment was prorogued till May 25. What could be the 
reason for this? It has been supposed that Crom- 
well's enemies wished to gain the time needful for col- 


lecting evidence in support of the charges which they 
intended to bring aojainst him. When the fifteen 
days had elapsed, parliament met again, and the earl 
of Essex was in his place on the first and following 
days. He was still in the assembly as minister of 
the king on June 10, on which day, at three o'clock, 
there was a meeting of the Privy Council. The duke 
of Norfolk, the earl of Essex, and the other members 
were quietly seated round the table, when the duke 
rose and accused Cromwell of high treason. Crom- 
well understood that Xorfolk was acting under the 
sanction of the king, and he recollected the note of 
May 9. The lord chancellor arrested him and had 
him conducted to the Tower.* 

Norfolk was more than ever in favour, for Henry, 
husband of Anne of Cleves, was at this time ena- 
moured of Norfolk's niece. He believed — and Gardi- 
ner, doubtless, did not fail to encourage the belief — 
that he must promptly take advantage of the extra- 
ordinary goodwill which the king testified to him to 
overthrow the adversary of Anglican Catholicism, 
the powerful protector of the Bible and the Reforma- 
tion. In the judgment of this party CromweU was a 
heretic and a chief of heretics. This was the prin- 
cipal motive, and substantially the only motive, of 
the attack made on the earl of Essex. In a letter 
addressed at this time by the Council to Sir John 
Wallop,f ambassador at the court of France, a cir- 
cular letter sent also to the principal officers and 
representatives of the king, the crime of which Crom- 

* State Papers, viii. pp. 241, 276, 282, 28fi, 295, 299 (Hemy to 

t State Papers, viii. pp. 349-360. 


well was accused is distinctly set forth. ' The lord 
privy seal,' it was therera said, ' to whom the king's 
said majesty hath been so special good and gracious 
lord, neither remembering his duty herein to God, 
nor yet to his highness . . . hath not only wrought 
clean contrary to this his grace's most godly intent, 
secretly and indirectly advancing the one of the ex- 
tremes, and leaving the mean indifferent true and 
virtuous way which his majesty sought and so en- 
tirely desired; but also hath showed himself so fer- 
vently bent to the maintenance of that his outrage 
that he hath not spared most privUy, most traitor- 
ously, to devise how to continue the same, and plainly 
in terms to saj', as it hath been justified to his face 
by good witness, that if the king and all his realm 
would turn and vary from his opinions, he would 
fight in the field in his" own person, with his sword 
in his hand, against him and all other; adding that 
if he lived a year or two he trusted to bring things 
to that frame that it should not lie in the king's 
power to resist or let it, if he would ; binding his 
words with such oaths and making such gesture and 
demonstration with his arms, that it might well 
appear he had no less fixed in his heart than was 
uttered with his mouth. For the which apparent 
and most detestable treasons, and also for . . . other 
enormities ... he is committed to the Tower of 
London, there to remain till it shall please his majesty 
to have him thereupon tried according to the order 
of his laws.' It was added that the king, remember- 
ing how men wanting the knowledge of the truth 
would speak diversely of the matter, desired therh to 
declare and open the whole truth. 


Nothing could be more at variance with the cha- 
racter and the whole life of Cromwell than the fool- 
ish sayings attributed to him. Every intelligent man 
might see that they were mere falsehoods invented by 
the Catholic party to hide its own criminal conduct. 
But at the same time it most clearly pointed out in 
this letter the real motive of the blow aimed at Crom- 
well, the first, true, efficient cause of his fall, the 
object which his enemies had in view and towards 
which they were working. They fancied that the 
overthrow of Cromwell would be the overthrow of 
the Eeformation. Wallop did not fail to impart the 
information to the court to which he was accredited; 
and Henry YIII. was delighted to hear of 'the 
friendly rejoyce of our good brother the French king, 
the constable and others there,' on learning the arrest 
of the lord privy seal.* This rejoicing was very 
natural on the part of Francis I., Montmorency, and 
the rest of them. 

As soon as the arrest of June 10 was known, the 
majority of those who had most eagerly sought after 
the favour of Cromwell, and especially Bonner, bishop 
of London, immediately turned round and declared 
against him. He had gained no popularity by pro- 
moting the last bills passed to the king's advantage ; 
and the news of his imprisonment was therefore re- 
ceived with shouts of joy.f In the midst of the 
general dejection, one man alone remained faithful 
to the prisoner — this was Cranmer. The man who 
had formerly undertaken the defence of Anne Boleyn 
now came forward in defence of Cromwell. The 

* Henry Xlll. to AVallop.— *(rfe Papers, viii. p. 362. 
t Lord Herbert's Life of Sem-y VIII., p. 520. 

CHAP. T. CRANMER's plea EOR him. 255 

archbishop did not attend the Privy Council on 
Thursday, June 10 ; but being in his place on the 
Friday, he heard that the earl of Essex had been 
arrested as a traitor. The tidings astonished and 
affected him deeply. He saw in Cromwell at this 
time not only his personal friend, not only the pru- 
dent and devoted supporter of the Reformation, but 
also the ablest minister and the most faithful servant 
of the king. He saw the danger to which he exposed 
himself by undertaking the defence of the prisoner ; 
and he felt that it was his duty not recklessly to offend 
the king. He therefore wrote to him in a prudent 
manner, reminding him, nevertheless, energetically of 
all that Cromwell had been. His letter to the king 
was written the day after he heard of the fall of the 
minister. 'I heard yesterday in your grace's council,' 
he says, ' that he [Cromwell] is a traitor ; yet who 
cannot be sorrowful and amazed that he should be a 
traitor against your majesty, he that was so advanced 
by your majesty; he whose surety was only by your 
majesty ; he who loved your majesty (as 1 ever 
thought) no less than God; he who studied always to 
set forwards whatsoever was your majesty's will and 
pleasure; he that cared for no man's displeasure to 
serve your majesty; he that was such a servant, in 
my judgment, in wisdom, diligence, faithfulness, and 
experience, as no prince in this realm ever had ; he 
that was so vigUant to preserve your majesty from 
all treasons that few could be so secretly conceived 
but he detected the same in the beginning? If the 
noble princes of memory, king John, Henry II., and 
Eichard II. had had such a counsellor about them, I 
suppose that they should never have been so traitor- 


ously abandoned and overthrown as those good pious 
princes were. ... I loved him as my friend, for so 
I took him to be ; but I chiefly loved him for the 
love which I thought I saw him bear ever towards 
your grace, singularly above all other. But now, if 
he be a traitor, I am sorry that ever I loved him or 
trusted him, and I am very glad that his treason is 
discovered iu time. But yet again I am very sor- 
rowful, for who shall your grace trust hereafter, if 
you might not trust him ? Alas ! I bewaU and lament 
your grace's chance herein, I wot not whom your 
grace may trust. But I pray God continually 
night and day to send such a counsellor iu his place 
whom your grace may trust, and who for all his 
qualities can and will serve your grace like to him, 
and that will have so much solicitude and care to 
preserve your grace from all dangers as I ever 
thought he had.' * 

Cranmer was. doubtless a weak man; but assuredly 
it was a proof of some devotion to truth and justice, 
and of some boldness too, thus to plead the cause of the 
prisoner before a prince so absolute as Henry YIIL, 
and even to express the wish that some efficient suc- 
cessor might be found. Lord Herbert of Gherbury 
thinks that Cranmer wrote to the king boldly ; and 
this is also our opinion. The prince being intolerant 
of contradiction, this step of the archbishop was more 
than was needed to ruin him as well as Cromwell. 

Meanwhile, the enemies of the prisoner were trv- 
ing to find other grounds of accusation besides that 
which they had first brought forward. Indeed, it 

* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry Till., p. 521. Cranmer, TForks, ii. 
p. 401. 


seemed to some persons a strange thing that he who, 
under Henry VIII., was head of the church, vice- 
gerent in spiritual affairs, should be a heretic and a 
patron of heretics ; and many found in this charge an 
' occasion of merriment.' * They set to work, there- 
fore, after the blow, to discover offences on the part 
of the accused. After taking great pains, this is 
what they discovered and set forth in the bill of 
attainder: 1. That he had set at liberty some pri- 
soners suspected of treason ; a crime indeed in the 
eyes of a gloomy despoi, but in the judgment of 
righteous men an act of justice and virtue. 2. That 
he had granted freedom of export of corn, horses, 
and other articles of commerce ; the crime of free 
trade which would be no crime now. Not a single 
instance can be specified in which Cromwell had 
received any present for such licence. 3. That he had, 
though a low-born man, given places and orders, 
saying only that he was sure that the king would 
approve them. On this point Cromwell might rea- 
sonably allege the multiplicity of matters entrusted 
to his care, and the annoyance to which it must have 
subjected the king, had he continually troubled him 
to decide the most trifling questions. 4. That he 
had given permission, both to the king's subjects 
and to foreigners, to cross the sea ' without any 
search.' This intelligent minister appears to have 
aimed at an order of things less vexatious and more 
liberal than that established under Henry VIII., and 
in this respect he stood ahead of his age. 5. That 
he had made a large fortune, that he had lived in 

* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII., p. 522. 


ojreat state, and had not duly honoured the nobility. 
There were not a few of the nobles who were far 
from being honourable, and this great worker had 
no liking for drones and idlers. With respect to his 
fortune, Cromwell incurred heavy expenses for the 
affairs of the realm. In many countries he kept 
well-paid agents, and the money which he had in his 
hands was spent more in state affairs than in satisfying 
his personal wishes. In all this there was evidently 
more to praise than to blame. But CromweU had 
enemies who went further than his official accusers. 
The Roman Catholics gave out that he had aspired 
to the hand of the king's daughter, the princess 
Mary.* This would have been a strange and sym- 
pathetic union, between the Malleus monachorum and 
the fanatical Mary ! 

These groundless charges were followed by the 
true motives for his disgrace. It was alleged that 
he had adopted heretical (that is to say, evangeHcal) 
opinions ; that he had promoted the circulation of 
heretical works ; that he had settled in the realm 
many heretical ministers ; and that he had caused 
men accused of heresy to be set at liberty. That 
when anyone went to him to make complaint of 
detestable errors, he defended the heretics and 
severely censured the informers ; and that in March 
last, persons having complained to him of the new 
preachers, he answered that ' their preaching was 
good.'f For these crimes, the acts of a Christian, 

* 'The cardinal of Belly . . . showed me tliat the said Prevey Seales 
intent was to have manyed my lady Mary.' — Wallop to Henry \T[I. 
State Pnpcrs, viii. p. 379. 

t See Cromwell's Attainder. Burnet, Records, i. No. 16. Lord 
Herbert's Life of Senry VIII., p. 621. 


honest and beneficent man, condemnation must be 
pronounced. Cromwell indeed was guilty. 

The conduct of the prosecution was entrusted 
to Richard Rich, formerly speaker of the House of 
Commons, now solicitor -general and chancellor of the 
court of augmentations. He had already rendered 
service to the king in the trials of Bishop Fisher and 
Sir Thomas More ; the same might be expected of 
him in the trial of Cromwell. It appears that he 
accused Cromwell of being connected with Throg- 
morton,* the friend and agent of Cardinal Pole. 
Now the mere mention of Pole's name would put 
Henry out of temper. Cromwell's alliance with this 
Mend of the pope was the pendant of his scheme of 
marriage with the lady Mary ; the one was as probable 
as the other. Cromwell wrote from his prison to 
the king on the subject, and stoutly denied the fable. 
It was not introduced into the formal pleadings ; but 
the charge was left vaguely impending over him, and 
it was reasserted that he was guilty of treason. 
Cromwell was certainly not faultless. He was above 
all a politician, and political interests had too much 
weight with him. He was the advocate of some vexa- 
tious and unjust measures, and he acted sometimes in 
opposition to his own principles. But his main fault 
was a too servile devotion to the prince who pre- 
tended that he had been betrayed by him ; and of 
this he had given a lamentable proof in the case of 
Anne Boleyn. 

His enemies were afraid that, if the trial were 
conducted openly before his peers according to law, 

* Anderson, English Bible, ii. p. 110. 



he would make his voice heard and clear himself of all 
their imputations. They resolved therefore to pro- 
ceed against him without trial, and without discus- 
sion, by the parliamentary method, by biH of attainder; 
a course pronounced by Roman Catholics themselves 
' a most iniquitous measure.' * He ought to have 
been tried, and he was not tried. He was, however, 
confronted on Friday, Jime 11, the day after his 
arrest, with one of his accusers, and thus learnt what 
were the charges brought agaiast him. Conducted 
again to the Tower, he became fully aware of the 
danger which was impending over him. The power 
of his enemies, Gardiner and Xorfolk, the increasing 
disfavour of Anne of Cleves, which seemed inevitably 
to involve his own ruin, the proceedings instituted 
agaiust Barnes and other evangelists, the anger of the 
king — all these things alarmed him and produced the 
conviction iu his mind that the issue was doubtful, 
and that the danger was certain. He was in a state of 
great distress and deep melancholy ; gloomy thoughts 
oppressed him, and his hmbs trembled. The prison 
has been called the porch of the grave, and Cromwell 
indeed looked upon it as a grave. On June 30 
he wrote to the king from his gloomy abode an 
affecting letter, ' with heavy heart and trembling 
hand,' as he himself said. 

About the end of June, the duke of Xorfolk, the 
lord chancellor, and the lord high admiral went to 
the Tower, instructed to examine Cromwell and to 
make various declarations to him on the part of the 

* Tiingard, Kist. of England, t. p. 143. The same course had been 
adopted with respect to the Countess of Salisbury ; and Cromwell, it was 
said, was impHcated in that case. It must, however, be observed that 
this lady was not executed till a year after Cromwell's death. 


king. The most important of these related to the 
marriage of Henry VIII. with Anne of Cleves. 
They called upon him to state all that he knew 
touching this marriage, ' as he might do before God 
on the dread day of judgment.' On June 30 Crom- 
well wrote to the king a letter in which he set 
forth what he knew on the subject ; and he added : 
' And this is all that I know, most gracious and most 
merciful sovereign lord, beseeching Almighty God 
... to counsel you, preserve you, maintain you, 
remedy you, relieve and defend you, as may be most 
to your honour, with prosperity, health and comfort 
of your heart's desire . . . [giving you] continuance 
of Nestor's years. . . I am a most woeful prisoner, 
ready to take the death, when it shall please God 
and your majesty ; and yet the frail flesh inciteth me 
continually to call to your grace for mercy and grace 
for mine offences : and thus Christ save, preserve, 
and keep you. 

' Written at the Tower this Wednesday, the last 
day of June, with the heavy heart and trembling hand 
of your highness' most heavy and most miserable 
prisoner and poor slave, 

' Thomas Crumwell.' 

After having signed the letter, Cromwell, over- 
powered with terror at his future prospects, added : — 

' Most gracious prince, I cry for mercy, mercy, 
mercy.' * 

The heads of the clerical party, impatient to be 
rid of an enemy whom they hated, hurried on the 
fatal decree. The parliament met on Thursday, 
June 17, seven days after Cromwell's imprisonment; 

* Cromwell's Letter to Henry VIU. Barnet, Records, i. p. 301. 


and Cramner, who had attended the sittings of the 
House of Lords on the previous days, was not present 
on this occasion. The earl of Southampton, who 
had become lord keeper of the privy seal in Crom- 
well's place, entered and presented the bill of at- 
tainder against his predecessor. It was read a first 
time. The second and third readings followed on 
Saturday the 19th. Cranmer. whose absence had pro- 
bably been noticed, was present ; and, according to his 
lamentable system, adapted to the despotism of his 
master, after having complied with the dictate of 
his conscience by calling to mind the merits of Crom- 
well, he complied with the will of the king, and by 
his silence acquiesced in the proceedings of the House. 
The bin was sent to the lower House. It appears 
that the commons raised some scruples or objections, 
for the bill remained under consideration for ten days. 
It was not until June 29 that the commons sent the 
bill back to the peers, with some amendments ; and 
the peers, ever in haste, ordered that the three 
readings should take place at the same sitting. They 
then sent it to the king,' who gave his assent to it. 
The man who was prosecuted had been so powerful 
that it was feared lest he should regain his strength 
and begin to advance with fresh energy. 

The king, meanwhile, seems to have hesitated. 
He was less decided than those who at this time 
enjoyed his favour. 

Although the lord chancellor, the duke of Nor- 
folk, and lord Eussell had come to announce to 
Cromwell that the bUl of attainder had passed, he 
remained still a whole month in the Tower. The 
royal commissioners interrogated him at intervals on 


various subjects. It seems even that the king sent 
him relief, probably to mitigate the severities of his 
imprisonment. Cromwell habitually received the 
king's commissioners with dignity, and answered 
them with discretion. Whether the questions touched 
on temporal or ecclesiastical affairs, he ever showed 
himself better informed than his questioners.* 

Henry sent word to him that he might write any- 
thing that he thought meet under his present circum- 
stances. From this, Cromwell appears to have con- 
ceived a hope that the king would not permit his 
sentence to be executed. He took courage and wrote 
to the king. ' Most gracious king,' he said, ' your 
most lamentable servant and prisoner prostrate at the 
feet of your most excellent majesty, have heard your 
pleasure. . . that I should write. . . First, where I have 
been accused to your majesty of treason, to that I say, 
I never in all my life thought willingly to do that 
thing that might or should displease your majesty. . . 
What labours, pains, and travails I have taken, accord- 
ing to my rtfost bounden duty God also knoweth. . . . 
If it had been or were in my power, to make your 
majesty so puissant, as all the world should be com- 
pelled to obey you, Christ he knoweth I would, . . for 
your majesty hath been . . . more like a dear father 
. . . than a master. . . Should anj^ faction or any affec- 
tion to any point make me a traitor to your majesty, 
then all the devils in hell confound me, and the ven- 
geance of God light upon me. . . Yet our liOrd, if it 
be his will, can do with me as he did with Susan, who 
was falsely accused. . . Other hope than in God and 
your majesty I have not. . . Amongst other things, 
* Fox, Acts, V. p. 401. 

2fi4 THE EEFOEilATION IN EUROPE. book xv. 

most gracious sovereign, master comptroller shewed 
m.e that your grace shewed him that within these 
fourteen days ye committed a matter of great secresy, 
which I did reveal. . . This I did. . . I spake privily 
with her [the queen's] lord chamberlain . . . desiring 
him ... to find some mean that the queen might be 
induced to order your grace pleasantly in her behaviour 
towards you. . . If I have offended your majesty there- 
in, prostrate at your majesty's feet I most lowly ask 
mercy and pardon of your highness. . . Written with 
the quaking hand and most sorrowful heart of your 
most sorrowful subject and most humble servant and 
prisoner, this Saturday at your [Tower] of London, 

' Thomas Ceumwell.' * 

Cromwell was resigned to death; and the princi- 
pal object of his concern was the fate of his son, his 
grandchildren, and likewise of his domestic servants. 
His son was in a good position, having married a sister 
of the queen Jane Seymour. ' Sir, upon my knees,' 
he said, ' I most humbly beseech your gracious majesty 
to be good and gracious lord to my poor son, the good 
and virtuous woman his wife, and their poor children, 
and also to my servants. And this I desii'e of your 
grace for Christ's sake.' The unhappy father, return- 
ing to liis own case, finished by saying, ' j\Iost gracious 
prince, mercy, mercy, mercy! ' f Cromwell wrote 
twice in this manner; and the king was so much 
affected by the second of these letters that he ' com- 
manded it thrice to be read to him.' J 

Would Cromwell then, after all, escape? Those 

' Burnet, Hecords. ii. p. 214. 

t Cotton MS. Titus, B. 1, fol. 207. (Jrijrinal Letters, &c. (EDis), 
Serie= ii. p. 160. % Fox, Acts, v. p. 402. 


who were ignorant of what was passing at court 
looked upon it as impossible that he should be sacri- 
ficed so long as Anne of Cleves was queen of England. 
But the very circumstances which seemed to them the 
guarantee of his safety were to be instead the occa- 
sion of his ruin. 

Henry's dislike to his wife was ever increasing, and 
he was determined to get rid of her. But, as usual, 
he concealed beneath flowers the weapon with which 
he was about to strike her. In the month of March, 
the king gave, in honour of the queen, a grand fete 
with a tournament, as he had done for Anne Boleyn; 
and amongst the nurnerous combatants, who took part 
in the joustmg were Sir Thomas Seymour, the earl 
of Sussex, Harry Howard, and Richard Cromwell, 
nephew of the earl of Essex, and ancestor of the great 
Protector Oliver.* 

One circumstance contributed to hasten the de- 
cision of the king. There was at the court a young- 
lady, small of stature, of a good figure and beau- 
tiful countenance, of ladylike manners, coquettish 
and forward, who at this time made a deep impres- 
sion on Henry. This was Catherine Howard, a 
niece of the duke of Norfolk, now residing with her 
grandmother, the duchess dowager, who allowed her 
great liberty. Katherine was in every respect a con- 
trast to Aune of Cleves. Henry resolved to marry 
her, and for this purpose to get rid forthwith of 
his present wife. As he was desirous of being pro- 
visionally relieved of her presence, he persuaded her 
that a change of air would be very beneficial to 
her, and that it was necessary that she should make a 

• Hall. 


stay in the country. On June 24 lie sent the good 
princess, who felt grateful for his attentions, to Rich- 
mond. At the same time he despatched the bishop 
of Bath to her brother, the duke of Cleves, with a 
view to prepare him for the very unexpected decision 
^vhich was impending over his sister, and to avert 
any vexatious consequences.* 

Cromwell, then, had no aid to look for at the 
hands of a queen already forsaken and ere long repu- 
diated. He could not hope to escape death. His 
enemies were urgent for the execution of the bill. 
They professed to have discovered a correspondence 
which he had carried on with the Protestant princes 
of Germany, f 

Cromwell's determination to oflFer no opposition to 
the king led him to commit serious mistakes, un- 
worthy of a Christian. Nevertheless, according to 
documents still extant, he died like a Christian. He 
was not the first, nor the last, who in the presence of 
death, of capital punishment, has examined himself, 
and confessed himself a sinner. While he spumed 
the accusations made by his enemies, he humbled 
himself before the weightier and more solemn accusa- 
tions of his own conscience. How often had his own 
win been opposed to the commandments of the divine 
wUl! But at the same time he discovered in the 
Gospel the grace which he had but imperfectly known ; 
and the doctrines which the Catholic church of the 
first ages had professed became dear to liim. 

On July 28, 1540, Cromwell was taken to Tower 
Hill, the place of execution. On reaching the scafibld 

* Lord Hertert'e Life of Henry VIII., p. 529. 
t Le Grand, Divorce, ii. p. 235. 


he said: 'I am come hither to die, and not to purge 
myself. . . For since the time that I have had years of 
discretion, I have lived a sinner and offended my Lord 
God, for the which I ask Him heartily forgiveness. 
And it is not unknown to many of you that I have 
been a great travailler in this world, and being but of 
a base degree, was called to high estate ; and since the 
time I came thereunto I have offended my prince, for 
the which I ask him heartily forgiveness, and beseech 
you all to pray to God with me, that He will forgive 
me. Father, forgive me ! Son, forgive me ! 
Holy Ghost, forgive me! Three Persons in 
one God, forgive me ! ... I die in the Catholic faith. 
... I heartily desire you to pray for the king's grace, 
that he may long live with you'^in health and pros- 

By insisting in so marked a manner on the doctrine 
of the Trinity, professed in the fourth century by 
the councils of Mcsea and Constantinople, Cromwell 
doubtless intended to show that this was the Catholic 
doctrine in which he asserted that he died. But he 
did not omit to give evidence that his faith was that 
of the Scriptures. 

After his confession, he knelt down, and at this 
solemn hour he uttered this Christian and fervent 
prayer : * ' Lord Jesu! which art the only health 
of all men living and the everlasting life of them 
which die in thee, I, wretched sinner, do submit my- 
self wholly unto thy most blessed will, and being sure 
that the thing cannot perish which is committed unto 
thy mercy, willingly now I leave this fi-ail and wicked 
flesh, in sure hope that thou wilt, in better wise, re- 

* Fox, Acts, V. p. 403. 


store it to me again at the last day in the resurrectior 
of the just. I beseech thee, most merciful Lord Jesus 
Christ I that thou -wilt by thy grace make strong my soul 
against aU temptations, and defend me with the buckler 
of thy mercy against all the assaults of the devil. I see 
and acknowledge that there is in myself no hope of 
salvation, but all my confidence, hope, and trust is in 
thy most merciful goodness. I have no merits nor 
good works which I may allege before thee. Of sins 
and evil works, alas I I see a great heap ; but yet 
through thy mercy I trust to be in the immber of 
them to whom thou wHt not impute their sins ; but 
wilt take and accept me for righteous and just, and to 
be the inheritor of everlasting life. Thou, merciful 
Lord ! wast born for my sake ; thou didst suifer both 
hunger and thirst for my sake ; thou didst teach, pray, 
and fast for my sake ; all thy holy actions and works 
thou wroughtest for my sake; thou sufi^eredst most 
grievous pains and torments fur my sake ; finally, 
thou gavest thy most precious body and thy blood to 
be shed on the cross for my sake. Now, most merci- 
ful Saviour ! let all these thincrs profit me, that thou 
freely hast done for me, which hast given thyself also 
for me. Let thy blood cleanse and wash awa}- the 
spots and foulness of my sins. Let thy righteousness 
hide and cover my unrighteousness. Let the merits 
of thy passion and blood-shedding be satisfaction for 
my sins. Give me, Lord ! thy grace, that the faith of 
my salvation in thy blood waver not in me, but may 
ever be firm and constant; that the hope of thy mercy 
and life everlasting never decay in me : that love wax 
not cold in me. Finally, that the weakness of my 
flesh be not overcome with the fear of death. Grant 


me, merciful Saviour ! that when death hath shut up 
the eyes of my body, yet the eyes of my soul may 
still behold and look upon thee ; and when death hath 
taken away the use of my tongue, yet my heart may 
cry and say unto thee, " Lord ! into thy hands I com- 
mend my soul; Lord Jesu ! receive my spirit! " Amen.'* 

This is one of the most beautiful prayers handed 
down to us in Christian times. 

Cromwell having finished his prayer and being 
now ready, a stroke of the axe severed his head from 
his body. 

Thus died a man who, although he had risen from 
the lowliest to the loftiest estate, never allowed 
himself to be seduced by pride, nor made giddy by 
the pomps of the world, who continued attached to 
his old acquaintances, and was eager to honour the 
meanest who had rendered him any service ; a man 
who powerfully contributed to the establishment of 
Protestantism in England,! although his enemies, 
unaware of the very dilFerent meanings of the words 
' Catholicism ' and ' Popery,' took pleasure in circu- 
lating the report in Europe, after his death, that 
he died a Roman Catholic ; a man who for eight 
years governed his country, the king, the parliament, 
and convocation, who had the direction of all domestic 
as well as foreign affairs ; who executed what he had 
advised, and who, in spite of the blots which he him- 
self lamented, was one of the most intelligent, most 
active, and most influential of English ministers. J It 

* Fox, V. p. 403. It is possible that the prayer may have been 
written in the prison. 

t State Papers, viii. p. 396. Pate to Norfolk. 

\ The distinguished historian, Mr, Froude, bears the same testimony. 


is said that tlie king ere long regretted him. How- 
ever this may be, he protected his son and gave hirn 
proofs of his favour, doubtless in remembrance of his 

Another nobleman, Walter, lord Hungerford, was 
beheaded at the same time with Cromwell, for having 
endeavoured to ascertain, by ' conjuring,' how long 
the king would live.* 

* Original Letters, &c., i. p. 202. Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII., 
p. 626. 




THE Catholic party was triumphant. It had set 
aside the Protestant queen and sacrificed the 
Protestant minister ; and it now proceeded to take 
measures of a less startling character, but which were 
a more direct attack on the very work of the Re- 
formation. It thought proper to put to death some 
of those zealous men who were boldly preaching the 
pure Gospel, not only for the sake of getting rid of 
them, but even more for the purpose of terrifying 
those who were imitating them or who were willing 
to do so. 

Of these men, Barnes, Grarret, and Jerome were 
the most known. They were in prison ; but Henry 
had hitherto scrupled about sacrificing men who 
preached a doctrine opposed to the pope. The party, 
moreover, united all their forces to bring about the 
faU of Cromwell, who had been confined within the 
same walls. After his death, the death of the preachers 
followed as a matter of course ; it was merely the 
corollary; it was a natural consequence, and needed 
no special demonstration ; the sentence, according 
to the Romish party, had only to be pronounced 
to be evidently justified. On these principles the 
king's council and the parhament proceeded; and two 
days after the execution of Cromwell, these three 


evangelists, without any public hearing, without 
knowing any cause of their condemnation, without 
receiving any communication w^hatsoever,* were taken 
out of prison, July 30, 1540, to be conducted to 
Smithfield, where they were to be deprived, not only 
of their ministry, but of their lives. 

Henry, however, was not free from uneasiness. 
He had openly asserted that he leaned neither to one 
side nor to the other ; that he weighed both parties 
in a just balance ; and now, while he is boasting of 
his impartiality, everybody persists in saying that he 
gives all the advantage to the papists. What is he 
to do in order to be just and impartial ? Three 
papists must be found to be put to death at the same 
time with the evangelicals. Then nobody will ven- 
ture to assert that the king does not hold the balance 
even. The measure shall be faultless and one of the 
glories of his reign. The three papists selected to be 
placed in the other scale bore the names of Abel, 
Powel, and Fetherstone. The first two were political 
pamphleteers who had supported the cause of Cathe- 
rine of Aragon ; and the third was, like them, an 
opponent of royal supremacy. It seems that in this 
matter the king also made allowance for the com- 
position of his own council, which comprised both 
friends and enemies of the Reformation. Amongst 
the former were the archbishop of Canterbury, the 
duke of Suffolk, viscounts Beauchamp and Lisle, 
Russell, Paget, Sadler, and Audley. Amongst the 
latter were the bishops of Winchester and Durham, 
the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Southampton, Sir 
Antony Brown, Paulet, Baker, Richard, and Wing- 

• Fox, V. p. 434. 


field. There was therefore a majority of one against 
the Reformation, just enough to turn the scale. 
Henry, with a show of impartiality, assigned three 
victims to each of these parties. Preparations were 
made at the Tower for carrying out this equitable 
sentence. In the courtyard were three hurdles, of 
oblong shape, formed of branches of trees closely 
intertwined, on which the culprits were to be drawn 
to the place of execution. Why three only, as there 
were six condemned? The reason was soon to be seen. 
When the three prisoners of each side were brought 
out, they proceeded to lay one evangelical on the first 
hurdle, and by his side a papist, binding them pro- 
perly to each other to keep them in this strange 
coupling. The same process was gone through with 
the second and the third hurdles ; * they then set out, 
and the six prisoners were drawn two and two to 
Smithfield. Thus, in every street through which 
the procession passed, Henry VIII. proclaimed by 
this strange spectacle that his government was im- 
partial, and condemned alike the two classes of 
divines and of doctrines. 

The three hurdles reached Smithfield. Two and 
two, the prisoners were unbound, and the three 
evangelicals were conducted to the stake. No trial 
having been allowed them by the court, these upright 
and pious men felt it their duty to supply its place 
at the foot of the scaffold. The day of their death 
thus became for them the day of hearing. The 
tribunal was sittmg and the assembly was large. 
Barnes was the first speaker. He said : ' I am come 

* ' Drawn to the place of execution two upon a liiirdle, one teing a 
papist and the other a protestant.' — Fox, Acts, v. p. 439. 
VOL. Via. T 


hither to be burned as a heretic. . . . God I take to 
record, I never (to my knowledge) taught any erro- 
neous doctrine . . and I neither moved nor gave 
occasion of any insurrection. ... I believe in the 
Holy and Blessed Trinity; . . . and that this blessed 
Trinity sent down the second person, Jesus Christ, 
into the womb of the most blessed and purest V^irgin 
Mary. . . I believe that through his death he over- 
came sin, death and hell ; and that there is none 
other satisfaction to the Father, but this his death 
and passion only.' At these words Barnes, deeply 
moved, raised his hands to heaven, and prayed God 
to forgive him his sins. This profession of faith did 
not satisfy the sheriff. Then some one asked him 
what he thought of praying to the saints. ' I believe,' 
answered Barnes, ' that they are worthy of all the 
honour that Scripture willeth them to have. But, I 
say, throughout all Scripture we are not commanded 
to pray to any saints. ... If saints do pray for us, 
then I trust to pray for you within the next half-hour.' 
He was silent, and the sheriff said to him : ' Well, 
have you anything more to say?' He answered: 
' Have ye any articles against me for the which I am 
condemned ? ' The sheriff answered : ' Xo. ' Barnes 
then put the question to the people whether any knew 
wherefore he died. No one answered. Then he 
resumed : ' They that have been the occasion of it 
I pray God forgive them, as I would be forgiven 
myself. And Doctor Stephen, bishop of Winchester 
that now is, if he have sought or wrought this my 
death, either by word or deed, I pray God forgive 
him. . . I pray that God may give [the king] pros- 
perity, and that he may long reign among you; and 


after him that godly prince Edward may so reign 
that he may finish those things that his father hath 
begun.' * Then collecting himself, Barnes addressed 
three requests to the sheriff, the prayer of a dying 
man. The first was that the king might employ 
the wealth of the abbeys which had been poured 
into the treasury in relieving his poor subjects who 
were in great need of it. The second was that mar- 
riage might be respected, and that men might not 
live in uncleanness. The third, that the name of God 
might not be taken in vain in abominable oaths. 
These prayers of a dying man, who was sent to the 
scaffold by Henry himself, ought to have produced 
some impression on the heart of the king. Jerome 
and Garret likewise addressed affecting exhortations 
to the people. After this, these three Christians 
uttered together their last prayer, shook hands with 
and embraced each other, and then meekly gave 
themselves up to the executioner. They were bound 
to the same stake, and breathed their last in patience 
and in faith. 

On the same day, at the same hour, and at the 
same place where the three friends of the Gospel were 
burnt, the three followers of the pope, Abel, Fether- 
stone, and Powel were hung. A foreigner who was 
present exclaimed : ' Deus bone ! quomodo hie vivunt 
gentesf Hie suspenduntur papistce, illic comburuntur 
antipapisice.' The simple-minded and ignorant asked 
what kind of religion people should have in England, 
seeing that both Romanism and Protestanism led to 
death. A courtier exclaimed : ' Verily, henceforth I 

* Fox, Acts, Y. p. 4S5. 
T 3 


will be of the king's religion, that is to say, of none 

Cromwell and these six men were not to be the 
only objects of the king's displeasure. Even before 
they bad undergone their sentence, the king had 
caused his divorce to be pronounced. In marrying 
Anne of Cleves, his chief object had been to form 
an alliance with the Protestants against the em- 
peror. Xow these two opponents were by this 
time reconciled with each other. Henry, therefore, 
deeply irritated, no longer hesitated to rid himself 
of the new queen. He was influenced, moreover, by 
another motive. He was smitten with the charms 
of another woman. However, as he dreaded the 
raillery, the censiffes, and even the calamities which 
the divorce might bring upon him, he was anxious 
not to appear as the originator of it, and should the 
accusation be made, to be able to repel it as a foul 
imposture without shadow of reality. He resolved, 
therefore, to adopt such a course that this strange 
proceediag should seem to have been imposed upon 
him. This intention he hinted to one of the lords iu 
whom he had full confidence; and the latter made 
some communications about it, on July 3, to the Privy 
Council. On the 6th his majest}''s ministers pointed 
out to the upper house the propriety of their humbly 
requesting the king, in conjunction with the lower 
house, that the convocation of the clergy might ex- 
amine into his marriage with Anne of Cleves, and 
see whether it were valid. The lords adopted the 
proposal ; and a commission consisting of the lord 

* ' Nae ! in postemm ego regies religionis ero, hoc est, nuUius ! ' — 
GerdefflUB, Ann., iv. p. 300. 


chancellor, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the 
dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, presented it to the 
commons, who gave their assent to it. Consequently 
the whole House of Lords and a commission of twenty 
members of the lower house appeared before the king, 
and stated that the matter about which they had to 
confer with him was of such an important character 
that they must first request his permission to lay it 
before them. Henry, feigning utter ignorance of 
what they meant, commanded them to speak. They 
then said, — ' We humbly pray your majesty to allow 
the validity of your marriage to be investigated by 
the convocation of the clergy ; we attach all the more 
importance to this proceeding because the question 
bears upon the succession to the throne of your 
majesty.' It was well known that the king did 
not love Anne, and that he was even in love with 
another.* This is 'a striking instance of the degree 
of meanness to which Henry VIII. had reduced his 
parliament; for an assembly, even if some mean 
souls are to be found in it, undertakes not to be 
despicable, and what is noblest in it usually comes to 
the surface. But if the shameful compliances of the 
parliament astonish us, the audacious hypocrisy of 
Henry VIII. surprises us still more. He stood up 
to answer as if in the presence of the Deity; and 
conceahng his real motives he said, — ' There is no- 
thing in the world more dear to me than the glory 
of God, the good of England, and the declaration of 
the truth.' All the actors in this comedy played 

* ' They kad perceived that the king's affections were alienated from 
the Lady Anne to that young girl . . , whom he married immediately 
upon Anne's divorcp.' — Original Letters relating to the English Reforma- 
tion, i. p. 205. 


their parts to perfection.* The king immediately- 
sent to Rickmond some of his councillors, amongst 
them Suffolk and Gardiner, to communicate to the 
queen the demand of the parliament and to ascertain 
her opinion with respect to it. After many long con- 
ferences, Anne gave her consent to the proposal.f , 
The next day, July 7, the matter was brought 
before Convocation by Gardiner, bishop of Wiachester, 
who was very anxious to see a Roman CathoUc queen 
upon the throne of England. A committee was 
nominated for the purpose of examining the wit- 
nesses ; and of this committee the bishop was a 
member. An autograph declaration of the king was 
produced, in which he dwelt strongly on the fact that 
he took such a dislike to Anne as soon as he saw her 
that he thought instantly of breaking off the match; 
that he never inwardly consented to the marriage, 
and that in fact it had never been consimomatedl 
Within two days all the witnesses were heard. Henry 
was impatient; and the Roman party urgently ap- 
pealed to the assembly to deliver a judgment which 
would rid England of a Protestant queen. Cranmer, 
out of fear or feebleness (he had just seen Cromwell 
lose his head), went with the rest of them. In his 
view the will of Henry VIII. was almost what des- 
tiny was for the ancients — 

Des arrets du destin I'ordre est inyaiiable. 

* The judgment of Convocation, Burnet, Records, i. p. 303. Lord 
Herbert's lAfe of Henry VIII., p. 522. Strype, Eccles. Mem., i., Ap- 
pendix, pp. 306 sqq. 

t Letter of Henry VIH. to Olerk and Wotton. — State Papers, viiL 
p. 404. The king's testimony is confirmed hy that of Anne. — Ibid., i. 
p. 637. 

\ ' The king's own declaration.' — Burnet, Records, i. p. 302. 


On July 9, Convocation, relying upon the two 
reasons given by the king, and upon the fact that 
there was som§lhing ambiguous in Anne's engage- 
ment with the son of the duke of Lorraine, decided 
that his majesty ' was at liberty to contract another 
marriage for the good of the realm.'* None of these 
reasons had any validity.f Nor did Henry escape the 
condemnation and the raillery which he had so much 
feared. ' It appears,' said Francis I., ' that over there 
they are pleased to do with their women as with their 
geldings, — bring a number of them together and 
make them trot, and then take the one which goes 
easiest.' I 

The archbishop of Canterbury on July 10 reported 
to the House of Lords that Convocation had declared 
the marriage null and void by virtue both of the law 
of God and of the law of England. The bishop of 
Winchester read the judgment and explained at 
length the grounds of it, and the house declared itself 
satisfied. The archbishop and the bishop made the 
same report to the Commons. On the following day 
— Henry did not intend that any time should be lost 
— ^the lord chancellor, the duke of Norfolk, the earl 
of Southampton, and the bishop of Winchester be- 
took themselves to Richmond, whither the innocent 
queen had been sent for change of air, and informed 
her, on the king's behalf, of the proceedings of par- 

* 'In libertate contrahendi matrimonii cum alia.' — Judgment of 
Convocation. — Ibid., p. 306. 

t A document preserved in the archives of Diisseldorf proves that 
any engagement between Anne and the Prince of Lon'aine had been 
formally broken off. 

X Letter from Bochetel to the English ambassador. — Le Grand, 
Divwce, iii. p. 638. 


liament and of Couvocation. Anne was distressed 
by the communication. She had supposed that the 
clergy would acknowledge, as it was their duty to do, 
the validity of her marriage. However it may be, so 
sharp was the stroke that she fainted away.* The 
necessary care was bestowed on her, and she re- 
covered, and gradually reconciled herself to the 
thought of submission to Henry's will. The dele- 
gates told her that the king, while requiring her to 
renounce the title of queen, conferred on her that of 
his adopted sister, and gave her precedence in rank 
of all the ladies of the court, immediately after the 
queen and the daughters of the king. Anne was 
modest; she did not think highly of herself, and had 
often felt that she was not made to be queen of Eng- 
land. She therefore submitted, and the same day, 
July 11, wrote to the king, — 'Though this case must 
needs be most hard and sorrowful unto me, for the 
great love which I bear to your most noble person, 
yet having more regard to God and his truth than 
to any worldly affection, as it beseemed me. . . I 
knowledge myself hereby to accept and approve the 
same [determination of the clergy] wholly and en- 
tirely putting myself, for my state and condition, to 
your highness's goodness and pleasure; most humbly 
beseeching your majesty ... to take me for one of 
your most humble servants.' She subscribed herself 
' Yoiir majesty's most humble sister and servant, 
Anne, daughter the Cleves.' f 

The king sent word to her that he conferred on 

* ' The news stroke her into a sudden weakness and fainting.' — ^Lord 
Herbert's Life of Smry VIII., p. 523. 

t Anne to the Hng. — State Papers, i. p. 638. 


her a pension of three thousand pounds, and the 
palace at Richmond. Anne wrote to him again, 
July 16, to thank him for his great kindness, and at 
the same time sent him her ring.* She preferred — 
and herein she showed some pride — to remain in 
England, rather than to go home after such a dis- 
grace had fallen upon her. ' I account God pleased,' 
she wrote to her brother, ' with what is done, and 
know myself to have suffered no wrong or injury. 
... I find the king's highness ... to be as a most 
kind, loving and friendly father and brother. ... I 
am so well content and satisfied, that I much desire 
my mother, you, and other mine allies so to under- 
stand it, accept and take it.'f Seldom has a woman 
carried self-renunciation to such a length. 

* Ibid., pp. 641, 644. 

+ Anne to her trotlier.— Burnet, Records, i. p. 307. This letter is 
also to he found in the State Papers, i. p. 645, with material variations. 
The passages cited are, hov?ever, almost identical. 




WHO should take the place of the repudiated 
queen? This was the question discussed at 
court and in the town. The Anglican Catholics, 
delighted at the dismissal of the Protestant queen, 
were determined to do all they possibly could to 
place on the throne a woman of their own party. 
Such a one was already found. The bishop of 
Winchester, for some time past, had frequently been 
holding feasts and entertainments for the king. To 
these he invited a young lady, who though of small 
stature was of elegant carriage, and had handsome 
features and a graceftd figure and manners.* She 
was a daughter of Lord Edmund Howard, and niece 
of the duke of Norfolk, the leader of the Cathohc 
party. She had very soon attracted the attention of 
the king, who took increasing pleasure in her society. 
This occurred before the divorce of Anne. ' It is a 
certain fact,' says a contemporary, 'that about the 
same time many citizens of London saw the king 
very frequently in the daytime, and sometimes at 

* Lingard Tiimself remarks {Hist, of England, vi. ch. 4) that it was 
at a dinner given by the Bishop of Winchester that Catherine for the 
first time attracted the king's attention. 


midnight, pass over to her on the river Thames in 
a little boat. . . . The citizens regarded all this not 
as a sign of divorcing the queen, but of adultery.' * 
Whether this supposition was well founded or not 
we cannot say. The king, when once he had decided 
on a separation from Anne of Cleves, had thought 
of her successor. He was quite determined, after 
his mischance, to be guided neither by his ministers, 
nor by his ambassadors, nor by political considera- 
tions, but solely by his own eyes, his own tastes, 
and the happiness he might hope for. Catherine 
pleased him very much ; and his union with Anne 
was no sooner annulled than he proceeded to his 
fifth marriage. The nuptials were celebrated on the 
8th of August, eleven days after the execution of 
Cromwell ; and on the same day Catherine was pre- 
sented at court as queen. The king was charmed 
with Catherine Howard, his pretty young wife ; she 
was so amiable, her intercourse was so pleasant, that 
he believed he had, after so many more or less un- 
fortunate attempts, found his ideal at last, Her 
virtuous sentiments, the good behaviour which she 
resolved to maintain, filled him with delight; and he 
was ever expressing his happiness in ' having obtained 
such a jewel of womanhood.' f He had no foreboding 
of the terrible blow which was soon to shatter all 
this happiness. 

The new queen was distinguished from the former 
chiefly by the difference in religion, with a corre- 
sponding difference in morality. The niece of the 

* Original Letters relative to the English Reformation (Parker Soc), 
p. 202. 

t Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VUL, p. 534. 


duke of Xorfolk, Gardiner's friend, was of course 
an adherent of the Catholic faith ; and the Catholic 
party hailed her as at once the symbol and the in- 
strument of reaction. They had had plenty of Pro- 
testant queens, Anne Boleyn, Jane Seymour, and 
Anne of Cleves. Xow that they had a Catholic 
queen, Catholicism — many said popery — ^would re- 
cover its power. Henry was so much enamoured 
of his new spouse that, in honour of her, he once 
more became a fervent Catholic. He celebrated aU. 
the Saints' days, frequently received the holy sacra- 
ment, and offered publicly thanksgiving to God for 
this happy union which he hoped to enjoy for a long 
time.* The conversion of Henry, for the change was 
nothing less, brought with it a change of policy. He 
now abandoned France and the German Protestants 
in order to ally himself with the empire ; and we 
find him ere long busil}' engaged in a project for 
the marriage of his daughter Mary to the emperor 
Charles Y. This project, however, came to nothmg.f 
Gardiner, Xorfolk, and the other leaders of the 
CathoUc party, rejoicing in the breeze which bore 
their vessel onward, set all sails to the wind. Just 
after the divorce of Anne of Cleves, and by way of a 
first boon to the Romish party, the penalties for 
impure living imposed on priests and nuns were 
mitigated.J In contempt of the authority of Holy 
Scripture as well as of that of parliament itself, 
Henry got an Act passed by virtue of which every 

• ' Catharinam Houwartham tantopere amabat ut feria ommmn 
sanctorum, sacra Domini coena utena/ &c. — Gerdesius, Ann., iy. p. 306. 
Burnet, Rapin, Thojras, &c. 

t State Papers, viii. pp. 442, 451, 453, 466, 476. 

X Act 32 Henry MOO.., c. 10. 


determination concerning faith, worship, and cere- 
monies, adopted with, the sanction of the king by a 
commission of archbishops, bishops, and other eccle- 
siastics nominated by him, was to he received, believed, 
and observed hy the whole nation, just as if parliament 
had approved every one of these articles, even if this 
decree were contrary to former usages and ordi- 
nances.* This was a proclamation of infallibility in 
England, for the benefit of the pope-king, under 
cover of which he might found a religion to his own 
taste. Cranmer had established in all cathedral 
churches professors entrusted with the teaching of 
Hebrew and Greek, in order that students might 
become well acquainted with sacred literature, and 
that the church might never want ministers capable 
of edifying it. But the enemies of the Reformation, 
who now enjoyed royal favour, fettered or abolished 
this institution and other similar ones, to the great 
damage both of religion and the country.^ The 
Catholic ceremonies, on the other hand, abrogated by 
Cranmer and Cromwell — ^the consecration of bread 
and of water, the embers with which the priest 
marked the foreheads of the faithful, the palm- 
branches blessed on Palm-Sunday, the tapers carried 
at Candlemas, and other like customs — were re- 
esta,blished ; and penalties were imposed on those 
who should neglect them. J A new edition of the 
Institution of a Christian Man explained to the people 
the king's doctrine. It treated of the seven sacra- 

* Act 32 Hemy VIII., c. 26. 

t 'In ventoa abiere infelici cum regionis turn religionis fato.' — Ger- 
deaius, Ann., iv. p. 301. 

J WiLdns, Concilia, iii. pp. 842, 847, 


ments, the mass, transubstantiation, the salutation 
of the Virgin, and other doctrines of the kind to 
which conformity was required.* At length, as if 
with a view to ensure the permanence of this system, 
Bonner was made bishop of London ; and this man, 
who had been the most abject flatterer and servant 
of Cromwell during his life, turned about after his 
death and became the persecutor of those whom 
Cromwell had protected. 

At the spectacle of this reaction, so marvellous in 
their eyes, the Anglican Catholics and even the papists 
broke out with joy, and awaited with impatience ' the 
crowning of the edifice.' England, in their view, was 
saved. The church was triumphant. But while there 
was rejoicing on the one side, there was mourning on 
the other. The establishment of superstitious prac- 
tices, the prospect of the penalties contained in the 
bloody statute of the Six Articles, penalties which 
had not yet been enforced but were on the point of 
being so, spread distress and alarm among the evan- 
geHcals. Those who did not add to their faith 
manly energy shut up their convictions in their own 
breasts, carefully abstained from conversation on re- 
ligious subjects, and looked with suspicion upon every 
stranger, fearing that he might be one of Gardiner's 

Bonner was active and eager, going forward in 
pursuit of his object and allowing nothing to check 
him. Cromwell and Cranmer, to whom he used to make 
fair professions, believed that he was capable of being 
of service to the Reformation, and therefore gave him 

* Three editions of this book were published, in 1537, 1540, and 


proxQotion in ecclesiastical offices. But no sooner had 
Cromwell been put in prison than his signal deceitful- 
ness showed itself. Grafton, who printed the Bible 
under the patronage of the vicegerent, having met 
Bonner, to whom Cromwell had introduced him, ex- 
claimed, ' How grieved I am to hear that lord Crom- 
well has been sent to the Tower ! ' 'It would have 
been much better,' replied Bonner, ' if he had been 
sent there long ago.' Shortly after, Grafton was cited 
before the council, and was accused of having printed, 
by Cromwell's order, certain suspected verses ; and 
Bonner, for the purpose of aggravating his criminality, 
did not fail to report what the accused had said ro him 
about the man who had been his own personal bene- 
factor. The chancellor, however, a friend of Grafton, 
succeeded in saving the printer of the Bible. Bonner 
indemnified himself for this disappointment by perse- 
cuting a great many citizens of London. He vented 
his rage especially on a poor youth of fifteen, ignorant 
and uncultivated, named Mekins, whom he accused of 
having spoken against the Eucharist and in favour of 
Barnes ; but the grand jury found him 'not guilty.' 
Hereupon Bonner became furious. ' You are per- 
jured,' he said to the jury. ' The witnesses do not 
agree,' they replied. The one deposed that Mekins had 
said the sacrament was nothing but a ceremony; and 
the other that it was nothing but a signification.^ ' But 
did he not say,' exclaimed the bishop, ' that Barnes 
died holyl ' ' P'Ut we cannot find these words,' said 
the jury, ' to be against the statute.' ' Upon which 
Bonner cursed and was in a great rage.' * ' Retire 
again,' he said, ' consult together, and bring in the 
* Bumet, Mist, JRef,, i. p. 643. 


bill.' Mekins was condemned to die. In vain was it 
shown that he was a poor ignorant creature and that 
he had done nothing worse than repeat what he had 
heard, and this without even understanding it. In 
vain, too, did his father and mother, who were in great 
distress, attempt to mitigate the harsh treatment to 
which he was subjected in prison. The poor lad was 
ready to say or do anything to escape being burnt. 
They made him speak well of Bonner and of his great 
charity towards him ; they made him declare that he 
hated aU heretics, and then they burnt him.* This 
was only the beginning, and Bonner hoped by such 
proceedings to prepare the way for greater triumphs. 
The persecution became more general. Two hun- 
dred and two persons were prosecuted in thirty-nine 
London parishes. Their offences were such as the 
following — having read the Holy Scriptures aloud in 
the churches ; having refused to carry palm-branches 
on Palm Sunday; having had one or other of their 
kinsfolk buried without the masses for the dead; hav- 
ing received Latimer, Barnes, Garret, or other evan- 
gelicals ; having held religious meetings in their 
houses of an evening ; having said that the holy 
sacrament was a good thing, but was not, as some 
asserted, God himself; having spoken much about 
the Holy Scriptures ; having declared that they liked 
better to hear a sermon than a mass ; and other the 
like offences. Among the delinquents were some of 
the priests. One of these was accused of having 
caused suspected persons to be invited to his sermons 
by his beadle, without having the bells rung; another 
of having preached without the orders of his superior ; 

* Fox, Acts, v. p. 443. 


others, of not making use of holy water, of not going 
in procession, &c.* 

The inquisition which was made at this time was 
so rigorous that all the prisons of London would not 
hold the accused. They had to place some of them 
in the halls of various buildings. The case was em- 
barrassing. The Catholics of the court were not 
alone in instigating the king to persecution. Francis 
I. sent word to him by Wallop, ' that it had well 
liked him to hear that his majesty was reforming the 
Lutheran sect, for that he was ever of opinion that 
no good could come of them but much evil.' f But 
there were other influences at court besides that of 
Francis I., Norfolk, and Gardiner. Lord Axidley ob- 
tained the king's sanction for the release of the pri- 
soners, who, however, had to give their promise to 
appear at the Star Chamber on All Souls' Day. Ulti- 
mately they were let alone. 

But this does not mean that all the evangelicals 
were spared. Two ministers were at this time dis- 
tino;uished both for their hio^h connexions and for 
their faith and eloquence. One of these was the 
Scotchman, Seaton, chaplain to the duke of Suffolk. 
Preaching powerfully at St. Antholin's church, in 
London, he said, — ' Of ourselves we can do nothing^ 
says St.Paul; I pray thee, then, where is thy will? Art 
thou better than Paul, James, Peter, and all the apostles? 
Hast thou any more grace than they ? Tell me now 
if they will be anything or nothing? . . . Paul said 

* Fox, in Ms A.:-ts, v. pp. 443 to 449, gives the niaies of all these 
persons, naming also their parishes and their offences . 

t Wallop to Henry ^■III., January 20, 1541. — State Papers, viii. 
p. 517. 

VOL. VIII. tr 


lie could do nothing. ... If you ask me wlien we will 
leave preaching only Christ, even when they do leave 
to preach that works do merit, and suffer Christ to 
be a whole satisfier and only mean to our justifica- 
tion.' Seaton was condemned to bear a faggot at 
Paul's Cross.* Another minister, Dr. Crome, was a 
learned man and a favourite of the archbishop. This 
did not prevent the king from commanding him to 
preach that the sacrifice of the mass is useful both 
for the living and the dead. Crome preached the 
Gospel in its simplicity at St. Paul's on the appointed 
day, and contented himself with reading the king's 
order after the sermon. He was immediately for- 
bidden to preach. f 

Laymen were treated with greater severity. 
Bibles, it is known, had been placed in all the churches, 
and were fastened by chains to the pillars. A crowd 
of people used to gather about one of these pillars. 
On one occasion a joung man of fine figure, pos- 
sessed of great zeal, and gifted with a powerful voice, 
stood near the pillar holding the Bible in his hands, 
and reading it aloud so that all might hear him. 
His name was Porter. Bonner sharply rebuked 
him. ' I trust I have done nothing against the law,' 
said Porter; and this was true. But the bishop com- 
mitted him to Newgate. There this young Christian 
was put in irons; his legs, his arms, and his head 
were attached to the ■wall by means of an iroai 
collar. One of his kinsmen, by a gift of money, 
induced the gaoler to deliver him from this punish- 
ment ; and the favour they accorded him was to 
place him in tlie company of thieves and murderers. 

' Fox, .1<A^, \. p. 44it. t ttid. CoUjer, ii. p. 18-i. 


Porter exhorted them to repent, and taught them 
the way of salvation. The unhappy man was then 
cast into the deepest dungeon, was cruelly treated, 
and loaded with irons. Eight days afterwards he 
died. Cries and groans had been heard in the night. 
Some said that he had been subjected to the torture 
called the devil, a horrible instrument by which, in 
three or four hours, the back and the whole body- 
were torn in pieces.* 

Meanwhile, a far more formidable blow was pre- 
paring. Cromwell, the lay protector of the Reforma- 
tion, had already been sacrificed ; its ecclesiastical 
protector, Cranmer, must now fall in the same way. 
This second blow seemed easier than the first. Since 
the fall of Cromwell, men of the utmost moderation 
thought ' there was no hope that reformed religion 
should any one week longer stand.' f All those of 
feeble character sided with the opposite party. Cran- 
mer alone, amongst the bishops and the ecclesiastical 
commissioners of the king, still upheld evangelical 
truth. This obstacle in the way of the extension 
of English Catholicism must be utterly overthrown. 
A commission of from ten to twelve bishops and 
other competent men was formed to deliberate as 
to the means of inducing the primate to make com- 
mon cause with them. Two bishops, Heath and 
Skyp, who enjoyed his confidence, 'left him in the 
plain field.' J All these bishops and laymen, proud 
of their victory, met at Lambeth palace, the abode 
of Cranmer, in order to prosecute their scheme. 
After a few words exchanged to no purpose, the two 

* Fox, Ads, V. p. 4-JJ. t Cranmer, IVorks, i. p. x\-i. 

X Ibid., p. xvii. 


last-named bishops begged the archbishop to go down 
with them into the garden, and there, as they paced 
up and down the paths, they plied him with such 
reasons as they thought most urgent to induce him 
' to leave off his overmuch constancy and to incline 
unto the king's intent.' One or two friends of the 
primate joined them, and they made use of all the 
resources of their eloquence and their policy for the 
purpose of shaking his resolution. But Cranmer was 
like the river which flowed quietly past his dwelling, 
which nothing can tui'n from its course. He even 
took the offensive. ' You make much ado to have me 
come to your purpose,' said he ; . . . ' beware, I say, 
what you do. There is but one truth in our articles 
to be concluded upon, which if you do hide from his 
highness . . . and then when the truth caiuiot be 
hidden from him, his highness shall perceive how 
that you have dealt colourably with him ... he will 
never after trust and credit you. ... As you are 
both my friends, so therefore I will you to beware 
thereof in time, and discharge your consciences in 
maintenance of the truth.'* 

This was far from pacifying the bishops. Doctor 
London and other agents of the party which looked 
up to Gardiner as its head, took in hand to go over the 
diocese of the archbishop with a view to collecting all 
the sayings and all the facts, true or false, which they 
might turn to account as weapons against him. In 
one place a conversation was reported to them ; in 
another a sermon was denounced ; elsewhere neglected 
ritual was talked about. ' Three of the preachers of 
the cathedral cliurcli,' they were told, namely, Ridley, 

• Cranmer; IVorhi, p. xvli. 


Drum and Scory, ' are attacking the ceremonies of the 
church.' Some of the canons, opponents of the pri- 
mate, brought various charges against him, and strove 
to depict his marriage in the most repulsive colours. 
Sir John Gostwick, whose accounts as treasurer of 
war and of the court were not correct, accused Cran- 
mer before the parliament of being the pastor of 
heretics. All these grievances were set forth in a 
memorial which was presented to the king. At the 
same time, the most influential members of the J^rivy 
council declared to the king that the realm was in- 
fested with heresies ; that thereby ' horrible commo- 
tions and uproars ' might spring up, as had been the 
case in Germany; and that these calamities must be 
chiefly imputed to the archbishop of Canterbury, who 
both by his own preaching and that of his chaplains had 
filled England with pernicious doctrines. ' Who is his 
accuser?' said the king. The lords replied : ' Foras- 
much as Cranmer is a councillor, no man durst take 
upon him to accuse him. But if it please your high- 
ness to commit him to the Tower for a time, there 
would be accusations and proofs enough against him.' 
' Well then,' said the king, ' I grant you leave to com- 
mit him to-morrow to the Tower for his trial.' The 
enemies of the archbishop and of the Beformation 
went away well content.* 

Meanwhile, Henry VIII. began to reflect on the 
answer which he had given to his councillors. There is 
nothing to show that it was not made in earnest ; l^ut 
he foresaw that Cranmer's death would leave an awk- 
ward void. When Cranmer was gone, how should he 

* Cranmer, Works, i. p. xvii. ; Shype, Mem. of Cmmupr, p. 102. 


maintain the conflict Avitli the pope and the papists, 
with whom he had no mind to be reconciled? The 
primate's character and services came back to his 
memory. Time was passing. At midniglit the king', 
unable to sleep, sent for Sir Antony Denny and 
said to him, ' Go to Lambeth and command the arch- 
bishop to come forthwith to the court.' Henry then, 
in a state of excitement, began to walk about in one 
of the corridors of the palace, awaiting the arrival of 
Cranmer. At length the primate entered and the 
king said to him: ' Ah, my lord of Canterbury, I can 
tell you news. . . It is determined by me and the 
council, that you to-morrow at nine o'clock shall be 
committed to the Tower, for that you and your 
chaplains (as information is given us) have taught 
and preached, and thereby sown within the realm 
such a number of execrable heresies, that it is feai-ed 
the whole realm being infected with them no small 
contentions and commotions will rise thereby amongst 
my subjects, . . . and therefore the council have re- 
quested me, for the trial of this matter, to suffer them 
to commit you to the Tower.' 

The story of Cromwell was to be repeated, and 
this was the first step. Nevertheless, Cranmer did 
not utter a word of opposition or supplication. 
Kneeling down before the king, according to his 
custom, he said : ' I am content, if it please your 
grace, with all my heart to go thither at your high- 
ness's commandment, and I most humbly thank your 
majesty that I may come to my trial, for there be 
tlmt have inany ways slandered me, and now this 
way I hope to try myself not worthy of such a re- 
port.' The king, touched by his uprightness, said : 


' ()h Lord, what manner of man be you ! What shn- 
plicity is in you ! . . . Do you not know . . . how' 
many great enemies you have ? Do you consider 
what an easy thing it is to procure three or four 
false knares to witness against you ? Think you to 
have better luck that way than Christ your master 
had? I see it, you will run headlong to your un- 
doing, if I would suffer you. Your enemies shall not 
so prevail against you, for I have otherwise devised 
with myself .to keep you out of their hands. Yet, 
notwithstanding, to-morrow when the council shall 
sit and send for you, resort imto them ; and if in 
chargmg you with this matter they do commit you 
to the Tower, require of them . . . that you may 
have your accusers brought before them and that 
you may answer their accusations. . . If no entreaty 
or reasonable request will serve, then deliver unto 
them this ring ' — the king at the same time delivered 
his ring to the archbishop — ' and say unto them : If 
there be no remedy, my lords, but that I must needs 
go to the Tower, then I revoke my cause from you 
and appeal to the king's own person by this his token 
to you all. So soon as they shall see this my ring, 
they know it so well, that they shall understand that 
I have resumed the whole cause into mine own 
hands.' The archbishop was so much moved by the 
king's kindness that he ' had much ado to forbear 
tears.' ' Well,' said the king, ' go your ways, my 
lord, and do as I have bidden you.' * The arcli- 
l)ishop bent his knee in expression of his gratitude, 
and taking leave of the king returned to Lambeth 
before dav. 

* Cranmer, IJ'orJcs, i. p. xvlii. 


On the morrow, about nine o'clock, the council 
sent an usher of the palace to summon the arch- 
bishop. He set out forthwith and presented himself 
at the door of the council chamber. But his col- 
leagues, glad to complete the work which they had 
begun by putting the vicegerent to death, were not 
content with sending the primate to the scaffold ; but 
were determined to subject Cranmer to various hu- 
miliations before the final catastrophe. The arch- 
bishop could not be let in, but was compelled to wait 
there among the pages, lackeys, and other serving- 
men. Doctor Butts, the king's physician, happening 
to pass through the room, and observing how the 
archbishop was treated, went to the king and said : 
' My lord of Canterbury, if it please your grace, is 
well promoted ; for now he is become a lackey or a 
serving-man, for yonder he standeth this half hour 
without the council-chamber door amongst them.' 
' It is not so,' said the king, ' I trow, nor the council 
hath not so little discretion as to use the metropo- 
litan of the realm in that sort, specially being one of 
their own number; but let them alone, and we shall 
hear more soon.' 

At length the archbishop was admitted. He did as 
the king had bidden him; and when he saw that none 
of his statements or reasons were of any avail with 
the council, he presented the king's ring, appealing 
at the same time to his Majesty. Hereupon, the 
whole council was struck with astonishment ; * and 
the earl of Bedford, who was not one of Gardiner's 
party, with a solemn oath exclaimed : ' When you 

' ' The whole council being thereat somewhat amazed.' — Oranmer, 
TForks, i. p. xix. 

CHAP. vii. THE king's RIXG. -2^' 

first began this matter, my lords, I told you what 
would come of it. Do you think that the king will 
suffer this man's finger to ache ? Much more, I war- 
rant you, will he defend his life against brabbling 
varlets. You do but cumber yourselves to hear 
tales and fables against him.' The members of the 
council immediately rose and carried the king's ring 
to him, thus surrendering the matter, according to 
the usage of the time, into his hands. 

When they had all come into the presence of the 
king, he said to them with a severe countenance : 
' Ah, my lords, I thought I had had wiser men of my 
council than now I find you. What discretion was this 
m you, thus to make the primate of the realm, and one 
of you in office, to wait at the council-chamber door 
amongst serving men? . . . You had no such com- 
mission of me so to handle him. I was content that 
you should try him as a councillor, and not as a mean 
subject. But now I well perceive tliat things be 
done against him maliciously ; and if some of you 
might have had your minds, you would have tried 
him to the uttermost. But I do you all to wit, and 
protest, that if a prince may be beholding unto his 
subject ' (and here Henry laid his hand solemnly 
upon his breast), 'by the faith I owe to God, I take 
this man here, my lord of Canterbury, to be of all 
other a most faithful subject unto us, and 02ie to 
whom we are much beholding.' The Catholic mem- 
bers of the council were disconcerted, confused, and 
unable to make any answer. One or two of them 
however, took courage, made excuses, and assured 
the king that their object in trying the primate was 
to clear him of the calumnies of the world, and not 


to proceed against hun maliciously. The king, who 
was not to be imposed upon by these hypocritical 
assertions, said: ' Well, well, my lords, take him and 
well use him, as he is worthy to be, and make no 
more ado.' All the lords then went up to Cranmer, 
and took him by the hand as if they had been his 
dearest friends. The archbishop, who was of a con- 
ciliatory disposition, forgave them. But the kmg 
sent to prison for a certain time some of the arch- 
bishop's accusers ; and he sent a message to Sir 
J. Gostwick, to the effect that he was a wicked 
vai"let, and that unless he made his apologies to the 
metropolitan, he would make of him an example 
which should be a warnino; to all false accusers. 
These facts are creditable to Henry VIII. It was 
doubtless his aim to keep a certain middle course; 
and like many other despots he had happy intervals. 
There were other evidences of this fact. Four great 
Bibles appeared with his sanction in 1541; two of 
them bearing the name of Tonstall, the other two 
that of Cranmer.* Moreover, a sudden change was 
approaching which was to alter the whole course of 

At the end of August 1541, Henry went to 
Yorkjf for the purpose of holding an interview with 
his nephew, the king of Scotland, whom he was 
anxious to persuade to declare himself independent 
of the pope. Henry made magnificent preparations 
for his reception ; but Cardinal Beatoun prevented the 
young prince from going. This excited the bitterest 

* Oranmer, Works, i. ; Strype, Mcni. of Cranmet- ; Burnet, Hist. 
Itef. ; Anderson, English Bible, ii. p. l.'^Q. 

t ' The king- to the chancellor.'— -Sifrfe rapoi-s, i, p. 689. 


discontent in Henry's mind, and became afterwards 
the cause of a breach. The queen, who accompanied 
him, endeavoured to divert him from his vexation ; 
and the king, more and more pleased with his 
marriage, after his return to London, made public 
thanksgiving on All Saints Day (October 24), that 
God had given him so amiable and excellent a wife, 
and even requested the bishop of Lincoln to join in 
his commendations of her. This excessive satisfac- 
tion was ere long to be interrupted.* 

During the king's journej^, one John Lascelles, 
who had a married sister living in the county of 
Sussex, paid her a visit. This woman had formerly 
been in the service of the old duchess of Norfolk, 
grandmother to the queen, and by whom Catherine 
had been brought up. In the course of conversa- 
tion the brother and sister talked about this young 
lady, whom the sister had known well, and who 
Iiad now become wife to the king. The brother, 
ambitious for his sister's advancement, said to her : 
' You ought to ask the queen to place you among her 
attendants.' ' I shall certainly not do so,' she an- 
swered ; ' I cannot think of the queen but with 
sadness.' ' Why ? ' ' She is so frivolous in charac- 
ter and in life.' ' How so ? ' Then the woman re- 
lated that Catherine had had improper intercourse 
with one of the officers of the ducal house of Nor- 
folk, named Francis Derham ; and that she had 
been very familiar with another whose name was 
Mannock. Lascelles perceived the importance of 
these statements ; and as he could not take upon 
liimself the responsibility of concealing them, he de- 

• Lord Ilpvberl's Life of Ilnin/ I'lII.. p. ,-,:';4. 


termined to report them to the archbishop. The 
communication greatly embarrassed Cranmer. If he 
should keep the matter secret and it should afterwards 
become known, he would be ruined. Nor would 
he less certainly be ruined if he should divulge it, 
and then no proof be forthcoming. But what chieflj'' 
weighed upon his mind was the thought of the agi- 
tation which would be excited. To think of another 
wife of the king executed at the Tower ! To think 
of his prince, his country, and perhaps also the 
work which was in process of accomplishment in 
England, becoming the objects of ridicule and per- 
haps of abhorrence ! As he was unwilling to assume 
alone the responsibility imposed by so grave a com- 
munication, he opened his mind on the subject to the 
lord chancellor and to other members of the privy 
councU, to whom the king had entrusted the despatch 
of business during his absence. ' They were greatly 
troubled and inquieted.'* After having well weighed 
the reasons for and against, they came to the conclu- 
sion that, as this matter mainly concerned the king, 
Cranmer should inform him of it. This was a hard 
task to undertake ; and the archbishop, who was 
deeply affected, durst not venture to make viva voce. 
so frightful a communication. He therefore put down 
in writing the report which had been made to him, 
and had it laid before the kino-. The latt.er was 
terribly shocked ; but as he tenderly loved his wife 
and had a high opinion of her virtue, he said that 
it was a calumny. However, he j^rivately assembled 
in his cabinet the lord privy seal, the lord admiral, 
Sir Antony Brown, and Sir Thomas Wriothesle)', 

* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry Till., p. 535. 


a friend of the duke of Norfolk, who had taken 
a leading part in the divorce of Anne of Cleves, and 
laid the case before them, declarino- at the same time 
that he did not believe in it. These lords privately 
examined Lascelles and his sister, who persisted in 
their depositions ; next Mannock and Derham, who 
asserted the truth of their statements ; the latter, 
moreover, mentioning three of the duchess of Nor- 
folk's women who likewise had knowledge of the 
facts. The members of the council made their report 
to the king, who, pierced with grief, remamed silent 
for some time. At length he burst into tears, and 
commanded the duke of Norfolk, the qu.een's uncle, 
the archbishop of Cantei'bur}', the high chamberlain, 
and the bishop of Winchester, who had promoted the 
marriage, to go to Catherine and examine her. At 
first she denied everything. But when Cranmer was 
sent to her, on the evening of the first inquisition, 
the words of the primate, his admonitions, the reports 
which he made to her, which proved that her conduct 
was perfectly well known, convinced her of the use- 
lessness of her denials, and she then made full con- 
fession, and even added some strange details. It 
does not appear that the queen felt it her duty to 
confess her offences to God, but she resolved at least 
to confess them to men. WhUe making her confes- 
sion she was in a state of so great agitation that the 
archbishop was in dread every moment of her losing 
her reason. He thought, according to her confes- 
HLons, that she had been seduced by the uifamous 
Derham, with the privity even of his own wife. 
The household of the duchess dowager of Norfolk 
appears to have been very disorderly. Cranmer 


wrote down or caused to be written this confession, 
and Catherine signed it.* He had scarcely left the 
unhappy woman, when she fell into a state of raving 

The king was thrown into great excitement by 
the news of Catherine's confession of the reality of 
his misfortune. The very intensity of his love served 
to increase his trouble and his wrath ; but, for all 
this, some feeling of pity remained in his heart. 
' Return to her,' he said to Cranmer, ' and first make 
use of the strongest expressions to give her a sense 
of the greatness of her offences; secondly, state to 
her what the law provides in such cases, and Avhat 
she must suffer for her crime ; and lastly express to 
her my feelings of pity and forgiveness.' Cranmer 
returned to Catherine and found her in a fit of pas- 
sion so violent that he 'never remembered — so he 
wrote to the king — seeing any creature in such a 
state. The keepers told him that this vehement rage 
had continued from his departure from her.j ' It 
would have pitied,' said the good archbishop, ' any 
man's heart in the world to have looked upon her.' 
Indeed, she was almost in a frenzy ; she was not 
without strength, but her strength was that of a 
frantic person. The archbishop had had too much 
experience in the cure of souls, to adopt the order 
prescribed by the king. He saw that if he spoke 
first to her of the crime and its punishment, he 
might throw her into some dangerous ecstasy, from 
which she could not be rescued. He therefore began 
with the last part of the royal message, and told 

* The confession is given hj Burnet, Hwt. Reform. , iii. p. 224. 
t Or.inmer lo tlie king, Wurk.i, ii. p. 408. .S/nU Prijiei-n, i. 080, 


the queen tliat liis majesty's mercy extended to 
her, and that he had compassion on her misfortune. 
Catherhie hereupon lifted up her hands, became 
quiet, and gave utterance to the humblest thanks- 
givings to the king ^vho showed her so much mercy. 
She became more self-possessed; continuing, Iiowever, 
to sob and weep. But ' after a little pausing, she 
suddenly fell into a new rage, much worse than she 
was before.' * 

Cranmer, desirous of delivering her from this 
frightful delirium, said to her : ' Some new fantasy 
has come into your head, madam; pray open it to 
me.' After a time, when her passion subsided and 
she was capable of speech, she wept freely and said : 
' Alas, my lord, that I am alive! The fear of death 
grieved me not so much before, as doth now the 
remembrance of the king's goodness. For when I 
remember how gracious and loving a prince I had, I 
cannot but sorrow ; but this sudden mercy, and 
more than I could have looked for, showed unto me 
so unworthy at this time, maketh mine offences to 
appear before mine eyes much more heinous than 
they did before ; and the more I consider the great- 
ness of his mercy, the more I do sorrow in my heart 
that 1 should so misorder myself against las majesty.' 
The fact that the compassion of the king touched 
Catherine more than the fear of a trial and of death, 
seemed to indicate a state of mind less wayward than 
one might have expected. But in vain Cranmer said 
to her everything calculated to pacify her ; she re- 
mained for a long time 'in a great pang ; ' and even 
fell soon into another frightful passion. At length, 

* Oranmei', l]'orkx, ii. p. 408. 


in the afternoon she came gradually to herself, and 
was in a qviiet state till night. Cra^nmer, during 
this interval of relief, had ' good communications 
with her.' He rejoiced at having brought her into 
some- quiet. She told him that there had been a 
mari'iage contract between her and Derham, only- 
verbal indeed, she said; but that nevertheless, though 
never announced and acknowledged, it had been con- 
suimnated. She added that she had acted under 
compulsion of that man.* At six o'clock, she had 
another fit of frenz}^ ' Ah,' she said afterwards to 
Cranmer, ' when the clock struck, I remembered the 
time when Master Heneage was wont to bring me 
knowledge of his Grace.' In consequence of Cran- 
mer's report, Henry commanded that the queen 
should be conducted to Sion House, where two 
ajiartments were to be assigned to her and attendants 
nominated by the king.-j- 

Charges against Catherine were accumulating. 
She had taken into her service, as queen, the wretched 
Derham and, employing him as secretary, had often 
admitted him into her private apartments ; and this 
the council regarded as evidence of adultery. J She 
had also again attached to herself one of the women 
implicated iti her first irregularities. At length it was 
proved that another gentleman, one Culpeper, a kins- 
man of her mother, had been introduced, in the king's 
absence on a journey, into the queen's private apart- 
ments by Lady Rochford, at a suspicious hour and 

* Oranmer, Worlis, ii. p. 409. State Papers, i. p. 690. 
t State Papeis, i. p. 001. The Council to Cranmer. 
% ' His coming again to the queen's service was to an ill intent of the 
renovation of his foi-mer naughty life.' — Ibii!., p. 700. 


under circumstances which usually indicate crime. 
Culpeper confessed it. 

Now began the condemnations and the executions ; 
and Henry VIII. included in the trial not only those 
who were guilty but also the near relatives and ser- 
vants of the queen, who, though well knowing her 
offences, had not reported them to the king. On the 
7th, the council determined that the duchess-dowager 
of Norfolk, grandmother to the queen, her uncle, 
Lord William Howard, her aunts Lady Howard and 
Lady Bridgewater, together with Alice Wilks, Cathe- 
rine Tylney, Damport, Walgrave, Malin Tilney, Mary 
Lascelles, Bulmer, Ashby, Anne Haward and Mar- 
garet Benet were all guilty of not having revealed 
the crime of high treason, and that they should be 
prosecuted. On the 8th the king ordered that all 
these persons, Mary Lascelles excepted, should be 
committed to the Tower ; and this was done. Lord 
William Howard was imprisoned on December 9 ; the 
Duchess of Norfolk on the 10th, and Lady Bridge- 
water on the 13th. All of them stoutly protested 
their ignorance and their innocence.""' On December 
10, 1541, Culpeper was beheaded at Tyburn ; and the 
same day Derham was hung, drawn and quartered.f 

Meanwhile, the Duke of Norfolk had taken refuge 
at Kenninghall, about eighty miles from London. On 
December 15, he wrote to the king, saying that by 

* Letters to tke Privy Council.— State Papers, i. pp. 702, 704, 700, 

t Lord Herbert of Oherbur y, Turner, and other liistorians say that 
Culpeper was executed on November 30. But we follow the docu- 
ments signed by all the members of the coimcil, which bear date De- 
cember 10. — State Papers, i. p. 707. 



reason of the offences committed by his family he 
found himself in the utmost perplexity. Twice in 
his letter he ' prostrates himself at the king's feet ; ' 
and he expresses ' some hope that your Highness will 
not conceive any displeasure in your most gentle 
heart against me ; that, God knoweth, never did 
think thought which might be to your disconten- 
tation.' * There did, however, remain something in 
the ' most gentle heart ' of Henry YIII. 

Parliament met, by the king's command, on 
January 16, 1542, to give its attention to this busi- 
ness. Thus it was to the highest national assembly 
that the king entrusted the regulation of his domestic 
interests. On January 21, the chancellor introduced 
in the upper house a biU in which the king was 
requested not to trouble himself about the matter, 
considering that it might shorten his life ; to declare 
guilty of high treason the queen and all her accom- 
plices ; and to condemn the queen and Lady Rochford 
to death. The bill passed both houses and received 
the roval assent. f 

On February 12. the queen and Lady Rochford, 
her accomplice, were taken to Tower Hill and be- 
headed. The queen, while she confessed the offences 
which had preceded her marriage, protested to the 
last before God and his holy angels that she had 
never violated her faith to the king. But her previous 
offences gave credibility to those which were subse- 
quent to her marriage. With regard to Lady Roch- 
ford, the confidant of the queen, she was universally 
hated. People called to mind the fact that her ca- 

* St III c Papers, i. p. 721. 

t Tlie bill is given by Buniet, Records, i. p. 567. 

CHAP. vii. THE queen's GUILT. 307 

lumnies had been the principal cause of the death of 
the innocent Anne Boleyn and of her own husband ; 
and nobody was sorry for her. The king pardoned 
the old duchess of Norfolk and some others who had 
been prosecuted for not disclosing the crime. 

These events did not caU forth within the realm 
many remarks of a painful kind for Henry VIII.; 
but the great example of immorality pi'esented by 
the English court lessened the esteem in which it 
was held in Europe. There was no lack of similar 
licentiousness in France and elsewhere ; but there 
a veil was thrown over it, while in England it was 
public talk. Opinion afterwards became severe with 
regard to the king ; and when his conduct to three of 
his former wives was remembered, people said of the 
disgrace cast on him by Catherine Howard, — He well 
deserved it. As for the Catholic party, w^hich had 
given Catherine to Henry and had cherished the 
hope that by her influence it should achieve its final 
triumph, it was greatly mortified, and it has been so 
down to our own time. Some Catholics, referring to 
these offences, have tried to lessen the abhorrence 
and the shame of them by saying ' that a conspiracy 
was hatched to bring the queen to the scaffold.' But 
the evidence produced against Catherine is so clear 
that they have been obliged to alter their tone. 
Catholicism assuredly has had its vii-tuous princesses 
in abundance, but it must be acknowledged that she 
who became its patroness in England in 1541 did 
not do it much honour.* 

The elevation of Catherine Howard to the throne 

* The Roman Catholic historian Lingard, iu his Ilktory of Enf/land, 
at first put forward the idea of a conspiracy ; — ' A plot was woven ' ; — hut 



had been, followed by an elevation of Catholicism in 
England ; and the fall of this unhappy woman was 
followed by a depression of the party to which she 
belonged. This is our reason for dwelling on her 
history. These last events appear to have given 
offence at Rome. Pope Paul III. displayed more 
irritation than ever against Henry YIII. One of the 
king's ambassadors at A'^enice wrote to him at this 
time, — ' The bishop of Rome is earnestly at work to 
bring about a union of the emperor and the king of 
France for the ruin of your majesty;' and the secret 
reflection that the count Ludovico de Rangon had 
been in England filled the pope with fury and rage.* 
The zeal and the caution of Cranmer in the affair of 
Catherine had greatly increased the king's liking 
for him. Cranmer, however, was in no haste to take 
advantage of this to get any bold measm-es passed in 
favour of the Reformation. He knew that any such 
attempt would have had a contrary result. But he 
lost no opportunity of diffusing in England the prin- 
ciples of the Reformation. 


Parliament met on January IG, 1542, and the Con- 
vocation of the clergy on the 20th of the same month. 
On Friday, February 17, the translation of the Holy 
Scriptures was on the order of the day. The sup- 
pression of the English Bible was desired by the 
majority of the bishops, most of all by Gardiner, 
who, since the fall of Catherine Howard, felt more 
than ever the necessitv of resisting reformation. As 


in a later edition, he felt compelled to relinquish the idea of conspiracy 
and to substitute that of clucover;/ ; — ' A discovery was then made.' The 
word complot remains in the French version of his work. 

" ' The bishop of Eome is in great furor and rage against him.' — 
Ilai-vel to the Idng. State Papers, ix. pp. 21, 22. 


he was unable to re-establish at once the Vulgate as a 
whole, he endeavoured to retain what he could of it 
in the translation, so that the people might not under- 
stand what they read and might abandon it alto- 
gether. He proposed therefore to keep in the Eng- 
lish translation one hundred and two Latin words 
' for the sake of their native meaning and their dig- 
nity.' Among these words were — Ecclesia, poenitentia^ 
'pontifex, holocaustum, simulacrum, episcopus^ confessio, 
hostia, and others. In addition to the design which 
he entertained of preventing the people from under- 
standing what they read, he had still another in re- 
gard to such as might understand any part of it. If 
he was desirous of retaining certain words, this was 
for the purpose of retaining certain dogmas. 'Wit- 
ness,' says Fuller, ' the word Penance, which accord- 
ing to vulgar sound, contrary to the original sense 
thereof, was a magazine of willworship, and brought 
in much gai7i to the Priests who were desirous to 
keep that word, because that word kept them.' * Cran- 
mer gave the king warning of the matter ; and it was 
agreed that the bishops should have nothing to do 
with the translation of the Bible. On March 10 the 
archbishop informed Convocation that it was the 
king's intention to have the translation examined 
by the two universities. The bishops were greatly 
annoyed ; but Cranmer assured them that the king's 
determination was to be carried out. All the prelates 
but two protested against this course. This decree, 
however, had no other object than to get rid of the 
bishops, for the universities Avere never consulted. 

• Fuller, C/mrch History, Book v. p. 201». 


This was obviously a blo-w struck at the Convocation 
of the clergy.* 

The change ■which resulted from the disgrace of 
the Howards was apparent even in the case of the 
enemies of the Reformation. Bonner, bishop of 
London, a man at once violent and fickle, who after 
the death of Cromwell had suddenly turned against 
the Reformation, after .the death of Catherine made a 
show of turning in the contrary direction. He pub- 
lished various admonitions and injunctions for the 
guidance of his diocese. ' It is very expedient,' he 
said to the laity, ' that whosoever repaireth hither [to 
the church] to read this book, or any such Hke, in 
any other place, he prepare himseK chiefly and prin- 
cipally with all devotion, humihty and quietness to 
be edified and made the better thereby.' To the 
clergy he said : ' Every parson, vicar and curate shall 
read over and diligently study every week one chap- 
ter of the Bible, . . . proceeding fi-om chapter to 
chapter, from the beginning of the Gospel of Mat- 
thew, to the end of the Xew Testament. . . . You 
are to instruct, teach and bring up in learning the 
best ye can all such children of your parishioners as 
shall come to you for the same ; or at the least to 
teach them to read English, ... so that they may 
thereby the better learn and know how to believe, 
how to pray, how to live to God's pleasure.' •f 

' Burnet, i. p. o70. Anderson, JSm/lis/i Bible, ii. p. lo2. Gerdesius, 
Ann., iv. p. SOB. 

t Bonner'.-s Admonition and Injimcfiuiix. i.. Records, pp. 379, -1^0. 




THE principles of the Reformation were spreading 
more and more, and espeeially among the London 
merchants ; doubtless because they lield more inter- 
course than other classes with foreigners. These men 
of business were much better informed than we in our 
days should suppose. One of them, Richard Hilles, 
had large business transactions with Strasburg and 
the rest of Germany; and while engaged in these he 
paid some attention to theological literature. He not 
merely read, but formed an opinion of the works 
which he read, and was thus at the same time mer- 
chant and critic. He read the Ecclesiastical History 
of Eusebius, as well as his Preparation and Demon- 
stration ; but he was not satisfied with Eusebius. He 
found in his writings false notions on free will and 
on the marriage of ministers. TertulHan, on the 
other hand, charmed him by his simplicity, his piety, 
and likewise by the soundness of his judgment on 
the Eucharist; but he found much fault with his 
work on Prescriptions against Heretics* Cyprian 
edified him by the fulness of his piety ; but he was 

* Letter from Hilles to BuUinger, of December 18, 1542, the date of 
Catherine's trial. — Original Letferx relative to the Bm/liith Tieformation, 

i. pp. i'l'S, ;"!2!). (Parler Soc. I 


shocked by Hs ovennucli severity, and by bis opinions 
on satisfaction, whicb in bis view were derogatory to 
the rigbteousness of Cbrist. Lactantius be loved as 
tbe defender of the cause of God; but be sharply 
criticised his opinions on tbe virtue of almsgiving, 
on tbe necessity of abstinence from flowers and per- 
fumes, illecehrcB istce voluptatum arma, on tbe method 
of making up for evil works by good ones, on the 
millennium, and many other subjects. Origen, Augus- 
tine, and Jerome were also included in the cycle of 
his studious labours.* HUles considered it a great 
loss, even to a merchant, to pursue no studies. He 
found in them a remedy against tbe too strong in- 
fluences of worldly affairs. 

For him, however, the essential matter was the 
study of the Word of God. He used frequently to read 
and expound it in tbe houses of evangelical Christians 
in London. Bishop Gardiner, when examining one 
of HiUes' neighbours, said to him : ' Has not Eichard 
Hilles been every day in your house, teaching you 
and others like you?' Some ecclesiastics one day 
called upon him, whUe making a collection for plac- 
ing tapers before tbe crucifix and the sepulchre 
of Christ in the parish church. He refused to con- 
tribute. Tbe priests entreated bis kinsmen and 
friends to urge him not to set himself against a prac- 
tice which had existed for five centuries. Xo custom, 
said be, can prevail against the word of Cbrist — They 
that worship Him must worship Him, in spirit and in 
truth. Tbe priests now increased their tbreatenings, 
and Hilles left London and went to Strasburg, keep- 
ing up at the same time bis house of business 

' • Oriffiwil Letters relative to the English Reformation, pp. 234-235. 

CH.vr. Tin. RICHAKD HILLES. 813 

in London. The reader of TertuUian, Cyprian, 
Origen, and Augustine, on leaving the banks of the 
Rhine, went to Frankfort and to Niirnber^ to sell his 
cloth.* Moreover he made a good use of the money 
which he received. ' I send herewith to your piety,' he 
wrote to Bullinger, ' ten Italian crowns, which I desire 
to be laid out according to your pleasure, as occasion 
may offer, upon the poor exiles (rich, however, in 
Christ), and those especially, if such there be, who 
are in distress among you.'f 

The more Henry VIII. felt the loss which he 
had sustained by the death of Cromwell, the more 
did he feel drawn to Cranmer and to the cause he 
advocated. Already, in this same year, 1542, he ad- 
dressed to Cranmer some letters for the abolition of 
idolatry, ordering the disuse of images, relics, tapers, 
reliquaries, tables and monuments of miracles, pil- 
grimages and other abuses. J 

While laymen thus joined knowledge with faith, 
and business with teaching, Cranmer was slowly pur- 
suing his task. When parliament met, January 22, 
1543, the archbishop introduced a Bill for the advance- 
ment of true religion. This Act at once prohibited 
and enjoined the reading of the Bible. Was this 
intentional or accidental? We are disposed to think 
it accidental. There were two currents of opinion 
in England, and both of them reappeared in the 
laws. Only it is to be noted that the better cur- 
rent was the stronger; it was the good cause which 
seemed ultimately to gain the ascendency on this 
occasion. It was ordered that the Bibles bearinec 


Original Letters, &c., i. p. 240. f Ihid.^ p. 241. 

X Fox. Acta, ^. p. 4(i-i. 


Tyndale's name should be suppressed; but tbe printers 
still issued his translation with hardly any alteration, 
shielding it under the names of Matthew, Taverner, 
Cranmer, and even Tonstall and Heath.* It was 
therefore read everywhere. The Act forbade that 
anyone should read the Bible to others, either in 
any chm'ch or elsewhere, without the sanction of the 
king or of some bishop. But at the same time the 
chancellor of England, officers of the army, the king's 
judges, the magistrates of any town or borough, and 
the Speaker of the House of Commons, who were 
accustomed to take a passage of Scripture as the 
text of their discourses, were empowered to read it. 
Further, everv person of noble rank, male or female, 
being head of a family, was permitted to read the 
Bible or to cause it to be read by one of their domes- 
tics, in their own house, their garden or orchard, to 
their own family. Likewise, every trader or other 
person being head of a household was allowed to 
read it in private ; but apprentices, workpeople, &c., 
were to abstain. This enactment, thus interdicting 
the Bible to the common people, was both impious 
and absurd; impious in its prohibition, but also ab- 
surd, because reading in the family was recommended, 
and this might be done even by the domestics. The 
knowledge of the Scriptures might thus reach those 
to whom they Avere proscribed.f 

At the same time, on the demand of Cranmer, the 
Act of Six Articles was somewhat modified. Those 
who had infringed its clauses were no longer to be 

* Anderson, English Bible, i. p. 569 ; ii. pp. 80, 156. 
■f ' An Act for the advancement of true religion and the abolishment 
of the contrary.' — Str^-pe, Mem. of Cranmer, p. 14:?. 


punished with death, if they were laymen; and priests 
were to incur this penalty only after the third 
offence. This was certainly no great gain, but the 
primate obtained what he could. 

He also endeavoured to render as harmless as 
possible the book A necessary doctrine and erudition 
for any Christian Man, which was published in 1543,* 
and was called The King'^s Bool:, to distinguish it 
from The Institution of a Christian Man, which was 
called The Bishop's Book. This book of the king 
held a middle course between the doctrine of the 
pope and that of the Reformation, leaning, however, 
towards the latter. The grace and the mercy of 
God were established as the principle of our justifica- 
tion. Some reforms were introduced with respect to 
the worship of images and of the saints ; the article 
on purgatory was omitted ; large rights were granted 
to the church of every country ; the vulgar tongue 
was recognised as necessary to meet the religious 
wants of the people. Still, many obscurities and 
errors were to be found in this book. 

An event was approaching which would draw the 
king more decisively to the side of the Reformation. 
Although he had now made five successive marriages, 
and had experienced, undoubtedly by his own fault, 
only a long series of disappointments and vexations, 
he was once more looking for a wife. A law which 
had been passed after the discovery of the miscon- 
duct of Catherine Howard terrified the maidens of 
England, even the most innocent among them ; they 
would have been afraid of falling victims to the unjust 

* "Wilkins, Burnet, Strype, Todd, Xife of Cramner, i. p. 332. 


suspicions of Henry VIII. He now determined to 
marry a widow. 

Catherine Parr, the widow of Lord Latimer, was 
now at the court. She was a woman of good sense, 
of ^drtuous and amiable character, beautiful, and 
agreeable in manners,* and was past the prime of 
youth. She had, however, one defect which often 
attaches to noble characters, — a want of prudence. 
She did not always perceive and practise what was 
best to be done under certain circumstances. Espe- 
cially was she wanting in that human prudence, so 
necessary at the court, and particularly to the wife of 
Henry VIIL ; and hereby she was exposed to great 
danger. The king was now in a declining state ; and 
his bodily infirmities as well as his irritable temper 
made it a necessity that some gentle and very con- 
siderate wife should take care of him. He married 
the noble dowager f on July 12, 1543; and he found 
in her the affection and the kind attentions of a \ir- 
tuous lady. The crown was to Catherine but a poor 
compensation ; but she discharged her duty devotedly, 
and shed some rays of sunshine over the last years of 
the king. The queen was favourable to the Refor- 
mation, as was likewise her brother, who was created 
earl of Essex, and her uncle, made Lord Parr of 
Horton. Cranmer and all those who wished for a 
real reformation were on the side of the new queen ; 
while Gardiner and his party, now including the new 
chancellor, "Wriothesley, taking alarm at this influence 
which was opposed to them, became more zealous 

* ' She was endued with singular beauty, favour and comely person- 
age. — Fox, Acts, V. p. ooi. 

t Loi-d Herbert's Life of Henry VIII., p. 561. — Stiype, yiem. of 
< 'rrnniier. &>:. 


than ever in the maintenance of the old doctrine. 
These men felt that the power which they had 
possessed under Catherine Howard might slip out of 
their hands ; and they resolved to spread terror 
among the friends of the Reformation, not excepting 
the queen herself, by attacking Cranmer. It was 
always this man at whom they aimed and struck 
their blows, nor was this the last time they did so. 

The prebendaries of Canterbury and other priests 
of the same diocese, strongly attached to the Catholic 
doctrine, and disquieted and shocked by the re- 
forming principles of the archbishop, came to an 
understanding with Gardiner, held a great many 
meetings among themselves, and collected a large 
number of reports hostile to the archbishop. They 
accused him of having removed images, and pro- 
hibited the partisans of the old doctrines from 
preaching ; and the rumour was soon everywhere 
current that ' the bishop of Winchester had bent his 
bow to shoot at some of the head deer.' The lona" 
list of charges brought against the primate was for- 
warded to the king. Amongst the accusers were 
found some members of Cranmer's church, maeis- 
trates whom he had laid under obligation to him, and 
men who almost daily sat at his table. Henry was 
pained and irritated ; he loved Cranmer, but these 
numerous accusations disturbed him. Taking the 
document with him, he went out, as if going to take 
a walk alone on the banks of the Thames. He 
entered his bark. ' To Lambeth,' he said to his 
boatmen. Some of the domestics of the archbishop 
saw the boat approaching : they recognised the 
king, and gave information to their master^ who 


immediately came down to pay his respects to his 
Majesty. Hem-y invited him to enter the bark ; 
and when they were seated together, the boatmen 
being at a distance, the king began to lament the 
growth of heresy, and the debates which would 
inevitably result from it, and declared that he was 
determined to find out who was the principal pro- 
moter of these false doctrines and to make an ex- 
ample of him. ' What think you of it ? ' he added. 
' Sir,' replied Cranmer, ' it is a good resolution ; but 
I entreat you to consider well what heresy is, and 
not to condemn those as heretics who stand for the 
word of God aarainst human inventions.' After 
further explanations, the king said to him : ' You 
are the man who, as I am informed, is the chief 
encourager of heresy.' The king then handed to 
him the articles of accusation collected by his op- 
ponents. Cranmer took the papers and read them. 
AVhen he had finished, he begged the king to ap- 
point a commission to investigate these grievances, 
and fi-ankly explained to him his own view of 
the case. The king, touched by his simplicity and 
candour, disclosed to him the conspiracy, and pro- 
mised to nominate a commission ; insisting, however, 
that the primate should be the chief member and 
that he should proceed against his accusers. Cran- 
mer refused to do this. The commission was nomi- 
nated. Dr. Lee, dean of York, made diligent inquiry, 
and found that men to whom Cranmer had rendered 
great services were in the number of the conspirators. 
Cranmer bore himself with great meekness towards 
them. He declined to confound and put them to 
shame as the king had required him to do; and the 


result was that, instead of condemning Cranmer, 
every one of them acknowledged that he was the first 
to practise the virtues which he preached to others, 
and thus showed himself to be a true bishop and a 
worthy reformer.* 

As Gardiner and his colleagues had failed in. their 
attempt to bring down the head deer, they deter- 
mined to indemnify themselves by attacking lesser 
game. A society of friends of the Gospel had been 
formed at Oxford, the members of which were leading- 
lowly and quiet lives, but at the same time were 
making courageous confession of the truth. Fourteen 
of them were apprehended by Doctor London, sup- 
ported by the bishop of Winchester. The persecutors 
chiefly directed their attack against three of these 
men, Robert Testwood, famed for his musical attain- 
ments and attached as a ' singing-man ' to the chapel 
of Windsor College, used to speak .with respect of 
Luther, ventured to read the Holy Scriptures, and 
exhorted his acquaintances not to bow down before 
dumb images, but to worship only the true and living 
God. Henry Filmer, a churchwarden, could not 
endure the fooleries which the priests retailed in the 
pulpit ; and the latter, greatly stung by his criticism, 
accused him of being so thoroughly corrupted by 
heresy that he alone would sufiice to poison the 
whole nation. Antony Pierson, a priest, preached 
with so much faith and eloquence, that the people 
flocked in crowds to hear him, both at Oxford and in 
the surrounding country places. 

A fourth culprit at length appeared before the 

* Oranmer, TForlcs, ii. p. ix. Burnet, Hist, of the Befurm., i. p. 50;:. 
Strype, Fox, Todd, Life of Cranmer, i. p. 349. 


council. He was a poor man, simple-minded, and of 
mean appearance. Some loose sheets of a book lay 
upon the table in front of the bishop of Winches- 
ter. ' Marbeck,' said the bishop, ' dost thou know 
wherefore thou art sent for ? ' ' Xo, my lord,' he 
replied. The bishop, taking up some of the sheets, 
said to him: 'Under stand est thou the Latin tongue?' 
' No, my lord,' he answered, 'but simply.' Gardiner 
then stated to the council that the book he held in his 
hand was a Concordance, and that it was translated 
word for word from the original compiled for the use 
of preachers. He asserted ' that if such a book should 
go forth in English, it would destroy the Latin 
tongue.' Two days later Gardiner again sent for 
Marbeck. ' Marbeck,' said the bishop, ' what a devil 
made thee to meddle with the Scriptures ? * Thy 
vocation was another way . . . why the devil didst 
thou not hold thee there ? . . . What helpers hadst 
thou in setting forth thy book?' 'Forsooth, my 
lord,' answered Marbeck, 'none.' ' It is not possible 
that thou should'st do it without help,' exclaimed 
the bishop. Then addressing one of his chaplains : 
' Here is a marvellous thing ; this fellow hath taken 
upon him to set out the Concordance in English, 
which book, when it was set out in Latin, was not 
done without the help and diligence of a dozen 
learned men at least, and yet will he bear me in 
hand that he hath done it alone.' Then, addressing 
Marbeck, he said : ' Say what thou wilt, except God 
himself would come down from heaven and tell me 

* Fox, wlio relates these circumstances, adds in a note,— ' Christ 
saith — Sa-utamini scripturas ; and "Winchester saith — The devil mates 
men to meddle with the scriptm-es.' 


SO, I will not believe it.' Marbeck was taken back to 
prison, and was placed in close confinement, witli 
irons on his hands and feet. He was five times 
examined ; and on the fifth occasion a new charge 
was brought against him ; — he had written out with 
his own hand a letter of John Calvin.' * This was 
worse than spending his time over the Bible. 

Gardiner exerted himself to the utmost to secure 
the condemnation of this man to death, in company 
with Testwood, Filmer, and Peerson. The queen 
was now hardly on the throne. These three Chris- 
tians were burnt alive ; and they met death with so 
much humility, patience, and devotion to Jesus, their 
only refuge, that some of the bystanders declared 
that they would willingly have died with them and 
like them.f But the persecutors failed in their 
attempt with respect to Marbeck. Cranmer was able 
to convince the king that the making of a Concord- 
ance to the Bible ought not to be visited with death. 
It is well known that Henry VIII. attached much 
importance to the Holy Scriptures, which he con- 
sidered the most powerful weapon against the pope, 
ilarbeck, therefore, v/as spared. 

It is, moreover, no wonder that there shovild still 
have been martyrs. The queen, indeed, was friendly 
to their cause ; but political circumstances were not 
fevourable. After forty years' alliance with France, 
Henry VIII. was about to declare war against that 
kingdom. The pretexts for this course were many. 
The first was the alliance of the king of France with 

* 'An epistle of Master John Oalvin, whioli Marbeck had written 
out.'— Fox, Acts, v. pp. 483, 484. 
t Ibid., pp. 464-490. 


the Turks, ' who are daily advancing to destroy and 
ruin our holy faith and rehgion, to the great regret 
of all good Christians,' said the Council.* A second 
pretext was that the sums of money which France 
was bound to pay annually to the king had fallen 
into arrear for nine years ; there was also the ques- 
tion of the subsidies granted by France to Scotland 
during the war between Henry Till, and the Scots ; 
the reception and protection of English rebels by 
Francis I. ; and the detention in French ports of 
faithful subjects of the king, merchants and others, 
with their ships and merchandise. In the despatch 
which we have just cited, the king also declared that, 
if within twenty days the grievances set forth were 
not redressed, he should claim the kingdom of France 
unjustly held by Francis I. The French ambassador 
replied in a conciliatory manner. Diplomacy made 
no reference to other grounds of complaint of a more 
private character, which perhaps throw light upon 
those which occasioned the rupture. Francis I. had 
jested about the way in which Henry VIII. dealt 
with his wives. Henry had sought the hand of 
French princesses, and they had no mind for this 
foreign husband ; and lastly, Francis did not fidfil 
the promise which he had made to separate from 
Rome. There were many other pretexts besides, 
more or less reasonable, which determined the king 
to invade France. 

While withdrawing from alliance with Francis I., 
Henry could not but at the same time enter into 
closer relation with Charles V. This reconciliation 

" Despatch from the Privv Council to the French ambassador. — 

Sfdfi- I'lipir.tj ix. p. .'JS^. 

t'DAP. ym. WAR WITH li^^ANCE. ."S:! 

seemed natural, for the king of England was really, 
in respect to religion, more in harmony with the 
emperor than with the Protestants of Germany, 
whose alliance he had for some time desired. But 
Charles required first of all that the legitimacy and 
the rights of his cousin, the princess Mary, should be 
acknowledged ; and this Henry refused to do, because 
it would have involved an acknowledgment of his 
injustice to Catherine of J^ragon. A solution which 
satisfied the emperor was ultimately devised. It was 
provided by Act of Parliament that if Prince Edward 
should die without children, ' the crown should go to 
the lady Mary.'* But in this Act no mention was 
made of her legitimacy. The result of the concession 
of this point to Charles V. was to bring on England a 
five years' bloody persecutioii, and to give her people 
Philip II. for their king. In default of any issue of 
Mary, Elizabeth was to succeed to the throne. After 
the passing of this Act, in March 1543, a treaty of 
alliance was concluded between England and the 

The war which Henry VIII., ' king of England, 
France., and Ireland,' said the parliament, now carried 
on against Francis I. has little to do with the history 
of the Reformation. The king, having named the 
queen regent of his kingdom, embarked for France, 
on July 14, 1544, on a vessel hung with cloth of 
gold. He was now feeble and corpulent, but his 
vanity and love of display were always conspicuous, 
even when setting out for a war. Having arrived on 
the frontier of France he found himself at the head of 

' Act of Succession, S/J Henry VIII. c. 1. 


45,000 men, 30,000 of whom were English. The 
emperor, who had got the start of him, was ah-eady 
within two days' march of Paris ; and the city was in 
alarm at the approach of the Germans. ' I cannot 
prevent my people of Paris from being afraid,' said 
Francis, ' but I will prevent them from suffering 
injury.' Charles paid little respect to his engage- 
ment with Henry YIII., and now treated separately 
with Francis at Crespy, near Laon, September 19, 
and left the king of England to get out of the affair 
as well as he could. Henry captured Boulogne, but 
this was all that he had of his kingdom of France. 
On September 30 he returned to London. 

The war, however, continued until 1546. Eng- 
land, abandoned by the emperor, found sympathy in 
a quarter where it might least have been expected, 
— in Italy. The ItaHans, who were conscious of the 
evils brought on their own land by the papacy, were 
filled with admiration for the prince and the nation 
which had cast off its yoke. Edmund Harvel, am- 
bassador of Henry YIII. in Italy, being at this time 
at Venice, was continually receiving visits from 
captains of high reputation, who came to offer then- 
services. Among these was Ercole Yisconti of Milan, 
a man of high birth, a great captain, and one who, 
ha\ing extensive connexions in Italy, might render 
great services to the king.* The French were now 
making an attempt to retake Boulogne ; but the 
Italian soldiers who were serving in their army were 
constantly going over to the English, at the rate of 
thirty per day. The Itahan companies were thus so 
largely reduced that the captains requested permission 

* Ilarvel to Henry A'lll. Sfnfr Papn-?. x. p. 402. 


to leave the camp for want of soldiers to command ; 
and permission was given them.* In this matter the 
pope was involved in difficulty. He had undertaken to 
furnish Francis I. with a body of four thousand men ; 
but as the king was afraid that these Eoman soldiers 
,rould pass over to the English army,f he requested 
Paul III. to substitute for these auxiliaries a monthly 
subsidy of 16,000 crowns. ' As the Italian nation,' 
added the English ambassador in his letter to 
Henry VIIL, ' is alienate from the French king, so 
the same is more and more inclined to your Majesty.' 
From this episode it is evident that Italy was at this 
time favourably disposed towards the Reformation. 

But if in Italy there were many supporters of 
Protestantism, in England its opponents were still 
more numerous. The fanatical party had attempted 
in 1543 to expel Reform from the town of Windsor 
by means of martyrdom. But the account was not 
settled ; it still remained to purify the castle. It was 
known that Testwood, Filmer, Peerson, and Marbeck 
himself had had patrons in Sir Thomas and Lady 
Cardine, Sir Philip and Lady Hobby, Dr. Haynes, 
dean of Exeter, and other persons at the court. 
Dr. London, who was always on the look-out for 
heretics, and a pleader named Simons, sent to Gardiner 
one Ockam, a secretary, with letters, accusations, and 
secret documents as to the way in which they in- 
tended to proceed. But one of the queen's servants 
reached the court before him and gave notice of the 

* ' Three of their captains have desired leave to depart for lack of 
men.' — Poynings to Henry VIII., Boulogne, August 15, 154G. State 
Papers, x. p. 570. 

t 'Fearing lest the Italians should pass over to England.' — State 
Papers, X- p. 402. 


scheme. Ockam, on his arrival, was arrested, all the 
papers were examined, and evidence was discovered 
in them of an actual conspiracy against many persons 
at the court. This aroused great indignation in the 
king's mind. It is highly probable that these gentle- 
men and their wives owed their safety to the influence 
of the queen and of Cranmer. London and Simons, 
unaware that their letters and documents had fallen 
into the hands of their judges, denied the plot, and 
this even upon oath. Their own writings were now 
produced, it was proved that they were guilty of 
perjury, and they were condemned to ignominious 
punishment. London, that great slayer of heretics, 
and his colleague, were conducted on horseback, 
facing backwards, with the name of perjurer on their 
foreheads, through the streets of Windsor, Eeadiiic;'. 
and Xewbury, the king being now at the last-named 
town. They were afterwards set in the pUlory and 
then taken back to prison. London died there of 
distress caused by this public disgrace. It was well 
that the wind should change, and that persecutors 
should be punished instead of the persecuted ; but 
the manners of the time subjected these wretches to 
shockrag suflferings which it would have been better 
to spare them.* 

" Foi, Acts. y. p. 4911, 



HENRY VIII. , sick and fretful, was easily drawn 
first to one side, then to the other. He was 
a victim of indecision, of violent excitement and of 
irresolution. His brother-in-law, the duke of Suffolk, 
who of all the members of the Privy Council was the 
most determined supporter of the Reformation, had 
died in August 1545, and that body was thencefor- 
ward impelled in an opposite direction, and carried 
the king along with it. 

Shaxton, having resigned his see of SaUsbury 
after the publication of the Six Articles, had been 
put in prison, and had long rejected all proposals of 
recantation addressed to him. Having aggravated 
his offence while in prison by asserting that tlie 
natural body of Christ was not in the sacrament, he 
was condemned to be burnt. The bishops of London 
and Worcester, sent by the king, visited him in the 
prison and strove to convince him. This feeble and 
egotistic man readily professed himself persuaded, 
and thanked the king ' for that he had delivered liiia 
at the same time from the temporal and from the 
everlasting fire.' On July 13, 1546, he was set at 
liberty. As he gi*ew old his understanding became 


still weaker ; and in Mary's reign tlie unhappy man 
was one of the most eager to burn those whom he 
had called his brethren.* 

While there were men like Shaxton, whose fall 
was decisive and final, others were to be met with 
who, although in their own hearts decided for the 
truth, were alarmed when they found themselves in 
danger of death, and subscribed the Catholic decla- 
rations which were offered to them. But after having 
thus plunged into the abyss, they lifted up their 
heads as soon as possible and again confessed the 
truth. One of this class was Edward Crome, who, 
at. this period, gave way on two occasions, but re- 
covered himself, f 

jMany other blemishes were visible in the general 
state of the Anglican church; and the obstinacy of 
the king, in particular, in maintaining in his kingdom, 
side by side, two things in opposition to each other, 
the Catholic doctrines and the reading of the Bible, 
subjected the sacred volume to strange honours. The 
king in person prorogued the parliament on Decem- 
ber 24, and on this occasion made his last speech to 
the highest body in the state. He spoke as vicar of 
GocL and oave a lecture to the ministers and the 
members of the church. It was his taste; he believed 
that he was born for this position, and there was in 
his nature as much of the preceptor as of the king. 
Moreover, there was nothing which offended him so 
much as the attempt to address a lecture to himself. 
Anyone who did so risked his own life. But while 

* Burnet, Mist. Kef., i. p. 617. 

t Cranmer, IForks, ii. pp. 339, 31^8. Fox, Acts, v. p. 53r. Bale, 
IVorJis, pp. 157, 161, 441. Bradford, Writings, i. pp. 290, 374, 529. 


he was easily hurt, he did not shrink from hurting 
the feelings of others. He handled the rod more 
easily than the sceptre. The Speaker of the House 
of Commons having delivered an address to the king 
in which he extolled his virtues, Henry replied as 
follows : — ' Whereas you . . . have both praised and 
extolled me for the notable qualities you have con- 
ceived to be in me, I most heartily thank you all that 
you put me in remembrance of my duty, which is to 
endeavour myself to obtain and get such excellent 
qualities and necessary virtues. . . No prince in the 
world more favour eth his subjects than I do you, nor 
any subjects or commons more love and obey their 
sovereign lord than I perceive you do me. Yet, 
although I with you, and you with me, be in this per- 
fect love and concord, this friendly amity cannot con- 
tinue except you, my lords temporal, and you, my 
lords spiritual, and you, my loving subjects, study 
and take pains to amend ane thing, which is surely 
amiss and far out of order, . . . Avhich is, that charity 
and concord is not among you ; but discord and dis- 
sension beareth rule in every place. St. Paul saith 
to the Corinthians, in the thirteenth chapter, " Charity 
is gentle, charity is not envious, charity is not proud," 
and so forth. Behold then what love and charity is 
amongst you when one calleth the other heretic and 
anabaptist ; and he calleth him again papist, hypo- 
crite, and pharisee. Be these things tokens of charity 
amongst you? Are these the signs of fraternal love 
between you ? No, no, I assure you that this lack of 
charity amongst yourselves will be the hindrance and 
assuaging of the fervent love between us, except this 
wound be salved and clearly made whole. I must 

":";i) THE REFORilATIfiX IN EUROPE . book xt. 

needs judge the fault and occasion of this discord to 
be partly by the negligence of you, the fathers and 
preachers of the spiritualty. ... I see and hear 
daily that you of the clergy preach one against 
another, . . . and few or none do preach truly and 
sincerely the Word of G-od. . . . Alas I ho-sv can the 
poor souls live in concord when you preachers sow 
amongst them, in your sermons, debate and discord? 
Of you they look for light, and you bring them to 
darkness. Amend these crimes, I exhort you, and 
set forth God's word, both by true preaching and 
good example-giving ; or else I, whom God hath ap- 
pointed his vicar and high minister here, will see 
these di%isions extinct. . . . Although (as I say) the 
spiritual men be in some fault . . . yet you of the 
temporalty be not clean and unspotted of malice and 
envy; for you rail on bishops, speak slanderously of 
priests, and rebuke and taunt preachers. . . . Al- 
though yon be permitted to read Holy Scripture. 
and to have the Word of God in your mother- 
tongue, you must understand that it is licensed you 
so to do, only to inform }'our own conscience, and to 
instruct your children and family; not to dispute and 
make Scripture a railing and a taunting stock against 
priests and preachers, as many light persons do. I 
am very sorry to know and hear how unreverently 
that most precious jewel, the Word of God, is dis- 
puted, rhymed, sung, and jangled in every alehouse 
and tavern, contrary to the true meaning and doc- 
trine of the same. ... Be in charity one with ano- 
ther, ... to the which I, as your supreme head and 
sovereign lord, exhort and require you ; and then I 
doubt not but that love and league, which I spake of 


in the beginning, shall never be dissolved or broken, 
between us.'* 

The schoolmaster had not spoken amiss. The 
parliament did not make the retort, ' Physician, heal 
thyself,' though it might have been applicable. One 
of the measures by which the king manifested his 
sweet charity proves that, if he were not, like some 
old schoolmasters, a tyrant of words and syllables, he 
tyrannised over the peace and the lives of his people. 

There were at the court a certain number of 
ladies of the highest rank who loved the Gospel — the 
duchess of Suffolk, the countess of Sussex, the 
countess of Hertford, lady Denny, lady Fitzwilliam,'|' 
and above all the queen. Associated with these was 
a pious, lively, and beautiful young lady, of great 
intelligence and amiable disposition, and whose fine 
qualities had been improved by education. Her name 
was Anne Askew. She was the second daughter of 
Sir William Askew, member of a very ancient Lin- 
colnshire family. She had two brothers and two 
sisters. Her brother Edward was one of the king's 
bodyguards. The queen frequently received Anne 
and other Christian women in her private apart- 
ments ; and there prayer was made and the Word of 
God expounded by an evangelical minister. The 
king, indeed, was aware of these secret meetings, 
but he feigned ignorance. Anne was at this time 
in great need of the consolations of the Gospel. Her 
father. Sir William, had a rich neighbour named 
Kyme, with whom he v^as intimate ; and being 
anxious that his eldest daughter should marry a rich 

* Lord Herbert" s Life of Henry nil., p. 598. Fox, Acts, v. p. o:>l, 
t Balfi, fueled Work?, p. 220 (Parker Society). 


man, lie arranged with Kyme that she should wed 
his eldest son. The young lady died before the 
nuptials took place; and Sir William, reluctant to 
let slip so good a chance, compelled his second 
daughter Anne to marry the betrothed of her sister, 
and by him she became the mother of two children. 
The third sister, Joan, was married to Sir John 
Saint-Paul. The Holy Scriptures in the English 
version attracted Anne's attention, and ere long she 
became so attached to them that she meditated on 
them day and night. Led by them to a living faith 
in Jesus Christ, she renounced Romish superstitions. 
The priests, who were greatly annoyed, stirred up 
against her her young husband, a rough man and a 
staunch papist, who ' violently drove her out of his 
house.' * Anne said, ' Since, according to the Scrip- 
ture, if the unbelieving depart, let him depart. A 
brother or a si-'<ter is not under bondage in such 
casev,^ — I claim my divorce.' She went to London 
to take the necessary proceedings; and either through 
her brother, one of the guards, or otherwise, made 
the acquaintance of the pious ladies of the court and 
of the queen herself. 

It was a great vexation to the enemies of the 
Reformation to see persons of the highest rank almost 
openlv professing the evangelical faith. As they did 
not dare to attack them, they determined to make a 
beginning with Anne Askew, and thereby to teiTily 
the rest. She had said one day, ' I would sooner 
read five lines in the Bible than hear five masses in 
the church.' On another occasion she had denied 
the corporal presence of the Saviour in the sacrament. 

* ]lV_e, SchH V'orl-.". p. 100. f ^ ' 'or. Tii, o. 1-5. 


She was sent to prison. When she was taken to 
Sadlers Hall, the judge, Dare, asked her, ' Do you 
not believe that the sacrament hanging over the altar 
was the very body of Christ really?' Anne replied, 
'Wherefore was St. Stephen stoned to death? ' Dare, 
doubtless, remembered that Stephen Lad said, ' I see 
the Son of Man sitting at the right hand of God.^ 
From this it followed that He was not in the sacra- 
ment. He preferred to answer, ' I cannot tell.' It 
is possible, however, that his ignorance was not 
feigned. ' No more,' sai'd Anne, ' will I assoil your 
vam question.' Anne was afterwards taken before 
the lord-mayor. Sir Martin Bowes, a passionate bigot. 
He was under-treasnrer of the Mint, and in 1550 
obtained the king's pardon for all the false money 
which he had coined. The magistrate gravely asked 
her whether a mouse, eating the host, received God 
or no? 'I made no answer, but smiled,' says Anne. 
The bishop's chancellor, who was present, sharply said 
to her, ' St. Paul forbade women to speak or to talk 
of the Word of God.' ' How many women,' said she 
in reply, 'have you seen go into the pulpit and 
preach? ' ' Never any,' he said. ' You ought not to 
find fault in poor women, except they have offended 
the law.' She was unlawfully committed to prison, 
and for eleven days no one was allowed to see her. 
At this time she was about twenty-five years of age. 
One of her cousins, named Brittayne, was admitted 
to see her. He immediately did everything he could 
to get Anne released on bail. The lord-mayor bade 
liim apply to the chancellor of the bishop of London. 
The chancellor replied to him, ' Apply to the bishop.' 
The bishop said, ' I will give order for her to appear 


before me to-irLorrow at three o'clock in the after- 
noon.' He then subjected her to a long examination. 
He asked her, amongst other things, ' Do you not 
think that private mai^ses help the souls departed?' 
• It is great idolatry,' slie replied, ' to believe more in 
them than in the death which Christ died for us.' 
■ What kind of answer is this ? ' said the bishop of 
London. ' It is a weak one,' replied Anne, ' but 
good enough for such a question.' After the ex- 
amination, at which Anne made clear and brief re- 
plies, Bonner wrote down a certain number of articles 
of faith, and required that Anne should set her hand 
to them. She wrote, ' I believe so much thereof as 
the Holy Scripture doth agree unto.' This was not 
what Bonner wanted. The bishop pressed the point, 
and said, ' Sign this document.' Anne then wrote, 
' I, Anne Askew, do believe all manner of things ^ 
contained in the faith of the Catholic Church.' The 
Ijishop, well knowing what Anne meant by this word, 
hurried away into an adjoining room in a great rage.* 
Her cousin Brittayne followed him and implored him 
to treat his kinswoman kindly. ' She is a woman,' 
exclaimed the bishop, ' and I am nothing deceived in 
her.' ' Take her as a woman,' said Brittayne, ' and do 
not set her weak woman's wit to your lordship's great 
wisdom.' At length, Anne's two sureties, to wit, Brit- 
tayne and Master Spilman of Grays Inn, were on the 
following day accepted, and she was set at libert3^ 
These events took place in the year 1545. 

Anne having continued to profess the Gospel. 
and to have meetings with her friends, she was again 

" ' lie flung into his chambei- in a great fury.' — Bale, Select J] oris, 
p. 177 (Pavk-i Society). F.\x, Arf.i, -, , p. .j4--J. 


arrested three months later, and was brought before 
the privy council at Greenwich. On the opening of 
the examination she refused to go into the matter 
before the council, and said, ' If it be the king's 
pleasure to hear me, I will show him the truth.' 'It 
is not meet,' they replied, ' for the king to be troubled 
with you.' She answered, ' Solomon was reckoned 
the wisest king that ever lived, yet misliked he not 
to hear two poor common women; much more his 
grace a single woman and his faithful subject.' ' Tell 
me your opinion on the sacrament,' said the Lord 
Chancellor.' ' I believe,' she said, ' that so oft as I, 
in a Christian congregation, do receive the bread in 
remembrance of Christ's death, and with thanks- 
giving ... I receive therewith the fruits also of his 
most glorious passion.' ' Make a direct answer to 
the question,' said Gardiner. ' I will not sing a new 
song of the Lord,' she said, ' in a strange land.' 
' You speak in parables,' said Gardiner. ' It is best 
for you,' she answered;' for if I show the open truth, 
ye will not accept it.' ' You are a parrot,' said the 
incensed bishop. She replied, ' I am ready to suffer 
all things at your hands, not only your rebukes, 
but all that shall follow besides, yea, and all that 

The next day Anne once more appeared before 
the Council. They began the examination on the 
subject of transubstantiation. Seeing Lord Parr 
uncle to the queen, and Lord Lisle, she said to them, 
' It is a great shame for you to counsel contrary to 
your knowledge.' 'We would gladly,' they answered 
' all things were well.' Gardiner wished to speak 
privately witli her, but this she refused. The Lord 


Chancellor tlien began to examine her again. ' How 
long,' said Anne, 'will you halt on both sides?' 
' You shall be burnt,' said the bishop of London. 
She replied, ' I have searched all the Scriptures, yet 
could I never find that either Christ or his apostles 
put any creature to death.' 

Anne was sent back to prison. She was very ill, 
and believed herself to be near death. Xever had she 
had to endure such attacks. She requested leave to 
see Latimer, who was still confined in the Tower; but 
this consolation was not allowed her. Restino' firml-s. 
as she did, on Scriptural grounds, she did not sufiFer 
herself to swerve. To her constitutional resolution 
she added that which was the fruit of communion 
with God; and she was thus placed by faith above 
the attacks which she experienced. Having a good 
foundation, she resolutely defended the freedom of 
her conscience and her full trust in Christ ; and not 
only did she encounter her enemies without waver- 
ing, but she spoke to them with a power sufficient to 
awe them, and gave home-thrusts which threw them 
into confusion. Xevertheless she was onl}' a weak 
woman, and her bodily strength began to fail. In 
Xewgate she said, — ' The Lord strengthen us in the 
truth. Pray, pray, pray.' She composed while in 
prison some stanzas which have been pronounced 
extraordinary, not only for simple beauty and sub- 
lime sentiment, but also for the noble structure and 
music of the verse.* 

By law, Anne had a right to be tried by jury; 
but on June 28, 15-16, she was condemned by the 
lord chancellor and the council, without further pro- 

* Anderson, English Bible, ii. p. 10*. 


cess, to be burnt, for having denied the corporal 
presence of Christ. They asked her whether she 
wished for a priest ; she smiled and said she would 
confess her faults unto God, for she was sure that He 
would hear her with favour. She added : ' I think 
his grace shall well perceive me to be weighed in an 
uneven pair of balances. . . . Here I take heaven 
and earth to record that I shall die in mine inno- 
cency.' * 

It was proved that Anne had derived her faith 
from the Holy Scriptures. Gardiner and his parti- 
sans therefore prevailed upon the government, eight 
days before the death of this young Christian, to 
issue a proclamation purporting 'that from hence- 
forth no man, woman or person of what estate, 
condition or degree soever he or they be [conse- 
quently including the ladies and gentlemen of the 
court as well as others], shall, after the last day of 
August next ensuing receive, have, take or keep in 
their possession the text of the New Testament, of 
Tyndale's or Coverdale's translation in English, nor 
any other than is permitted by the Act of Parliament; 
. . nor after the said day shall receive, have, take or 
keep in his or their possession any manner of books 
printed or written in the English tongue which be or 
shall be set forth in the names of Fryth, Tyndale, 
Wycliffe, . . Barnes, Coverdale, . . or by any of 
them ; . . . ' and it was required that all such books 
should be delivered to the mayor, bailiff or chief 
constable of the town to be openly burned. f 

* Bale's Woi-Jcs, p. 216. Fox, Acts, v. p. 546. 
t Proclamation of July 8, 1546. 



This was a remarkable proceeding on the part of 
Henry VIII. But events were stronger than the 
proclamation, and it remained a dead letter. 

Anne's sentence was pronounced before the issue 
of the proclamation. The trial was over, and there 
was to be no further inquiry. But her death was 
not enough to satisfy Rich, Wriothesley and their 
friends. They had other designs, and were about 
to perpetrate the most shameful and cruel acts. The 
object which these men now proposed to themselves 
was to obtain such evidence as would warrant them 
in taking proceedings against those ladies of the 
court who were friends of the Gospel. They went 
(July 13) to the Tower, where Anne was still con- 
fined, and questioned her about her accomplices, 
naming the duchess-dowager of Suffolk, the coimtess 
of Sussex and several others. Anne answered, ' If 
I should pronounce anything against them, I should 
not be able to prove it.' They next asked her whether 
there were no members of the royal council who gave 
her their support. She said, none. The king is in- 
formed, they replied, that if you choose you can name 
a great many persons who are members of your sect. 
She answered that ' the king was as well deceived in 
that behalf as dissembled with in other matters.' The 
only effect of these denials was to irritate Wriothesley 
and his colleague; and, determined at any cost to 
obtain information against influential persons at the 
court, they ordered the rack to be applied to the 
young woman. This torture lasted a long time ; 
but Anne gave no hint, nor even uttered a cry. 
The lord chancellor, more and more provoked, said 
to Sir Antony Knevet, lieutenant of the Tower, 


' Strain her on the rack again.' The latter refused 
to do this. It was to no purpose that Wriothesley 
threatened him if he would not obey. Rich, a mem- 
ber of the Privy Council, had frequently given proof 
of his baseness. Wriothesley was ambitious, inflated 
with self-conceit, haughty, and easily angered if his 
advice was not taken. These two men now forgot 
themselves ; and the spectacle was presented of the 
lord chancellor of England and a privy councillor of 
the king turned into executioners. They set their 
own hands to the horrible instrument, and so severely 
applied the torture to the innocent young woman, 
that she was almost broken upon it and quite dislo- 
cated. She fainted away and was well-nigh dead.* 
' Then the lieutenant caused me to be loosed : incon- 
tinently I swooned, and then they recovered me again. 
After that I sat two long hours, reasoning with my 
Lord Chancellor on the bare floor, where he, with 
many flattering words, persuaded me to leave my 
opinion.' f Henry VIII. himself censured Wriothes- 
ley for his cruelty, and excused the lieutenant of the 
Tower. ' Then was I brought to a house,' says 
Anne, ' laid in a bed, with as weary and painful bones 
as ever Job had.' The chancellor sent word to her 
that if she renounced her faith she should be par- 
doned and should want for nothing, but that other- 

* ' My Lord Ohanoellor and blaster Rich took pains to rack me in 
their own hands, till I was nigh dead.' Bale's WorJcs, p. 224. Fox, Acts, 
V. p. 647. Burnet also relates the fact and adds some details : — ' The lord 
chancellor, throwing off his gown, drew the rack so severely.' But 
Burnet is inclined to doubt the fact. The evidence of Anne Askew is 
positive. Burnet's doubt means nothing more than a bishop's respect 
for a lord chancellor. 

t Letter fiom Ottwell Johnson to his brother, of July 2. Anderson 
English Bible, ii. p. 196. 

z 2 


wise she should be burnt. She answered, ' I will 
sooner die.' At the same time she fell on her knees 
in the dungeon and said : ' Lord, I have more 
enemies now than there be hairs on my head ; yet. 
Lord, let them never overcome me with vain Avords, 
but fight thou. Lord, in my stead, for on thee I cast 
my care. With aU the spite they can imagine, they 
fall upon me, who am thy poor creature. Yet, sweet 
Lord, let me not set by them that are against me ; 
for in thee is my whole delight. And, Lord, I heartily 
desire of thee, that thou wilt of thy most merciful 
goodness forgive them that violence which they do, 
and have done, unto me. Open also thou their blind 
hearts, that they may hereafter do that thing in thy 
sight, which is only acceptable before thee, and to set 
forth thy verity aright, without all vain fantasies of 
sinful men. So be it, Lord, so be it.' * 

The 16th of July, the day fixed for the last 
scene of this tragedy, had arrived; everything was 
ready for the burning of Anne at Smithfield. The 
execution was to take place not iu the morning, the 
usual time, but at nightfall, to make it the more ter- 
rible. It was thus, in every sense, a deed of dark- 
ness. They were obliged to carry Anne to the place 
of execution, for in her state at that time she was 
unable to walk. When she reached the pUe, she was 
bound to the post by her waist, with a chain which 
prevented her from sinking down. The wretched 
Shaxton, nominated for the purpose, then completed 
his apostasy by delivering a sermon on the sacrament 
of the altar, a sermon abounding in errors. Anne, 
who was in full possession of her faculties, contented 

* Bales Works, p. 238. Fox, Acts, v. p. 540. 


herself with saying, ' He misseth and speaketh witli- 
out the Book.' Three other evangelical Christians 
were to die at the same time with her ; Belenian, a 
priest; J. Lacels (Lascelles), of the king's household, 
probably the man who had revealed the incontinence 
of Catherine Howard, a deed for which the Roman 
party hated him ; and one Adams, a Colchester man. 
' Now, with quietness,' said Lacels, ' I commit the 
whole world to their pastor and herdsman Jesus Christ, 
the only Saviour and true Messias, . . .' The letter 
from which we quote is subscribed, 'John Lacels, late 
servant to the king, and now I trust to serve the 
everlasting King, with the testimony of my blood in 

There was an immense gathering of the people. 
On a platform erected in front of St. Bartholomew's 
church were seated, as presidents at the execution, 
Wriothesley, lord chancellor of England, the old 
duke of Norfolk, the old earl of Bedford, the lord 
mayor Bowes, and various other notabilities. When 
the fire was going to be lighted, the chancellor sent a 
messenger to Anne Askew, instructed to oflfer her 
the king's pardon if she would recant. She answered, 
' I am not come hither to deny my Lord and Master.' 
The same pardon was oflfered to the other martyrs, 
but they refused to accept it and turned away their 
heads. Then stood up the ignorant and fanatical 
Bowes, and exclaimed with a loud voice, ' Fiat jiis- 
titia ! ' Anne was soon wrapt in the flames; and this 
noble victim who freely offered herself a sacrifice to 
God, gave up her soul in peace. Her companions did 

* Fox, Acts, V. p. 553. t Ibid., p. 550. 


These four persons were the last victims of the 
reign of Henry VIII. The enemies of the Reforma- 
tion were especially annoyed at this time to see 
women of the first families of England embrace the 
faith which they hated. On a woman of most su- 
perior mind, but young and weak, fell the last blow 
levelled against the Gospel by the defender of the 
faith. Anne Askew fell ; but the great doctrines 
which she had so courageously professed were soon 
to be triumphant in the midst of her fellow-country- 




IT might be asked how it came to pass that the 
queen did not put a stop to these cruel executions. 
The answer is easy — she was herself in danger. The 
enemies of the Reformation, perceiving her influence 
over the king, bethought themselves that the execu- 
tion of Anne Askew and of her companions did not 
advance their cause ; that to make it triumphant 
the death of the queen was necessary; and that if 
Catherine were ruined, the Reformation wouM fall 
with her. Shortly after the king's return from France, 
these men approached him and cautiously insinuated 
that the queen had made large use of her liberty 
during his absence ; that she diligently read and 
studied the Holy Scriptures ; that she chose to have 
about her only women who shared her opinions; that 
she had engaged certain would-be wise and pious 
persons to assist her in attaining a thorough know- 
ledge of the sacred writings; that she held private 
conferences with them on spiritual subjects all the year 
round, and that ' in Lent every day in the afternoon, 
for the space of an hour, one of her said chaplains, 
in her privy chamber,' expounded the Word of God 
to the queen, to the ladies of her court and of her 
bedchamber and others who were disposed to hear 


these expositions ; * that the minister frequently at- 
tacked what he called the abuses of the existing 
church ; that the queen read heretical books proscribed 
by royal ordinances ; further, that she, the queen of 
England, employed her leisure hours in translating 
religious works, and in composing books of devotion ; 
and that she had turned some of the psalms into 
verse, and had made a collection entitled Prayers 
or Meditations. The king had always ignored these 
meetings, determined not to see, what was neverthe- 
less clear, that the queen was an evangelical Christian 
like Anne Askew, who had lately been burnt. 

Catherine was encouraged by this consideration on 
the part of the king. She professed her faith in the 
Gospel unreservedly, and boldly took up the cause of 
the evangelicals. Her one desire was to make known 
the truth to the king, and to brmg him to the feet of 
Jesus Christ to find forgiveness for the errors of his 
life. Without regard to consequences she allowed 
her overflowing zeal to have free and unrestricted 
course. She longed to transform not the king alone, 
but England also. She often exhorted the king ' that 
as he had, to the glory of God and his eternal fame, 
begun a good and a godly work in banishing that 
monstrous idol of Rome, so he would thoroughly 
perfect and finish the same, cleansing and purging 
his church of England clean from the dregs thereof, 
wherein as yet remained great superstition.' f 

Was the passionate Henry going to act rigorously 
towards this queen as he had towards the others ? 
Catherine's blameless conduct, the affection which she 
testified for him, her respectful bearing, her unwearied 

• Foi, Acts, V. p. 553, _ f Ibid., p. 554. 


endeavour to please him, the attentions which she 
lavished on him, had so much endeared her to him 
that he allowed her the privilege of being freespoken; 
and had it not been for the active opposition of 
its enemies, she might have propagated the Gospel 
throughout the kingdom. As these determined ene- 
mies of the Reformation were beginning to fear the 
total ruin of their party, they strove to rekindle the 
evil inclinations of Henry VIII., and to excite his 
anger against Catherine. In their view it seemed 
that the boldness of her opinions must inevitably 
involve her ruin. 

But the matter was more difficult than they 
thought. The king not only loved his wife, but he 
also liked discussion, especially on theological sub- 
jects; and he had too much confidence in his own 
cleverness and knowledge to dread the arguments of 
the queen. The latter therefore continued her petty 
warfare, and in respectful terms advanced good scrip- 
tural proofs in support of her faith. Hemy used to 
smile and take it all in good part, or at least never 
appeared to be ofi"ended. Gardiner, Wriothesley and 
others who heard these discourses were alarmed at 
them. They were almost ready to give up all for 
lost; and trembling for themselves, they renounced 
their project. Not one of them ventured to breathe 
a word against the queen either before the king or in 
his absence. At length, they found an unexpected 

An ulcer burst in the king's leg, and gave him 
acute pain which constantly increased. Henry had 
led a sensual life, and had now become so corpulent, 
that it was exceedingly difficult to move him from 


one room to another. He insisted that no one should 
take notice of his failing powers ; and those about 
him hardly dared to speak of the fact in a whisper.* 
His condition made him peevish; he was restless, 
and thought that his end was not far off. The 
least thing irritated him ; gloomy and passionate, he 
had frequent fits of rage. To approach and attend 
to him had become a difficult task; but Catherine, 
far from avoidmg it, was all the more zealous. 
Since his illness Henry had given up coming into 
the queen's apartments, but he invited her to come to 
see him; and she frequently went of her own accord, 
after dinner, or after supper, or at any other favour- 
able opportunity. The thought that Henry was 
gradually drawing near to the grave fiUed her heart 
with the deepest emotion ; and she availed herself 
of every opportunity of bringing him to a decision in 
favour of evangelical truth. Her endeavours for this 
end may sometimes have been made with too much 
urgency. One evening when Wrioth'esley and Gar- 
diner, the two leaders of the Catholic party, were 
with the king, Catherine, who ought to have been on 
her guard, carried away by the ardour of her faith, 
endeavoured to prevail upon Henry to undertake 
the reformation of the church. The king was hurt. 
His notion that the queen was lecturing him as a 
pupil in the presence of the lord chancellor and the 
bishop of Winchester, increased his vexation. He 
roughly ' brake off that matter and took occasion to 
enter into other talk.' f This he had never before 

* state Papei-s, i. p. 869. It is in this letter of September 17, 1546, 
that the first mention of the king's state is to be found, 
t Fox, Acts, V, p. 555. 


done; and Catherine was surprised and perplexed. 
Henry, however, did not reproach her, but spoke 
affectionately, which was certainly on his part the 
mark of real love. The queen having risen to retire, 
he said to her as usual, 'Farewell! sweet heart.'* 
Catherine meanwhile was disquieted, and felt that 
keen distress of mind which seizes upon a refined 
and susceptible woman when she has acted impru- 

The chancellor and the bishop remained with the 
king. Gardiner had observed the king's breaking off 
the conversation ; and he thought, says a contem- 
porary, ' that he must strike while the iron was hot ; ' 
that he must take advantage of Henry's iU humour, 
and by a skilful effort get rid of Catherine and put 
an end to her proselytism. It was a beaten track ; 
the king had already in one way or another rid him- 
self of four of his queens, and it would be an easy 
matter to do as much with a fifth. 

Henry furnished them with the wished-for oppor- 
tunity. Annoyed at having been humiliated in the 
presence of the two lords, he said to them in an 
ironical tone: 'A good hearing it is when women 
become such clerks ; and a thing much to my comfort, 
to come in mine old days to be taught by my wife.' 
The bishop adroitly availed himself of this opening, 
and put forth all his powers and all his malice to in- 
crease the anger of the king. He urged that it was 
lamentable that the queen ' should so much forget her- 
self as to take upon her to stand in any argument with 
his Majesty ; ' he praised the king to his face ' for his 
rare virtues, and especially for his learned judgment 

* Fox, Acts, V. p. 656, 


in matters of religion, above not only princes of that 
and other ages, but also above doctors professed in 
theology.' He said ' that it was an unseemly thing 
for any of his majesty's subjects to reason and argue 
with him so malapertly,' and that it was ' grievous 
to him (Gardiner) for his part, and other of his 
majesty's counsellors and servants to hear the same.' 
He added ' that they all by proof knew his wisdom to 
be such, that it was not needful for any to put him in 
mind of any such matters ; inferring, moreover, how 
dangerous and perilous a matter it is . . . for a 
prince to suffer such insolent words at his subjects' 
hands, who, as they take boldness to contrary their 
sovereign in words, so want they no wiU, but only 
power and strength, to overthwart him in deeds.* 
Besides this, that the religion by the queen so stiffly 
maintained did not only disallow and dissolve the 
policy and politic government of princes, but also 
taught the people that all things ought to be in com- 
mon. 'f The bishop went on to assert that ' whosoever 
(saving the reverence due to her for his majesty's 
sake) should defend the principles maintained by the 
queen, deserved death.' He did not, however, dare, 
he said, to speak of the queen, unless he were sure 
that his majesty would be his buckler. But with his 
majesty's consent his faithful counsellors would soon 
tear off the hypocritical mask of heresy and would 
disclose treasons so horrible that his majesty would 
no longer cherish a serpent in his own bosom. 

The lord chancellor spoke in his turn ; and the 

• Fox, Acts, V. p. 556. 

t Gardiner's malicious interpretation of Acts iv. 33, where it is stated 
that the Christians had all things in common. 

CHAP. X. THE king's BISTRUST. 349 

two conspirators did everything they could to stir up 
the anger of the king against the queen. They filled 
his head with a thousand tales, both about herself and 
about some of her lady-attendants ; they told him 
that they had been favourable to Anne Askew; that 
they had in their possession heretical books; and 
that they were guilty of treason as well as of heresy. 
Suspicion and distrust, to which the king's disposi- 
tion was too naturally inclined, took possession of 
him, and he required his two councillors to ascertain 
whether any articles of law could be brought forward 
against the queen, even at the risk of her life.* They 
quitted, the king's presence, promising to make very 
good use of the commission entrusted to them. 

The bishop and the chancellor set to work imme- 
diately. They resorted to means of every kind — 
tricks, intrigues, secret correspondence — for the pur- 
pose of making out an appearance of guilt on the 
part of the queen. By bribing some of her domestics 
they were enabled to get a catalogue of the books 
which she had in her cabinet. Taking counsel with 
some of their accomplices, it occurred to them that 
if they began by attacking the queen, this step would 
excite almost universal reprobation. They deter- 
mined, therefore, to prepare men's minds by making 
a beginning with the ladies who enjoyed her confi- 
dence, and particularly with those of her own kindred 
— Lady Herbert, afterwards countess of Pembroke 
the queen's sister, and first lady of her court ; Lady 
Lane, her cousin-german; and Lady Tyrwit, who by 
her virtues had gained her entire confidence. Their 

* ' The drawing of certain articles against the queen, wherein her 
life might he touched.' — Fox, Acts, v. p. 556. 


plan was to examine these three ladies on the Six 
Articles; to institute a rigorous search in their houses 
with a view to find some ground of accusation against 
Queen Catherine ; and, in case they should succeed, 
to arrest the queen herself and carry her off by nighty 
in a bark, to the Tower. The further they pro- 
ceeded with their work of darkness, the more they 
encouraged and cheered each other on; they con- 
sidered themselves quite strong enough to strike at 
once the great blow, and they resolved to make the 
first attack on the queen. They therefore drew up 
against her a bill of indictment, which purported 
especially that she had contravened the Six Articles, 
had violated the royal proclamation by readiag pro- 
hibited books, and, in short, had openly maintained 
heretical doctrine. Nothing was wanting but to get 
the king's signature to the bill; for if^ without the 
sanction of this signature, they should cast suspicions 
on the queen, they would expose themselves to a 
charge of high treason.* 

Henry YIII. was now at Whitehall ; and in con- 
sequence of the state of his health he very seldom 
left his private apartments. But few of his coun- 
cillors, and these only by special order, were allowed 
to see him. G-ardiner and Wriothesley alone came to 
the palace more frequently than usual to confer with 
him on the mission which he had entrusted to them. 
Taking with them their hateful indictment, they went 
to the palace, were admitted to the king's presence, 
and after a suitable introduction they laid before him 
the fatal document, requesting him to sign it. Henry 
read it, and took careful note of its contents ; then 

* Fox, Ads, V. p. oo~. Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. ,'^. 624. 


asked for writing materials, and notwithstanding his 
feebleness he signed it. This was a great victory for 
the bishop, the chancellor and the Catholic party; 
and it was a great defeat for the Reformation, ap- 
parently the signal for its ruin. Nothing was now 
wanting but a writ of arrest, and the chancellor of 
England would send the queen to the Tower. Once 
there, her situation would be hopeless. 

So cleverly had the plot been managed, that du- 
ring the whole time the queen had neither known 
nor suspected anything ; she paid her usual visits to 
the king, and had gradually allowed herself to speak 
to him on religion as she used to do. The king per- 
mitted this without gainsaying her ; he did not choose 
to enter into explanations with her. He was, how- 
ever, ill at ease. The burden was oppressive; and 
one evening, just after the queen left him, he opened 
his mind to one of his physicians, in whom he placed 
full confidence, and said: ' I do not like the queen's 
religion, and I do not intend to be much longer 
worried by the discourses of this doctoress.' He like- 
wise revealed to the physician the project formed 
by some of his councillors, but forbade him, upon 
pain of death, to say a word about it to any living 
soul. Apparently forgetting the wives whom he had 
already sacrificed, Henry was thus coolly preparing, 
at the very time when he was himself about to go 
down to the grave, to add another victim to the 

The queen, although encompassed with deadly 
enemies who were contriving her ruin, was in a state 
of perfect calmness, when suddenly there burst upon 
her one of those heavy squalls which in the twinkling 


of an eye dash the most powerful vessels against the 
rocks. The chancellor, contented with his triumph, 
but at the same time agitated, snatched up the paper 
which, now bearing the king's signature, ensured the 
death of the queen. Vehement passions sometimes 
distract men and produce absence of mind. In this 
case it appears that "Wriothesley carelessly thrust the 
paper into his bosom, and dropped it while crossing 
one of the apartments of the palace.* A pious 
woman of the court, happening to pass that way 
shortly afterwards, saw the paper and picked it up. 
Perceiving at the first glance its importance she 
took it immediately to the queen. Cathei'ine opened 
it, read the articles with fear and trembling, and as 
soon as she saw Henry's signature, was struck as 
by a thunderbolt, and fell into a frightful agony. 
Her features were completely changed: she uttered 
loud cries, and seemed to be in her death-struggle. 
She too, then, was to lay down her life on the scaffold. 
All her attentions, all her devotion to the king, had 
availed nothing ; she must undergo the common lot 
of the wives of Henry VIII. She bewailed her fate, 
and struggled against it. At other times she had 
glimpses of her own faults and uttered reproaches 
against herself, and then her distress and her lament- 
ations increased. Those of her ladies who were 
present could hardly bear the sight of so woful a 
state; and, trembling themselves, and supposing that 
the queen was about to be put to death, they were un- 
able to offer her consolation. The remembrance of 

* ' Oum enim Oancellarius ex improvise sci-iptum illud regis manu 
notatum e sinu in quern id recondiderat perdidisset.' — Gerdesius, Ann., iv. 
p. 352. 


this harrowing scene was never effaced from their 

Some one brought word to the king that the 
queen was in terrible distress, and that her life seemed 
to be in danger.f A feeling of compassion was 
awakened in him, and he sent to her immediately 
the physicians who were with him. They, finding 
Catherine in this extremity, endeavoured to bring 
her to herself, and gradually she recovered her senses. 
The physician to whom Henry had revealed Gardi- 
ner's project, J discovering from some words uttered 
by the queen that the conspiracy was the cause of 
her anxiety, requested leave to speak to her in pri- 
vate. He told her that he was risking his life by 
thus speaking to her, but that his conscience would 
not allow him to take part in the shedding of inno- 
cent blood. He therefore confirmed the foreboding 
of danger which was impending over her ; but added 
that if she henceforward endeavoured to behave with 
humble submission to his majesty, she would regain, 
he did not doubt, his pardon and his favour. 

These words wei'e not enough to deliver Cathe- 
rine fi'om her disquietude. Her danger was not con- 
cealed from the king ; and, unable to endure the 
thought that she might die of grief, he had himself 
carried into her room. At the sight of the king 
Catherine rallied sufiiciently to explain to him the 
despair into which she was thrown by the belief that 

* ' The queen fell incontinent into a great melancholy and agony, 
bewailing and taking on in such sort as was lamentable to see, as certain 
of her ladies and gentlewomen, being yet alive, who were then present 
about her, can testify.' — Fox, Acts, v. p. 558. 

t ' Almost to the peril and danger of her life.' — Ibid, 

X It seems to have been Dr. Wendy. 


he had totally abandoned her. Henry then spoke to 
her as an affectionate husband, and comforted her 
with gentle words ; and this poor ■ heart, till then 
agitated like a stormy sea, gradually became calm 

The king could now forget the faults of the queen ; 
but the queen herself did not forget them. She un- 
derstood that she had habitually assumed a higher 
position than belonged to a wife, and that the king 
was entitled to an assurance that this state of things 
should be changed. After supper the next evening, 
therefore, Catherine rose and, taking with her only 
her sister. Lady Herbert, on whom she leaned, and 
' Lady Jane, who carried a light before her, went 
to the king's bedchamber. When the three ladies 
were introduced, Henry was seated and speaking 
with several gentlemen who stood round him. He 
received the queen very courteously, and of his own 
accord, contrary to his usual practice, began to talk 
with her about religion, as if there was one point on 
which he wished for further information from the 
queen. She replied discreetly and as the circumstances 
required. She then added meekly and in a serious 
and respectful tone, — ' Your Majesty doth right well 
know, neither I myself am ignorant, what great imper- 
fection and weakness by our first creation is allotted 
unto us women, to be ordamed and appointed as in- 
ferior and subject unto man as our head; from which 
head all our direction ought to proceed. And that as 
God made man in his own shape and likeness, whereby 
he being endued with more special gifts of perfection, 
might rather be stirred to the contemplation of 
heavenly thing's and to the earnest endeavour to obey 


his commandments, even so also made he woman of 
man, of whom and by whom she is to be governed, 
commanded and directed. . . Your majesty being so 
excellent in gifts and ornaments of wisdom, and I a 
silly poor woman, so much inferior in all respects of 
nature unto you, how then cometh it now to pass 
that your majesty in such diflFuse causes of religion 
"ndll seem to require my judgment? Which when I 
have uttered and said what I can, yet must I, will I, 
refer my judgment ... to your majesty's wisdom, 
as my only anchor, supreme head and governor here 
in earth, next under God, to lean unto.' ' Not so by 
St. Mary,' said the king; 'you are become a doctor, 
Kate, to instruct (as we take it), and not to be in- 
structed or directed by us.' ' If your majesty take 
it so,' replied the queen, ' then hath your majesty 
very much mistaken me, who have been of the opinion, 
to think it very unseemly and preposterous for the 
woman to take upon her the office of an instructor 
or teacher to her lord and husband, but rather to 
learn of her husband and be taught by him. And 
whereas I have, with your majesty's leave, heretofore 
been bold to hold talk with your majesty, wherein 
sometimes in opinions there hath seemed some differ- 
ence, I have not done it so much to maintain opinion, 
as I did it rather to minister talk, not only to the 
end your majesty might with less grief pass over this 
painful time of your infirmity,* being attentive to 
our talk, and hoping that your majesty should reap 
some ease thereby ; but also that I, hearing your 
majesty's learned discourse, might receive to myself 

* ' Was rather to pass away the time and pain of his infirmity.' 

Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII., p. 624. 

A A 2 


some profit thereby; wherein I assure your majesty, 
I have not missed any part of my desire in that be- 
half, always referring myself in all such matters unto 
your majesty, as by ordinance of nature it is conve- 
nient for me to do.' 'And is it even so?' answered 
the king ; ' and tended your arguments to no worse 
end ? Then perfect friends we are now again, as ever 
at any time heretofore.' Then, as if to seal this pro- 
mise, Henry, who was sitting in his chair, embraced 
the queen and kissed her. He added : ' It does me 
more good at this time to hear the words of your 
mouth, than if I had heard present news of a 
hundred thousand pounds in money had fallen unto 
me.' Lavishing on Catherine tokens of his affection 
and his happiness, he promised her that such misap- 
prehensions with regard to her should never arise 
again. Then, resuming general conversation, he 
talked on various interesting subjects with the queen 
and with the lords who were present, until the night 
was advanced ; when he gave the signal for their de- 
parture. There may possibly have been somewhat of 
exaggeration in Catherine's words. She had not been 
altogether so submissive a learner as she said; but she 
felt the imperative necessity of entirely dispersing the 
clouds which the illwill of her enemies had gathered 
over the king's mind, and it is not to be doubted that 
in saying what she did she uttered her inmost thought. 
Meanwhile, the queen's enemies, who had no sus- 
picion of the turn things were taking, gave their 
orders and made their preparations for the great 
work of the morrow, which was to confine Catherine 
in the Tower. The day was fine, and the king wish- 
ing to take an airing, went in the afternoon into the 


park, accompanied only by two of the gentlemen of 
his bedchamber. He sent an invitation to the queen 
to bear him company ; and Catherine immediately 
arrived, attended by her three favourite ladies in 
waiting. Conversation began, but they did not talk 
of theology. Never had the king appeared more 
amiable; and his good humour inspired the rest with 
cheerfulness. In his conversation there was all the 
liveliness of a frank communicative disposition, and 
the mirth, it seems, was even noisy.* Suddenly, 
forty halberds were seen gleaming through the park 
trees. The lord chancellor was at the head of the 
men, and forty bodyguards followed him. He was 
coming to arrest the queen and her three ladies and to 
conduct them to the Tower. The king, breaking off 
the conversation which entertained him so pleasantly, 
glanced sternly at the chancellor, and stepping a little 
aside called him to him. The chancellor knelt down 
and addressed to the king, in a low voice, some words • 
which Catherine could not understand. She heard 
only that Henry replied to him in insulting terms, 
' Fool, madman, arrant knave ! ' At the same time 
he commanded the chancellor to be gone. Wriothesley 
and his followers disappeared. Such was the end of 
the conspiracy formed against the king's Protestant 
wife by Wriothesley, Gardiner, and their friends. 
Henry then rejoined the queen. His features still 
reflected his excitement and anger ; but as he ap- 
proached her he tried to assume an air of serenity. 
She had not clearly understood what was the subject 
of conversation between the king and the chancellor ; 
but the king's words had startled her. She received 

* ' In the midst of their mirth.' — Fox, Acts, v. p. 5G0. 


him gracefully and sought to excuse Wriothesley, 
saying : ' Albeit I know not what just cause your 
majesty has at this time to be offended with him, yet 
I think that ignorance, not will, was the cause of his 
error ; and so I beseech your majesty (if the cause 
be not very heinous), at my humble suit to take it.' 
' Ah, poor soul ! ' said the king, ' thou little knowest 
how evil he deserveth this grace at thy hands.'* 

* Fox, Acts, V. p. 561. Lord Herbert's ij/f of Henry VIII., ^. 625. 



(1546— JANITAEY, 1547.) 

WEIGHTY consequences followed tlie miscarriage 
of the conspiracy formed against the queen. 
It had been aimed at the queen and the Reformation ; 
but it turned against Roman Catholicism and its 
leaders. The proverb was again fulfilled, — whoso 
diggeth a pit shall fall therein. The wind changed ; 
Romanism suiFered an eclipse, it was no longer 
illumined by the sun of royalty. The first to fall 
into disgrace with Henry VIII. was, as we have 
seen, Wriothesley. The king displayed his cool- 
ness in various ways. The chancellor, disquieted 
and alarmed for his own pecuniary interests, was 
annoyed to see preparations for establishing a new 
Court of Augmentations, by which his privileges and 
emoluments would be lessened. He earnestly en- 
treated the king that it might not be established in 
his time. ' I shall have cause,' he wrote on October 
16, 'to be sorry in my heart during my life, if 
the favour of my gracious master shall so fail, that 
partly in respect of his poor servant he do not some- 
what of his clemency temper it. Thus I make an 
end, praying God long to preserve his Majesty.'* 

* State Papers, i. p. 882. 


In spite of all his efforts, he lost the royal favour, 
and the new court which he so much dreaded was 

A still heavier blow fell upon Gardiner. After 
the reconciliation between Henry and Catherine, he 
was obliged to abstain from making his appearance 
at the court.* On December 2, he wrote to the 
king : ' I am so bold to molest your Majesty with 
these very letters, which be only to desire your High- 
ness, of your accustomed goodness and clemency, to 
be my good and gracious lord, and to continue such 
opinion of me as I have ever trusted and, by mani- 
fold benefits, certainly known your Majesty to have 
had of me. . . declare mine inward rejoice of your 
Highness' favour, and that I would not willingly 
offend your Majesty for no worldly thing.' This 
man, at other times so strong, now saw before him 
nothing but disgrace and became excessively fearful. 
He might be overtaken bj' a long series of penalties. 
Who could tell whether Henry, like Ahasuerus of 
old, would not inflict upon the accuser the fate 
which he had designed for the accused ? The bishop, 
restless, wrote to Paget, secretary of state : ' I hear 
no specialty of the king's majesty's miscontentment 
in this matter of lands, but confusedly that my 
doings should not be well taken.' f No answer to 
either of these two letters is extant. Towards the 
end of December, the king excluded Gardiner from 
the number of his executors and from the council 
of regency under his successor, Edward ; and this 
involved a heavy loss of honour, money, and influ- 

* ' I have no access to your majesty.' — State Papers, i. p. 884. 
t Ibid. 


ence. Henry felt that for the guardianship of his 
son and of his realm, he must make his choice 
between Cranmer and Gardiner. Cranmer was 
selected. It was in vain that Sir Antony Browne 
appealed to him, and requested him to reinstate the 
bishop of Winchester in this office. ' If he be left 
among you,' said the king, ' he would only sow 
trouble and division. Don't speak of it.' The con- 
spiracy against the queen was not the sole, although 
it was the determining, cause of Gardiner's disgrace.* 

This, however, was but the beginning of the 
storm. The first lord of the realm and his family 
were about to be attacked. If Henry no longer 
struck to the right, he struck to the left ; but he 
dealt his blows without intermission; in one thing he 
was ever consistent, cruelty. 

In addition to the sutFering caused by his disease, 
the king was oppressed by anxietj^ at the thought of 
the ambition and rebellion which might snatch the 
crown from his son and create disturbances in the 
kingdom after his death. The court was at this time 
divided into two parties. One of these was headed 
by the duke of Norfolk, who, owing to his position 
as chief of the ancient family of the Howards, allied 
even to the blood royal, was next to the king the most 
influential man in England. He had long been lord 
treasurer, and had rendered signal services to the 
crown. Opposed to this party was that of the Sey- 
mours, who had not hitherto played any great part 
but who now, as uncles to the young prince, found 
themselves continually advancing in esteem and au- 
thority. Norfolk was the chief of the Catholic party; 

* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIIL, p. 625. 


and a great number of evangelical Christians had been 
burnt while he was at the head of the government. 
His son, the earl of Surrey, was likewise attached to 
the doctrines of the Middle Ages, and was even sus- 
pected of having associated in Italy with Cardinal 
Pole. The Seymours, on the other hand, had always 
shown themselves friendly to the Refonnation ; and 
while Norfolk supported Gardiner, they supported 
Cranmer. It appeared inevitable that, after the king's 
death, war would break out between these chiefs, and 
what would happen then? The more Henry's strength 
declined, the more numerous became the partisans of 
the Seymours. The sun was rising for the uncles of 
the young prince, and was setting for Norfolk. The 
duke, perceiving this, made advances to the Sey- 
mours. He would have liked his son to marry the 
daughter of the earl of Hertford, and his daughter, 
widow of the duke of Richmond, the natural son 
of the king, to marry Sir Thomas Seymour. But 
neither Surrey nor the duchess were disposed to the 
match. There was therefore nothing to expect but a 
vigorous conflict ; and the king chose that the victory 
of the one party and the defeat of the other should 
be determined in his lifetime and through his inter- 
vention. To which of the two parties would the 
king give the preference ? He had always leaned for 
support upon Norfolk, and the religious views of this 
old servant were his own. Would he separate from 
him at this critical moment ? After having from the 
first resisted the Reformation, would he, on the brink 
of the grave, give it the victory ? The past had be- 
longed to Roman Catholicism ; should the future be- 
long to the Gospel ? Should his death belie his whole 


life ? The infamous conspiracy formed against the 
queen by the Catholic party would not have been 
enough to induce the king to adopt so strange a reso- 
lution. A circumstance of another kind occurred to 
determine his course. 

At the beginning of December 1546, Sir Richard 
Southwell, who was afterwards a member of the privy 
council under Queen Mary, gave the king a warning 
that the powerful family of the Howards would ex- 
pose his son to great danger. Before the birth of 
Edward, Norfolk had been designated as one of the 
claimants of the crown. His eldest son was a young 
man of great intelligence, high spirit and indomi- 
table courage, and excelled in military exercises. To 
these qualifications he added the polish of a courtier, 
fine taste and an ardent love for the fine arts; his 
contemporaries were charmed by his poems ; and he 
was looked upon as the flower of the Enghsh nobility. 
These brilliant endowments formed a snare for him. 
' His head,' people said to the king, ' is filled with 
ambitious projects.' He had borne the arms of Ed- 
ward the Confessor in the first quarter, which the 
king alone had the right to do ; if, it was added, he 
has refused the hand of the daughter of the earl of 
Hertford, it is because he aspires to that of the 
princess Mary ; and if he should marry her after 
the death of the king, prince Edward will lose the 

The king ordered his chancellor to investigate 
the charges against the duke of Norfolk and his son, 
the earl of Surrey ; and Wriothesley ere long pre- 
sented to him a paper, in the form of questions, in 
his (Wriothesley's) own handwriting. The king read 


it attentively, pen in hand, hardly able to repress 
his anger, and underlined with a trembling hand 
those passages which appeared to him the most im- 
portant. The following sentences are specimens of 
what he read : — 

' If a man coming of the collateral line to the heir of 
the crown, who ought not to bear the arms of England 
but on the second quarter . . . do presume ... to 
bear them in the first quarter, . . . hoco this marUs 
intent is to he judged. . . 

' If a man compassing with himself to govern the 
realm do actually go about to rule the king, and should 
for that purpose advise his daughter or sister to be- 
come his harlot, thinking thereby to bring it to pass 
. . . what this importeth. 

' If a man say these words, — If the king die, who 
should have the rule of the prince but my father or 
I ? what it importeth.' * 

On Saturday, December 12, the duke and the earl 
were separately arrested and taken to the Tower, one 
by land, the other by the river, neither of them being 
aware that the other was suffering the same fate. 
The king had often shown himself very hasty in 
a matter of this kind ; but in this case he was more 
so than usual. He had not long to live, and he 
desired that these two great lords should go before 
him to the grave. The same evening the king sent 
Sir Richard Southwell, Sir John Gate, and Wymound 
Carew to Kenninghall, in Norfolk, a principal seat of 
the family, about eighty miles from London. They 
travelled as swiftly as they could, and arrived at the 

* This paper is printed in State Papers, i. p. 891. The words under- 
lined by the king are here printed in italics. 


mansion by daybreak on Tuesday. They had orders 
to examine the members of the family, and to affix 
seals to the eflfects. 

The Howard family, unhappily for itself, was 
deeply divided. The duchess of Norfolk, daughter of 
the duke of Buckingham, an irritable and passionate 
woman, had been separated from her husband since 
1533, and apparently not without reason. She said 
of one of the ladies who were in attendance on her, 
Elizabeth Holland, — ' This woman is the cause of all 
my unhappiuess.' There was a certain coolness be- 
tween the earl of Surrey and his sister, the duchess 
of Richmond, probably because the latter leaned to 
the side of the Reformation. Surrey had also had a 
quarrel with his father, and he was hardly yet recon- 
ciled to him. A house divided against itself will 
not stand. The members of the family, therefore, 
accused each other ; the duchess, it may be believed, 
did not spare her husband, and the duke called his 
son a fool. When Sir Richard Southwell and his two 
companions arrived at Kenninghall on Tuesday morn- 
ing, they caused all the doors to be securely closed 
so that no one might escape ; and after having taken 
some evidence of the almoner, they requested to see 
the duchess of Richmond, the only member of the 
family then at the mansion, and Mistress Elizabeth 
Holland, who passed for the duke's favourite. These 
ladies had only just risen from their beds, and were not 
ready to make their appearance. However, when they 
heard that the king's envoys requested to see them, 
they betook themselves as quickly as possible to the 
dining-room. Sir John Gate and his friends in- 
formed them that the duke and the earl had just 


been committed to the Tower. The duchess, deeply 
moved at this startling news, trembled and almost 
fainted away.* She gradually recovered herself, and 
kneeling down humbled herself as though she were 
in the king's presence- She said: ' Although nature 
constrains me sore to love my father, whom I 
have ever thought to be a true and faithful subject, 
and also to desire the well-doing of his son my 
natural brother, whom I note to be a rash man, 
yet for my part I would nor will hide or conceal 
anything from his Majesty's knowledge, specially 
if it be of weight.' The king's agent searched the 
house of the duchess of Richmond, inspected her 
cabinets and her coffers, but they found nothing 
tending to compromise her. They found no jewels, 
for she had parted with her own to pay her debts. 
Next, they visited Elizabeth Holland's room, where 
they found much gold, many pearls, rings and pre- 
cious stones ; and of these they sent a list to the 
king. They laid aside the books and manuscripts 
of the duke; and the next day by their direction 
the duchess of Richmond and Mistress Holland 
set out for London, where they were to be ex- 

Mistress Holland was examined first. She de- 
posed that the duke had said to her ' that the king 
was sickly, and could not long endure ; and the 
realm like to be in an ill case through diversity of 
opinions.' The duchess of Richmond deposed ' that 
the duke her father would have had her marry Sir 
Thomas Seymour, brother to the earl of Hertford, 

* ' Sore perplexed, trembling and like to fall down.' — Letter from 
Gate, Southwell and Oarew to Henrj' VIII. — State Papers, i. p. 888. 


which her brother also desired, wishing her withal to 
endear herself so into the king's favour, as she might 
the better rule here as others had done; and that 
she refused.' * This deposition appears to corrobo- 
rate one of the charges brought against Norfolk by 
the chancellor. Nevertheless, the supposition that 
a father, from ambitious motives, could urge his 
daughter to consent to incestuous intercourse is so 
revolting, that one can hardly help asking whether 
there really was anything more in the case than an 
exercise of the natural influence of a daughter-in-law 
over her father-in law. The duchess corroborated 
the accusation touching the royal arms borne by 
Surrey, his hatred of the Seymours, and the ill which 
he meditated doing them after the king's death ; and 
she added that he had urged her not to carry too 
far the reading of the Holy Scriptures. 

Yarious other depositions having been taken, the 
duke and his son were declared guilty of high trea- 
son (January 7). On the 13th, Surrey was tried 
before a jury at Guildhall. He defended himself 
with much spirit ; but he was condemned to death ; 
and this young nobleman, only thirty years of age, 
the idol of his countrymen, was executed on Tower 
Hill, January 21.f Public feeling was shocked by 
this act of cruelty, and everyone extolled the high 
qualities of the earl. His sister, the duchess of Rich- 
mond, took charge of his five children, and admirably 
fulfilled her duty as their aunt. J 

* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIIL, p. 627. 

t The date usually given is the 19th. We foUow Lord Burleigh's 
Notes. — Merden's State Papers. 

\ She appointed as their preceptor John Fox, the evangelical author 
of the Acts ami Monuments of the Martyrs, which v?e frequently quote. 


The king was -now dangerously ill, but he showed 
no signs of tenderness. People said that he had 
never hated nor ruined anyone by halves ; and he 
was determined, after the death, of the eldest son, to 
sacrifice the father. Norfolk was very much sur- 
prised to find himself a prisoner in the Tower, to 
which he had consigned so many prisoners. He wrote 
to the lords to let him have some books, for he said 
that unless he could read he fell asleep. He asked 
also for a confessor, as he was desirous of receiving 
his Creator ; and for permission to hear mass and to 
walk outside bis apartment in tbe daytime. At tbe 
age of seventv-three, after having; taken the lead in 
the most cruel measures of the reign of Henry VIIL, 
from the death of Anne Boleyn to the death of Anne 
Askew, he now found that the day of terror was 
approaching for himself. His heart was agitated, 
and fear chilled him. He knew the king too well to 
have any hope that the great and numerous ser- 
vices which he had rendered to him would avail to 
ai'rest the sword already suspended over his head. 
Meanwhile the prospect of death alarmed him ; and 
in his distress he wrote from his prison in the Tower 
to his royal master : — ' Most gracious and merciful 
sovereign lord, I your most humble subject pros- 
trate at your foot, do most humbly beseech you to be 
my good and gracious lord. . . In all my life I never 
thought one untrue thought against you or your suc- 
cession, nor can no more judge or cast in my mind 
what should be laid to my charge than the child that 
was born this night. . . I know not that I have 
offended any man . . . unless it were such as are 
angry Avith me for being quick against such as have 

CHAP. xr. Norfolk's appeal to the king. 369 

been accused for sacraraentaries.' And fancying 
that he detected the secret motive of his trial, he 
added : ' Let me recover your gracious favour, with 
taking of me all the lands and goods I have, or as 
much thereof as pleaseth your Highness.' * 

The charges brought against Norfolk and Surrey 
were mere pretexts. No notice having been taken of 
the letter just cited, the old man, who was anxious 
by any means to save his life, determined to humble 
himself still further. On January 12, nine days before 
the death of Surrey, in the hope of satisfying the king, 
he made, in the presence of the members of the privy 
council, the following confession: — ' I, Thomas, duke 
of Norfolk, do confess and acknowledge myself . . . 
to have offended the king's most excellent majesty, 
in the disclosing ... of his privy and secret counsel 
... to the great peril of his Highness. . . That I 
have concealed high treason, in keeping secret the 
false and traitorous act . . . committed by my son 
. . . against the king's majesty ... in the putting 
and using the arms of Edward the Confessor, ... in 
his scutcheon or arms. . . Also, that to the peril, 
slander, and disinherison of the king's majesty and 
his noble son. Prince Edward, I have , . . borne in 
the first quarter of my arms . . . the arms of 
England. . . Although I be not worthy to have . . . 
the king's clemency and mercy to be extended to me, 
. . . yet with a most sorrowful and repentant heart 
do beseech his Highness to have mercy, pity, and 
compassion on me.' f 

All was fruitless ; Norfolk must die like the best 

* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. p. 630. 
t Ibid. p. 631. 



servants and friends of the king, like Fisher, Sir 
Thomas More, and Cromwell. But the duke could 
not be condemned with so little formality as Surrey. 
The king therefore assembled the parliament ; a bill 
was presented to the House of Lords, and the three 
readings were hurried through on January 1 8, 19, 20. 
The bill, sent down to the Commons, was passed by 
them, and was sent back on the 24th. Although it 
was customary to reserve the final step to the close of 
the session, the king, who was in haste, gave his as- 
sent on Thursday the 27th, and the execution of 
Norfolk was fixed for the morning of the next day. 
All the preparations for this last act were made 
during the night ; and but a few moments were to 
intervene before this once powerful man was to be 
led to the scaffold. 

Two victims were now awaiting the remorseless 
scythe of destiny. Death was approaching at the 
same time the threshold of the palace and that 
of the prison. Two men who had filled the world 
with their renown, who during their lifetime had 
been closely united, and were the foremost per- 
sonages of the realm, were about to pass the inexor- 
able gates and to be bound with those bonds which 
God alone can burst. The only question was which 
of the two would be the first to receive the final stroke. 
The general expectation was, no doubt, that Xorfolk 
would be the first, for the executioner was already 
sharpening the axe which was to smite him. 

While the duke, still full of vigorous hfe, was 
awaiting in his dungeon the cruel death which he 
had striven so much to avert, Henry YIII. was pros- 
trate on his sick bed at Whitehall. Although every- 


thing showed that his last hour was at hand, his 
physicians did not venture to inform him of it ; as it 
was against the law for anyone to speak of the death 
of the king. One might have said that he was de- 
termined to have himself declared immortal by act of 
parliament. At length, however, Sir Antony Denny, 
who hardly ever left him, took courage and, ap- 
proaching the bedside of the dying monarch, cau- 
tiously told him that all hope, humanly speaking, was 
lost, and entreated him to prepare for death. The 
king, conscious of his failing strength, accused him- 
self of various offences, but added that the grace of 
God could forgive him all his sins. It has been 
asserted that he did really repent of his errors. 
' Several English gentlemen,' says Thevet, ' assured 
me that he wag truly repentant, and among other 
things, on account of the injury and crime committed 
against the said queen (Anne Boleyn).' * This is 
not certain ; but we know that Denny, glad to hear 
him speak of his sins, asked him whether he did not 
wish to see some ecclesiastic. ' If I see anyone,' said 
Henry, ' it must be Archbishop Cranmer. ' ' Shall I 
send for him?' said Denny. The king replied: 'I 
will first take a little sleep, and then, as I feel my- 
self, I will advise upon the matter.' An hour or two 
later the king awoke, and finding that he was now 
weaker, he asked for Cranmer. The archbishop was 
at Croydon; and when he arrived the dying man 
was unable to speak, and was almost unconscious. 
However, when he saw the primate, he stretched out 
his hand, but could not utter a word. The arch- 
bishop exhorted him to put all his trust in Christ 

* Thevet, Comiog. i. p. 16. 
B B 2 


and to implore his mercy. ' Give some token with 
your eyes or hand,' he said, ' that you trust in the 
Lord.' The king wrung Craumer's hand as hard as 
he could, and soon after breathed his last. He died 
at two o'clock in the morning, Friday, January 2H, 

By Henry's death Norfolk's life was saved. The 
new government declined to begin the new reign 
by putting to death the foremost peer of England. 
Norfolk lived for eight years longer. He spent, 
indeed, the greater part of it in prison ; but for more 
than a year he was at liberty, and died at last at 

Henry died at the age of fifty-six years. It is no 
easy task^to sketch the character of a prince whose 
principal feature was inconsistency. Moreover, as 
Lord Herbert of Cherbury said, his history is his 
best portrait. The epoch in which he lived was that 
of a resurrection of the human mind. Literature 
and the arts, political liberty, and evangelical faith 
were now coming forth from the tomb and returning 
to life. The human mind, since the outburst of 
bright light which then illumined it, has sometimes 
given itself up, it must be confessed, to strange errors; 
but it has never again fallen into its old sleep. There 
were some kings, such as Henry YIII. and Francis I., 
who took an interest in the revival of letters ; but the 
greater number were alarmed at the revival of freedom 
and of faith, and instead of welcoming tried to stifle 
them. Some authors, and particularly Fox, have 
asserted that if death had not prevented him, Henry 

* Fox, Acts T. p. 6S9. Lord Herbert's Life of Henrtj VIII., p. 634. 
Oi-iginal Letters (EUis), ii. p. 137. 


VIII. would have so securely established the Reforma- 
tion as not to leave a single mass in the kingdom. This 
is nothing more than a hypothesis, and it appears to us 
a very doubtful one. The king had made his will two 
years before his death, when he was setting out for 
the war with France. In it, his chief object was to 
regulate the order of succession and the composition 
of the council of regency ; but at the same time it 
contains positive signs of scholastic Catholicism. In 
this document the king says : ' We do instantly de- 
sire and require the blessed Virgin Mary his mother, 
with aU the holy company of heaven, continually 
to pray for us and with us while we live in this 
world, and in time of passing out of the same.' 

Moreover, he ordained that the dean and canons 
of the chapel royal, Windsor, and their successors for 
ever, should have two priests to say masses at the 
altar.* The will was rewritten on December 13, 
1546; and the members of the Privy Council signed 
it as witnesses. But the only change which the 
king introduced was the omission of Gardiner's name 
among the members of the council of regency. The 
passages respecting the Virgin and masses for his 
soul were retained. 

Henry had brought into the world with him re- 
miarkable capacities, and these had been improved by 
education. He has been praised for his application 
to the business of the State, for his wonderful clever- 
ness, his rare eloquence, his high courage. He has 
been looked upon as a Maecenas, and pronounced a 
great prince. His abilities certainly give him a place 

* The will is to he found in Fuller, Church History of Britain, pp. 
243-262, in Rymer, F(zda-a, &c. 


above the average of kings. He regularly attended 
the council, corresponded with his ambassadors, and 
took much pains. In politics he had some clear 
views ; he caused the Bible to be printed ; but the 
moral sentiment is shocked when he is held up as a 
model. The two most conspicuous features of his 
character were pride and sensuality ; and by these 
vices he was driven to most blameworthy actions, and 
even to crimes. Pride led him to make himself head 
of the church, to claim the right to regulate the faith 
of his subjects, and to punish cruelly those who had 
the audacity to hold any other opinions on matters of 
religion than his own. The Reformation, of which 
he is assumed to be the author, was hardly a pseudo- 
reform ; we might rather see in it another species of 
Reformation. Claiming autocracy in matters of faith, 
he naturally claimed the same in matters of state. All 
the duties of his subjects were summed up by him in 
the one word ohedience ; and those who refused to 
bow the head to his despotic rule were almost sure 
to lose it. He was covetous, prodigal, capricious, 
suspicious ; not only was he fickle in his friendships, 
but on many occasions he did not hesitate to take his 
victims from amongst his best friends. His treat- 
ment of his wives, and especially of Anne Boleyn, 
condemns him as a man ; his bloody persecutions of 
the evangelicals condemn him as a Christian ; the 
scandalous servility which he endeavoured, and not 
unsuccessfully, to engraft in the nobles, the bishops, 
the house of commons and the people, condemn him 
as a king. 






THE light of the Gospel had risen upoiiEarope, and 
had already pervaded the central and soiathern 
portions of this qiiarter of the world. A new age had 
begun. The work of the Reformation was not done 
like that of a council, by articles of discipline ; but by 
the proclamation of a Saviour, living and ever-present 
in the church ; and it thus raised Christendom from 
its fallen state. To the church in bonds in the rude 
grasp of the papacy it gave the freedom which is to 
be found in union with God ; and withdrawing men 
from confessionals and from cells m which they were 
stifled, it enabled them to breathe a free air under the 
vault of heaven. At the time of its appearance, the 
vessel of the church had suffered shipwreck, and the 
Roman Catholics were tossed about in the midst of 
traditions, ordinances, canons, constitutions, regula- 
tions, decretals, and a thousand human decisions • 
just as shipwrecked men struggle in the midst of 


broken masts, parted benclies, and scattered oars. 
The Eeformation was the liark of salvation which 
rescued the unhappy sufferers from the devouring 
waters, and took them into the ark of the Word of 

The Eeformation did not confine itself to gather- 
ing men together, it also gave them a new life. 
Roman Catholicism is congealed in the forms of the 
Middle Ages. Destitute of A^itality, possessing no 
fertilizing principle, humanity lay buried in its old 
grave-clothes. The Reformation was a resurrection. 
The Gospel imparts a true, pure, and heavenly life, 
a life which does not grow old, nor fade, nor disap- 
pear like that of all created things, but is continually 
renewed, not indeed by its own efforts, but by the 
power of God, and knows neither old age nor death. 
Time was needed for the Gospel, after being buried 
for ages by the papacy, to throw off all its swaddling- 
clothes, and resume its free and mighty progress ; but 
its advance was made by an impulse from on high. 
After having restored to Europe primitive Christianity, 
the church which sprang from the Reformation over- 
threw the ancient superstitions of Asia, and of the 
whole world, and sent a life-giving breath over the 
fields of death. Churches everywhere called into ex- 
istence, assemblies of men abounding in good deeds, 
these are the testimonies of its fertility. The mission- 
aries of this Gospel, although they lived in poverty, 
spent their days in obscurity, and often encountered 
death even in a cruel form, nevertheless accomplished 
a work more beneficial and more heroic than princes 
and conquerors have done. Rome herself was moved 
at the sight of all the stations established, all the 


Bibles put into circulation, all tlie schools founded, all 
the children educated, and all the souls converted. 

There is, however, one point on which the papacy 
imagines that it may claim a triumph, that is, unity ; 
and yet on this very point it fails. Roman Catholics 
know no other unity than that of the disciples of human 
science, — of mathematics, for example. Just as all the 
pupils in a school are agreed about the theorems of 
Euclid, the papacy requires that all the faithful, who 
in her opinion ought to be nothing but pupils, should 
be agreed about the dogmas which she establishes in 
her councils or in her Vatican retreats. Unity, she 
says, is the assertion of the same decrees. The Gos- 
pel is not satisfied with this scholastic uniformity ; it 
demands a union more intimate, more profound, more 
vital— at once more human and more divine. It re- 
quires that all Christians should be likeminded, having 
the same love, being of one accord, of one mind; a true 
fellowship of the Spirit ; * and this union it founds 
upon Christ, on the truth — that there is no salvation in 
any other, and on the fact that all those who are 
saved have in Him the same righteousness, the same 
redemption.! Christ reveals the divine nature of 
Christian unity, — I in them, he said, that they may be 
one as we are one.^ This is assuredly something dif- 
ferent from the mechanical and scholastic unity of 
which the Roman doctors make their boast. The 
unity of the Gospel is not a crystallization like the 
unity of Rome, it is a movement full of life. 

All kinds of human progress date from the Re- 
formation. It produced religious progress by substi- 

* Phil., ii. 1, 2. t Acts, iv. 12. 

t John, XYii. 22, 23. 


tuting for the forms and the rites which are the 
essence of Romish religion, a life of communion with 
God. It produced moral progress by introducing, 
wherever it was established, the reign of conscience 
and the sacredness of the domestic hearth. It pro- 
duced political and social progress by giving to the 
nations which accepted it, an order and a freedom 
which other nations in vain strive to attain. It pro- 
duced progress in philosophy and in science, by showing 
the unity of these human forms of teaching with the 
knowledge of God. It produced progress in education, 
the wellbeing of communities, the prosperity, riches, 
and greatness of nations. The Reformation, originat- 
ing in God, beneficially develops what pertains to man. 
And if pride and passion sometimes happen to impede 
its movement, and to thrust within its chariot wheels 
the clubs of incredulity, it presently breaks them, and 
pursues its victorious course. Its pace is more or less 
speedy; various circumstances make it slow or swift; 
but if at one time it is slackened, at another time it is 
accelerated. It has been in action for three centuries, 
and has accomplished more in this time than had 
been effected in the preceding sixteen centuries. 
It is- upheld by a mighty hand. If the truth which 
was again brought to light in the sixteenth century 
should once more be entombed, then the sun being 
veiled the earth would be covered with darkness ; it 
would no longer be possible to discern the way of sal- 
vation ; moral force would disappear, freedom would 
depart, modern civilization would once more sink into 
barbarism, and humanity, deprived of the only guide 
competent to lead it on, would go astray and perish 
hopelessly in the desert. 


We have narrated in our early volumes the great 
achievements of the Reformation in Germany, at 
Worms, Spire, Augsburg, and elsewhere. While 
these events were astonishing all Europe, the Spirit 
of God was gently breathing, souls were silently 
awakening, churches were forming, and the Christian 
virtues were springing up afresh in Christendom. 
What took place at that period was very much like 
what frequently happens in the world of nature. In 
the higher regions there are great gales, clouds charged 
with electricity, thunders, lightnings, and torrents of 
rain. Then in the lower regions, in the valleys and 
on the plains, the fields refreshed, reviving, grow 
green again, ' and the earth brings forth first the 
fruit, then the ear, after that the full corn in the ear.' 
The Reformation had made great progress in Ger- 
many. The Word of God everywhere advanced with 
much power ; and the waters which had gushed forth 
at Wittenberg, spreading around, quenched the thirst 
of many souls. Believers were found in all classes, 
but especially among the traders of the towns. 

In an island of the Baltic, formed by the two 
eastern arms of the Oder, and belonging to Pomerania, 
stands the small town of WoUin, formerly a nest 
of Danish pirates. Here was born, on June 24, 
1485, a man of singular goodness, who became 
one of the champions of Christian civilization in the 
sixteenth century, John, son of the councillor Gerard 
Bugenhagen. He entered in 1502 the university of 
Greifswald, a town situated on the same sea, and 
applied himself to the study of languages, the humani- 
ties, and also theology. In 1505 he went to Trep- 
tow, another town on the Baltic, further eastward. 


and was appointed rector of the school. He was so 
successful as a teacher that Bodelwin, abbot of a 
neighbouring convent, invited him to become profes- 
sor of theology in a college instituted for the teaching 
of the sciences. Here he expounded the Scriptures, 
for the most part according to the views of Augustine 
and Jerome. Priests, monks, and townsmen came to 
hear him ; and although he was not ordained, his 
friends strongly urged him to preach. This he did, 
to the great delight of his hearers, among whom were 
some of noble rank. * 

' Alas ! ' said Bugenhagen, afterwards, ' I was 
still in the strait bonds of pharisaic piety, and I had 
no true understanding of the Holy Scriptures. We 
were all so deeply sunk in the doctrine of the pope, 
that we had not even a wish to know the doctrine of 
the Word of God.' There were however desires and 
longings in his heart ; but what he wanted remained 
as a writing in cipher, of which he was "unable to dis- 
cover the key. It was quite suddenly at last that 
he found it. 

Towards the close of 1520, he dined with some 
professors and friends at the house of Otto Slutov, 
one of the patricians of the town and inspector of the 
church of Treptow. Slutov had just received a copy 
of Luther's Babylonish Captivity. ' You must read 
that,' he said to Bugenhagen, as he laid the volume 
upon the table, around which the guests were seated. 
AvaLLing himself of the invitation, the rector turned 
over the leaves of the book during dinner-time, and 

* ' Obter nuB woU noch nicht geweyliet war, vermahneten ilm doch 
giite Freunde offentlich zupredigen.' — Seckendorf, Sis<. des LvthertJnims, 
p. 434. 


after having read some passages he said aloud to the 
company present, — ' Since the birth of Christ, many- 
heretics have attacked and roundly abused the church; 
but among them there has not been one more exe- 
crable than the man. who has written this book.' He, 
however, took away the volume by leave of his host, 
read it and reread it, meditated and deliberately 
weighed its contents ; and at each perusal scales 
seemed to fall from his eyes. Some days afterwards, 
finding himself in the same company, he made a con- 
fession to them. ' What shall I say to you ? The 
whole world is blind and plunged in the deepest dark- 
ness. This man alone sees the truth.' He read to 
his friends page after page, undertook the defence of 
each paragraph, and brought most of them to the 
same convictions that he had received himself J. 
Kyrich, J. Lorich, the deacon Kettelhut, abbot Bodel- 
win and others acknowledged the errors of the papacy, 
and endeavoured to turn people from their supersti- 
tions and to make known to them the merits of Jesus 
Christ. This was the beginning of the Eeformation 
in Pomerania. 

Bugenhagen began to read Luther's other writ- 
ings ; and he was especially charmed with his exposi- 
tion of the difference between the Law and the Gospel, 
and of the doctrine of justification by faith. Persecu- 
tion soon began, instigated by the bishop of Camin. 
Bugenhagen, who earnestly desired to see the places 
whence the light had come, betook himself to Witten- 
berg, arriving there in 1521, shortly before the de- 
parture of the reformer to Worms. The Pomeranian 
was joyfully received by Luther and Melanchthon, 
who thenceforth usually called him ' Pomeranus.' 


His desire was to be a student, not a teaclier ; but 
having begun, in his own room, to explain the Psalms 
to his countrymen, he did this with so much clearness, 
such unction and evangelical life, that Melanclithon 
requested him to give the course publicly. He now 
became one of the professors of the University, and 
at the same time pastor of the parish church. He was 
afterwards (1536) appointed superintendent-general. 
Melanchthon and Pomeranus completed, each on his 
special side, the work of Luther. 3Ielanchthon did so 
in the scientific sphere, by means of his classical cul- 
ture, and in the political sphere by his discretion. 
Pomeranus, though undoubtedly inferior to both of 
them, had great experience and much knowledge 
of men, and he possessed at the same titne gentle- 
ness and firmness, abundance of tact and a practical 
turn of mind, and to all these qualities he added ener- 
getic activity. He was thus enabled to render great 
services in all that related to ecclesiastical organiza- 
tion.* There was hardly an important church in 
whose formation his assistance was not sought. We 
have already met with him in Denmark.^ 

We have elsewhere seen how the Gospel had been 
brought to Erfurt by Luther and by Lange, how 
Frederick Myconius, converted partly by Tetzel's 
excesses,, had preached the Gospel at Zwickau, and 
how the word had renovated other towns in con- 
nexion with Wittenberg. When a friend of Luther, 
Nicholas Hausmann for instance, was called to some 
place for the work of the Reformation, and came to 

* Seckendorf, Hist, des LutheHhums, p. 435, &c. Cramer, Pomer. 
Chr. Herzog's Theol. Eucy. ii., and various tiooTaphies. 
t History of the Reformation, second series, vii. p. 270. 


ask the great doctor's advice, the latter answered : 
' If you accept the call, you will make enemies of the 
pope and the bishops ; but if you decline it, you will 
be the enemy of Christ.' This was enough to induce 
them to enter upon the work. * The evangelical 
doctrine had been publicly preached at Frankfort-on- 
the-Main by Ibach, just after the famous diet of 
Worms. Assemblies of evangelical deputies had been 
held there in June 1530, December 1531, and May 
1536, and this town had joined the alliance of Smal- 

The cities of Lower Saxony were the- first to be 
touched by the light which proceeded from electoral 
Saxony. Magdeburg, where Luther had been at 
school and had personal friends, had early shown 
itself friendly to evangelical principles. One day, an 
old clothier came and stood at the foot of the monu- 
ment erected in this town to the illustrious Em- 
peror Otto the Great, in memory of his conquests in 
the tenth century; and the zealous partisan of the 
spiritual conqueror of the sixteenth century began to 
sing one of Luther's hymns and to sell copies of it. 
People were at the time coming out of a neighbour- 
ing church, where mass had been said. Many had 
received the leaf, but the burgomaster who was 
passing with others of the faithful had the seller 
arrested. This caused the fire which was smoulder- 
ing under the embers to flame forth. The parishioners 
of St. Ulrich. assembled in the cemetery, elected eio-ht 
good men to undertake the government of the church. 
The parish of St. John took part in the movement ; 

* ' Si pa3turam assumis, papse et episcoporum hostem te fades • si 
repugnaveris Ohi-isti hostis eris.' — Gerdesius, Hist. Ref. ii. p. 50. 


and all declared that they attached themselves to 
their sovereign pastor, bishop, and pope, Jesus Christ, 
and were ready to jSight bravely under this glorious 
captain. On June 23, 1524, the citizens met together 
in the convent of the Augustines with seven evan- 
gelical pastors, and determined to request the Council 
that nothing but the Word of God should any longer 
be preached, and that the Lord's Supper should be 
administered regularly in both kinds. On July 17, the 
communion was thus celebrated in all the churches; 
and the town-council, on the 23rd of the same month, 
informed the elector that ' the immutable and eternal 
Word of God, hitherto obscured by thick shadows, 
now shone forth, by God's mercy, more brightly than 
the sun, for the salvation of sinners, the happiness of 
the faithful, and the glory of God.' * They requested 
the elector at the same time to send Amsdorff to 

Brunswick followed next. The Reformation was 
introduced into this town chiefly by means of Luther's 
hymns, which were sung alike in private houses and in 
the streets. Incumbents of benefices were in the habit 
of paying young ecclesiastics to preach in their stead. 
These deacons, usually called ' hireling priests ' 
(^Heuerpfaffen), generally embraced evangelical doc- 
trines, and induced their flocks to do so too. Some- 
times one of them would strike up, instead of the 
hymn to the Virgin Mary, one of these new Ger- 
man hymns, and all the congregation would sing it 

* ' Das uniiterwindliche e'wige ^'orte Gottes, mit einem Schatten 
verdunkelt, nvm heller als die Sonne.' — Seckendorf, Hist, des Luther- 
thums, p. 665. P^aake, Deutsche Geschichte, iii. p. 376. Gerdesius, Higt. 
Mef. ii. p. 132. 


with Hm. The clergy endeavoured to maintain the 
Scholastic doctrine ; but if the people heard from the 
lips of their old pastors false quotations from the 
Holy Scriptures, voices were raised in all directions 
to correct them. The ecclesiastics in office then sum- 
moned to their aid Doctor Sprengel, a preacher highly 
esteemed in those parts. But at the close of his 
sermon, a townsman rose and said : ' Priest, thou 
liest.' He then struck up the hymn of Luther be- 
ginning — 

O Gott vom Himmel sieli darin — 

and the whole congregation sang it heartily with 
him. The old pastors applied to the Council to rid 
them of these troublesome deacons ; but the people, 
on the other hand, demanded to be rid. of their use- 
less pastors. 

The Council, after some hesitation, was at length 
overcome by the evangelical movement, and passed a 
decree (March 18, 1528) that the pure Word of God 
alone should be preached at Brunswick. ' Christ 
grant that his glory may increase ! ' * said Luther 
when he heard the news. At the same time the 
Council begged the Elector of Saxony to send Po- 
meranus, who, accordingly, on May 12, proceeded 
to Brunswick, to the great joy of all the people. So 
admirably did he execute the task of organization that 
the Brunswickers entreated the Elector to allow him 
to remain with them a year longer. But Luther 
assured the prince, September 18, 1528, that the 
doctor could not possibly be longer spared. ' Witten- 
berg,' he added, ' is at this time of more importance 

* ' Ohristus faciat gloriam suam crescere.' — Luther, E2nst. iii. p. 290. 

386 THE REFORilATION IN EUROPE. book xti. 

than three Brunswicks.' * This was a moderate 
assertion ; Luther might have said more. For the 
church of Brunswick Pomeranus drew up ordinances 
on schools, preaching, the church festivals, baptism, 
the Lord's Supper, and discipline. Sin was to be 
punished, but not the sinner. He prepared similar 
constitutions for various great towns in Xorth Ger- 
many. The mendicant monks now lefb Brunswick, 
and the Reformation was established. 

The assistance of Luther and Melanchthon was 
soon after sought by a more important town. The 
Gospel had made its way into Hamburg ; but tlie 
priests and especially th.e Dominican Renssburg op- 
posed it with all their might. The citizens required 
of the Council (April 21, 1528) that the preachers 
should be examined according to the Holy Scriptures, 
and that all those who were found not to be in agree- 
ment with them should be dismissed. Xext day, 
a conference between the two parties was held, 
in the presence of the senate and a commission of 
the townsmen. But Renssburg spoke in Latin, in 
order that the laity might not understand him. As 
the Roman Catholics put forward exclusively the 
authority of the Church, five of their niunber were 
banished from the town ; and some of the most in- 
fluential of the townsmen felt it necessary to escort 
them, lest the populace should do them any injury. 
Pomeranus was at this time called to Hamburg, to 
organize the evangelical church ; and when the 
Council further applied for an extension of the time 

* ' So lieg-t auch mehr an "Wittenberg zu dieser Zeit denn an drey 
Braunschweig.' — Vnd. p. 377. See also Richter, Einng. Kirchenordnungen. 
Seckendorf, Hist, des Lutherthunw, pp. 66t>, 919. Ranke, Deitische Ge- 
schichte, iii. p. 37S. 


of his sojourn, Luther on this occasion supported 
their request. Hamburg was for him undoubtedly 
a place of greater importance than Brunswick. But 
the town made very large demands. On May 12, 
1529, Luther wrote to the Elector: ' The Hamburgers 
would fain have Pomeranus stay with them for ever.' * 
Now, new students were daily arriving at Witten- 
berg, and the faculty could not dispense with the 
services of Pomeraniis. Luther therefore entreated 
the Elector to recall him, and declared himself willing 
to persuade the Council and the University to do the 
same. For Hamburg also Pomeranus drew up an 
ecclesiastical ordinance. 

At Liibeck a powerful and compact party, com- 
posed of the clergy, the Council, the nobles, and the 
principal men of business, resisted the Reformation, 
the doctrines of which were steadily gaining ground 
among the townsmen. A psalm in German having 
been sung by the domestic servants in some house, 
the whole family was punished, and Luther's sermons 
were burnt in the market-place in 1528. Two evan- 
gelical ministers, Wilhelmi and Wahlhof, were ex- 
pelled. A certain priest, John Rode, preached that 
Christ had redeemed only the fathers of the Old 
Testament, and that all who were born after him 
must obtain their salvation by their own merits. 
People used to go about singing to him, — 

Oelui qui doit nous mener au bercail, 
Nous fait, Mas ! tous tomter dans la fosse. 

* ' Dass er soUte ewiglich bey Ihnen bleiben.' — Luther, Epist., iii. p. 
399. Seckendorf, Hist, des Lutherthums, p. 924. Rioliter, Evang, Kirch- 



At a great meeting of the townsfolk, those who meant 
to remain CathoUcs were bidden to go apart. Only 
one person stirred from his place. The Council was 
in want of money and demanded it of the townsmen, 
who in reply demanded religious liberty. In 1529 
the banished ministers were recalled. In 1530 the 
Catholic preachers had to evacuate all the pulpits; 
and in 1531 Pomeranus gave the town an ecclesias- 
tical ordinance.* 

' Seckendorf, JSigt. des Lutherthums, p. 1160. Raake, Deutsche 
Geschichte, iii. p. 384. Eichter, Evang. Kirchenordnungen. 

CHAP. ri. 889 



THE Eeformation met with difHculties in the prin- 
cipality of Anhalt, but the young princes who 
now ruled the two duchies of which the principality 
consisted, had had a pious mother, and the seed 
which her hand had sown in their hearts overcame 
all obstacles. One of the princes, Wolfgang, had 
held intercourse with Luther as early as 1522 and 
had, as we have seen, most wUlingly signed the 
Confession of Augsburg.* The other three, however, 
had not followed his example. John, on the con- 
trary, had signed the Compromise of Augsburg, and 
it was not easy for him to draw back. Surrounded 
by powerful neighbours entirely devoted to Rome, 
the elector of Brandenburg, duke George of Saxony, 
and the archbishop elector of Mentz, it seemed scarcely 
possible for them to extricate themselves from the net. 
Joachim was of a feeble and gloomy temper. More- 
over, prince George was an ecclesiastic at the age of 
eleven, a canon of Merseburg since 1524, and provost 
of the chapter of Magdeburg, and seemed to be called 
to the highest offices of the church. He was born 
at Dessau in 1501. From his childhood he had 

* Sistory of the Reformatimi , Fii-st Series, vol. iv. book xiv. chap. 6. 

390 THE EEFOEilATION IX EUEOPE. book xvi. 

shown a strong attaclinient to church, ceremonies and 
to the traditions of the fathers ; and the doctrines 
of Luther were afterwards depicted to him in the 
blackest colours. ' This man,' they told him, ' pro- 
scribes good books, authorizes bad ones, and abolishes 
all the holy ordinances. All his followers are Dona- 
tists and Wickliffites.' He was henceforth a vehe- 
ment opponent of a system which, according to his 
judgment, was destructive of Christianity. When 
the ministers of Magdeburg attempted to win over 
the members of the Chapter to the Reformation, he 
roughly rebuked them. As he was an honest man 
and was desirous of qualifying himself to contend 
against the errors of the Protestants, he began to 
search for arguments in the Holy Scriptures and in 
the fathers of the church, but it was not possible 
for him to find any. On the contrary, he was utterly 
astonished to find that Holy Scripture was opposed 
to many of the established customs of the church ; 
and that in what was called the new doctrine there 
were many articles which were found in the Bible, 
and which had been held by the fathers. His 
mother, although she continued in the church and 
counselled her sons not to violate its unity, had be- 
lieved that she was saved by grace alone, and had 
with special emphasis professed this faith at the time 
of her death. George had embraced this faith at an 
early age ; and the bishop of Merseburg had con- 
firmed him in it by rebuking one day a preacher who 
had exalted human merits, and to whom he had said 
energetically : ' Not a single living man is righteous.' 
He repeated the words three times in the presence of 
George ; and now George found the doctrine distinctly 


asserted in the sacred writings. He wondered within 
himself whether it could be on this account that the 
friends of Rome spoke of the Bible as a heretical book 
and forbade people to read it. But at other times 
recognising in it this truth, of which God had kept 
alive a spark in his heart,"* he was not a little alarmed, 
for he saw that it was the very doctrine of Luther. 
' I see,' he said to himself, ' that the fathers very 
much praised the Holy Scriptures, considered them 
the foundation, and would have no other.' And 
now the doctors of the church refuse to test their 
teaching by Scripture ! He therefore put to some of 
them the question on what basis the doctrines of 
the church were made to rest ; and they could not 
tell him. He observed at the same time, in many 
of those who defended abuses, spiteful passions, in- 
justice, and calumny ; and honest George was at a 
loss what to think about it. He fell into a deep 
melancholy, a state of restlessness and distress of 
mind which nothing could relieve.| ' On the one 
hand,' said he, ' I see the building threatening to 
fall ; on the other I see troubles, disagreements, 
and the revolt of the peasants.' Luther had indeed 
opposed this revolt ; but, for all that, the prince was 
terrified and in great distress. ' What shall I do ? 
Which side must I take ? God grant that I may de- 
termine to do only that which is right, and resolve 
not to act against my own conscience.' He was 
haunted by these thoughts day and night. At a 

* ' Anfanglicli nicht wenig ersohreckt, weil Gott, in seinem Herzen 
dies Funklein immer erhalten.' — Seckendorf, SiBt. des Ziakeithums, p. 

t ' Welclie.s alles bey ihm grosse Betriibniss, Bekummerniss und 
Herzensangst erweckt.' — Seckendorf, Hist, des Lutherthmns, p. 1415. 


later time he said : ' How many a night have I been 
agitated and depressed, suffering unutterable heavi- 
ness of heart. Something dreadful appeared before 
me; He knows, from whom nothing is concealed. My 
whole being shuddered. How often this passage 
came into my mind, — The sword without, and terrors 
within. I could do nothing else but cry unto God, as 
a poor sinner who supplicates his grace.' 

In 1530, he received a copy of the Confession of 
Augsburg, which Wolfgang had signed. He had up 
to this time read very little the writings of the 
reformers; and he found that the evangelical doc- 
trine, as set forth in this document, was entirely 
different from what had been told him. The funda- 
mental doctrines of the apostolical churches were 
clearly asserted in it, and the ancient heresies were 
convincingly refuted. The refutation of the Protes- 
tant Confession drawn up by the Roman doctors dis- 
gusted him. He now began to read the works of 
Luther, and was struck by the fact that the author 
exhorted men to good works, although he would have 
no one place his confidence in them. He found, 
indeed, that Luther was sometimes rather fiery; ' but,' 
said he, ' so are Jeremiah, Isaiah, Ezekiel and other 
prophets. He found that the Gospel of Christ was 
again in the pulpits. He recollected that his mother 
had one day said to him with sorrow, — ' How is it 
that our preachers, when they have to speak of the 
Gospel of Christ, do so with less wannth than the 
new ministers ? ' And he thought within himself, — 
' AVhile the poor people to whom the cowl of St. 
Frajicis, satisfaction, and their own merits are recora- 


mended, die wretchedly, those who are now directed 
to Jesus Christ leave this world with joyful hearts.' 

Ere long this prince, who was subsequently known 
as George the Pious, showed himself zealous for the 
truth, and gained over his brothers John and Joachim 
to the Gospel. On Holy Thursday, 1532, when a Do- 
minican who preached at Dessau had vigorously con- 
tended against the practice of administering the Sup- 
per in both kinds, George dismissed him. The three 
brothers now gave complete freedom to the Reforma- 
tion. Duke George of Saxony took care to warn 
them that they would draw upon themselves the 
Emperor's displeasure, and that George would not 
attain to the high honours which he had had reason 
to hope for. But all this was ineffectual. Towards 
the close of the summer, Luther wrote to the princes 
in the following terms : ' I have heard, illustrious 
princes, that by the power of the Spirit of Christ an 
end has been put in your dominions to impious abuses, 
and that you have introduced the practices of Chris- 
tian communion, not without exposing yourselves to 
great danger and to the threats of powerful princes. 
I give God thanks that He has imparted to the 
three brothers the same spirit and the same strength. 
Christ, the " weak " king, is in truth and for ever the 
king almighty, and such are the works which he 
accomplishes. He acts, he lives, he speaks, both in 
himself and in his members. The beginnings of every 
work of God are weak, but the results are invincibly 
strong. The roots of all trees are at first mere slender 
filaments, or rather a sort of pulp which solidifies ; 
nevertheless from them are produced those huge 
trees, those oaks, of which are constructed vast build- 


ings, ships and machines.* Every work of God begins 
in weakness and is completed in strength. It is 
otherwise with the works of men.' On September 
14, Luther sent his friend Hausmann to the princes 
as pastor, ' a man who loves the Word of God and 
teaches it with discretion.' Prince George, on the 
ground of his ecclesiastical offices, considered himself 
to be invested with a legitimate authority in the 
church of his own dominions. Luther calls him 
' right reverend bishop.' When he heard how much 
George had to suffer ' on the part of Satan, the 
world, and the flesh,' and that machinations of all 
kinds were set on foot for attacking him, he made 
haste to fortify him, writing to him as follows :— 
' Christ himself hath said — Be of good comfort, I have 
overcome the world. If the world be overcome, so like- 
wise is the prince of the world ; for when a kingdom 
is conquered the king also is conquered. And if the 
prince of this world be conquered, all that proceeds 
from him shares his defeat, — fury, wrath, sin, death, 
hell, and all the arms in which he confidently trusted. 
Glory be to God, who hath given us the victory.' f 

Prince Joachim, a feebler man than George, found 
himself assailed by powerful princes who exerted 
themselves to turn him away from the Gospel, and 
his resolution was shaken. Luther therefore en- 
deavoured to strengthen him. ' Let your Highness 
but call to mind,' said he, ' that Christ and his word 
are higher, greater, and surer than a hundred thou- 

* ' Omnium arbonun radices in principio sunt tenuia fila . . . et 
tamen producvmt trabes et robora quibus tantee moles domorum, navium, 
et macbinarum construuntur.' — Luther, Ejmt. iv. p. 400. 

t ' Victo reinio, yictus est rex.' — Luther, JSjnst. iv. p. 440. 


sand fathers, councils, and popes, whom the Scriptures 
call sinners and sheep gone astray. Let your High- 
ness then be full of courage. Christ is greater than 
all devils and all princes.' * A year later, Luther, 
understanding that Joachim had fallen into a state of 
melancholy, wrote several letters to him. ' A young 
man like you,' he wrote to him, ' ought to be always 
cheerful. I counsel you to ride on horseback, to hunt, 
to seek for pleasant society in which you may piously 
and honourably enjoy yourself. Solitude and melan- 
cholj' are penalties and death for all, but especially 
for a young man. God commands us to be joyful. 
" Rejoice," says the Preacher, " rejoice, young 
man, in thy youth, and let thy heart cheer thee in 
the days of thy youth." ' f 

On March 16, 1534, a meeting was held of all 
the ecclesiastics of the principality of Anhalt ; when, 
in spite of the opposition of the archbishop, they were 
ordered to celebrate the Lord's Supper according to 
the institution of Christ. Prince George appointed 
to the livings men who had studied at Wittenberg, 
and sent his candidates to Luther for examination 
and consecration. 

The country, which takes its name from the 
ancient castle of Anhalt, the walls of which are still 
to be seen in the forest of Harzegerode, was one of 
those in which the Reformation was most peacefully 
carried out. 

We have elsewhere treated of the reformation of 
Bremen, of Augsburg, and of Wiirtemberg. Pome- 
rani a was not yet reformed, although Pomeranus, the 

* ' Ohristus ist grosser dann alle Fiirsten.' — Epist. iv. p. 448. 
t Eccles. xi. 9. 


reformer to whom it had given birth, took so promi- 
nent a part in the work in many towns and countries. 
The duke, Bogislas, and the bishop of Camin were 
resolutely opposed to the Reformation ; but here and 
there amongst the townsmen were ardent aspirations 
towards the Gospel ; and occasionally, likewise, there 
were excesses and destruction of images. The clergy 
and the nobles were on the side of the pope ; the 
towns were for the Bible ; and the two camps were 
almost at war. The duke on his travels, in 1523, 
passed through Wittenberg, and the bishop of Camin, 
as curious as the duke, appears to have accompanied 
him. The reformer in his sermon spoke, amongst 
other things, of the carelessness and luxury of 
bishops. The duke smiled and looked at his com- 
panion.* Bogislas sent for Luther, conversed with 
him in a friendly manner, and said : ' I should like 
for once to confess to you.' ' I am quite willing,' 
said the reformer ; ' my only fear is that as your High- 
ness is a great prince, you are also a great sinner.' 
The duke made frank reply that this was only too 
true. The duke felt also the influence of his son, the 
young prince Barnim, who had studied at Witten- 
berg from 1518 to 1521, and who had attended the 
disputation at Leipsic in 1519. His brother George, 
on the other hand, brought up at the court of Duke 
George of Saxony, had there imbibed a hatred of the 
Gospel. After the death of Bogislas, these two 
princes became leaders of the two opposing parties. 
Barnim sent word to the allies of Smalcalde-^' What 
my brother builds up, I shall cast down.' The mother 

■*■ ' Solle der Herzog gelachelt iind den Bischof angeselien haben.' 

Seckendorf, Hist, des Lutherthurm, p. 599. 



of George appeared friendly to his purpose ; and her 
son Philip having come to an understanding with 
Barnim, a diet was convoked, in 1533, at Treptow. 
The towns laid before it a scheme of reformation, 
which was well received ; and Pomeranus was sum- 
moned to settle the new order of things. The no- 
bility, however, and the clergy, particularly the 
bishop of Camin, still energetically opposed the evan- 
gelical work. 

The conflict was severe in Westphalia.* Evan- 
gelical truth was well received in some places. 
Children used to sing Luther's hymns at the doors 
of houses ; the members of a family would sing them 
by the fireside ; the most fearless ventured to do the 
same in the open air, at first in the evening twilight, 
and then in the daytime. At length some ministers 
arrived. Monks and nuns were now seen quitting 
their convents and embracing the Gospel. At other 
places, as for instance at Lemgo, the pastor, at first 
stoutly opposed, would set out for some reformed 
town in order to see how matters were going on there, 
and on his return would reform his own church. 
But in some districts violent resistance was offered. 
At Soest, a conflict took place between a victim 
and the executioner. The latter having made an 
ineflTectual stroke and inflicted only a severe wound, 
the victim, a robust man of the lower class, snatched 
away the weapon, repulsed the executioner and his 
assistant, and was carried ofi" in triumph by the 
crowd to his own house, where, however, he died on 
the following day, of the blow which he had received. 

* Eanke, Deutsche Oeschichte, iii. p. 492. 


In other places a struggle between cruelty and 
liumanity took place among the persecutors, and on 
some occasions humanity triumphed. At Paderborn, 
a town in which Charlemagne held several diets and 
where many Saxons were baptized, the community 
without asking leave of higher authorities had opened 
the churches to evangehcal preaching. Hermann, 
elector of Cologne, who subsequently entertained very 
different views, being named administrator of the 
bishopric, arrived in the town attended by guards and 
by influential men of the country who were devoted to 
the papacy. Appealed to by these men, by the cliapter 
and by the council which implored him to punish the 
illegal proceedings of the townsfolk, he allowed at first 
things to take their course. The people were, how- 
ever, called together in the garden of a convent at 
which the elector was staying. They were told that 
he was desirous of taking a gracious leave of them. 
The townsfolk arrived ; but they suddenly found 
themselves encompassed by armed men, and the 
leaders of the evangelical party were seized and cast 
into prison. They were put to the torture ; they 
were led out to the scaffold, around which the people 
were gathered, and the approaches to which were 
covered with gravel intended to absorb the blood of 
the victims, and there sentence of death was read to 
these honest and pious citizens. Xothing now re- 
mained but to behead them. The chief executioner 
came forward and, turning to Hermann and aU the 
dio-nitaries around him, said : ' These men are inno- 
cent, I would sooner die than behead them.' At the 
same time a voice was heard from the midst of the 
crowd ; it was that of an aged man who came for- 


ward with difficulty, leaning on his staff. ' I also am 
guilty like those you have condemned, and I ask to 
be put to death with them.' The wives and daughters 
of the prisoners had assembled in a neighbouring 
house. The door now opened, and they approached, 
some smiting themselves on the breast, others with 
dishevelled * hair ; they cast themselves at the feet of 
the elector and entreated pardon for these innocent 
men. Hermann, who was not cruel, could not refrain 
from tears, and he granted the pardon which was 
sought at his hands. Nevertheless, the evangelical 
doctrine was prohibited in the town. The people 
were even forbidden to engage domestic servants who 
came from places where the new doctrine was pro- 

We have elsewhere seen how some countries and 
towns more or less recently reformed, had felt the need 
of union after the decree of the diet of Augsburg, of 
1530, and had formed at Smalcalde, March 29, 1531, 
an alliance for six years, by which they engaged to 
defend each other. J Under these circumstances, and 
considering that the Sultan Solyman was advancing 
towards Austria with an immense army, the Emperor 
had determined to treat with the Protestants, and 
the religious peace of Niirnberg was concluded, July 
23, 1532. The leaguers of Smalcalde, nevertheless, 
were still subject to molestation, for various reasons, 
by the tribunals of the Empire. The landgrave of 

• ' Traten aua einem nalien Haiise die Frauen und Jungfrauen der 
Stadt hervor, jener mit oflfener Brust, dieae mit zerstreuten Haaren . . .' 
— Banke, Deutsche OescMchte, iii. p. 496. Hamelmann, Hkt. renovati 
Evangdii. Seclrendorf, Hist, des Lutherthums, p. 1291. 

t Compromise of October 18, 1532. 

X Hist, of the Reformation, Second Series vol. ii. took ii. chap. ?1. 


Hesse, by a bold measure, re-established the Protes- 
tant duke, Ulrich of Wiirtemberg, in his dominions, 
thus opening them to the Reformation and increasing 
the power of the League of Smalcalde.* 

• History of the Reformution, Second Series, vol. ii. chaps, 22 and 23. 




UNFORTUNATELY, there was going on at this 
time a fanatical movement, which the Roman 
Catholics were fain to turn to account against the 
Reformation, but which in truth furnished no ground 
of reproach against it ; for the attitude of the Re- 
formation towards the fanatics was chiefly one of re- 
sistance and suppression. When after a long winter 
the springtide comes again, it is not only the good 
seed which grows up, but weeds too appear in abund- 
ance. It could not happen otherwise in this new 
springtide of the church, which is called the Reforma- 
tion. The mightiest power of the Middle Ages — 
the Papacy — was assailed. In place of the opinions 
which it had professed and imposed on the world for 
centuries, the reformers presented evangelical doc- 
trine. It was easy to understand that not all who 
rejected the views of the Roman pontiffs would accept 
those of the reformers, but that many would invent 
or adopt others. 

There was a diversity of doctrines, and some- 
times, even within the limits of a single party, all 
manner of opinions. This was the case with the so- 



called spirituals, who have been erroneously named 
Anabaptists, for opposition to infant baptism, so far 
from being their distinctive doctrine, was hardly their 
badge. They held in general the power for good 
of the natural will (free-will). Haetzer denied the 
divinity of Christ, and led a bad life. ]\Iany of them 
said, ' Christ took nothing of human nature from his 
mother, for the Adamic nature is accursed.' There 
were some who looked upon the observance of Sunday 
as an antichristian practice. These fanatics fancied 
themselves alone to be the children of Tiod, and like 
the Israelites of old believed that they were called to 
exterminate the wicked. One of this sect, Melchior 
Hoffmann, after being in turn in king's courts and in 
ignominious imprisonment, went into Alsace, suppos- 
ing that at Strasburg the new Jerusalem was to come 
down from heaven, and that from this town would 
sro forth the messengers charg^ed to gather together 
God's elect. Almost all of them expected that the 
end of the world was very near at hand, and some 
even fixed the day and the hour. 

These fanatics, in consequence of the persecution 
to which they were subjected in South Germany, in 
Switzerland, and in Holland, turned their steps towards 
the regions bordering on the Rhine, where more free- 
dom was to be enjoyed, and where the Reformation 
was not yet thoroughly organized. Munster, in West- 
phalia, was a strong town, fortified with a citadel, and 
the seat of a bishop, with a cathedral, and a numerous 
body of clergy. 2s ear the town stood a church dedi- 
cated to St. ^Maurice ; here a false reformer preached 
a false reformation. This preacher was one Bernard 
Rottmann. a fiery man, eloquent and daring, who 


had to some extent apprehended the reformed doc- 
trine, but whose heart remained unaffected by it. 
As he used to deliver tine discourses, the towns- 
people flocked to hear him ; and at length requested 
that he should be called into Munster. Some influ- 
ential men among the Roman Catholics, acquainted 
with the man, and anxious to avoid any disturbance, 
offered him money to go away.* Rottmann accepted 
the money and took his departure, thus giving the 
measure of his faith and zeal. He then visited several 
towns and universities in Germany, but made no 
stay anywhere, and in the course of a few months 
returned to Munster. Some of the citizens and the 
populace, who were very fond of listening to his 
declamation, joyfully welcomed him; but the bishop 
and the clergy were opposed to his preaching in the 
churches. His partisans now set up a pulpit for him 
in the market-jjlace, and his hearers increased in 
number daily. Two pastors from Hesse, taking 
Rottmann for a minister of good standing, joined 
him, and drew up a statement of the errors of 
Rome in thirty-one articles, and submitted it to the 
council. The priests were then assembled at the 
town-hall, and the council laid the document before 
them. ' This is indeed our doctrine,' they said, ' but 
we are not prepared to defend it.' They were con- 
sequently deprived. The bishop, who had quitted 
Munster, resolved to cut off the supply of food to the 
town — a measure not exactly within a pastor's func- 
tion, whose call is to feed his flock. The townsmen, 
provoked, arrested most of the canons and the priests- 

* ' Mediocrem pecuniae summam ei daut pontificii.' — Gerdesiiis, Hist. 
Reform, iii. p. 93. 

D D 2 


and imprisoned them ; and it was arranged in 1533, 
that evangelical doctrine should be preached in the six 
churches of the town, and that the old abuses should 
be no longer allowed except in the cathedral.* 

Among the most respected inhabitants of Munster 
was the syndic Wiggers, whose wife, continually 
followed by a host of admirers, was a person of doubt- 
ful character. She had a great admiration for Eott- 
mann, and, clever woman as she was, knew how to 
captivate him. Her husband died shortly afterwards, 
and the rumour was spread that she had poisoned 
him.f This is, however, uncertain. AYhatever the 
fact may be, Kottmann married her, and thus showed 
again, that although he was a preacher of the Gospel, 
he did not practise it. Honourable men now with- 
drew from his society. This circumstance, with 
others, drove him to take an extreme course. 

In 1.533, a very large number of enthusiasts from 
the Xetherlands arrived at Munster. One of these, 
Stapreda, from Meurs, became Rottmann's colleague, 
and preached \dgorously their particular doctrines. J 
Rottmann, abandoned by his old friends, threw him- 
self into the arms of these new ones, and strongly 
advocated their view^s. Great alarm was excited in 
Hesse. Hermann Busch, of Marburg, came to Mun- 
ster to oppose the fanatics, and in consequence of a 
dispute between him and Rottmann the adherents of 
the latter received orders to leave the town. They 
concealed themselves for a time and then reappeared. 

* ' Und allein im Thurme die alten Missbrauche teybehalten -svurden.' 
— Seckendorf, Hist, des Lvtherthums, p. 1465. 

t ' Amore Rotmani virum yeneno interemit.' — Manlius, Excerpta, 
p. 485. 

I Sleidan, De statu lelit/ionis, lib. x. 


The pastor Fabritius, sent to Munster by the land- 
grave of Hesse, who was growing more and more 
alarmed, earnestly exhorted the senate and the people 
to be stedf'ast in sound doctrine. But one of the 
visionaries, pretending to be led by divine inspiration, 
went about the town towards the end of December 
1533, exclaiming : ' Repent ye and be baptized, or 
the wrath of God will destroy you.' * Ignorant 
men were filled with terror and hastened to obey. 

At the beginning of 1534, the strength of the 
party was augmented by the arrival of some famous 
recruits. On January 13 two men made their en- 
trance into Munster, strangely apparelled, with an 
air of enthusiasm in their countenances and in their 
actions, and honoured by the visionaries as their 
leaders. These were a prophet and an apostle ; the 
former, John Matthisson, a baker from Haarlem, the 
latter, John Bockhold, a tailor from Leyden.f Bock- 
hold had made his journeyman's tour, had run over 
Germany, and also, it was said, had visited Lisbon. 
On returning to his native land, he had taken a shop 
at Leyden, near the gate which leads to the Hague. 
The working men who rallied round the prophet had 
in general very little relish for work. This youthful 
tailor, for example, felt it very irksome to sit all day 
with his legs crossed, threading needles and sewing 
pieces of stuiT and buttons. General tradition repre- 
sents Bockhold as a tailor, but it is stated by some 
writers that he was a cloth-merchant. His father 
held some office in the magistracy at the Hagu.e; but 

* ' Sin minus jam ira Dei vos obruet.' — Gerdesius, iii. p. 98. 

t 'Johannes, a Leidis artiflcio sar^o;-.' — Oochlseus, Acta Lutheri, p. 

40G THE RErOEilATIUX IX EUROPE. book xvi. 

his mother, a native of Westphalia, belonged to the 
servant class. However this may be, he gave up his 
shop, and took, in conjunction with his wife, a public- 
house for the sale of beer and other drinks ; and here 
he led a gay and even a dissolute life. The new 
tavern-keeper had not read much, but he had a cer- 
tain amount of education and a good address. He 
was keen, crafty, ambitious, daring, eloquent, and full 
of animation.* There were at this time in most of 
the towns in the Netherlands, and particularly at 
Leyden, poetical societies; and John Bockhold was 
ambitious to shine as an orator. He made speeches 
which were remarkable for fluency and copiousness of 
diction. He even composed comedies and acted in 
them. He took part in the conversations, and caught 
the spirit of opposition to the church which prevailed 
in these assemblies. He made acquaintance with some 
of the enthusiasts ; was fascinated by the notion of a 
new kingdom in which they were to be leading men ; 
and thought that he should be able to find there better 
than elsewhere a great part to play himself. ]\Iat- 
thisson, as we have stated, chose Bockhold for one of 
his apostles. 

At the time of the arrival of these two men, there 
was living at ]\lunster a notable townsman named 
Bernard KnipperdoUing. This man having been in 
Sweden had associated with solne of the enthusiasts 
of that country. He was now eager to receive into his 
house two persons already so famous. The latter 
set to work without delay. Their wish was to make 
^Munster the capital of the sect, and with a view to 

Gerde?ius, Hist. Refor^n. iii. p. 95. Eanke, Deutsche Geschidite, 
iii, p. 5-Jl. 


this tliey made use of all means calculated to gain 
over men's minds. By their figure, their unusual 
attire, their fervour, their eloquence, and their enthu- 
siasm, they produced a powerful impression. These 
men were bold, but also shrewd, and sought to pro- 
pitiate everybody. Bockhold succeeded even in gain- 
ing access to the evangelical ministers. He spoke to 
them at first in the pure language of the Gospel ; 
then he asked one or another, what he thought of 
this or that point on which the visionaries had pe- 
culiar views. If their answers were not such as he 
required, or if passages of Scripture were noted in 
support of their opinions, he would smile, and some- 
times shrug his shoulders. It was not long before 
his friends and he openly proclaimed the new king- 
dom of which they were the forerunners. But the 
evangelical ministers implored the people to remain 
faithful to pure doctrine and to maintain it against 
the fanatics.* 

"Women were the first to believe in that earthly 
and heavenly kingdom which was thus proclaimed, and 
which was flattering at the same time to their senses 
and their understanding. First some nuns, then 
some women of the middle class, and afterwards 
men embraced the doctrines published by Bockhold. 
Rottmann, who by his wrongdoing had forfeited the 
good opinion of the evangelicals, now threw himself 
into the arms of the new party, which received him 
most favourably ; and he began to preach with his 
utmost eloquence the fantastic kingdom of the vision- 
aries. The crowd that flocked to listen to his sermons 

* ' Et a fanaticis liominibus incorniptam defendere.' — rierdesius, Ilist. 
Reform, iii. p. 95. 


was immense, and to hear, people said, was to be con- 
verted. The report became current that he possessed 
a secret charm, of such sovereign power that all 
persons on whom he chose to practise it were im- 
mediately enchanted and bound to the sect. It 
was the charm of novelty, of pride and of error. 
Women, who joined the party, sharply rebuked the 
burgomaster because he was friendly to Fabritius, 
the pious evangelical minister from Hesse, who de- 
clined to become a convert to the new kingdom. 
Working men wanted to be reputed masters. A 
blacksmith's boy began to preach the new Gospel ; 
and when the council ordered him to be imprisoned, 
all his comrades assembled and compelled the magis- 
trate to release him. 

A collision between the two parties seemed in- 
evitable. On February 8 (1534), the enthusiasts, 
believing themselves strong enough, took up arms 
and suddenly seized the great square ; the evan- 
gelicals remaining masters of the walls and the gates 
of the city. The latter were the stronger party, and 
many talked of making an attack with artillery upon 
the fanatical multitude and of expelling the intruders 
from the town. While the most prudent men were 
engaged in deliberation, the illumines had the strangest 
visions. ' I see,' said one, ' a man with a golden 
crown; in one hand he holds a sword, in the other a 
rod. ' Many declared that ' the town was filled with 
ruddy-brown flames, and that the horseman of the 
Apocalypse, mounted on a white horse, was advancing, 
conquering and to conquer.' The good pastor Fabri- 
tius, whom they had scandalously insulted, pleaded 
on behalf of them. He eiitreated that the mad 


ones should be leniently dealt witli. In other quarters 
it was expected that there would be a vigorous i-esist- 
ance and great slaughter. Men of conciliatory dis- 
position would fain avoid shedding the blood of their 
fellow-citizens ; and some were afraid that the bishop, 
who was near with his troops, would take advantage 
of the conflict to get possession of the town.* Two 
proposals were made to the visionaries ; liberty 
secured to both sides in matters of religion, but sub- 
mission to the magistrates in civil matters. This was 
a victory for the enthusiasts ; they were triumphant, 
and ' their countenances,' says one of themselves, 
' became of a magnificent colour. 'f 

This was, indeed, the beginning of their king- 
dom. They now summoned their adepts to Munster 
from all quarters, and these came in crowds, especially 
from Holland. The period for the election of the 
Council having arrived (February 20, 1534), not one 
of the former magistrates was re-elected. Some 
working men, who pretended to be illuminated by the 
Spirit, superseded them and distributed all ofliccs 
among their own friends. KnipperdoUing was named 
burgomaster. A few days later (February 27) there 
was held at the town-hall a great meeting of the 
Christians, as they called themselves. The prophet 
Matthisson remained for some time motionless, and 
seemed to be asleep. Suddenly he rose and ex- 
claimed : ' Drive away the children of Esau (the 
Evangelicals) ; the inheritance belongs to the children 
of Jacob.' The streets were at the time almost im- 
passable in consequence of a storm of wind with rain 

• ' Per earn pugnam uAe potiretur.' — Oochleeus, Acta Lwtheri, p. 251 . 
t Arnold, Kirchen-Historie. Ranke, Deutsche Oeschichfe, iii. p, 533. 


and snow ; but the enthusiasts dashed mto the midst 
of it, impetuously rushing about, and crying out with 
all their might, ' Wicked ones, begone ! ' They for- 
cibly entered people's houses, and expelled from them 
all who would not join their party. All the magis- 
trates, the nobles, and the canons who were still in 
the town, were compelled to leave it ; the poor like- 
wise. The unfortunate city presented at this time 
the most mournful sjDectacle. ]\lothers, in terror, 
would snatch up their children half-naked in their 
arms and go away pale and trembling from their 
abodes, carrying with them nothing but some bever- 
age to refresh the poor little ones on the way. Young 
lads with a scared look, holding in their hands a bit 
of bread which their schoolmasters had given them to 
comfort them or to allay their hunger, went side by 
side with their parents, with bare feet, through the 
snow ; and old men, leaning on their staffs, quitted 
the town at a slow space. But on reaching the gates, 
the wanderers were searched ; from the mothers 
the fanatics took away the beverage intended for their 
young children, from the lads the bread which they 
wel'e carrying to their mouths, and from the old men 
the last small coins which they had taken up at the 
moment of their departure,* and then they drove 
them all out of the town. They went forth at hap- 
hazard, not knowing whither they were to go, ha-sang 
nothing to eat or to drink, and deprived of the pitiful 
savings of a long and laborious life.f The prophet 

* ' "S'ascula cervisiae plena quo mulieres fatigatos in itinere parvulos 
recreaturae videbantiir, adimerent . . . manibns panes . . ad lenien- 
dam famem . . . raperent.' — CocHIkus, Acta Lutheri, p. '2v2. 

t Kersenbroik, quoted by l^anke, Deutsche Getchichte, iii. p. Gi?G. 
Hamelniann, 1216. Coivinus ajpud Sclwrdium, ii. p. 315. 


Matthisson had at first intended that all those who 
did not accept the new kingdom should be put to 
death. But they did them the favour of only banish- 
ing them, pillaged, however, and almost naked, 
taking from them their coats if they happened to 
be good,* and then drove them away, crying out, 
' Wicked ! Pagans ! ' 

The new community was noAV organized ; and 
Matthisson ere long exercised over it supreme author- 
ity. Prophets who gave themselves out for inspired 
did not wait for the millennial kingdom, or for the re- 
surrection of the dead, or for the advent of the Saviour. 
They were quite equal, they thought, to their task. 
They despised knowledge. They prohibited all 
intercourse with the pagans^ that is to say, the evan- 
gelicals. Those who received the new baptism indis- 
pensable for admission into their imaginary kingdom, 
and they alone, Avere saints. Marriages previously 
solemnized were annulled ; laws were abolished on 
the ground that they were opposed to liberty. All 
distinctions of rank were suppressed ; community of 
goods was established ; and all the property of those 
who were banished was thrown into a common fund. 
At the same time, seeing that their first duty was 
to break with a corrupt world, that irreconcileable 
enemy of the saints, orders were given to destroy 
all those evil things of which the men of the world 
made use. Images, organs, painted windows, clocks, 
seats adorned with sculptures, musical instruments, 
and other things of a similar kind, were removed into 
the market-place, and there solemidy broken to 
pieces. The masterpieces of the painters of the 
' Vestem non ad modum bonam.'— OooMeeus, Acta Lutheri. 

* ( ' 


Westphalian school were not spared. Books and 
manuscripts, even the rarest, were some of them 
burnt and others thrown upon dunghills.* This was 
all done, they declared, by divine inspiration. People 
were at the same time ordered to deliver up all gold, 
silver, jewels, ornaments, and other precious things. 
Property was superseded by communism ; and any- 
one who failed to bring these superfluities to the 
public office was put to death. The leading fanatics 
divided among themselves the fine houses of the 
canons, the patricians, and the senators, and settled 
in them in plenty and comfort. A large number of 
adventurers in quest of fortune, and of fanatics who 
coveted the good things of the world more than they 
acknowledged, arrived at Munster from Holland and 
the neighbouring countries. They looked upon it as 
a fine opportunity, and were eager to have a share of 
the spoil, and ready enough to lay hands on a large 
portion of it. To each handicraft some special duty 
was assigned. The tailors, for example, were charged 
to see that no new form of dress was introduced into 
the community. These people made it a matter of as 
much moment to avoid the fashion as other people 
did to follow it. 

MeanwhUe, the main business was the defence of 
the town. Young lads even were in training for this 
task, and not without good reason ; for in the month 
of May, 1531, the bishop of Munster invested the 
episcopal city. He, however, made no progress ; for 
the town, admirably fortified, was situated on a 
plain, and there was no rising ground in its neigh- 

* ' Intus humanis excrementis iUitos.' — Kersentroik, Bellona anabnpt. 
Sleidan, -De statu relii/tonis, lib. x. p. I.'jO. 

CHAP. ni. TERROR. 413 

bourhood on which the besiegers could establish 
themselves. Some of the soldiers who were taken 
prisoners in the sorties were beheaded by order of 
the prophets ; and their heads were set up on the 
walls, to show their comrades what fate awaited 

The prophet Matthisson, who had at least the vir- 
tue of courage, was killed in an attack made by the 
besieged. Bockhold took his place. He was not so 
brave, but was more ambitious than his predecessor, 
and applied himself to the organizing of this strange 
community. The magistrates were nominated by 
Rottmann the preacher and Bockhold the prophet. 
Their decrees were executed by Knipperdolling. This 
man had authority to put to death, without form of 
trial, anyone who was detected in violating the new 
laws. For this purpose he was always accompanied 
by four satellites, each carrying a drawn sword ; and 
thus attended he paraded the streets, at a slow pace, 
and with a penetrating glance which spread terror all 

* Cochlseus, p. 252, 




IT was not long before the new king gave the rein 
to his passions. Munster became the scene of 
the grossest debaucheries and the most revolting 
cruelties. Fanaticism is usually accompanied by im- 
morality, and with faith morality is thrown over- 
board. Bockhold, not contented with Matthisson's 
oflS.ce, wanted also to have his wife, the beautiful 
Divara. He was already married, but that was of no 
consequence. He began to preach polygamy, adduc- 
ing the examples of the Old Testament, but passing 
by what the Xew says, that God in the beginning 
ordained the union of one man with one woman, an 
institution confirmed and sanctioned by the Saviour. 
This scandalous proceeding was at first opposed by 
several members of the community, and there Avas 
even an evangelical reaction. At the head of the 
gainsayers was a blacksmith. Some of the prophets 
were arrested, and there was talk of recalling the 
exiles. The evangelical party seemed to be on 
the point of revival ; but the enthusiasts were the 
stronger party, and their opponents were shot or 

The prophets became more numerous. A work- 
ing goldsmith, named Tausendschur, pretended to 


great revelations. Urged on, no doubt, by Bockhold, 
he called together the whole body of the saints, and 
said, — ' The will and the commandment of the Father 
who is in heaven is that John of Leyden should have 
the empire of the whole world, that he should go 
forth from the town with a powerful army, that he 
should put to death indiscriminately all princes and 
kings, and that destroying all the wicked he should 
take possession of the throne of David his father.'* 
Bockhold, who was present, at tirst kept silent, and 
appeared to know nothing of this revelation. But 
when Tausendschur had finished, the Leyden tailor 
fell on his knees, and said that ten days before the 
same things had been revealed to him, but that he had 
refrained from announcing them, lest he should seem 
desirous of the sovereignty. At length, he said, he 
submitted to the Avill of God, applying to himself this 
saying of Ezekiel, — David my servant shall be their 
king^ and he shall make an everlasting covenant with 
them. He therefore declared himself ready to under- 
take the conquest of the world. This scheme was, 
doubtless, on his part, a mere piece of trickery, but 
it abundantly served his ambition. The madmen 
^nd fools who believed in it, voluntarily submitted to 
the man Avho was to be king of the universe ; and 
the hope of occupying the chief places in this uni- 
versal kingdom filled them with zeal for the support 
of Bockhold. Even if there were any doubters, they 
knew that the impostor would not hesitate to cut off 
their heads, if that should be necessary for the estab- 
lishment of his empire. Bockhold, whose mother 

* 'Reges atque prineipes omnes promiacue interficiat.' — Sleidan, 
lib. X. p. 161. Gerdesius, Hist. Mef. iii. p. 102. 


■was a serf of Westphalia, assumed in tlie capital of 
this province the pomp and attire of a king. He 
surrounded himself with a court composed of a large 
number of officers and magistrates. The churches 
were pillaged ; and the king and his ministers decked 
themselves with the silk vestments enriched with 
gold and silver which they took out of the churches, 
from the officiating ministers and from the most 
wealthy citizens.* He had a seal made, representing 
the world with two swords which pierced it through 
and through. This he hung about his neck on a 
gold chain adorned with precious stones, as a symbol 
of his power. He bore a golden sword with a silver 
hilt ; and on his head he had a triple crown made of 
the finest gold. To all this ostentation the ex-jour- 
neyman, now a king, added debauchery. Besides 
Divara, who was his queen, he took fifteen wives, all 
under twenty years of age, and he declared that he 
would have three hundred.^ His queen and these 
young girls he attired magnificently. Each of his 
apostles and other adherents also had several wives. 
He considered it necessary to keep his followers in a 
state of drunkenness, to prevent them from foresee- 
ing the catastrophe which was impending over them. 
He assumed the title of king of the new temple, and 
rode about the town invested with the insignia of his 
office, and escorted by his guards. All who met him 
were obliged to fall on their knees. Three times a 
week he made his appearance in the public square, 

* ' Se suosque ministros exornavit holosericis, auiatisque et argenteis 
indumentis, quae ex templis abstulftrat.' — Cochlseus, p. 253. 

t ' Duxit quindecim uxores et trecentas se diicturum declaravit.' — • 
Sleidan, lib. x. p. 161. Gerdesius, iii. p. 12.3. 


and sat upon a lofty throne, a sceptre in his hand 
and a crown upon his head, and surrounded by a 
body of his satellites. In this position he delivered 
his judgments. KnipperdoUing, one step beloAv 
him, with a drawn sword in his hand, held himself 
in readiness to execute them. Whosoever wished to 
bring any matter before him was compelled to fall 
on his knees twice in approaching the throne, and 
then to prostrate himself with his face to the ground. 

In October there was a great religious festival, 
which Bockhold called the Lord's Supper. A table 
of 4,200 covers was prepared for men and women. 
The king, the queen, and their principal officers, 
served on the occasion. Bockhold perceiving a 
stranger in the crowd ordered him to be arrested 
and brought before him. ' Wherefore,' said he, ' hast 
thou not on a wedding garment ? ' He pretended 
to believe that the man was a Judas, and ordered 
him to be expelled; then going out himself, he be- 
headed him with his own hands. He then re-entered, 
exulting and smiling at this exploit.* 

When the repast was over, he asked if they were 
all ready to do the will of God. ' AH,' they replied. 
' Well, then,' said the king, 'this will is that some of 
you should go forth to make known the wonderful 
things which God has done for us.' He forthwith 
nominated six of them to go to Osnabruck, and the 
same number to go to various other towns in the 
neighbourhood. He gave to each of them a piece of 
gold of the value of nine florins and a viaticum. On 
the same evening these apostles quitted ]\Iunster ; 
and on their arrival at the towns which had been 

* Ranke, iii. p. .'540. 


assigned, to them, they made their entrance, filling the 
air with horrible outcries. ' Be converted,' they said, 
as they went along the streets ; ' repent ! The time 
which God in his mercy leaves you is short. The 
axe is laid at the root of the tree. If you do not 
receive peace, your town will soon be destroyed.' 
Xext, presenting themselves to the assembled senate, 
they spread their cloaks upon the ground, threw 
down their pieces of gold,* and said, — ' We proclaim 
peace to you ; if you receive it bring hither what you 
possess and place it with this gold. Our king will 
ere long have conquered the whole world and sub- 
dued it to righteousness.' Those envoys who had 
been despatched to the towns belonging to the bishop 
of Munster were at first favourably received ; but 
presently they were all arrested, and several were 
put to the torture. Xot one of them, however, would 
acknowledge himself in error. 'We wait for new 
troops from Friesland and fi'om Holland, and then,' 
repeated they, ' the king will go forth and will subdue 
the whole earth.' They sufi'ered the extreme penalty 
of the law, as men guilty of sedition. 

The king encountered difiiculties not only in the 
neighbouring towns, but likewise in his own capital, 
and even in his harem. There was at ]\Iunster a 
woman of great courage and determination, who 
boasted that no man should ever marry her. John 
of Leyden commanded that she should be carried 
ofi^ and placed in the number of his wives ; but 
the woman, with her independence of character, find- 
ing the morals and the manners of this harem into- 

* ' Coram senatu eipandentes in terra pallia sua," i<>:o. — Coclilffius, 
p. 254. 


lerable, made her escape. This was in the king's 
eyes a very great crime. He therefore had her ar- 
rested, conducted her himself to the great square, 
cut off her head with his own hand, and then, filled 
with wrath and vengeance, trampled her body in the 
dust. Bockhold had ordered that all his other wives 
should be present at this hateful scene, and had 
directed them to sing a hymn of praise after the exe- 
cution. These unhappy creatures did, accordingly, 
strike up their song in the presence of the mutilated 
and desecrated body of their companion.'''' 

* Kei-senbroik, Raeumer, GeschicJite Europas, ii. p. 467. Eanke, 
iii. p. 542. 

E K 2 




THE landgrave Philip of Hesse having, meanwhile, 
entered Westphalia with the troops which had 
just made the conquest of Wiirtemberg, Munster 
was soon so completely invested that nothing, 
and especially no food supplies, could any longer 
enter the town. The dearth became more and more 
severe, and the miserable people were driven to have 
recourse for sustenance to the most unaccustomed 
food. They ate the flesh of horses, dogs and cats, 
dormice, grass, and leather ; they tore up books and 
devoured the parchment. Half the population of the 
town, it was said, died of starvation. These fanatics 
had trusted in the word of their king and prophet, 
and had awaited with confidence the succour which 
he promised them ; but, as this succour did not ar- 
rive, murmurs began to be heard from some of them, 
and others appeared to go mad. Bockhold had told 
them that, if it were necessary for saving his people, 
the stones would he turned into bread. Consequently, 
some of these votaries might be seen stopping in the 
streets, biting the stones and attempting to tear them 
to pieces, in expectation of their being converted 
into nourishment.* At length, despair, madness, and 

* ' In lapides aliquoties denies acuisse refenintur, sperantes juxta 
regis vaticinium illos couversos iri in panem,' — Gerdesius, iii. p. 154. 


inhumanity proceeded to the bitterest extremities. 
The wife of the senator Menken, one of the working 
men raised to this dignity by Bockhold, kUled her 
three children, salted their bodies, and placed the 
parts thus cured in jars, in this way making abomi- 
nable provision for her own subsistence, and on this 
she fed day by day.* The wretched inhabitants of 
this ill-fated town wandered with tottering steps 
about the streets, the skin wrinkled over their flesh- 
less bones, their necks long and lank, hardly able to 
sustain the head, their eyes haggard and opening 
and shutting with sudden jerk, their cheeks hollow 
and emaciated, with lips which death seemed to be 
about to close, corpses in appearance rather than 
living beings. In the midst of this appalling spec- 
tacle which recalls the greatest distresses recorded 
in history, even the destruction of Jerusalem, there 
was, it is said, in the king's palace abundance, feast- 
ing, and debauchery, f 

The enthusiasts, during this time, were causing 
much trouble in Holland ; but they did not succeed in 
bringing help to their brethren. At the beginning of 
1535, a certain number of them proposed to burn 
Leyden ; fifteen were arrested and beheaded. In 
February, others ran naked about the streets of Am- 
sterdam by night, crying out, ' Woe ! woe ! woe ! '' 
They also were executed. Near Franeker, in Fries- 
land, three hundred of them assembled and took pos- 

* ' Oum trium liberorum mater facta esset, eos omnea Occident, sale 
condierit et comederit. . . . Infantium manus ac pedes, urbe capta, in 
salsamentia dicuntur reperti.' — Gerdesius, iii. p. 154. 

t riortens. in Ep. ad Ei-asmum, p. 152. Kersenbroii, in Bella Monast. 
p. 59. Gerdesius, iii. p. 104. Banke, iii. p. 555. Raeiuner, Oeschichte 
Europas, ii. p. 407. 


session of a convent; but they were all put to death. 
Bockhold, impatient to get the succour of which he 
was in sore need, delegated Jan van Geelen, a clever, 
crafty man, to stir up a revolt in Holland, and to 
return to his aid with an army which should raise the 
siege of Munster, and help him to conquer the world. 
Jan van Geelen, by a feigned renunciation of his errors, 
obtained a pardon from Queen Mary. Having entered 
Holland, he was able secretly to attract a large number 
of followers ; and in a short time he conceived the 
project of surprising Amsterdam by night. He did, in 
fact, get possession of the town-hall ; but the towns- 
men, aroused by the tocsin, drove away the fanatics 
with cannon-shot, not without suffering great losses 
themselves, particularly in the death of a burgomaster. 
The rebels were cruelly treated. Many of them were 
stretched upon butcher's blocks, had their hearts torn 
out, and were then quartered. On all these occasions 
a certain number of women were, as usual, drowned.* 
These successive defeats made an impression on 
Bockhold and his partisans. They lost all hope of 
aid from Holland. The landgrave, Philip of Hesse, 
one of the most powerful chiefs of Protestantism, had 
brought up his forces to put an end to the scandals of 
Munster. The bishop of this city, impelled by the 
desire to reconquer it, had assembled for the purpose 
some Roman Catholic soldiers. One of Bockhold's 
men escaped from the town and pomted out the way 
to capture it.f In the night of June 24, 1535, two 
hundred lansquenets cleared the foss and scaled the 

* Brandt, Reform, i. p. 51. 
•\ ' A milite transfuga episcopo . . . via indioata . . . capiendi oivi- 
tatom.' — Gerdesius, iii. p. 104. 


wall at a point where it was very low. They were 
no sooner within the town, than they uttered cries 
and beat the drum. The men of the king of Zion 
leaped out of their beds and ran to arms. The con- 
flict began and was for a moment doubtful ; but one 
of the city gates having been opened from within, the 
army of the besiegers entered and the fight became 
terrible. A hundred and fifty horse- or foot-soldiers 
lost their lives. On the side of the besieged many 
also fell, and amongst others Rottmann who, resolved 
not to suffer the disgrace of captivity, threw himself 
with intrepidity into the midst of the fire and pe- 
rished. The king and two of his principal counsel- 
lors, KnipperdoUing and the pastor Crechting, made 
their escape and hid themselves in a strong tower, 
where they hoped to escape the notice of the con- 
querors.* But the soldiers penetrated into their 
place of concealment) dragged them out and made 
them prisoners. Bockhold at first braved it out, and 
assuming the air of a king spoke arrogantly to the 
bishop. Two theologians of Hesse endeavoured to 
bring him to repentance; but he obstinately held 
to his opinion, admitting no superior to himself on 
earth. Reflexion, however, wrought a change. Bock- 
hold was not a fanatic, but an impostor ; and he felt 
that the only way to save his life was to abjure his 
errors. He asked for a second conference with the 
two Hessians and feigned conversion. ' I confess,' he 
said to them, ' that the resistance I have offered to 
authority was unlawful ; that the institution of poly- 
gamy was rash, and that the baptism of children is 
obligatory. If pardon should be granted me, I pledge 

* ' Rex vero latitans in tuni quadam.' — Oochljevis, p. :?55. 


myself to obtain from all my adherents obedience and 
submission.' He likewise acknowledged that he had 
deserved to die ten times over. This was the beha- 
viour of a knave, willing to abandon even his impos- 
ture, if, by so doing, he might save his life. Knip- 
perdoUing and Crechting, on the contrary, persisted 
in their views, and asserted that they had followed 
the guidance of God. Cruelty of various kinds was 
inflicted on these wretched men. They were led 
about publicly, during the month of their detention, 
like strange animals, as a spectacle to the several 
princes and their courts, to whom they and their 
pretended king were made a subject of ridicule.* 
Bockhold did not derive from his confessions the 
advantage which he expected. The three leaders 
were all sentenced to the same punishment, the 
penalty of high treason to a supreme head. This 
took place in February 1536. In the barbarous 
period of the Middle Ages imagination had been 
racked for the invention of the most cruel punish- 
ments. These three wretches were conducted to the 
great square of Munster, where Bockhold, as king, 
had borne the sceptre and the triple crown, and his 
executive minister KnipperdoUing the sword. They 
were then laid out naked ; and their bodies were 
plucked to pieces with hot pincers, until at length, 
amidst hideous tortures, pincers, fire, sword and 
excruciating sufferings had put an end to their life.f 
This process lasted an hour. Cochlajus himself ex- 

* ' Hue, illuc, ad principes ducebantur spectaculi et ludibrii causa.' — 
Gerdesius, iii. p. 105. 

t ' Supplicio ultimo caudeutibus forcipibus distract! deceaseruiit.' — 
Sleidaii, lib. x. p. 166. Ileresbach, Epist. ad Erasmum, Corvinus. 
Uei'desius, iii. p, 105. llanke, iii. p. 561. Brandt, Ref. i. p. 61. 


claims, — ' Cruel, horrible punishment ! a terrible ex- 
ample to all rebels ! ' KnipperdoUing and Crechting 
bore with courage the frightful infliction, and Bock- 
hold, apparently recovering good sense, was deter- 
mined not to die the death of a coward. Not a groan 
escaped him. After he had breathed his last they 
pierced his heart with a dagger. 

It was Philip of Hesse and his soldiers of the re- 
formed party who chiefly contributed to put an end 
to the disorders and cruelties of which. Munster had 
been the scene. The only result of this episode for 
Protestantism was to demonstrate that it had no con- 
nexion with the fanaticism of these would-be inspired 
ones. Protestant opinion was on this occasion dis- 
tinguished by various characteristic features. Its 
intention was that punishment should be inflicted not 
for the religious doctrine of the enthusiasts, but only 
for their rebellion and other ordinary crimes. There 
have been, indeed, and there are especially at the pre- 
sent time a large number of pious and zealous Chris- 
tians who advocate adult baptism ; and we are bound 
to respect them although we do not share their views. 
Moreover the baptism practised by the enthusiasts of 
Munster, was not that of the sect of Baptists ; it was 
a proceeding which denoted adhesion to the fanatical 
system the triumph of which they pretended to in- 
sure, a ceremony such as is adopted in many secret 
societies. The essential characteristics of their sys- 
tem were then- alleged visions, tlieir unquestionable 
licentiousness, the confusion which they brought upon 
the institutions of social Ufe, their tyranny and their 

"\"arious opinions were entertained as to the pun- 


ishment which ought to be inflicted on them. Luther 
by a letter expressed clearly and briefly what he 
thought on the subject. He was not greatly troubled. 
' It does not disturb me much,' he said ; ' Satan is in 
a rage, but the Scripture stands fast.'* The land- 
grave Philip Avas always an advocate of the most le- 
nieiit measures ; he had no desire that the punish- 
ment of death should be inflicted upon them, as had 
been done in other countries. He consented only to 
their bemg imprisoned ; and he insisted that they 
should be instructed. The evangelical towns of 
Upper Germany acted upon the same principle and 
refused to stain their hands with the blood of these 
unhappy men. But it was decreed by a majority of 
the Germanic Diet, that all enthusiasts who persisted 
in their false doctrines should be put to death. Thus 
were confounded, as it has been said, two things as re- 
mote fi'om each other as heaven and earth, evangelical 
doctrine and the confusion introduced into churches 
and states by these fanatics. The unfortunate men 
were put to death, whether they were visionaries or 
not ; and not only were culpable disorders put down 
with a strong hand, but evangelical doctrine was also 
banished from Munster.f 

Three causes especially contributed to bring about 
these hideous disorders of the fanatics. First, the 
bloody persecutions carried on by Charles V. in the 
Netherlands against all those who desired to worship 

* ' Parum euro. Satan fui'it sed stat Scriptura.' — Luther, Epp. iv. 
p. 548. 

+ ' Si qui improvide commiscerent ea quse toto tamen coelo distabant, 
Eyangelii purioria profesaionem cum violentis illis Ecclesiarum et Remm- 
publicanim perturbatoribus.' — Gerdesius, iii. p. 106. Compromise of tlie 
Diet of ] "iL'iJ. Seclioiidorf, Kauuuier, Ranke. 


God according to their conscience ; next, the doc- 
trines of the enthusiasts, mingled sometimes with im- 
morality, which Tanchelme of Antwerp, Simon of 
Tour nay, Amalric of Bena, the Turlupine.s, the Pseu- 
do-Cathari, and the Brethren of the Free Spirit, had 
for centuries professed in different countries, and 
especially in the Netherlands and on the banks of the 
Rhine, and which had lately been revived there by 
emissaries from Germany ; and finally, the need for a 
change in the social order felt at this period by the 
least industrious and most fanciful men of the lower 
orders, and especially of the class of artisans. 

After the terrible catastrophe which put an end 
to the kingdom of Zion, there still remained, un- 
doubtedly, some enthusiasts and libertines, particu- 
larly David Joris. But many of them settled down 
and returned to more wholesome doctrines. One of 
these, Ubbo of Leuwarden, had been consecrated 
bishop of the new sect and had in turn consecrated 
others, Menno Simonis in particular. Ubbo made 
public confession of his error ; ' I have been miser- 
ably mistaken,' he said, ' and I shall lament it as 
long as I live.' * 

We have narrated the horrible episode of Mun- 
ster, and we have exhibited it like one of those 
placards which we have sometimes met with in the 
Alps, nailed to a post near an abyss, on which were 
to be read such words as these, — ' Traveller, beware ! 
anyone approaching falls and rolls over, and hurled 
from rock to rock, is dashed to pieces and killed, the 
sad victim of his rashness.' 

* 'Deplorabo quoad vixero.' — Ubhonis Confessio, in Gerdesius iii, 
p. 113. 



(The night of the 18tA February, 1546, at Eisleben.) 

Luther had throughout his hfe refused the aid of 
the secular arm, as his desire was that the truth 
should triumph only by the power of God. How- 
ever, in 1546, m spite of his eflforts war was on 
the point of breaking out, and it was the will of 
God that his servant should be spared this painful 

The Counts of Mansfeld, within whose territories 
he was born, having become involved in a quarrel 
with their subjects and with several Lords of the 
neighbourhood, had recourse to the mediation of the 
reformer. The old man — he was now sixty-three 
— was subject to frequent attacks of giddiness, but 
he never spared himself. He therefore set out, in 
answer to the call, and reached the territory of the 
Counts on the 28th of January, accompanied by his 
friend the theologian Jonas, who had been with him 
at the Diet of Worms, and by his two sons, Martin 
and Paul, the former now fifteen, and the latter 
thirteen, years of age. He was respectfully received 
by the Counts of Mansfeld, attended by a hundred 
and twelve horsemen. He entered that town of 
Eisleben in which he was born, and in which he was 
about to die. That same evening he was very unwell 
and was near fainting. 

Nevertheless, he took courage and, applying 
himself zealously to the task, attended twenty 
conferences, preached four times, received the sacra- 
ment twice, and ordained t^\'o ministers. E\"ery 


evening Jonas and Michael Coelius, pastor of Mans- 
feld, came to wish him good night. ' Doctor Jonas, 
and you Master Michael,' he said to them, ' entreat 
of the Lord to save his church, for the Council of 
Trent is in great wrath.' 

Luther dined regularly with the Counts of Mans- 
feld. It was evident fi-om his conversation that the 
Holy Scriptures grew daily in importance in his eyes. 
' Cicero asserts in his letters,' he said to the Counts 
two days before his death, ' that no one can compre- 
hend the science of government who has not occupied 
for twenty years an important place in the republic. 
And I for my part tell you that no one has under- 
stood the Holy Scriptures who has not governed the 
churches for a hundred years, with the prophets, the 
Apostles and Jesus Christ.' This occurred on the 
16th of February. After saying these words he 
wrote them down in Latin, laid them upon the table 
and then retired to his room. He had no sooner 
reached it than he felt that his last hour was near. 
' When I have set my good lords at one,' he said to 
those about him, ' I will return home ; I will lie down 
in my coffin and give my body to the worms.' 

The next day, February 17, his weakness in- 
creased. The Counts of Mansfeld and the prior of 
Anhalt, filled with anxiety, came to see him. ' Pray 
do not come,' they said, ' to the conference.' He rose 
and walked up and down the room and exclaimed, — 
' Here, at Eisleben, I was baptized. Will it be my 
lot also to die here ? ' A little while after he took the 
sacrament. Many of his friends attended him, and 
sorrowfully felt that soon they would see him no 
more. One of them said to him, — ' Shall we know 


each other in the eternal assembly of the blessed? 
We shall be all so changed ! ' ' Adam,' replied 
Luther, ' had never seen Eve, and yet when he awoke 
he did not say " Who art thou?" but, "Thou art 
flesh of my flesh." By what means did he know 
that she was taken from his flesh and not from a 
stone? He knew this because he was filled with the 
Holy Spirit. So likewise in the heavenly Paradise 
we shaU be filled with the Holy Spirit, and we shall 
recognize father, mother, and friends better than 
Adam recognized Eve.' 

Having thus spoken, Luther retired into his 
chamber and, according to his daily custom, even in 
the winter time, opened his window, looked up 
to heaven and began to pray. ' Heavenly Father, 
he said, ' since in thy great mercy thou hast re- 
vealed to me the downfall of the pope, since the 
day of thy glory is not far off, and since the light 
of thy Gospel, which is now rising over the earth 
is to be difi"used through the whole world, keep 
to the end through thy goodness the church of my 
dear native country ; save it from falling, preserve 
it in the true profession of thy word, and let all 
men know that it is indeed for thy work that thou 
hast sent me.' He then left the window, returned to 
his friends, and about ten o'clock at night retired to 
bed. Just as he reached the threshold of his bed- 
room he stood still and said in Latin, — ' In manus 
tuas commendo spiritum meum, redemisti me, Deus 
veritatis ! ' 

The 18th of February, the day of his departure, 
was now at hand. About one o'clock in the morn- 
ing, sensible that the chill of death was creeping over 
him, Luther called Jonas and his faithful servant 
Ambrose. ' Make a fire,' he said to Ambrose. Then 


he cried out, — ' Lord my God, I am in great pain ! 
What a weight upon my chest ! I shall never leave 
Eisleben.' Jonas said to him, ' Our heavenly Father 
will come to help you for the love of Christ which 
you have faithfully preached to men.' Luther then 
got up, took some turns up and down his room, 
and looking up to heaven exclaimed again, — ' Into 
thine hand I commit my spirit ; thou hast redeemed 
me, God of truth ! ' 

Jonas in alarm sent for the doctors. Wild and 
Ludwig, the Count and Countess of ]\Iansfeld, Drach- 
stadt, the town clerk, and Luther's children. In 
great alarm they all hastened to the spot. ' I am 
dying,' said the sick man. ' No,' said Jonas, ' you 
are now in a perspiration and will soon be better.' 
' It is the sweat of death,' said Luther, ' I am nearly 
at my last breath.' He was thoughtful for a moment 
and then said with faltering voice, — ' my heavenly 
Father, the God and Father of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, the God of all consolation, I thank thee that 
thou hast i-evealed to me thy well-beloved Son, 
Jesus Christ, in whom I have believed, whom I have 
preached, whom I have confessed, whom the pope 
and all the ungodly insult, blaspheme, and persecute, 
but whom I love and adore as my Saviour. Jesus 
Christ, my Saviour, I commit my soul to thee ! 
my heavenly Father, I must quit this body, but I 
believe with perfect assurance that I shall dwell 
eternally with thee, and that none shall pluck me 
out of thy hands.' 

He now remained silent for a little whUe ; his 
prayer seemed to have exhausted him. But presently 
his countenance again grew bright, a holy joy shone 
in his features, and he said with fulness of faith, — 


' God SO loved the world that He gave his only be- 
gotten Son, that whosoever believeth in him should 
not perish, but have everlasting life.' A moment 
afterwards he uttered, as if sure of victory, this 
word of David,* — ' He that is our God is the God 
of salvation ; and unto God the Lord belong the 
issues from death.' Dr. Wild went to him, and 
tried to induce him to take medicine, but Luther 
refused. ' I am departing,' he said, ' I am about to 
yield up my spirit.' Then returning to the saying 
which was for him a sort of watchword for his depar- 
ture, he said three times successively without inter- 
ruption, — ' Father ! into thine hand I commit my 
spirit. Thou hast redeemed me, God of truth ! 
Thou hast redeemed me, God of truth ! ' 

He then closed his eyes. They touched him, 
moved him, called to him, but he made no answer. 
In vain they applied the cloths which the town-clerk 
and his wife heated, in vain the Countess of Mansfeld 
and the physicians endeavoured to revive him with 
tonics. He remained motionless. All who stood round 
him, perceiving that God was going to take away 
from the church militant this mighty warrior, were 
deeply affected. The two physicians noted from 
minute to minute the approach of death. The 
two boys, Martin and Paul, kneeling and in tears, 
cried to God to spare to them their father. Ambrose 
lamented the master, and Coelius the friend, whom 
they had so much loved. The Count of Mansfeld 
thought of the troubles Avhich Luther's death might 
bring on the Empire. The distressed Countess sobbed 
and covered her eyes with her hands that she might 
not behold the mournful scene, Jonas, a little apart 

* Psalm Ixviii. 20. 


from the rest, felt heartbroken at the thought of the 
terrible blow impending over the Reformation. He 
wished to receive from the dying Luther a last testi- 
mony. He therefore rose, and went up to his friend, 
and bending over him, said, — Reverend father, in 
your dying hour do yon rest on Jesus Christ, and 
stedfastly rely upon the doctrine which you have 
preached ? ' ' Yes,' said Luther, so that all who were 
present could hear him. This was his last word. 
The pallor of death overspread his countenance ; his 
forehead, his hands, and his feet turned cold. They 
addressed him by his baptismal name, ' Doctor 
Martin,' but in vain, he made no response. He 
drew a deep breath and fell asleep in the Lord. It 
was between two and three o'clock in the morninsr. 
' Truly,' said Jonas, to whom we are indebted for 
these details, ' thou lettest. Lord, thy servant de- 
part in peace, and thou accomplishest for him the 
promise which thou madest us, and which he himself 
wrote the other day in a Bible presented to one of 
his friends : Verily, verily, I say unto you, if a man 
keep my saying, he shall never see death.'* 

Thus passed Luther into the presence of his 
Master, in full reliance on redemption, in calm faith 
in the triumph of truth. Luther was no longer here 
below, but Jesus Christ is with his people evermore 
to the end of the world, and the work which Luther 
had begun lives, is still advancing, and will extend to 
all the ends of the earth. 

* John viii. 51. 
VOL, VIII. *r F 




a s « e gig 

ill J i'i &M^ ^=s § 1 jlfep lull 

— "-S E P « "» <tS "^ y 3 

[ IK'S S'i 


sr^ tt'E = « ^ S fi-"'3 ^-^ 


EiS 2 g,Sa afi 5 I gc.s I 





Transcript of 'Indulgence' of Leo X. — the words which are 
abbreviated in the original being written in full. 

Albektus dei et apostolice sedis gratia . sancte Mogiin- 
tinensis sedis . ac Magdeburgensis ecclesie Archiepiscopus . 
primaa . et sacri Romani imperii in germania ar|ohican- 
cellarius . princeps : elector ac administrator Halberstattensis . 
Marchio Brandenburgensis . Stettinensis . Pomeranie : Cassu- 
borum Sclauorumque dux | Burggrauius . Nurenbergensis 
Eugieque princeps . Et guardianus fratrum ordinis minorum 
de obseruantia conuentus Moguntini . Per sanctissimum | 
dominum nostrum Leonem Papam decimum per prouincias 
Moguntinensem ac Magdeburgensem ac illarum et Halber- 
stattenses ciuitates et dioceses necnon terras | et loca 
illustrissimi et illustrium Principum dominorum Marchio- 
num Brandenburgensium temporali dominio mediate uel 
immediate subiecta nuncii et com|missarii : ad infrascripta 
specialiter deputati . Vniuersis et singulis presentes literas 
inspecturis Salutem in domino . Notum facimus quod sanc- 
tissimus dominus | noster Leo diuina prouidentia Papa 
decimus modernus : omnibus et singulis utriusque sexus 
christifidelibus : ad reparacionem fabrice basilice prinjoipis 
apostolorum sancti Petri de vrbe : iuxta ordinationem nos- 
tram manus porrigentibus adiutrices : vltra plenissimas indul- 
gentias ac alias gratias et faculta|tes quas christifideles 
ipsi obtinere possunt : iuxta literarum apostolicarum desuper 
confectarum continentiam misericorditer etiam in domino 
indulsit atque concessit : vt idoneum possint | eligere con- 
fessorem presbyterum secularem . uel cuiusuis etiam mendi- 

F F 2 

[4i'2] APPEXDIX. 

cantium ordinis regularem . qui eorum confessione diligenter 
audita . pro commissis per eligentem | delictia et excessibus : 
ac peccatis quibuslibet : quantumcumque grauibus et 
enormibus : etiam in dicte sedi reseruatis casibus : ac censuris 
ecclesiasticis : etiam ab | homine ad alicuius instantiam latis . 
de consensu partium etiam rations interdicti incursis . et 
quarum absolutio eidem sedi esset specialiter reseruata. 
Preterquam machina|tionis in personam summi pontificis : 
occisionis episcoporum aut aliorum superiorum prelatoruni 
et iniectionis manuum violentarum in illos aut alios pre- 
lates . falsificationis | literarum apostolicarum . delationis 
armorum et aliorum proUbitorum ad partes infidelium ac 
sententiarum et censurarum occasione aluminum tulfe * 
apostolice de partibus infi|delium ad fideles contra prohibi- 
tionem apostolicam delatorum incursarum semel in vita et 
in mortis articulo quotiens ille imminebit . licet mors tunc 
non subsequatur | Et in non reseruatis casibus totiens quo- 
tiens id petierint plenarie absoluere et eis penitentiam 
salutarem iniungere . necnon semel in vita et in dicto 
mortis arti|culo: plenariam omriumpeccatorumindulgentiam 
et remissionem impendere . Necnon per eos emissa pro 
tempore uota quecumque (vltramarino : visitationis | liminum 
apostolorum et sancti Jacobi in compostella : reUgionis et 
castitatis votis dumtaxat exceptis) in alia pietatis opera 
commutare auctoritate apostolica | possit et valeat. In- 
dulsit quoque idem sanctissimus dominus noster prefatos 
benefactor es eorumque parentes defunctos qui cum cbaritate 
decesserunt in precibus : | sufFragiis : elemosynis : ieiuniis : 
orationibus : missis : horis canonicis : disciplinis : peregrina- 
tionibus : et ceteris omnibus spiritualibus bonis que fiunt 
et fieri poterunt in tota vniuersali sacrosancta ecclesia mili- 
tante : et in omnibus membris eiusdem in perpetuum par- 
ticipes fieri. Et quia deuotus | Philippus Kessel f presbyter 
ad ipsam fabricam et necessariam instaurationem [ supra- 
dicte basilice principis apostolorum iuxta sanctissimi domini 
nostri Pape intentionem et nostram ordinationem de bonis 

* See Note, p. [4i?3]. 

t This name has first been written Keschel — altered to KesseL 


APPENDIX. [423] 

sviis coutribuendo se gratum | exhibuit In cuius rei signum 
presentes literas a nobis accepit Ideo eadem auctoritate 
apostolica nobis commissa : et qua fungimur in hac parte | 
ipsi quod dictis gratiis et indulgentiis vti et eisdem 
gaudere possit et valeat per presentes concedimus et 
largimur. Datum Auguste | sub sigillo per nos ad bee 
ordinate . Die xv Mensis Aprilis Anno domini M.D.xvij. 

Forma absolutionis totiens quotiens in vita. 

Misereatur tui &c. Dominus noster Jesus christus per 
meritum sue passionis te absoluat : auctoritate cuius et 
apostolica mihi in hac parte commissa : et | tibi concessa ego 
te absoluo ab omnibus peccatis tuis . In nomine patris et 
filii et spiritus sancti Amen. 

Forma absolutionis et plenissime remissionis : semel in 
vita et in mortis articulo. 

Misereatur tui &c. Dominus noster Jesus christus per 
meritum sue passionis te absoluat : et ego auctoritate ipsius 
et apostolica mihi in hac parte commissa : et tibi | concessa 
te absoluo . primo ab omni sententia excommunicationis 
maioris vel minoris si quam incurristi . deinde ab omnibus 
peccatis tuis : conferendo tibi plenissimam omnium | pecca- 
torum tuorum remissionem remittendo tibi etiam penas pur- 
gatorii in quantum se claues sancte matris ecclesie extendunt. 
In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti Amen. 

Note. — If one effect produced by the perusal of this 
often-talked-of document be surprise at the extent of the re- 
missions offered to those who should ' stretch out a helping 
hand towards the repair of the fabric of the Church of the 
prince of the apostles, St. Peter of Rome,' another surely is 
amazement at the seeming incongruity of the exceptions. 
' Indulgence ' is extended to crimes and excesses and any 
kind of sin, however ' grave and enormous,' but is with- 
held not only from * conspiracy against the person of the 
Pope, murder of Bishops or other superior prelates, laying 
violent hands on them or on other prelates, forgery of 
apostolic letters, exportation of arms and other forbidden 
goods to heathen parts,' but also from the importation of 

[424] APPENDIX. 

alum from heathen to Christian parts, contrary to the apo- 
stolic prohihition, hy which the faithful who wanted alum were 
required to use only that ohtained from Tolfa helonging to the 

Superficially regarded, this last exception is suggestive 
of a commercial monopoly enforced by the threat of spiritual 
penalties ; and so clearly has it been seen that a damaging 
significance might readily be attached to it, that the accuracy 
of the passage has frequently been doubted. M. Audin, 
who in his Histoire de Martin Luther, vol. i. pp. 429^32, 
gives a copy of the ' Indulgence,' renders the passage thus : 
' occasione aluminum {sic) sanctse ecclesife,' &c. By using 
the wovdi sic, and by appending the note ' Tire d'une source 
protestante par un protestant,' M. Audin would seem to 
have intended to suggest not merely that he doubted the 
correctness of the copy to which he had had access, but also 
that the apparently objectionable features of the document 
might be attributable to inaccuracy. 

But transactions of which the causes are imperfectly un- 
derstood may give rise to very erroneous opinions ; and in 
this case even the most cursory glance at the state of Europe 
during the pontificate of Pius II., when the alum works of 
Tolfa came into existence, will show that there were grave 
reasons for treating the importation of alum as a most heinous 
offence — reasons which might well affect the decrees of the 
Pope, and which had not lost their importance in the time of 

Until the discovery that alum could be obtained from 
the hills near Tolfa, the Italians had been dependent for 
their supplies of this commodity, which they used in very 
considerable quantities, upon the Turks, who, it is to be 
borne in mind, had but a few years previously taken Con- 
stantinople, and who were now the scourge and dread of 
Christendom. The Papal view as to the use to which the 
discovery should be turned is shown in the following extract 
from a brief of Pius II. : — 

' Item quoniam diebus nostris faciens nobiscum Dominus 
misericord iam suam de absconditis terras, uberrimas pretiosi 

APPENDIX. [425] 

aluminis venas antea nunquam inventas miraculo quodam in 
montibus nostris, qui in patrimonio B. Petri in Tuscia prope 
arcem Tolpham sunt patefecit, volens videlicet, ne ultra ex 
fidelium pecunia Turchorum in eos persecutio cresceret, sed 
ilia ad defensionem nostram uti possemus, justum et pietati 
sua3 placitum reputantes, fructum omnem, qui antehac ex 
comportato in Christianitatem transmarine alumine penes 
impios Turchos in Christianorum exitium erat, modo ad nos 
in suffragium ecclesife catliolicas transeat, praesertim cum 
alumen nostrum, magistra experientia, virtute perfectius, 
pretio villus, numero autem sit adeo abundans, ut usui 
Christianorum in omnem partem satisfacere possit, ex parte 
omnipotentis Dei Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancti, ac 
nostra ex hoc sancto tribunal! apostolica voce hortamur 
atque requirimus omnes, et singulos profitentes nomen 
Christianum, ne posthac alumen a Turchis aKisque infide- 
libus emant, &c. Dat. Romae apud S. Petrum anno 
jMCDLXIII. vii. id. Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno v.' 
(Raynaldus, ' Annales Ecclesiastici,' torn. 29, p. 376). 

In his ' History of Inventions, Discoveries ' &c. (Bohn's 
Standard Library), Beckmann, who, in treating of Alum, 
quotes several accounts of the works at Tolfa, says : — ' The 
Pope himself has left us a very minute history of this dis- 
covery, and of the circumstances which gave rise to it;' and, 
alluding to the conflicting statements respecting the disco- 
verer, he adds : — ' But as I do not wish to ascribe a false- 
hood to the Pontiif, I am of opinion that the history of this 
discovery must have been best known to him. He has not, 
indeed, established the year with sufficient correctness ; but 
we may conclude from his relation that it must have been 1460 
or 1465.* The former is the year given by Felician Bussi; 
and the latter that given in the History of the City of Civita 
Vecchia.' Beckmann's rendering of the Pope's history, 
though the account is here and there open to criticism, throws 
much light on the passage in the Indulgence and is otherwise 
very interesting. It is in these terms : — ' A little before 
* Pius n. died in 1464. 

[426] APPENDIX. 

that period came to Rome John di Castro, with whom the 
Pontiff had been acquainted when he carried on trade at 
Basle, and was banker to Pope Eugenius. His father, Paul, 
was a celebrated lawyer of his time, who sat many years in 
the chair at Padua, and filled all Italy with his decisions ; 
for law-suits were frequently referred to him, and judges 
paid great respect to his authority, as he was a man of in- 
tegrity and sound learning. At his death he left considerable 
riches, and two sons arrived to the age of manhood, the elder 
of whom, following the profession of the father, acquired a 
very extensive knowledge of law. The other, who was a 
man of genius, and who applied more to study, made himself 
acquainted with grammar and history ; but, being fond of 
travelling, he resided some time at Constantinople, and ac- 
quired much wealth by dyeing cloth made in Italy, which 
was transported thither and committed to his care, on ac- 
count of the abundance of alum in that neighbourhood. 
Having by these means an opportunity of seeing daily the 
manner in which alum Avas made, and from what stones or 
earth it was extracted, he soon learned the art. When, by 
the will of God, that city was taken and plundered about 
the year 1453, by Mahomet II., Emperor of the Turks, 
he lost his whole property ; but, happy to have escaped the 
fire and sword of these cruel people, he returned to Italy, 
after the assumption of Pius II., to whom he was related, 
and from whom he obtained, as an indemnification for his 
losses, the office of Commissary-General over all the 
revenues of the Apostolic Chamber, both within and without 
the city. While in this situation he was traversing all the 
hills and mountains, searching the bowels of the earth, leav- 
ing no stone or clod unexplored, he at length found some 
alum-stone in the neighbourhood of Tolfa. Old Tolfa is a 
town belonging to two brothers, subjects of the Church of 
Kome, and situated at a small distance from Civita Vecchia. 
Here there are high mountains, retiring inland from the 
sea, which abound with wood and water. While Castro was 
examining these, he observed that the grass had a new 
appearance. Being struck with wonder, and inquiring into 

APPENDIX. [427] 

the cause, he found that the mountains of Asia, which en- 
rich the Turkish treasury by their alum, were covered with 
grass of the like kind. Perceiving several white stones, 
which seemed to be minerals, he bit some of them, and found 
that they had a saltish taste. This induced him to make 
some experiments by calcining them, and he at length 
obtained alum. He repaired therefore to the Pontiff, and 
addressing him said, " I announce to you a victory over the 
Turk. He draws yearly from the Christians above three 
hundred thousand pieces of gold, paid to him for the alum 
with which we dye wool different colours, because none is 
found here but a little at the island of Hiscla, formerly 
called Aenaria, near Puteoli, and in the cave of Vulcan at 
Lipari, which, being formerly exhausted by the Romans, is 
now almost destitute of that substance. I have, however, 
found seven hills so abundant in it, that they would be 
almost sufficient to supply seven worlds. If you will send 
for workmen, and cause furnaces to be constructed, and the 
stones to be calcined, you may furnish alum to all Europe ; 
and that gain which the Turk used to acquire by this 
article being thrown into your hands will be to him a double 
loss. Wood and water are both plenty, and you have in the 
neighbourhood the port of Civita Vecchia, where vessels 
bound to the West may be loaded. You can now make 
war against the Turk : this mineral will supply you with the 
sinews of war, that is money, and at the same time deprive 
the Turk of them." These words of Castro appeared to the 
Pontiff the ravings of a madman : he considered them as 
mere dreams, like the predictions of astrologers ; and 
all the cardinals were of the same opinion. Castro, how- 
ever, though his proposals were often rejected, did not 
abandon his project, but applied to his Holiness by various 
persons, in order that experiments might be made in his 
presence on the stones which he had discovered. The 
Pontiff employed skilful people, who proved that they really 
contained alum ; but lest some deception might have been 
practised, others were sent to the place where they had been 
found, who met with abundance of the like kind. Artists 

[428] APPENDIX. 

■who had been employed in the Turkish mines in Asia were 
brought from Genoa ; and these, having closely examined 
the nature of the place, declared it to be similar to that of 
the Asiatic mountains which produce alum ; and, shedding 
tears for joy, they kneeled down three times, worshiping 
God, and praising his kindness in conferring so valuable 
a gift on our age. The stones were calcined, and produced 
alum more beautiful than that of Asia, and superior in 
quality. Some of it was sent to Venice and to Florence, 
and, being tried, was found to answer beyond expectation. 
The Genoese first piurchased a quantity of it, to the amount 
of 20,000 pieces of gold ; and Cosmo of Medici for this 
article laid out afterwards seventy -five thousand. On account 
of this service, Pius thought Castro worthy of the highest 
honours and of a statue, which was erected to him in his 
own country, with this inscription : — " To John di Castro, 
the Inventor of Alum ; " and he received besides a certain 
share of the profit. Immunities and a share also of the gain. 
were granted to the two brothers, lords of Tolfa, in whose 
land the aluminous mineral had been found. This accession 
of wealth to the Church of Rome was made, by the di\'ine 
blessing, under the Pontificate of Pius II. ; and if it escape, 
as. it ought, the hands of tyrants, and be prudently managed, 
it may increase and afford no small assistance to the Roman 
Poutifis in supporting the burdens of the Christian reli- 
gion — Pii Secundi Comment . rer . memorab . tjucB temp . 
sui^ contigerunt. Franco/. 1614, /oZ. p. 185.' 

Dr. Georg Voigt, in his ' Enea Silvio de Piccolomini als 
Papst Pius der Zweite und sein Zeitalter,' vol. iii. pp. 
546-48, says :— 

' Ein Gliickszufall brachte dem Papste noch eine ganz 
unerwartete Quelle von Einnahmen. Unter ihm wurden 
die beriihmten Alaungruben von Tolfa entdeckt. Der 
genannte Giovanni de Castro, ein Mann der riihrigsten In- 
dustrie, der zu Konstantinopel die Farbung itahenischer 
Zeuge betrieben, bei der Eroberung der Stadt jedoch nichts 
als sein Leben und seine technischen Kenntnisse davon- 
getragen, war der Finder. Umherschweifend auf dem 

APPENDIX. [429] 

einsamen cnlturlosen Waldgebirge, das sich unweit Civita- 
vecchia mit seinen Ausliiufern bis zum Meer erstreckt, 
stobernd unter den Steinen, Erden und Pflanzen mit dem 
eigenthiirnlichen Antriebe solcher Naturen, bemerkte er 
zunachst ein Kraut, das er auf den alaunhaltigen Bergen 
Asiens gesehen, dann weisse Steine, die der salzige 
Geschmack und gar die Auskochung als Alaun erwies. 
Freudig eilte er zum Papste und verkiindete ihm den Sieg 
iiber die Tiirken, zunachst den Industriellen, da der Orient 
durch den Alaun jahrlich iiber 300,000 Ducaten von den 
Christen verdiene. Von anderer Seite wird der Astrolog 
Domenico di Zaccaria aus Padua wenigstens als Mitentdecker 
angegeben.* Pius indess erwiihnt nur de Castro. Er und 
die Cardinale hielten die Entdeckung anfangs fiir eine 
alchymistisohe Traumerei. Doch bestatigten Sachver- 
standige, dass das Gestein wirklich Alaun und dass es in 
jenen Bergen in betriebsfahiger Masse vorhanden sei ; das 
reichliche Wasser der Gegend und der nahe Seehafen 
beofiinstio-ten den Bau. Es wurden Gewerbsleute aus 
Genua berufen, die einst bei den Tiirken den asiatischen 
Alaun behandelt ; sie weinten vor Freude, als sie das 
Mineral erkannten, nach der Abkochung zeigte sich seine 
Giite : 80 Pfund hatten den Werth von 100 Pfund tiir- 
kischen Alauns. Proben wurden nach Venedig und Florenz 
versandt. Genuesische Kaufleute schlossen zuerst einen 
Ankauf fiir 20,000 Ducaten ab. Dann Cosimo de' Medici 
einen fiir 75,000. Der Papst fasste den Vorsatz, das 
Geschenk Gottes auch zur Ehre Gottes, zum Turkenkriege 
zn verwenden ; er ermahnte alle Christen, fortan nur von 
ihm, nicht von den Unglaubigen den Alaun einzukaufen, 
zumal da der seinige nach der Erfahrung besser und billiger 
sei.f Schon im Jahre 1463 wurde tiichtig in den Gruben 
von Tolfa gearbeitet, 8,000 Menschen waren dabei be- 
schaftigt : der Finder wie die B esitzer des vorher unfrucht- 

* ' Gaspar Veronensis, p. 1038, 1043.' 

t ' Diese Auffbrderung nimmt sich in der Grundonnerstagabulle v. 
7 April, 14G3, bei Raynaldus, 14G3, n. 84 etwas wuuderlich neben den 
riiiclien aus.' 

[430] APPENDIX. 

baren Districtes erhielten eine Quote des Gewinnes, dcr 
dem apostolischen Schatze jahrlich gegen 100,000 Ducaten 
einbrachte. In der Wahlcapitulation von 1464 warden 
sammtliche Einkiinfte von Alaun fiir den Tiirkenkrieg 
bestimmt.' * 

From Dr. Voigt's statements that as early as the year 
1463, 8,000 men were employed in the alum-works of 
Tolfa, and that the profit to the apostolic treasury, after the 
claims of the discoverer and the proprietors had been duly 
recognised, amounted to 100,000 ducats a year, and from 
the date of the Pope's Brief quoted above, it would seem 
that the discovery could scarcely have been made later than 
1462, the year assigned to it by Niccolo della Tuccia, 

The foUowing extract from E,. Harrison's translation of 
A. von Reumont's ' Lorenzo de' jNIediei,' carries on some- 
what further the history of this famous mine and of its posi- 
tion in regard to the Papal Government : — 

' The Pope's aifection and confidence were shown in 
various ways. The Koman depository, i.e., the Receiver's 
office, was handed over to the Medici, with the permission 
to choose as their representative Giovanni Tomabuoni, 
director of the Roman bank. New privileges were also 
granted to them in connection with their share in the farming 
of the alum-works of Tolfa. It was an important conces- 
sion. In the days of Pope Pius II., Giovanni di Castro, son 
of the famous jiuisconsult, Paolo, the principal co-operator 
in the revision of the Florentine statutes ("finished in 1415), 
discovered alum-deposits in the rock while making geolo- 
gical investigations in the hilly country between Civita 
Vecchia and the territory of Viterbo, iu the vicinity of 
Tolfa. He instantly perceived the importance of his dis- 

* ' Die ausfiihrlichste Nachricht giebt Pius, Comment, p. 18-5, ISiJ, 
einige -wertlivolle Xotizen Xiccolo della Tuccia, Cronaca, etc. ed. Orioli. 
Roma 1852, p. 307. Die verschiedenen Zeitangaben diirfen nicht irre- 
machen : nach Tuccia geschali der Fund im Mai 1462, wobei er richtig 
bemerkt, dass der Papst damals in Viterbo war ; damit stimmt Pius' An- 
gabe in den Commentarien. Als er jene BuUe erliess, war der Bau scbon 
im Gauge. Den Ertrng giebt aucb Card. Papiens. Comment, p. 394 an.' 

APPENDIX. [431] 

covery, wLich promised to free the "West, hitherto poor in 
this mineral, from a tribute to the distant East, made more 
inaccessible by the Turkish conquests. In fact the produce 
soon amounted to 160,000 gold florins ; and it is well- 
known what sanguine hopes Pius II., whose eyes were 
directed towards the East, indulged, that this new source of 
revenue would aid his enterprises. Genoese houses had em- 
ployed themselves with the alum-trade till the Medici con- 
cluded a contract with the Papal exchequer, which after- 
wards gave rise to many unpleasant misunderstandings with 
the financial department.' — (Vol. I. p. 275). 

An account of the alum of Tolfi is also given in vol. v. 
chap, i., of the ' Voyages du P. Labat de I'Ordre des FF. 
Prescheurs, en Espagne et en Italic'; and in the article 
' Alaun,' in the ' Oeconomische Encyclopadie,' by Dr. J. G. 
Kriinitz, which is in part derived from Labat's work. 





Volumes I.- — VIII. 


.4.4i?.l U, meeting of pastors at, to 
complain of exile of Megander, vi. 
438 ; deputation sent to Berne, 438 

Abelard, ii. 24; iii. 52 

Ab Hofen, Thomas, Bernese deputy 
to Geneva, ii. 412 sq. ; his evan- 
gelical work, 415 ; opposition and 
dejection, 418 ; death, 419 

Adam, iii. 356, 360 sqq. 

Adrian VI., Pope, attempts to pre- 
vent introduction of Luther's works 
and followers into Spain, viii. 4 

Adriiin, Dr., umpire at conference of 
Schiissbnrg, vii. 469 

Agrippa, Cornelius, at Strasburg, i. 
484 ; his career, 487 ; his book on 
marriage, 488 

Alasco, John, Baron, primate of Poland, 
vii. 529, 541 ; unfriendly reception 
of his nephew John, 543 ; his devo- 
tion to the papacy, 544 ; examines 
John, 545 ; his death, 549 

— Stanislaus, vii. 529 ; at court of 
Francis I., 539 

— Yaroslav, vii. 529 ; gets his brother 
John appointeda bishop, 551 ; inter- 
view with John, 559 ; his relations 
with Zapolya, 559 : military service 
and imprisonment, 559 j his death, 

Alasco, John, Polish reformer, his 
birth and early life, vii. 630 ; sets 
out to visit European courts and 
universities, 530 ; atLouvain, 531 ; 
meets Zwinglius at Zurich, 531 ; 
difficulty of fixing dates of his 
travels, 532, iwte ; grateful remem- 
brance of Zwinglius, 533 ; becomes 
guest of Erasmus, 534 ; influence 
of Erasmus on him, 534, 535 ; stu- 
dies at Basel under Pellican, 536 ; 


friendship with Glareanus, 536, 
637 ; enjoined by King Sigismund 
to leave Basel, 538; uncertainty of 
his next course, 540 ; in Italy, 
540 ; again in Poland, 640 ; his 
struggles, 541 ; worldly associa- 
tions, 542; decline of faith, 543; 
false reports about him, 543 : exa- 
mined by the primate, 645 ; re- 
nounces doctrines of the Reforma- 
tion, 545 ; urges Erasmus to write 
to the king, 547; named provost of 
cathedral church of Gnesne, 547 ; 
reads and coiT&sponds with We- 
lanchthon, 548; leans towards Lu- 
ther, 548 ; coolness of Erasmus, 649 ; 
his place among reformers, 650; has 
to give up hoi^e of reforming Po- 
land, 660, 651 ; appointed bishop 
of Wesprim, 551 ; bishop of 
Cujavia, 651 ; his difficult posi- 
tion, 662 ; refuses bishopric of 
Cujavia, 553 ; leaves Poland, 
654 ; goes to Mentz and Louvain, 
564 ; offers made to him, 555 ; 
marries, 556 ; his life at Embden, 
566, 557 ; declines offer of pastorate 
there, 558 ; attends death-bed of 
his brother Yaroslav, 569, 560 ; re- 
turns to Friesland, 660 ; writes to 
Hardenberg, 662 ; accepts direction 
of churches in Friesland, 563 ; in- 
vited to Poland, 564 ; his task in 
Friesland, 564 ; charges against 
him, 665 ; opposition of John of 
Falkenberg, 566 ; writes to Bul- 
linger, 666 ; conflict with the 
monks, 567 ; his appeal to Countess 
Anna, 568 ; victory over John of 
Falkenberg, 570 ; aims at union of 
Protestant sects, 671 ; has a confer. 

F F 




eace with ^Jlenno, 571; with David 
Joris, 573 ; his ministry, 574 ; his 
church government, 575 ; relations 
to Erasmus, Zwinglius, and Jle- 
lanchthon, 575; his Epitome uf doc- 
trine, 575, 576 ; again appeals to 
Countess Anna, 576 ; resigns oflBce 
of superintendent, 577 ; resumes it, 
578 ; death of his child, 578 ; his 
country home, 578, 579 ; his first 
letter to Calvin, 579, note ; at Lou- 
vain, 668, 67.; ; meetings with Fran- 
cis de Enzinas, viii. 51, 70 

Albany, John Stitait, duke of, i. 555 ; 
special ambassador of Francis I. to 
Clement VII., ii. 196 ; his career, 
197 ; 205 ; commands French fleet 
escorting Catherine de' Medici to 
Nice, 252 ; escorts Clement VII. to 
Marseilles, 253; regent of Scot- 
land, vi. 18 ; returns to France, 18 ; 
again in Scotland, defeated by the 
English, finally quits the country, 2i 

Albert, duke of Prussia, protects the 
reformed in Poland, vii. 527 

Albigenses, the, ii. 137 

Alcagnices, Marchioness of, her con- 
versations with Carranza, viii. 141 ; 
gets his works copied and trans- 
la'ed, lis 

Alcala de Senares, viii. 15, 16; a 
theological disputation at, 1 7. 

Alciati of Milan, at Bourges, ii. 31. 

Aleander, papal nuncio, obtains edict 
of persecution for the IN'etherlands, 
\\\. 594; receives recantation of 
Spreng, 596 

Alenqon, Duchess of '^Margaret of 

Alenqon, Duke of, i. 464, 465. 

Alesi-us, presents Melanchthon's Com- 
Tnonplaces to Henry VHI., v. 125 ; 
account of him, 218 ; present at 
convocation, 219; his speech, 220, 
221 ; refused admission, 222 ; his 
birth and early life, vi. 13 ; publicly 
refutes Luther's doctrine, 59 ; his 
inter^-iews with Patrick Hamilton, 
60; refuses to condemn him, 89: 
preaches before the synod, 89 ; 
assailed by Prior Hepburn, and 
imprisoned, 90, 91 ; released by 
command of the king, 92; immedi- 
ately imprisoned again, 93 ; urged to 
escape, reluctarit to leave Scotland, 
94, 95 ; his flight, 96, 97 ; embarks 
at Dundee, 98; his wanderings, 'y.\ : 
his letter to James V., lOfi, 107 


AUxander VI., Pope, i. 160, 28(; ; hia 
decree on printing, ii. 230. 

Alexander Cantis (Dumovlin), goes to 
Geneva, iv. 251 ; attempts to arrest 
him, 254 ; seized and banished, 
264 ; leaves Geneva, 276 

Ale-rander, Dr., preaches at Dantzic, 
vii. 519 

Alexander, Peter, chaplain to the 
Kegent of the Netherlands, viii. 
103 ; holds a disputation with De 
Soto, 104 ; his flight, trial, and 
burning in efligr, 104 ; pastor of 
French church in London, 105 

Alra, Duke of, i. 436 

Amadeus T"! of Savoy, i. 22; seizes the 
chateau de I'lle, 22 ; becomes ri- 
dame, 23; bids for popular favomr, 24 

Amadeus Till., his attempt on 
Geneva, i. 25 ; his abdication, 27 ; 
nominated pope by Coimcil of 
Basel a.s Felix V"., 27 ; makes himself 
prince and bishop of Geneva, 27 ; 
his death, 27 

Amadeus IX., i. 28 

Amman, Louis, vi. 516 

Amsterdam, beginning of the Refor- 
mation at, vii. 646 sqq. ; arrests of 
evangelicals by night, their execu- 
tion, 651 ; Jan van Geelen's at- 
tempt to surprise, viii. 422 

Amy at, Jacques, iii. 90 

Anabaptists, burnt by Henrj- VLLl., v. 
74 ; viii. 193, 194 [Spirituals^ 

Ancina, Messire d', i. 156, 164 

Anderson, Lawrence, his birth and 
early life, vii. 292 ; receives evan- 
gelical doctrine, 293 ; administra- 
tor of diocese of Strengnaes, 293 ; 
friendship with Olaf and Lawrence 
Peterson, 294 ; before Gustavus, 
315; appointed chancellor of the 
kingdom, 310; his character, 316, 
317; advises Gustavns, 317; trans- 
lates the Xew Testament, 329 ; ad- 
vises the king on church power, 
343 ; his speech at Diet of 'W'es- 
teraas, 349 sqq. : deputy with Olaf 
to the king, o57 ; his speech on re- 
turn of the king, 359 ; president of 
synod of Orebro, 366 

Anderson, William, a Protestant of 
Perth, vi. 211 ; seized and con- 
demned to death, 214 ; hung, 215 

Andronicvs, inMted into Switzerland 
by Farel, iii. 277 sqq.\ joins Farel, 

Angeli«, Francis de, viii. 4 




Am/ers, University of,, declares for 
divorce of Henry VIII., iv. 51 

AnguuUiiu\ city, iii. 6 

Aiif/us, Earl of, marries Margaret, re- 
gent of Scotland, vi. IS ; takes the 
Great Seal, 27; defeats Lennox, 
28 ; renews proscription of New 
Testament, 50 ; keeps the king in 
subjection, 85 ; banished, 87 ; joins 
English army against the Soots, 16'i: ; 
accompanies the liberated nobles to 
Scotland, 187 ; reinstated, 191 ; 
imprisoned, liberated, 218 

Anhalt, Principality of, the reforma- 
tion in, viii. 389; the princes- of, 
389 ; Luther's letter to them, 393 ; 
the reformation established in, 395 

Anna,, Countess [Ft-iesland^ 

Annates, in England, abolished, iv. 1 1 4 

Anne Bole>/n,Ta.eeis Henry VIII., ii. 
139 ; iv. 27, 38 ; lodged in palace at 
Greenwich, 131 ; marriage of, 152, 
164, 165 ; included in Clement's 
excommunication of Henry VIII., 
167; appears as queen, 170; her 
marriage pronounced lawful, 174 ; 
presented to the people, 175 ; her 
coronation, 176; unsatisfied, 177; 
her course and fate, 178 ; change in 
her character, V. 37; protects evange- 
licals, 37 ; orders liberation of Har- 
man, 38, 135; her bringing up, 140 ; 
her good works, 141, 142; esteem for 
Latimer, 143 ; Tyndale's present to, 
143 ; character of, 146 ; opposite views 
other, 1 47 ; hostility of Norfolk, 148 ; 
her difficult position, 149 ; jealousy 
of Jane Seymour, 150 ; gives birth 
to a dead son, 151 ; cooperates with 
Cranmer, 152, 163 ; her choice of 
bishops, 153 ; forebodings, 155 ; 
commends her daughter Elizabeth 
to Parker, 156 ; charges against 
her, 156 sti- ; ordered to keep her 
room, 162 ; before the council, 163 ; 
taken to the Tower, 164 ; her sym- 
pathy, 165 ; watched, 170 ; agitation, 
171 ; her letter to the king, 176 
sqq. ; alleged pre-contract of mar- 
riage not proved, 180 ; her trial, 
182 sfiq. : sentenced to death, 184 ; 
heraddress to the judges, 185 ; asks 
pardon of the princess Mary, 190; 
her execution, 193 sdq. ; etl'ect of 
her death in Europe, 199, 201, 202 

Anne of Beauregard, v. 498, 499 

Anne of Cleves, proposal for her mar- 
riage with Henry VIII., viii. 232 ; 


her portrait, . 233 ; the marriage 
arranged, 233 ; at Calais, 233 ; a 
game of cards, 234 ; reaches Canter- 
bury, 234 ; at Rochester, seen by 
the king, 235 ; received by him, 

237 ; enters London, 237 ; married, 

238 ; hopes, 239 ; scheme contrived 
for her divorce, 276 sqii- ; consents, 
278 ; receives report of judgment 
of convocation, 280 ; her submis- 
sion, 280 ; a pension and a palace 
for her, 281 

Anne of Cyprus, i. 28, 30, 31 ; accused 
by her son Philip to her husband, 32 

Annonai/, the 'holy virtues ' of, i. 575 ; 
preaching of Stephen Machopolis 
at, 576 ; of Etoier, 576 ; of Jonas, 
577 ; arrest and imprisonment of 
many evangelicals, 577 

Anseluir, apostle of Scandinavia, vii. 

Antwerp, vii. 586 ; beginning of re- 
formation at, 588 sqq. ; persecution , 
595 : convent of the Augastiues 
destroyed, 608 ; open-air meeting 
of the reformed, 612 ; murder of 
Nicholas, 613 ; preaching attended 
by crowds, 629 

Aosta, Lutheranism at, 523 sqq. ; as- 
sembly of estates at, 526 ; resolu- 
tion against Lutheranism, 527 ; 
monuments of Calvin's passage 
through, 530 

Ajiulorjists, Christian, iii. 11, 202 

Aj>peah to the pope, abolished in 
England, iv. 231 

Aquinas, Thomas, Calvin's admiration 
of, i. 525, 578 ; ii. 223 

Arciin'bold,sQ\\s indulgences in Scan- 
dinavia, vii. 156 ; gains over the 
King of Denmark, 156 ; sends his 
brother to Gothland, 289 

Aresen, Johan, bishop of Holum, vii. 
275 ; his quarrel with bishop of 
Skaiholt, 275 ; vanquished in single 
combat, 275 ; takes up arms against 
the reformation, 279 ; usurps the 
see of Skaiholt, 279 ; arrested and 
executed with his sons, 280 ; bar- 
barous revenae of his partisans, 280 

Aj'lod, Jean cV. i. 363 ; iv. 403 ; v. 
412; imprisoned at Chillon, 413 

— , Domaine d', iii. 436 ; proscribed 
by the bishop, 527 ; seized and im- 
prisoned, 529, 549 

Arnold of Winkelried, i. 263 

Arran, Earl of, vi. 180 ; his character, 
182, 183; proclaimed regent of 




Scotland, 183 ; his evangelical 
chaplains, 184 ; favours project of 
marriage of Mary Queen of Scots 
with Edward of England, 187 ; 
confirmed in the regency, 191 ; dis- 
misses his chaplains, 199 ; refuses 
the hostages to Henry Vni., 203 ; 
assembles an army at Edinburgh, 
201 ; his irresolution, 205 ; joins 
the cardinal at Stirling, 206 ; sub- 
mits to the pope and is ab- 
solved, 206 ; accompanies Beatoun 
to Perth, sanctions martyrdom of 
Protestants, 215 ; and persecution 
in Forfarshire, 216 ; flies from Ed- 
inburgh with Beatoun, 218 ; gives 
up Wishart to Beatoun, 234 ; writes 
to the cardinal about him, 234 

Arras, martyrs at, i. 469 ; ill. 169 

Arteis, preaching of Berquin in, i. 
446, 447 

Aslte, Robert, heals revolt of 
Catholics in Yorkshire, v. 241 ; the 
pilgrimage of grace, 242 ; at l?om- 
fret Castle, 245 ; confronts the 
Lancaster herald, 246 ; resolves to 
march on London, 247 

Askerv, Anne, account of, viii. 331 ; 
her marriage and separation, 332 ; 
imprisoned, her examinations, 333 ; 
before Bishop Stokesley, 334 ; 
liberated on bail, 334 ; again ar- 
rested, examined, 335 ; her firm- 
ness, 336 ; condemned to be burnt, 
336 ; again examined and tortured 
by Wriothesley and Rich, 33S_, 339, 
and note ; her martyrdom, 340 sqq. 

At/ianasian Creed, the, vi. 377, 378 

Audley, Sir Thomas, Speaker, iv. 11 ; 
appointed Chancellor, 118: one of 
Fryth's examiners, 204 ; begs for 
gift of convents, v. 116; member 
of commission of inquiry into con- 
duct of Queen Anne, 159, 163, 189 ; 
viii. 289 

Aiig^hurfi, Diet of, ii. 290, 339, 554, 
562 ; vii. 208 ; influence of the con- 
fession in Hungary, 453 

Avgustines, at Geneva, i. 58 

Augustine, St., iv. 59 

Austria, ii. 286, 288, 289 : delegates 
at Diet of Augsburg, 2!I0, 291, 292 
[Ferdinand of Austria, Philij) of 

A va log, Don Gaspard d', opposes pub- 
lication of Spanish New Testament, 
viii. 73 

Areiiclies, iii. 252 


Avignon, Francis I., holds council at, 
ii. 285 ; the embroiderer of, iv. 417 ; 
seized and ill-used, 418; reaches 
Geneva, 419 

Avilu, John d', his preaching in 
Andalusia, viii. 5, 6, 7 ; exposes the 
fraud of Madeline de la Croix, 8 ; 
defends St. Theresa, 8, 9 ; counsels 
Sancha de Carile, 9 ; arrested by 
the Inquisition, and acquitted, 20 

BABIXOT, Albert, iii. 55; sent by 
Calvin to preach, 69 ; at Toulouse, 

Badnel, Claude, ii. 342 ; seeks intro- 
duction to Margaret of Navarre, 
344 ; visits her, 344 ; his career, 
345 ; envoy from Margaret to 
Melanchthon, iv. 473 

Baillot, Jacques, of Neuchdtel, advo- 
cates giving help to Geneva, v. 
378 ; on the march, 385 

Bainham, James, iv. 137 ; arrested 
and tortured by More, 138 ; before 
Bishop of London, 139 ; his abjura- 
tion and sentence, 140; remorse, 
140 ; repentance, 141 ; condemned, 
141; visited by Latimer, 142; 
martyrdom, 143 

BaHker, Johan van, with his father 
denounced as a Lutheran, vii. 621 ; 
sent to Louvain, becomes a priest, 
622 ; imprisoned, liberated, goes to 
Wittenberg, 622 ; returns, and is 
banished, 622 ; wanderings, 623 ; 
separates from Rome, 623 ; opposes 
indulgences, 624 ; arrested, 624 ; 
his trial, 625 ; imprisoned, 626 ; 
his father, 627 : his martvidom, 
627, 628 

Balard, syndic of Geneva, i. 277; 
elected svndic, 353 ; cited, 391 
note; iii. 337, 311,348; recommends 
celebration of the mass, v. 430 ; his 
views, 481 ; examined before the 
Council, vi. 598 ayj. 
Balkerley, Martin, imprisoned at 
Edinburgh for reading the Scrip- 
tures, vi. 133 ; pays a ransom and 
is left in prison, a double ransom 
demanded, 134 ; liberated, 134 

Balleyson, M. de, i. 373, 390, 395, 398 

Balue, Master, deputy of the 
Sorbonne, ii. 381 

Bandihe, Ami, i. 358, 363, 370, 391 ; 
leads the search for Pontverre, and 
is wounded, 505 




Bandi'ere, Jean, i. 391 

Uandini, Francesco, Archbishop of 
Siena, receives deputation accus- 
ing Paleario, iv. 568 ; consents to 
support the charge, 669 

Baner, Eric, in charge of Gustavus 
Vasa, vii. 300 

Baptism, a reformed, at Geneva, iv. 

Barharossa, iv. 596 

Bariier, instigates plot against re- 
formers at Geneva, v. 287 

Bar-le-Dv£, conference and treaty of, 
ii. 298 aqq., 39i 

Barlom, Dr., prior of Bisham, his 
embassy to Scotland, vi. 118, 119; 
ready to preach, 124 

Barnes, envoy to reformers at Witten- 
berg, V. 124 ; sent by the king to 
invite Melanchthon, 126 ; v?ell 
received by Elector of Saxony, 126 ; 
joined by Fox and Hare, 128 ; viii. 
199 ; takes part in negotiating 
marriage of the king with Anne of 
Cleves, 242 ; appointed to preach 
at Paul's Cross, superseded by 
Gardiner, 243 ; preaches, 244 ; re- 
primanded by the king, 245 ; reads 
a retractation, and again preaches, 
245; committed to the Tower, 
246 ; with Garret and Jerome and 
three Papists, burnt at Smithfield, 
272, 275 

BaHon, Elizabeth \_Maid of Kent\ 

Basel, council of, i. 27 ; embassy to 
Geneva, ii. 520, 522 ; treaty with 
landgi-ave of Hesse, 561 ; confer- 
ences at, vi. 387 ; vii. 52, 53 

Baud, Claude, syndic of Geneva, 
attempts to direct Catholic rioters, 
iii. 449; plants the city banner, 
455 ; refuses to give the signal for 
attack, 461 ; takes part in con- 
sultation for peace, 473 ; iv. 258 ; 
searches for Froment, 264 

Bayfield, Bichard, in prison, iv. 108 ; 
his martyrdom, 109. 

Beatoun, David, abbot of Arbroath, 
negotiates return of his uncle, the 
primate, to St. Andrews, vi. 32 ; one 
of the judges of Patrick Hamilton, 
72 ; accompanies James V. to Paris, 
128 ; again in France, made bishop 
of Mirepoix, 128 ; negotiates mar- 
riage of James with Mary of Lor- 
raine, 129 ; his character and aims, 
130, 131 ; created cardinal, 131 ; 
unites with the king against the 


gospellers and the nobles, 132 ; finds 
money for the king, 133 ; his ar- 
rogance, 134 ; goes to France to 
seek aid for Scotland, 135 ; perse- 
cutes the gospellers, 136 sqq. ; de- 
mands the burning of Kennedy 
and Russel, 143 ; succeeds his uncle 
as primate, 147 ; his persecutions 
checked by the king, 1 50 ; holds 
assembly of prelates and nobles at 
St. Andrews, 150 ; aims at ruin of 
Henry VIII., 158 ; prevents inter- 
view of James and Henry, 160 ; 
visits James V. on his death-bed, 
177 ; under alleged will of the king 
claims to be president of the 
council of regency, 181 ; opposes 
appointment of Arran to the re- 
gency, 182 ; appointed chancellor, 
184 ; resists scheme for marriage 
of Mary Queen of Scots with Prince 
Edward of England, 1 87 ; excluded 
from the council and imprisoned, 
188 : results of his arrest, 189, 190 ; 
liberated, 200 ; his intrigues against 
the regent, 201 ; convokes the 
clergy, 201 ; induces the regent to 
refuse the hostages, 203 ; removes 
the two queens to Stirling, 204 ; 
receives submission of Arran and 
absolves him, 206 ; crowns the 
queen, 207 ; resolves to crush the 
Reformation, 210 ; goes to Perth, 
condemns six Protestants to death, 
214 ; persecutes them in Forfar- 
shire, 216 ; on appearance of Eng- 
lish army at Leith, flies from Edin- 
burgh with Arran, 218 ; sets a 
body of armed men to waylay Wis- 
hart, 226 ; imprisons "Wishart, 234 ; 
convokes the bishops, 236 ; arms his 
men to escort them and Wishart, 
235 ; presides at his trial, 236 sqq. ; 
witnesses his martyrdom, 243 sqq. ; 
marries his daughter to David 
Lindsay, 248 ; quarrels with Nor- 
man Lesley, 248 ; a conspiracy 
formed against him, orders his 
partisans to meet him at Falkland, 
249 ; his castle seized by Norman 
Lesley, 261 ; murdered, 253 ; opi- 
nions on the murder, 255 
Beatoun, James, primate of Scotland, 
gathering of the Hamiltons in his 
palace, vi. 18 ; dissensions with 
the queen-mother and the nobles, 
26 ; deprived of the Great Seal by 
Angus, 27 ; plots with the priests 




against Angus, 27 ; in concealment 
in FifesMre, 28 ; returns to St. 
Andrews, 33 ; cites Patrick Hamil- 
ton before him, 33 ; invites him to 
a conference, 56 ; cites him on a 
charge of heresy, 63 ; orders his 
arrest, 70 ; pronomices sentence on 
him, 75 ; sanctions imprisonment 
of Alesius, 93 ; condemns Seaton's 
doctrines, 104 ; imprisons Thomas 
Forrest, 109, 110 ; leaves his see to 
his nephew David, 147 
Seatriee of Portugal, married to duke 
Charles m.. i. 295 ; reception of, 
at Geneva, 297 sqq. ; birth of a son, 
314 ; deputation of women to her 
in behalf of Levrier, 336 ; quits 
Geneva, 336 ; ii. 603 
Beaugency, ancient custom at, ii. 7 
Becon, Thomas, quoted, iv. 209 
Beda, syndic of the Sorbonne, advises 
persecution of Lutherans, i. 445, 
446, 443 ; reports on Berquin's 
works, 449 : principal of Montaigu 
College, 518 ; attacks Berquin, 541 ; 
his refutation of Erasmus, 543 ; 
arrested, 544 ; attacked by Berquin, 
544 ; urges persecution of Berquin, 
578, 579 ; ii. 46, 48, 54 ; attacks 
the professors, 78 : his charges dis- 
missed by the parliament, 79 ; 
adopted by the Sorboime, 79 ; de- 
claims against reformers, 120: 
nrcres arrest of preachers, 159 ; ge- 
neral in the war against Lutherans, 
161 ; sets mendicant friars to work, 
162 ; confined to his house by the 
king's order, 166; breaks loose, 
167; appears before the parliament, 
172; banished, 173, 174; his de- 
parture, 177 ; censor of books, 222 : 
detects heresy in Margaret's Mirror, 
222 ; returns to Paris, 306 ; attacks 
professors of University of Paris, 
307 ; demands burning of Eoussel 
and others, 388 ; his debate with 
Eoussel in the prison, 310; his 
B^monstrance read by the king, 
310 ; imprisoned, 311 ; accuses the 
king, iii. 137 ; charged with trea- 
son, his imprisonment and death, 
137 ; iv. 50, 51 
Bell, Dr., joint commissioner to Ox- 
ford University, iv. 42 
Bdlaiitei, Antonio, his friendship 
with Paleario, iv. 562 ; his mother, 
563 ; her property stolen by the 
monks, 563 


Bellantes, Faustus, warns Paleario, iv. 
564; at his trial, 571, 576, 577. 

— , Bvander, at trial of Paleario, iv. 

Bellegarde, Sieur de, prepares am- 
buscade for Levrier, i. 330 ; seizes 
and takes him to castle of Bonne, 
331 ; tortures him, 337 ; treachery 
to Bonivard, ii. 542 ; envoy to the 
emperor, iii. 312 ; bribes the grand 
equerry, 313 ; has audience of 
Charles V., 314 ; interview with 
Granvella, 316 ; his letter to the 
duke, 317 ; his plans against Ge- 
neva, 319 ; projects a fortress, 32& 

Bellessert, Captain, commands one of 
the bands against Lutherans, iii. 
453 ; strikes down Philippe, and is 
wounded by him, 463 

Bewibo, Pieiro, Cardinal, iv. 553, 595, 

Benoit, Andrew, goes to G«neva, vi. 
357 'iSpirituaU'l 

Berger, Xicholas, assassinated by 
Pennet, iv. 300 

Bergeron, G., syndic of Geneva, i. 413 

Bernard, Carmelite, martvrdjm of, 
vii. 629 

Bernard of Lublin, vii. 516 

Bernard, Claude, iii. 332, 354, 375 ; 
his daughter, 389, 396, 397 ; rescues 
Froment, 416 ; aids in rescue of 
OlivStan, 435 ; leads Huguenots in 
the %ht in the ilolard, 499 ; re- 
ceives evangelists into his house, 
329; V. 238, 290, 294; proposes 
su]3J)ression of the mass, &c., 323 

Bernard, Jacques, superior of Fran- 
ciscans,con verted by Parels preach- 
ing, iv. 327 ; v. 294 ; preaches in 
convent church, 295 ; undertakes a 
public disputation, 297 ; ten theses, 
298, 299, 308; at the debate, 311 
Sfj'j. ; appointed pastor at Geneva, 
vi. 493 

Bernard, John, i. 76, 181, 343 ; ii. 442 

Bernard, Louis, throws off his priestly 
robes, iv. 363 ; marries, 392 ; writes 
to Calvin, vii. 16, 17 

Berne, i. 209, 210, 247; friendly to 
Greneva, 371 ; embassy to (Jeneva, 
376 ; exiles at, 380 ; receives news 
of Huguenot triumph at Geneva, 
404 ; alliance with Friburg and 
Geneva, 4ii7, 410, 411, 415, 416, 
419. 420, 505 ; Genevese and Sa- 
voyard deputations to, ii. 407 : 
admonishes duke of Savoy, 449 ; 




warns Geneva, 449 ; triumph of the 
Scriptures at, 461 ; Bernese Luther- 
ans at Genera, 513, 520, 522, 534, 
660, 564 ; prepares to succour 
Geneva, 577, 589 ; asks help of 
Geneva, 589 ; refuses help to 
Geneva, 594 ; deputies propose 
renunciation of alliance, 595 ; 
demands it again, 599 ; Genevese 
embassy to, 600 ; alliance main- 
tained, 601 ; joint-suzerain of Orbe, 
iii. 243 ; orders that all fathers 
of families should attend Farel's 
preaching, 259 ; opens churches at 
Granson to reformers, 284 ; with 
Friburg publishes first act of re- 
ligious liberty in Switzerland, 291 ; 
intervenes in favour of religious 
liberty at Geneva, 437 ; counter 
embassies to, from Geneva, 481, 
485 ; embassy to Geneva, 514 ; the 
deputies counsel yielding to the 
bishop, 548 ; sends Farel to Geneva, 
.iv. 267; embassy to Geneva, 276; 
protects the reformers, 277 ; com- 
pels opening of a church to them, 
281 ; insists upon trial of Furbity, 
282 ; deputies assist at his examin- 
ation, 313 sq., 328 ; farewell of the 
embassy, 329 ; intervention on 
behalf of Maisonneuve, 350 ; Gene- 
vese embassy to, 397 ; exhorts 
Savoy and Burgundy to cease hos- 
tilities against Geneva, 408 ; in- 
tervenes for Maisonneuve and 
Janin, 414 ; supports duke of 
Savoy, 439 ; refuses aid to Geneva, 
V. 871 ; negotiates with duke of 
Savoy on its behalf, 422 ; helps 
Geneva, 435 ; declares war against 
duke of Savoy, 436 ; march of the 
army under Nagueli, 437 ; demands 
sovereignty of Geneva, 464 ; re- 
duction and annexation of Vaud, 
465 ; the envoys at Aosta, 523, 524 ; 
the Bernese take Tverdun, and 
abolish Eomish worship, vi. 272, 
273 ; edict issued for disputation 
at Lausanne, 278 ; ordinances for 
the Pays de Vaud, 314, 315 ; treaty 
with Lausanne, 316 ; issues edict of 
reformation for the Pays de "Vaud, 
325 ; sjmod of, 381 ; another 
synod convoked, 389 ; a patched-up 
peace, ' 389 ; another synod, 389 
sqq. ; deputies of, at Geneva, sup- 
port the malcontent Huguenots, 
405 ; letter to the Eeformers, 414 ; 


an embassy to Geneva promised, 
415, and not sent, 416 ; sanctions 
the Genevese confession, 416 ; dis- 
missal of Megander, 438 ; deputa- 
tion of country pastors to Berne, 
438, 439 ; views of Bernese on 
church and state, 413 ; on worship, 
443 ; convoke a synod at Lausanne, 
445 ; letters to Calvin and the 
Council of Geneva, 448; letter of 
the council to the Genevese on 
behalf of Calvin and Farel, 498 ; 
delegates sent with them to Geneva, 
512 ; received by the council, 515 ; 
dispute about treaty with Geneva, 
610; a new treaty, 611; quarrel 
about it, 612 ; summons the Gene- 
vese to a trial at Lausanne, 614 ; 
sentence against Geneva, 615; pro- 
poses fresh discussion, 616 

Berquin,\jO\As, arrested and liberated, 
i. 446; his character, 446; preaching 
in Artois, 447 ; assailed by priests 
and nobles, 447 ; his books ex- 
amined by the Sorbonne, 448 ; im- 
prisoned, 449 ; interroga'ed, 460, 
461 ; threatened with the stake, 
461 ; proceedings stopped by Fran- 
cis I., 463 ; partial liberation, 481 ; 
set free, 506 ; his task, 507 ; re- 
solves to attack the papal power, 
541 ; letter to Erasmus, 542 ; rejects 
advice of Erasmus, 543 ; attacks 
Beda and the Sorbonne, 544 ; cen- 
sured by Erasmus, 546 ; abuse of, 
577 ; ii. 41 ; judges appointed to 
try him, 44 ; Margaret's interces- 
sion, 45 ; arrested, 47 ; his let- 
ter discovered, 47 ; sentence 
pronounced, 49 ; appeals, 60 ; efEorts 
of Budaeus, 51 ; a fall and a re- 
covery, 53 ; sentenced to be burnt, 
54 ; execution hurried on, 55 ; 
martyrdom, 56 sqq. ; effect on spec- 
tators, 59, 73 

BeHliatul, appointed to preach in 
Paris, ii. 156; his end, 157; con- 
fined by the king's orders, 166 ; 
forbidden to preach, 304 ; burning 
of, demanded by i3eda, 308 ; set 
free ; 312 ; arrested, iii. 133 ; before 
the king, 139 ; sent to a convent, 148 

5ert7ieKCT-,Philibert, Genevese patriot, 
i. 2 ; his character and aim, 40, 48, 
52 ; accepts from the Bastard the 
government of Peney, 53 ; friend- 
ship with Bonivard, 62, 67 ; tears 
up his commission, 73 ; his school 




of liberty, 78, 86 ; frustrates at- 
tempt of the duke to seize Levrier, 
87 ; his intercourse with Bonivard, 
89, 90, 91 ; calls a meeting of 
patriots, 92 sqq^. ; his exhortation 
to unity, 94 ; watched by agents of 
the bishop, 96 ; practical joke about 
Claude Gros' mule, 98 ; threatened 
with a fine by the vidame, 100 ; 
scheme to get rid of him, 102, 107 ; 
demanded by the bishop. 111 ; 
warned. 111 ; escapes with the 
Friburgers, 112 ; the search 
for him, 113; at Friburg, 114; 
his speech to the guilds, 115 ; 
ofEered a pardon by the duke, 123 ; 
alleged to be a ' charmer ' 130 ; his 
return to Geneva, 148 ; promotes 
the Swiss alliance, 148 ; obstacle 
to destruction of liberty, 150 ; his 
trial, 151, 175 ; his energy and de- 
votion, 176 ; his proposition for 
consultation of patriots, 181 ; his 
friendship with Marty, of Friburg, 
183 ; Touses the G«nevese to action, 
192 ; tried by the syndics and ac- 
quitted by the council, 194 ; rejects 
bribe offered by the duke, 207, 217, 
218, 235, 242, 250; the bishop 
' watches for ' him, 25.5 ; his se- 
renity, 255 ; his retreat, 256 ; ar- 
rested, 257 ; in prison, 258, 259 ; 
his religious faith, 260 ; refuses to 
be tried by Desbois, 261 ; proposal 
to rescue him, 263 ; sentence of 
death, 265 ; execution, 266 ; pro- 
cession through Geneva, 267 ; im- 
pression produced by his death, 
268 ; sanguis semen, 269; 289, 378 ; 
his memory honoured, 422 ; iv. 270 

' B holies war,' the, 1. 246, 281 

JieyaeHs, Jan, ™. 670, 671, 672 ; re- 
moves pictures from the churches, 
673 ; arrested, 675 

Be::a, Theodore, i. 517, 533, 537; ii. 
12, 28, 29 ; birth and early life of, 
first meets Calvin, 30 

Bible, the, in French, prohibited in 
France, i. 460 ; difficulty of obtain- 
ing at Paris, ii. 116 ; Latin, of .Ste- 
phens, 116 ; first French published, 
V. 319 ; act passed by Scottish par- 
liament for freedom to read, vi. 193 
{^Tyndale, Croimrell, Cranmer, and 
names of various ver.sions] 

Biderniitti, John [^Bhinchcf] 

Billih, Carmelite, papal delegate at 
Batishon, viii. 123. 


Bilneij, Thomas, character and 
opinions of, iv. 100 ; his preaching, 
101 ; friendship with Latimer, 1U2 ; 
arrested, 103 ; attempts of monks 
to convert him, 103; his trial, 103 ; 
condemned, 104 ; his last evening, 
105 ; martyrdom, 106, 107, 120 

Bisliojyers and Commoners, at Geneva, 
ii. 443, 471 

Bishops, of England, their reply to 
petition of the Commons, iv. 16, 
17; the reply criticised, 19; resist 
attack on their privileges, 21 ; 
their subterfuge, 22 ; alliance 
with the king against reformers, 
94 ; attempt to impose on lower 
clergy the payment promised to 
the king, 95 «^. ; begin persecu- 
tion of Lutherans, 99 ; submit to 
the king, 113 ; their oath at conse- 
cration, 114: renounce orders of the 
pope prejudicial to the king, 116; 
election of, regulated, 231 ; declare 
the papacy a human invention, 
231 ; suspension of their jurisdic- 
tion, V. 97 ; decline to answer 
German envoys, viii. 1S8 ; find a 
compromise impossible, 217, 218 ; 
protest against referring the trans- 
lation of the Bible to the universi- 
ties, 309 

Bisliops, government by, i. 382 : ar- 
guments for temporal power, iii. 546 

Bishops in Denmark, excluded from 
the Diet, vii. 269 

' Bislwp's Book,'' the, viii. 315 

Blancherose, physician, takes part in 
disputation at Lausanne, vi. 282, 
289,291, 293, 302, 303 

Blanchet, i. 93 ; his adventures, 147 ; 
imprisoned at Turin, 154 ; his exa- 
mination, 155 ; tortured, 157, 162 ; 
sentenced to death, 163 ; beheaded, 
166 ; treatment of his remains, 
166, 167 ; agitation in Geneva, 168, 
177, 249 

Blois, Roussel and Leffevre at, i. 4S7 ; 
a 'placard" on the king's door, iii. 125 

Bochhold [John of Zeyden'] 

Boc/tinff, Friar, instigates imposture 
of JIaid of Kent. v. 9, 11 ; before 
Star Chamber, 18. 

Bi'njuef, Christopher, preaches at 
(ieneva, iii. 394; again, 404, 419; 
ordered to leave Geneva. 124. 

Boehmcr, Edward, his researches on 
the brothers Yalder, iv. 585 note, 
597 note. 




Bohemia, the Reformation in, vii. 
509 ; ttie Calixtiues, 509 ; ttie 
Taborites, 510 

Boiling to diiath, penalty for poison- 
ing, iv. 89 

Bois-le-Buc, martyrs at, vii. 654 

Boisseaw do la Borderie, Jean, iii. 55. 

Bologna, Conference of, ii. 188 sqq. ; 
another congress, iv. 27 ; meeting 
of Clement YII. and Charles V., 
164 ; beginning of reformation at, 
577 ; address of evangelicals to 
John of Planitz, 578 

Bologna, University of, appealed to 
by Henry VIII. on his divorce, iv. 
51 ; the judgment, 62. 

Boniface VIII., Pope, ii. 615. 

Boniface, Cardinal bishop of Ivrea, ar- 
rests Ciirione and his friends, iv. 533 

Bonivard, Francis, his arrival at 
Geneva, i. CO ; birth and education, 
61 ; friendship with Berthelier, 
63, 65, 67, 77 ; rejects proposal 
made to him to seize Levrier, 84, 
85 ; warns him, 86 ; his character, 
89 ; fascinates Berthelier, 89 ; 
their intercourse and aims, 90, 
91 ; his difference with the bishop, 
96, 105, 110, 111, 129 ; attempts to 
save Peoolat, 133 ; resolves to ' bell 
the cat,' 135 ; gets inhibition of the 
metropolitan served on the bishop, 
136, 137 : his advice to Pecolat's 
friends, 139, 145 ; goes to Rome, 
158 ; what he saw there, 159 ; fails 
in his suit for bishopric, 162 ; 
warned of danger at Turin, 162 ; 
his flight, 163 ; discouraged, 177, 
181, 194, 205, 207; his speech in 
chapter, 213; his protest, 215; 
pacifies the people threatening the 
canons, 217, 218, 227, 229 ; escapes 
from Geneva, 234, 237 ; betrayed, 
251 ; compelled to resign his 
priory, 252 ; imprisoned by the 
duke, 253, 259, 270 ; set at liberty, 
286, 329, 343, 354 ; his estimate 
of La Baume, 356 ; restored to Ms 
priory, 421 ; advocates expulsion 
of the prince-bishop, ii. 438, 442, 
443 ; detested by papal party, 463 ; 
threatened with expulsion from his 
priory, 464 ; his estimate of excom- 
munication, 465 ; reflections on 
state of Geneva, 469 ; his reply to 
proposal of Huguenots, 471 ; his 
fief at Cartigny, 477 ; maintains 
reciprocity of rights between prince 


and subject, 478 ; obtains support 
of the council to his claim, 478 ; 
takes possession of Cartigny, 479 ; 
loses it, 480 ; his expedition to re- 
cover it, 480 ; his grass mown by 
Pontverre, 495 ; among the Luther- 
ans, 513 ; his raids to recover his 
rents, 535 ; fires at the papal 
proctor, 536 ; illness of his mother, 
537 ; obtains safe-conduct to visit 
her, 538 ; at Seyssel, 538 ; slandered 
at Geneva, 538 ; perplexity, 539 ; 
safe-conduct extended, 540 ; pro- 
poses to give up his priory, 541 ; at 
Moudon, 541 ; journey to Lausanne, 
542 ; kidnapped,' 543 ; imprisoned 
at ChiUon, 544; treatment, 545; 
liberation of, demanded and re- 
fused, 577 ; incidents of his con- 
finement, V. 465, 466 ; orders given 
for his death, 467 ; liberated, 469 ; 
made free of city of Geneva, 
marries, 486 ; a prediction fulfilled, 
486, 487 

Bonivard, Jean Aime, prior of St. 
Victor, i. 61 ; orders his culvorins 
to be cast into church bells, 62 ; liis 
death, 62 

Bonner, Edmund, envoy to Marseilles, 
iv. 216 ; forces his way into the 
pope's palace, 217 ; presents the 
king's appeal to a council, 218; 
threatened by the pope, 223 ; am- 
bassador in France, viii. 214 ; 
conveys to Cromwell the Bibles 
printed at Paris, 214 ; appointed 
bishop of London, 243 ; declares 
against Cromwell, 254 ; his activity, 
286 ; assails Grafton, 287 ; perse- 
cutes citizens of London, 287 sqq. ; 
admonitions to his diocese, 310 

BoHhwiek, Sir John, cited before 
Cardinal Beatoun, escapes to Eng- 
land, vi. 161 ; his property con- 
fiscated and his efiigy burnt, 151 ; 
withdraws from the court, 200 

Bothniemis, Nicolaus, president of 
assembly at TJpsala. vii. 415 

Bothmell, Earl of, opens negotiations 
on the part of Scottish nobility 
with Northumberland, vi. 101 ; 
withdraws from the court, 200 ; 
sides with Beatoun, 201 ; prohibits 
preaching of Wishart in Hadding- 
tonshire, 230 ; arrests him, 233 ; 
gives him up to the regent, 234 

Boulet, Bernard, treasurer of Geneva, 
i. 34.5 ; assaulted by Richardet, 




346 ; his friends turn it to account, 

347 ; reports it to ducal council, 

348 ; appears at a general council, 
3i9 ; condemned, 383 

Smirion, Constable of, i. 437, 453 
Bviinjes, University of, ii. 30; centre 
of reformed doctrine, 32, 39 ; 
declares for divorce of Henry 
Vin., iv. 51 
Boutcrille, Prior of, iii. 17, 20 
Soj^leij, fraud of monks at, v. 105 
Brandenlurg, George, margrave of, 

vii. 478 
Brazil, bishop of Linkoping, resolves 
to suppress the Lutheran heresy, 
vii. 296, 297 ; entreats the pope 
that Olaf may be sentenced to 
death, 298, 315 ; his violence, 320, 
321 ; remonstrates with Magnus, 
321 ; demands trial of the re- 
formers, 322 ; circulates books 
against them, 323 ; his services to 
Sweden, 327 ; letters to Gustavus, 

328 ; excommunicates Olaf, 328 ; 
stirs up the people against him, 

329 ; censures the primate, 338 ; 
attends diet of Westeraas, 344 ; at 
secret meeting of the bishops, 
instigates opposition to reforms, 
348 ; gains Thure Joensson, 349 ; 
his speech at the diet, 351 ; de- 
prived of his castle, 360, 361 ; leaves 
S^Yeden, 361 ; his death, 362 

Srcreton, William, arrested, v. 160 ; 

examined, 1 74 ; beheaded, 187 
Briqoiinet, bishop of Meaux, i. 476, 

492, 573 ; ii. 75, 7G ; iii. 90 
Bnon, Denis, burnt, iv. 468 
Brothers, enmities of, viii. 119 ; love 

of, 119, 120 
Broiiirart, Jean de, i. 469 
Bron-n, Greorge, made archbishop of 

Dublin, T. 153 
Brvcciulx, translates New Testament 

into Italian, iv. 526 
Bruly, Pierre, preaches at Ghent, vii. 

666 : removes to Strasburg, 666 
Brini.tn-ick, beginning of reformation 

at, viii. 3S4 ; evangelical preaching 

decreed, 385 ; organisation by 

Pomeranus, 385, 386 
Brussels, the reformation at, vii. CS7 : 

persecution, 692 sqq. 
Biiccr, reformer, bis qualifications as 

peacemaker, ii. 83 ; his confidence 

in Jlargaret, 84 ; letter to Luther, 

81; 118, 119, 244; interview with 

William Du Bellav, 327 ; mission 


of Chelius to, 350 ; his proposals 
examined before Francis I., 353 
sqq. ; iii. 80 ; his opinion of Serve- 
tus, 102 ; 178, 181, 182, 183 ; with 
Calvin visits Erasmus, 186 ; con- 
demns divorce of Henry VHI., iv. 
53 ; 449, 453, 454 ; prepares to go to 
France, 463 ; his works read in 
Italy, 523 ; joint envoy to Henry 
VIII., V. 139 ; proposes a conference 
with Calvin, vi. 328 ; advocates 
union of Lutherans and Zwinglians, 
3s5 ; defended by ilyconius and 
Grymeus at Basel, 387 : gets an- 
other synod held at Berne, 3s'.i ; 
with Capito goes to Beme, 3s;i ; 
his views, 391 ; agrees to Calvin's 
view of the sacrament, 395 ; revises 
Megander's catechism, 437 ; attends 
synod of Zurich, 500 ; invites 
Calvin to Strasburg. 529 ; acquaint- 
ance with Juan Diaz, viii. 122 ; 
delegate to conference of Eatisbon, 
122 ; writes to Cranmer, 178 ; 226 

BnslMrmn, George, sent to Paris, vi. 
19 ; his epitaph on Madeleine of 
Valois,127 ; account of him,140 ; im- 
prisoned, 140 ; escapes to France, 141 

BufltTruLSter, Dr., rice-chancellor of 
Cambridge University, iv. 37, 38, 
39, 40, 46 ; presents the sentence 
on the divorce to the king, 48 ; con- 
ference with the king, 48 

Budaens, William, ii. 11 ; one of the 
judges on trial of Berquin, 44 ; 
tries to save him, 51 sqq. ; 56, 67, 
87, 186; present at torture of De 
la Croix, 322 ; iv. 504 

Bude, Matthew, goes with Juan Diaz 
to Geneva, viii. 121 

Bugenhagen \_Pom^ranits~\ 

Bullinger, iv. 454; ri. 385; yi\. 27; 
viii. 173, 176: dedicates works to 
Henry VHL, 176, 177 

BvUs, papal, proclamation of Henry 
Vin. against, iv. 56 

Burgos, viii. 45 

Burgiindiam, at Geneva, i. 11 ; com- 
pilation of code, i. 12 ; first and 
second kingdoms of the, 12 

Buriiundy, Marshal of, takes part 
with tjavoy in advance on Geneva, 
iv 399; 4()7, 408 

Burrey, Denis, governor to Erick, son 
of Gustavus Vasa, vii. 397, 399; 
goes in search of Erick and is slain 
by his order, 402 

Bitrsinel, meeting of knights at, 




Order of the Spoon instituted, ii. 
Butler, Jolin, writes to Bullinger, 
viii. 239 IStudeuts, EiujUsli] 

CADAN, peace of, ii. 338 ; iv. 480 

Cadena, Louis of, opposes scholas- 
ticism, viii. 19 i his exile, 20 

Cajetan, Cardinal, sent into Hungary, 
vii. 428 

Calnirpiini, Celio, iv. 547 

Calixtines, the, in Bohemia, vii. 509; 
correspond with Luther, 611, 613 ; 
the majority adopt his views, 614 

Calmar, blockaded by the Danes, vii. 

Calmar, Union of, vii. 148 ; violated 
by Sweden, 157 ; dissolved, 314 

Calvi, bookseller of Pavia, circulates 
the works tf the reformers, iv. 523 . 

Calvin, i. 2, 4 ; distinction between 
his reformation and that of Luther, 
4 ; his influence on politics, 5 ; his 
disciples in foreign countries, 6 ; 
founder of American republic, 7 ; 
the charge of despotism against 
him, 7 ; his plea for Servetus, 8 ; 
his work, 91, 424 ; his great idea, 
429 ; the complete reformer, 431 ; 
his origin, 432 ; compared with 
Margaret of Angouleme, 432 sf[q. ; 
enters college of La Marche, 612 ; 
influence of Mathurin Cordier on 
him, 513, 614 ; removes to Mon- 
taigu College, 515 ; a Spanish pro- 
fessor, 516 ; classical studies, 516 ; 
his moral and devout character, 
617 ; a strict Romanist, 518 ; a 
hard student, 618 ; has a benefice, 
visits Noyon, 519 ; first breath of 
the new Gospel, 619; friendship 
with Olivgtan, 520 ; chronology of 
his student life obscure, 621 ; in- 
tercourse with Olivftan, 521 ; re- 
sists OlivStan's innovations in re- 
ligion, 622 ; secret struggles, 622, 
623 ; alarm of his teachers, 523 ; 
confession to the priest, 524; dis- 
tress of mind, 526 ; conversion, 
529 ; reverence for church authority, 
531 ; investigates claims of the 
pope of Rome, 532 ; longing for 
unity with truth, 633 ; results of 
his conversion, 534 ; its date, 534 ; 
shyness and reserve, 536 ; his 
father's grief and plan, 636, 637 ; 
consents to study law, 537 ; 680 


-, goes to Orleans, ii. 1 ; enters 
household of Duchemin, 2 ; falls 
under influence of L'Btoile, 4, 5, 6 ; 
proctor of the Picard nation, 7 ; 
demands the maille do Florence at 
Beaugency, 8 ; a close student, 9 ; 
visits house of F. Daniel, 10 ; ac- 
quaintance with Wolmar begins, 
11 ; studies Greek, 12 ; his fellow- 
ship with Wolmar, 15 ; inward 
struggles, 15 ; accused of schism, 

16 ; sympathy with the Psalmist, 

17 ; phases of his conversion, 19 ; 
renimciation of the world, 20 ; his 
motto, 21 ; his great qualities re- 
cognised, 21 ; study of the Bible 
and of the law, 22 ; sought as a 
teacher, 23 ; teaches in families, 
25; called to Noyon, 27; hisfather's 
illness, 27 sjj. ; his first extant 
letter, 29 ; first meeting with Beza, 
30 ; goes to Bourges. 31 ; reads 
works of Luther and Melanchthon, 
33 ; Wolmar's appeal to him, 33 ; 
hesitation, 36 ; preaches, 37 ; in- 
trigues of priest, 38 ; again called 
to Noyon, his father's death, 38, 62, 
63; cur6 of Pont I'Bvfque, 65; 
preaches, 66 ; goes to Paris, 67 ; 
his visitors, 68 sj2- ! '^i^it to a nun- 
nery, 70 ; social habits, 71 ; re- 
nounces the law, 72 ; speaks at secret 
meetings, 73 ; his extensive corre- 
spondence, 74, 75 ; returns to 
Paris, 77 ; observant of the Sor- 
bonne, 80 ; works in obscurity, 80 ; 
his activity, 110; rejects Daniel's 
proposal of oflice in Roman church, 
113; his commentary on Seneca, 
113 ; publishes it, 115 ; form of 
his name, 115 ; makes his book 
known, 116 ; a search for Bibles. 
116 ; interview with a young 
' Frondeur,' 118 ; writes to Bucer, 
119 ; intercourse with La Forge, 
120 ; with Tillet, 121 ; abstinence, 
122 ; first intercourse with Mar- 
garet of Navarre, 123 ; declines to 
enter her service, 124; quoted, 
164 ; preaches at Paris, 183 ; 231, 
234, 243, 244 ; his labours at Paris, 
264 ; writes address for Cop to 
deliver, 263 ; the address, 266 ; his 
idea of a universal church, 270 ; in 
favour with Margaret, 272 ; inter- 
view with her, 273; his arrest 
ordered by the parliament, 278 ; 
escapes, 279 ; recognised on his 




nay, 281 ; in concealment, 283, 
34y ; his narrative of conver- 
sion of the provostess of Orleans, 
361 sqq. 
■ — , flight, iii. 5 ; received by Du 
Tillet, 6 ; his Boxopolis, 8 ; his 
studies, 11 ; sketches his Christian 
IiisUtutes, 12 ; combats material- 
ism, 13 ; love of nature, 15 ; teaches 
Greek, 16 ; visits prior of Boute- 
ville, 18 ; conferences, 19 ; sermons, 
21 ; preaches in Latin, 21 ; visits 
Eoussel, 27; visits Leffevre, 28; 
goes to Poitiers, 51 ; attends dis- 
putations at the university, 53 ; his 
friends, 55 ; his teaching, 56 ; 
visits the lieutenant-general, 57 ; 
in the garden, 58 ; his grotto, 60, 
61 ; view of the mass, 62, 63 ; sends 
evangelists into France, 69; care 
for the young, 71 : leaves Poitiers, 
75 ; renunciation of Roman orders, 
75, 77 ; goes to Paris, 78 ; sad- 
dened, 91 ; first contact with the 
Spirituals, 92 ; attacks them, 96, 
98 ; encounters Servetus, 101 ; 
agrees to conference with him, 
103 ; Servetus absents himself, 
103 ; first theological work, Psyeko- 
pannychia, 104 ; his bitterness, 
105 ; leaves Paris, 107 ; reaches 
Strasburg, 108 ; comments on pro- 
cession of relics, 152 «y. ; his mis- 
sion, 177 ; received by Zell, 179 ; 
friendships, 183 ; his estimate of 
Strasburg reformers, 183, 184 ; 
meets Erasmus at Friburg, 186 ; 
goes to Basel, 187 ; received by 
Catherine Klein, 187 ; silent 
growth, 189 ; friendships, 190, 191 ; 
his book on Immm-tality criticised, 
192 ; translation of New Testament, 

193 ; hears of persecution at Paris, 

194 ; his plea for compassion, 195 ; 
effect of the martyrdoms on him, 
201 ; resolves to publish his Insti- 
tutes, 202 ; goes to the fountain 
head, 203 ; account of the Insti- 
tutes, 205, 215 ; letter to the king, 
217 ; publication of the Institutes, 
227; starts for Italy, 229; his 
object, 230 ; agreement of Luther 
and Calvin, 441 ; in preparation for 
Geneva, 553 

— , his influence in England, iv. 2 ; 
condemns divorce of Henry VIII., 
53 ; his place in the Reformation, 
268; protests against union with 


popery, 453 ; writes to Francis I., 
492 ; welcomes Caraccioli at Ge- 
neva, 594 ; expected at Ferrara, 625 

- — , expected at Ferrara, v. 124 ; ar- 
rives at Ferrara, 491, 492 ; his in- 
terviews with the duchess, 494, 
495 ; preaches, 498 ; his portrait 
painted by Titian, 603 ; intercourse 
with Master Francois, 503 sqq. ; 
his letter to Duchemin, 509, 510 ; 
writes to Eoussel, 512 sqq. ; his in- 
fluence in Italy, 515 ; arrested by 
.the Inquisition, 519 ; rescued, 520 ; 
his wanderings, 522 ; reaches Aosta, 
523, 527; 'Calvin's farm,' 528, 
529 ; monuments of his flight, 530 ; 
returns to France, 531 ; at Noyon, 
532 ; arrives at Geneva, 535 ; meet- 
ing with Farel, 536 ; consents 
to stay at Geneva, 540; visits 
Basel, 542 ; his vocation as re- 
former, 543 ; his concession to the 
state, 544 ; Ms place in history, 
545 sqq. ; mention of him in a 
council minute, 549 

— , his arrival at Geneva, vi. 263 ; 
refuses any official charge, 264 ; 
reader in holy Scripture, 265 ; cha- 
racter of his teaching, 266 ; his view 
of chiuch discipline, 268 ; retained 
by advice of the council, 271 ; goes 
with Farel to Lausanne, 272, 282 ; 
his speeches at the disputation, 
295, 304 ; begins to take part in 
church government, 324, 325; his 
work compared with Luther's and 
Zwingli's, 328, 329 ; elected pastor 
at Geneva, 330 ; biographies of him, 
330 note ; prepares a catechism, 
334, 335 ; and a confession of faith, 
337 ; his memoir on order in the 
chiu'ch, 340 sqq. ; requires that all 
should profess the reformed faith, 
347,348; encounters the Spirituals, 
357 sqq. ; intervenes between 
Viret and Caroli at Lausanne, 365, 
366 ; accused of Arianism by Caroli, 
367 ; his reply, 368 ; avoids use of 
the term ''Trinity,' 369; T\Tites to 
Megander, 371 ; goes to Berne, 
urges assembly of a synod, 372 ; at 
s^-nod of Lausanne, 373 ; unmasks 
Caroli, 375 ; his confession on the 
Trinity, 376 ; his views of the 
early creeds, 377, 37S; confronts 
Caroli at synod of Berne, 381 ; his 
speech at another synod, lays the 
storm between Zwinglians and 




Lutherans, 393, 39-t ; gains support 
of the civil power in church affairs, 
397 ; pleads for the hospital' and 
the schools, 398 ; proposes com- 
pulsory swearing to the confession 
of faith, iOl ; at the council, 413 ; 
goes to Berne, vindicates himself 
and the reformers, 415 ; applies to 
the council for their support, 418 ; 
proposes to the council to exclude 
the disturbers from the Lord's 
Supper, 420 ; difference with Du 
Tillet, 425 ; blames the proceedings 
of the government and is warned 
to let it alone, iSi; writes to 
Bucer, 441; excluded by Berne 
from colloquies of the Vaudois, 
444 ; sent with Farel and Jean 
Philippe to synod of Lausanne, 445'; 
has conference with Bernese dele- 
gates, 447 ; before the council, 
450,451 ; protests against imprison- 
ment of Courault, 457 ; refuses to ac- 
cept order for adoption of Bernese 
usages, and is forbidden to preach, 
460 ; his perplexity, 463, 464 ; with 
Farel declines to administer the 
supper, 466, 467 ; his embarrass- 
ment, 469, 470 ; preaches, 474, 477 ; 
a disturbance in the church, 479 ; 
banished, 480 ; is refused a hearing 
by the council, 483 ; sentence of 
the general council, 484 ; his re- 
flections, 485, 486 ; leaves Geneva, 
486, 488 ; goes to 13erne, 495 ; with 
Farel complains to the council, 
496, 497 ; at synod of Zurich, 500 
sqgi. ; bis demands, 502 ; returns 
to IBerne, 507 ; interview with 
Kunz, 508, 609 ; before the senate, 
511 ; reconducted to Geneva by 
Bernese, 513 ; banished by vote of 
general council, 522 ; at Berne, 
525 ; at Basel, 526 ; at Strasburg, 
529 ; returns to Basel, 530 ; settles 
at Strasburg, 532 ; his letter to the 
Genevese, 539 ; his position at 
Strasburg, 544, 545, 546 ; pastor 
and teacher, 547, 548 ; his view of 
the Lord's Supper, 549 ; his 
poverty, 550 ; at Frankfort, 563 ; 
meets Melanchthon, 564 sqq. ; re- 
plies to Sadoleto, 580 sqq. ; inter- 
course with Caroli, 593 ; refuses to 
return to Geneva, 600 ; household 
troubles, 601 ; marriage projects, 
602, 603 ; Idelette de Bure, 605 ; 
married, 606 ; difference between 


wives of Luther and Calvin, 607 ; 
attends assembly at Hagenau, 608 ; 
fruits of exile, 626, 627 
— , his recall desired, vii. 3 ; letter to 
his friends, 4, 5 ; his perplexity, 7, 
11, 12 ; deputy to conference at 
Wtrms, 8 ; receives letter of recall, 
10 ; his reply to Geneva, 12, 13 ; 
meets Melanchthon and Cruciger 
at Worms, 18 ; friendship with 
Melanchthon, 19 sq/j. ; his Song of 
Victory, 23 ; deputy to diet of 
Eatisbon, 25 ; letter to Bernard, 
26 ; loses his friend Feray, 28 ; his 
estimate of Contarini, 30 ; his part 
at Eatisbon, 32 ; his reply to mani- 
festo of the papacy, 34, 43 ; resists 
concessions made by the Protest- 
ants, 45 ; ^Tites against reference 
to a council, 46 ; his moderation, 
47 ; complains of the princes, 48 ; 
leaves Eatisbon, 50 ; at Strasburg, 
51 ; edict of expulsion revoked, 52 ; 
writes to Farel, 57 ; leaves Stras- 
burg, 58 ; visits Farel at NeuchStel, 
60 ; retirrns to Geneva, 62 ; his 
house there, 63, 64 ; benefit of his 
Strasburg life, 65 ; before the 
council, 66, 67 ; colleagues ap- 
pointed to draw up with him 
articles of constitution of a church, 
68 ; his project of the ordinances, 
74 ; his desire for frequent com- 
munion, 91 ; limits of his responsi- 
bility for ecclesiastical ordinances, 
98, 99 ; his active duties, 100 ; his 
preaching, 101 ; his method, 102 ; 
his seiTnon to young men, 105 ; on 
fitful devotion, 107 ; on self-love, 
108 ; on grace unbounded. 111 ; on 
predestination, 113 ; his imparti- 
ality, 127 ; efforts for peace, 128 ; 
gentleness and strength, 129; loses 
his friend Porral, 135 ; illness of 
his wife, 135 ; reconciles Pierre 
Tissot and his mother, 138, 139 ; 
his place in the Reformation, 140 
sqq. : his doctrines moderate, 143 ; 
compared with Zwinglius, 144 ; his 
desire for union, 145 

— , correspondence with Enzingis, 
viii. Ill ; visited by English stu- 
dents, 174; his view of the Six 
Articles, 228 

Camh'ay, treaty of, ii. 82 

Camhray, bishop of, Ms cruelties, iii. 

Cambridge, University of, appealed 




to by Henry YIII. cpn his divorce, 
iv. 3" ; meeting of the doctors, 
kc, 38 ; a committee appointed, 
41 ; sentence, H ; disowns primacy 
of the pope, v. 23 

CiimiUo, Giulio, invited to Paris by 
Francis I., iii. 88 

CariqjTjell, Alexander, prior of the 
Dominicans, his interviews with 
Patrick Hamilton, vi. 61 ; reports 
them to Beatomi, 62 ; accuses him 
on his trial, 73 ; insults him at the 
stake, 79 ; dies mad, 79 

Campiell, John, of Cessnock, protects 
Lollards, vi. 7 ; denounced by 
monks, S : acquitted by James IV., 

Campeggio, papal legate, ii. 190 ; de- 
prived of See of Salisbury, iv. 232 ; 
at diet of Xiirnberg, 625, 527 ; re- 
claims see of Salisbury, v. 203 

Canaye, Jacques, iii. 89 

Caidrmivs, Frederick, vii. 609 

Canons, i. 216 ; conspiracy of, at 
Geneva, 417; imprisoned, ii. 434 ; 
liberated, 440 ; quit Geneva, 441 

Caiiterbwrg, visitation of , v. 99; state 
of the monasteries, 101 , 102 

Cajjito, i. 484, 509 ; ii. 827 ; iii. 178, 
183, 291 ; writes to Calvin, vi. 328 ; 
at synod of Berne, 390 ; agrees to 
Calvin's view of the sacrament, 
395 ; attends synod of Zurich, vi. 
500 ; approves the course taken by 
Farel and Calvin, 505, 529 ; his 
distress, 552 ; vii. 5'j6 ; dedicates a 
book to Henry Till., viii. 177 

Cap2>el, battle of, ii. 340, 589; an- 
nounced at Geneva, 592 ; iii. 197 

Cai-acc'wU, Galeazzo, iv. 593 ; friend- 
ship with Caserta, 594 ; converted, 
poes to Geneva, 594 ; made cardinal, 
V. 75 

Caraffa, Giovanni Pietro, Cardinal, 
iv. 609, 612, 6] 6 ; made cardinal, 
622 ; viii. 179 

Cardinals, college of, refuses consent 
to papal gift of Geneva to iSavoy, 
i. 69 ; hats asked for by Charles 
v., Francis I., and Henry Till., ii. 
215, 216 

Ciirhstadt, invited by Christian II., 
goes to Denmark, vii. 163; offends 
by his violent speech and is dis- 
missed, 165 

Carvientraiit, a creature of the Bas- 
tard of Savoy, i. 95, 96, 151 

Came, Sir E., envoy with Eevett to 


the pope, V. 3, 4 ; interview with 
Du Bellay at Bologna, 5 ; too late, 5 

Ca/rneseccM, Pietro, among friends 
of Valdez, iv. 60.5 ; character and 
career of, 606 ; his power under 
Clement, vii. 606 ; goes to Naples, 
has interview with Charles V., 607 ; 
religious decision, 608; 609, 613, 

Ca/roli^ Peter, escapes to Switzerland, 
iii. 147; accounts of, v. 304; Fa- 
rel's interriew with him, 306, 307 ; 
offers himself as umpire at a dis- 
putation, 307 ; takes part in dispu- 
tation, 311 sqq. : at disputation of 
Lausanne, vi. 289 sqq. ; made first 
pastor at Lausaime by the Bernese, 
317 ; his career and character, 362, 
363 ; between Eome and the Gos- 
pel, 364 ; quarrels with Viret, 364 ; 
condenmed to make a retractation, 
366, but is spared ; his ambition, 
366 ; accuses Cahin and others of 
Arianism, 367 ; retracts the charge, 
370 ; unmasked and condemned at 
synod of Lausanne, 373, 379 ; ap- 
peals to Berne, 379 ; agitation 
caused by the debates, 380, 381 ; at 
synod of Berne, exposed by Farel, 
383 ; deprived of his functions and 
banished, 383 ; his flight. 384 ; 
turns to the reformers, vi. 592 ; at 
Strasburg, 593 ; goes to Metz, 593 ; 
his death, 594 

Carranza, Bartholomeus, birth and 
early life of, viii. 135, 136; de- 
nounced to the Inquisition, 136; pro - 
motions, 136 ; his influence at Val- 
ladolid, 137; his almost evangeli- 
cal teachings, 137 ; fervour of his 
preaching, 142 ; preaches before 
Philip n., in London, 142; assertion 
of evangelical faith, 144: elected 
primate of Spain, 145 ; his last 
years, 145 ; preaches at the burning 
of San Romano, 149 

Cai-telier, Francis, i. 55, 202, 228; 
gives signal for entry of Savoyards 
into Geneva, 232, 239, 246, 402; 
character, ii. 408 ; condemnation, 
409 ; pardoned by the bishop, 410 

Cartliusians, of London, refuse to take 
oath of succession, v. 55 ; take it, 
56 ; commanded by the king to re- 
ject papal authority, 68 ; their re- 
solution, 69 ; a general confession, 
70 ; again commanded to acknow- 
ledge royal supremacy, 70 ; three 




priors sent to the Tower, 71 ; and 
found guilty of higli treason and 
executed, 72, 73 

Casale, Da,, agent of Henry VIII. at 
papal court, v. 76, 90 ; informs the 
pope of divorce of Queen Anne, 189, 
201, 202 

Caserta, Giovanni Francesco, iv. 

Cassandtr, George, account of, viii. 

Cassilis, Kennedy, Earl of, taken 
prisoner by the English, vi. 173 ; 
liberated and sent to Scotland by 
Henry VIII., 186; on failure of 
Henry's scheme, returns to cap- 
tivity, 203 ; released with his bro- 
ther.s, 204 ; a friend of Wishart, 

Catherine of Aragon, Queen of Henry 
VIII., iv. 32 ; refuses arbitration, 
88 ; leaves "Windsor, 93 ; writes to 
the pope, 113 ; refuses to appear 
before Cranmer at Dunstable, 172 ; 
her firmness, 173 ; the divorce pro- 
nounced, 173 ; her cause and fate 
compared with Anne's, 178; joins 
in conspiracy against Henry VIII., 
V. 16; her firmness, 21; her mar- 
riage declared null and her child 
illegitimate, 22 ; writes to Mary, 
131 ; refuses to renounce title of 
Queen, 131, 1.32 ; austerities, 132 ; 
illness, letter to the king, 134 ; 
her death, 13.5 

Catherine de' Medici, i. 488 ; marriage 
of, with Henry duke of Orleans, 
proposed by Francis I., ii. 197 ; 
what she brought to France, 198 ; 
intrigues around her, 202 ; full 
powers sent by Francis for conclu- 
ding the contract, 206 ; escorted to 
Nice by French fleet, 2.52; the 
marriage celebrated at Marseilles, 
260 ; in her train. Death, 260 ; and 
corruption, 261, 287 ; iii. 58 ; op- 
poses plans of Francis I., iv. 457 

Cuturce, Jean de, studies Xew Tes- 
tament, ii. 103 ; at Twelfth Night 
Supper at Limoux, 104 ; arrested, 
105 ; condemned to be burnt, 106 ; 
his degradation, 106 ; a Dominican 
preacher confoimded, 107 ; burnt, 

C'tf «!■!«, Gerard, i. 519, 536 ; ii. 27 sqq., 
38, 64 

— Anthony, ii. 63, 65 

— Mary, ii. 63 


Cazalla, Augustine, attends lectures 
of Carranza, viii. 138 ; his mother, 
138 ; preacher to Charles V. accom- 
panies him to Germany, 139 

Celibacij of the clergy, iv. 149 

Chablais, Provena de, summons 
Geneva to receive duke Charles 
HI., i. 223, 224 ; declares war, 226 

Chabot, put to the torture, iv. 417 

Chahot, Philippe de, ii. 245 

Chaillon, Anthony de {^BoutemVUf^ 

Chamois, Francois, at Geneva, de- 
mands withdrawal of Calvin's ' Con- 
fession,' vi. 576 

Champion, Anthony, bishop of Geneva, 
i. 34 ; his attempt to reform the 
clergy, 35 

Chapeaurovge, Btienne de, syndic of 
Geneva, i. 392 ; endeavours to stop 
the fight in the Molard, iii. 501 ; 
appointed syndic, iv. 311 ; again, 
V. 460 ; refuses to swear to the 
Confession, vi. 405 ; at the general 
council, 409 ; elected syndic, 430 ; 
one of the delegates to Berne, 610 ; 
signs a treaty, 611 ; again sent to 
Berne, 612; arrested, liberated on 
bail, 615 ; his flight, 617 ; sentenced 
to death, 618 

Chappuis, Eustace, i. 122 ; employed 
to make a breach between the 
Swiss and the Genevese, 122 ; at 
Friburg, 123 ; Savoyard ambassador 
to Swiss Diet, 207, 271 ; Imperial 
ambassador to England, iv. 23 

ChapjJ^ds, Dominican, intrigues for 
dnke of Savoy, ii. 492, 493 ; ban- 
ished from Geneva, 494, 495 ; takes 
part in great disputation, and is 
ordered to leave Geneva, v. 311 

Charlemagne, at Geneva, i. 15 ; char- 
acteristics of his age, vi. 378 

Charles V., i. 9, 122, 295, 315, 356 ; 
receives news of battle of Pavia, 
435 ; his projects, 435 ; proposes 
dismemberment of Prance, 437 
receives Margaret of Valois, 440 
unmoved by her appeals, 442, 443 
proposes to imprison her, 451 
consents to liberate Francis I., 452 
the treaty, 452, 453 ; 478, 488, 508 
accuses the Evangelicals, ii. 93 
137, 142 ; repulses Soliman, 143 
passes into Italy, 146 ; at Bologna, 
188; his schemes, 1S9; demands a 
general council, I'.IO; conference 
with the pope, 190; appeals to the 
cardinals, 192 ; proposes Italian 

VOL. VI ir. 

G G 




League against Francis L, 193 ; 
amused with scheme of marriage 
between Henry, duke of Orleans, 
and Catherine de Medici, 199; 
tries to prevent it, 202 sqq. ; pro- 
poses marriage of Catherine with 
Sforza, 203, 204, 206; his new 
manceuvres, 207 ; rejects scheme of 
a lay coimcil, 212 ; gets Italian 
League formed, 215 ; asks for 
cardinal's hat, 215 ; his displeasure 
against Henry VIH., 216 ; leaves 
Bologna, 216 ; tries to prevent 
meeting of the pope and Francis I., 
248 ; demands justice for Queen 
Catherine, his aiuit, 248 ; tries to 
draw the Swiss into the Italian 
League, 250 ; unconcerned about 
his brother's danger, 333, 377 ; 
sack of Eome, 421 ; supports Savoy 
against Geneva, 521 ; interferes at 
Geneva, 527 ; will crush Protes- 
tantism, 562 ; censures attack on 
Geneva, 562 ; at Augsburg, 573 ; 
his letter to the Genevese, 574 ; 
counsels the bishop to cede Geneva 
to son of the duke of Savoy, 604 ; 
gives audience to Bellegarde, 314 ; 
his answer, 316 ; orders Genevans 
to extirpate the Keformation, 325 ; 
meets the pope at Bologna, iv. 28 ; 
receives embassy from Henry VIII., 
rebukes the ambassador, 33 ; leaves 
Bologna, 34 ; war with Solyman, 
150 ; conferences with Clement 
VH., ] 52 : exasperated at divorce 
of Catherine, 211 ; his ambassadors 
oppose policy of Clement, 228 ; 
supports duke of Savoy and bishop 
of Geneva, 439, 442 ; 582, 583, 587 ; 
hears Occhino preach, 599 ; pro- 
hibits intercourse with Lutherans, 
604 ; calls Camesecchi before him, 
607 ; ordered to execute the pope's 
sentence against Henry TUI., v. 
4 ; preparations, 6, 24 ; censures 
execution of More and Fisher, 88 ; 
offers Milan to Francis I. and 
secures his alliance, 133; keeps 
Milan, 136 ; promises support to 
English Catholics, 237 ; writes to 
Henry VIH., 200 ; requires the 
Swiss to aid duke of Savoy against 
Geneva, 3B'J ; distraction of Geneva 
part of liis plan, 432 ; keeps Mi- 
lan, 441 ; concludes alliance with 
James V. of Scotland, vi. 102 ; at- 
tempts to prevent disputation at 


Lausanne, 277, 278 ; convokes a 
conference of theologians at Frank- 
fort, 562 ; at Diet of Eatisbon, 
vii. 31 ; interviews vrith Christian 
n. of Denmark, 165, 211; favours 
enterprise of Liibeckers in behalf 
of Christian, 252, 443 ; his attach- 
ment to the Netherlands, 586 ; his 
edict of persecution, 594 ; intro- 
duces the Inquisition, 598 ; his 
characteristics, 617, 618 ; his perse- 
cution in the Netherlands, fil ; con- 
cludes peace of Madrid, 633 ; alli- 
ance with the pope, 638 ; treaty 
of Cambray, resolves to extirpate 
evangelical doctrine, 638 ; issues a 
new edict of persecution, 650; 
patronises Virves, viii. 21 ; rescues 
him from the Inquisition, 23 ; 
appoints Ponce de la Fuente one 
of his chaplains, 41 ; at Diet of 
Eatisbon, 63 ; gives audience to 
San Romano, 65, 66 ; his victory 
over duke of Cleves, 76 : appoints 
De Soto his confessor, 71 ; enters 
Brussels, 80 ; entertained by Men- 
doza, 83 ; invades France, 101 ; 
returns to Brussels, 101 ; promul- 
gates edicts of persecution, 102 ; 
his treatment of his mother 
Joanna, 152; his birth, 156; con- 
ditionally approves marriage of 
Henry VIII. with duchess of 
Jlilan, 211 ; interview with Sir T. 
Wyatt, 239 sqq. ; alliance with 
Henry Vm., 323 ; invades France, 
concludes a separate peace, 324 
Charles the Bold, i. 419 ; iii. 281 
Cliarlen III., the Good, duke of 
Savoy, i. 39 ; his character, 43 ; his 
scheme for getting possession of 
Geneva, 44, 45 ; claims the cul- 
verins of Bonivard, 63 ; his cha- 
racter, 64 ; made sovereign of 
Geneva by Leo X., 66 ; the boll re- 
called, 69 ; rebukes the bishop, 
83 ; sends La Val d'Isdre to arrest 
Levrier, 83 ; conspires with the 
bishop against Levrier and Berthe- 
lier, 88 ; goes to Geneva, 100 ; 
visits Lyons, 105 ; alarmed at the 
bishop's proceedings, 122; employs 
Chappuis, 122 ; goes to Friburg 
and Berne, 123 : renews alliance 
with the Swiss, 123 ; determines 
to put Pecolat to death, 129 ; plots 
with the bishop of Geneva, 149 ; 
receives embaissy from Genevese 




about death of Blanohet and Navis, 
173; another embassy, 178; de- 
mands death of Berthelier and 
others, ] 80 ; resolves to break 
alliance of Swiss and Genevese, 
196 ; his embassy to Geneva, 197 ; 
tampers with the Priburgers, 205 ; 
gains support of Swiss diet, 207, 
208 ; intrigues with the canons of 
Geneva, 212 ; secretly raises an 
army, 220 ; surrounds Geneva, 220 ; 
insolent embassy, 221 ; formally 
summons Geneva, 223, 224 ; de- 
clares war, 226 ; plots with the 
Mamelukes, 229 ; at castle of 
Gaillard, 229 ; grants a truce, 231 ; 
attacks Geneva, 232 ; his promises, 
233 ; enters the city, 236 ; pillages 
it, 240 ; his proclamation, 243 ; 
imprisons Bonivard, 2S3 ; with the 
bishop restricts liberties of Geneva, 
276 ; returns to Turin, 278 ; his 
marriage, 295 ; attempt to seduce 
the Genevese, 295 ; entry into 
Geneva, 297 sqq. ; declines to at- 
tend the 'mystery,' 307; birth of 
a son, 314 ; his attempts at usur- 
pation resisted by Levrier, 320 
sqq. ; fails in attempt to gain him, 
322 ; claims sovereignty of Geneva, 
322 ; unmasks his batteries, 325 ; 
frightens the episcopal councillors, 

327 ; threatens Levrier with death, 

328 ; orders his seizure, 330 ; ofEers 
to give up Levrier in exchange for 
liberties of Geneva, 335 ; his op- 
pression of Genevese, 351 ; threats 
of his council, 355 ; blows hot and 
cold, 357 ; demands the superior 
jurisdiction, 358 ; begins persecu- 
tion of Huguenots, 360 ; his troops 
in Geneva, 362 ; alarmed at exodus 
of the patriots, 372 ; demands 
withdrawal of appeal to Rome, 
373 ; urges on persecution of Ge- 
nevese, 373 ; enters Geneva, 374 ; 
foiled by Swiss intervention, 376 ; 
his stratagem, 377 ; detected, 378 ; 
a new scheme, 383 ; assembles a 
general council at Geneva, 384 ; 
claims sovereignty, 385 ; his am- 
nesty, 386 ; received as protector, 
387 ; thwarted, 387 ; leaves Geneva, 
388 ; sends de Lullins to Berne, 
ii. 407 ; plots against bishop of 
Geneva, 427 ; his scheme against 
Geneva, 429 ; its failure, 430, 431 ; 
irritation against the bislrop, 439 ; 

G & 


orders Genevese to liberate the 
canons, 440 ; claims and threats, 
449 ; fries to win the bishop, 466 : 
claims authority in matters of 
faith, 465, 466; rebukes the 
canons, 467 ; reconciled with the 
bishop, 482 ; convokes a synod, 
490 ; intrigues to make his son 
prince of Geneva, 491 ; sends the 
silver keys, 492, 493 ; instigates 
dissolution of Swiss alliance, 51 9 ; 
sends embassy to Geneva, 520 ; 
seeks help of the pope, 524 ; covets 
St, Victor's, 536 ; meets the bishop 
at Gex, 554 ; will attack Geneva, 
555 ; censured by the emperor, 
withdraws his army, 563 ; prepares 
another attack, 576 ; Diet of 
Payerne, 577 ; threatens Geneva, 
594 ; withdraws, 597 ; desires ces- 
sion of Geneva to his son, 603 ; 
prepares another attack, 604 ; sends 
Bellegarde to the emperor, iii. 
312 ; forms new plot against Ge- 
neva, iv. 396 ; his troops march for 
Geneva, 400 ; panic and retreat, 
404, 405 ; advised by the Swiss to 
cease from hostilities, 408, 432 ; 
attempts to gain over the Genevese, 
438 ; prepares to ruin Geneva, 439 ; 
forbids hrs subjects to attend dis- 
putation at Geneva, v. 301 ; ap- 
plies to the pope for intervention 
at Geneva, 354 ; the de Montfort 
of the crusade, 368 ; his supporters, 
368 ; summons Genevese to ex- 
pel heresy and restore the bishop, 
372 ; prepares for war, 374 ; orders 
attack on Geneva, 418 ; receives 
Bernese deputation at Aosta, 423 ; 
asks for a truce, 423 ; orders attack, 
428 ; sends another army under 
Medici, 434 ; offers cession of terri- 
tory, including Geneva, to Charles 
v., 441 

Charles de Syssel, bishop of Geneva, 
i. 39 

Charles of Fgrnont, vii. 619 ; his letter 
to the pope, 620; his persecution 
of Lutherans, 639, 640 

Charles, duke of Sudermania, head of 
Protestants in Sweden, vii. 41 5 ; 
administrator of the kingdom, then 
king, 415 ; convokes assembly at 
Upsala, 415 

Chautemps, Jean, ii. 607 ; character 
of, 609 ; visits Farel, iii. 331, 396, 
397; receives Froment, 417; aids 





in rescue of Olivetan, 435, 503 ; 
proscribed by the bishop, 526; 
escapes, 529 ; his wife Jaquema 
seized, 530 

Chelxus, Ulric, his mission to Witten- 
berg, ii. 346 sqq. ; visits Melanch- 
thon, 347 ; Luther, 347 ; Bucer, 
350; Hedio, 351 ; returns to Paris, 

Children, assemblage of. Join Catholic 
bands at Geneva, iii. 458, 459 

' CJdldren cf Geneva,' i. 98, 118 

Christaudins of Meaux, i. 572 sqq. ; 
one of them burnt at Paris, 572 

Christian II., king of Denmark, his 
character and aims, vii. 154 ; 
marries Isabella, sister of Charles 
V. 155 ; favours the papal legate, 
156; suppresses revolt of Sweden, 
157; his vengeance, massacre of 
the nobles and prelates, 157, 158 ; 
his interest in the Reformation, 
159; publishes a code, 163; meets 
Charles V. in the Netherlands, 
165 ; consents to repel the Lutheran 
doctors, 166 ; alliance formed 
against him, 166 ; influence of 
Sigbrit over him, 167 ; submits to 
the Staf-es, 167; his flight, 168; 
seeks aid of Charles T., Henry 
VIII., and other princes, 168, 169 ; 
deserted, 169 ; a hearer of Luther, 
169; death of his wife, 170; per- 
suades Michelseu to pulslish trans- 
lation of New Testament, 178 ; his 
intrigues, 225 ; obtains a fleet and 
an army and lands in Norway, 226 ; 
acknowledged king there, 226 ; in- 
vades Sweden and is repulsed, 227 ; 
submits to Frederick, 228 ; his 
letter to Frederick, 229 ; goes to 
Copenhagen and is made prisoner 
of state, 230, 231 ; confined at 
Sonderburg, 232 ; Luther's letter 
in his behalf, 231 ; enterprise of 
the Liibeckers, 252, 253 ; flies from 
Stockholm, 313 ; set aside, and 
his dominions divided between 
Frederick and Gustavus, 321 

Christian III, king of Denmark, vii. 
180 ; sent to Germany, becomes a 
Lutheran, 181 ; signs articles of 
capitulation of Copenhagen, 182 ; 
resumes government of the duchies 
and demands electoral diet, 238 ; 
elected king by diet in Jutland, 
257; besieges Liibeck, 258; pro- 
claimed king, 258 ; defeats the 


Liibeckers, 260; invests Copen- 
hagen, 260; visits Sweden, 260; 
receives surrender of Copenhagen, 
262 ; enters the city, 263 ; consults 
the leading men, 264 ; introduces 
representation of the people, 266 ; 
invites Pomeranus to organize 
the new church, 270 

Cliristina, duchess of Jlilan, sought 
in marriage by Henry Vlll., viii, 
210; the match conditionally sanc- 
tioned by Charles V., 211 ; the 
treaty broken off, 212 

Christopher, son of duke Ulrich, of 
"Wiirtemberg, birth and early life 
of, ii. 141; saved from the 
Turks, 144 ; at diet of Augsbm-g, 
145 ; his project, 146 ; follows 
Charles Y. to Italy, 146 ; his escape. 

147 ; protected by duke of Bavaria, 

148 ; claims Wiirtemberg, 148 ; his 
character and protectors, 149, 188 ; 
his claim considered by Francis I. 
at Avignon, 285, 288 ; his inter- 
course with Du Bella}' at Augsburg, 
290 ; his supporters, 290 ; his cause 
won, 294 ; returns to Wurtemberg, 
336 ; won to the Reformation, 339 

Chrysostom, cited, ii. 24 ; iv. 59 

Church and State, separate spheres 
of, distinguished by Bonivard, i. 
214; separation of, in Geneva, 
advocated by dukes of Savoy, 324 ; 
confusion of two provinces, ii. 466 ; 
conflict of, in England, iv. 79, 113, 
395 ; the church made department 
of the state by Henry VHI., v. 29 ; 
three kinds of relation between, 
32 ; twofold enfranchisement, 293 ; 
separate existence of, 473, 474 ; 
vi. 420, 421 ; diilerence between 
Berne and Geneva about, 443 ; re- 
lation of, at Geneva, vii. 94 sqq. ; 
Melanchthon's view of, questioned, 
viii. 190 

Church, the true, iv. 145 

Chnrek Goreriimcnt, views of Bucer 
and Melanchthon, ii. 355, 356 ; 
church in transition, iii. 393 

Chirenbach, Adolph, preaches in 
Guelderland, vii. ,640; burnt at 
Cologne, 641 

Claude, pastor of Ollon, iii. 561, 362 

Chiudc de Geneve, proscribed by the 
bishop, iii. 527 

Clement VII., Pope, i. 321, 350, 857 ; 
authorizes persecution of Lutherans 
in France, 445 ; approves treaty 




between Chaiies V. and Francis I., 
453, 539 ; thwarts Henry VIII., ii. 
138 ; French embassy to, 140 ; 
alarmed, 142 ; at Bologna, 188 ; 
opposed to a general council, 190 ; 
conference with Cliarles V., 190 ; 
reasons for inaction, 192 ; a disciple 
of Maohiavelli, 193 ; 'moves softly,' 
194 ; agrees to marriage of Cathe- 
rine de' Medici with Henry duke 
of Orleans, 197 ; promises an 
Italian state to Francis I. 198 ; 
refuses to marry Catherine to 
Sforza, 203 ; asks Francis I. for 
full powers for marriage contract, 
204 ; receives them, 205 ; alterca- 
tion with Charles, 207, 208 ; joins 
the Italian League, 215 ; leaves 
Bologna, 217; agrees to meet 
Francis I., 217; announces mar- 
riage contract of Catherine to tlie 
cardinals, 247 ; obstacles raised to 
Lis journey to France, 248 sqq. ; 
makes up his mind to go, 251 ; 
opinions about the voyage, 254 ; 
arrives at Marseilles, 275 ; the 
Latin address to him, 257; his 
promises to Francis, 258 ; publisliCs 
bull against heretics, 259 ; officiates 
at marriage of Catherine de' 
Medici, 260 ; departs for Rome, 
262 ; failing health, 263 ; declines 
to help King Ferdinand, 332 ; 
alarmed at progress of Philip of 
Hesse, 337 ; appealed to for help 
by duke of Savoy, 524 ; his attain- 
ments, and perplexity, 525 ; grants 
subsidy to the duke, 528 ; a grace 
to Geneva, 578 ; publishes another, 
679-; publishes a Jubilee, 615 ; 
commands bishop of Geneva to 
return, iii. 609 ; meets Charles V. 
at Bologna, iv. 28 ; troubled about 
English embassy, 30 ; his brief to 
Henry VHI., 80 ; gives audience 
to English ambassadors, 32 ; puts 
off Cranmer, 36 ; nominates him 
grand almoner, 54 ; English address 
to him, 55 ; proposes bigamy to 
Henry VIII., 56 ; calls upon him to 
take back Catherine, 113 ; confer- 
ences with Charles V., 152 ; sends 
bulls for inauguration of Cranmer 
as primate, 166 ; again suggests 
bigamy to Henry VIII., 162; goes 
to Bologna, 163 ; conferences with 
Charles V. about divorce of Henry 
VIII., 164 ; -murmurs against, in 


England, 165; issues brief of ex- 
communication against Henry, 166 ; 
annuls Granmer's sentence, 178 ; 
cites Henry to appear at Rome, 
211 ; revokes proceedings of English 
courts and excommmiicates the 
king, 211, 212 ; meeting with 
Francis 1., 215 ; creates four French 
cardinals, 217 ; Henry's appeal to 
a council presented to him by 
Bonner, 2] 8 ; his wrath, 220 ; con- 
versation with Francis I., 221 ; 
rejects the appeal, 222 ; threatens 
Bonner, 223 ; accord with Francis 
I., 228 ; consents to a council, 227 ; 
holds a consistory, 233 ; promises 
condemnation of Henry VIII., 
234 ; disquieted, 235 ; appeal of 
Geneva to, 437 ; death of, 455 ; 
alarmed by spread of Lutheranism 
in Italy, 525 ; v. 3, 25, 66, 57 ; sends 
Cardinal Cajetan into Hungary, 
vii. 428; writes to F. Frangi- 
pani to support Catholic faith in 
Hungary, 451 ; cooperates with 
Charles V. in persecution in the 
Netherlands, 619; his brief to the 
bishop of Liege, 620 ; issues new 
species of indulgences, 624 ; al- 
liance with Charles V. at Barce- 
lona, 638 

Cleyne, Martin van, vii. 667 

Clifford, Lord, holds Skipton Castle 
for the king, v. 245 

Cloet, Jerome, vii. 669, 670, 671 ; 
arrested, 677 

Clotilda, wife of Clovis, i. 11 

CloKis, conversion of, i. H 

Cochlaeus, writes to James V. of 
Scotland against circulation of the 
New Testament, vi, 107, 108 ; in- 
vited to Denmark, declines to go, 
vii. 197, 198 ; papal delegate at 
Eatisbon, viii. 123 

Coiffard, ii. 68 

Coligny, iii. 3 

CnlladoH Family, The, Calvin's 
friendship with, ii. 36 

College of Navarre, Paris, the priests' 
comedy performed, ii. 23] ; search 
of police for author, 237, 238: ar- 
rest of the actors and the head of 
the College, 239 

Colonna, Vittoria, friend of Valdez, 
iv. 595 

Com-et, apparition of a, iii. 374 : iv. 

Commons, House of, its petition to 




Henry VIII., iv. 12 sqq. ; the bishops 
called upon to answer it, 15 

Communal libeHies, destroyed by 
princes and bishops, i. 150 

Com III union, frequent, recummended 
by Calvin, ri. 340, 341 

Compel/, Philibert de, proscribed, iii. 
527, 549 

Cimci/iatum, needful, iii. 233 

Confession of Faith, prepared by 
Farel and Calvin, iv. 334 ; questions 
as to its authorship, 339 ; adopted 
by Council of Geneva, 340 

Confession, Aiiricula/r, in England, 
demanded by some of the bishops, 
rejected by Henry YIII., viii. 230 

Conscdence, rights of, iii. 1, 2 

Constance, Council of, i. 26 ; ii. 326 

Contarini, Gaspare, Cardinal, IV., 470 ; 
ambassador to Charles V. at diet 
of Worms, 618 ; senator of Venice, 
619 ; ambassador to the Pope, 619 ; 
at coronation of Charles V., 619 ; 
joins Oratory of Divine Love, 620 j 
created cardinal, 620 ; his views of 
church reform, 622 sqq., 626 ; at 
diet of Ratisbon, vii. 30 ; advises 
a reference to a council, 46 

Conversion, i. 535, 538 

Convoeation,ot the clergy, in England, 
at St. Paul's, V. 212 ; division and 
strength of parties, 212; Latimer's 
sermon, 212 sqq. ; lay element, 215 ; 
denunciation of the mala dogmata, 
217 ; Alesiusadmitted, 219 ; refused 
admission, 222 ; character of Con- 
vocation, 223 ; accepts the king's 
Articles of Religion, 229 ; remedial 
measures passed, 230 ; dissolved by 
the king, 230 ; declares for divorce 
of Anne of Cleves, viii. 278, 279 ; 
discussion about translation of the 
Bible, 308, 309 

Cop, Nicholas, Professor, visits Cal- 
vin, ii. 69, 70 ; intercourse with 
Calvin, 123 ; rector of the Sor- 
bonne, 240 ; his speech on the 
priests' comedy, 240, 241 ; delivers 
address on ' Christian Philosophij,' 
266 ; its effect, 269 ; his heresies 
laid before the parliament, 270 ; 
his defence, 271 ; summoned before 
parliament, 274; gdes in slate, 
27.5 ; is warned and returns home, 
276; escapes to Switzerland, 277; 
intercourse with Calvin, iii. 190 

Copenliagen, surrenders to Kintr Fre 
derick, vii. 182 ; Diet of, 209; me- 


thods of procedure of the two par- 
ties, 212 ; the Lutheran C'.infession, 
213, 215 ; charges of the prelates, 
216; reply of Evangelicals, 217; a 
public discussion rejected by the 
prelates, 219 ; appeal of the Evan- 
gelicals to the king, 220 ; Master 
Mathias, 221 ; success of the pas- 
tors, 222 ; iconoclasts, 224 ; popular 
rising for liberation of Tausen, 
245 ; entered by the Liibeokers, 
253 ; besieged by army of Christian 
ni., 260 ; state of the city, 261 ; 
capitulates, 262 ; entered by the 
king, 263 ; the university reor- 
ganised by Pomeranus, 270 

Coppet, conference at, v. 899 

Coppin, one of the Spirituals, iii. 92 

Cordier, Mathurin, at College of La 
Marche, i. 512; influences Calvin, 
513, 514 ; influenced by him, 515 ; 
flies from Paris, iii. 147 ; teaches 
in schools of Geneva, vi. 353 ; ban- 
ished, 556 

Cornells, Giovanni, sets oirt for 'Wit- 
tenberg, iv. 532 ; arrested, 633 

Cornm, Jean, burnt, iv. 467 

Cormi, Pierre, Cordelier, ii. 1 79 

Cortesi, Gregorio, iv. 616 

Cotta, Otto Melia, joins in plot against 
Paleario, iv. 563, 565 ; one of a 
deputation to archbishop of Siena, 
567 ; at trial of Paleario, 571 

Council,General,diema,-DAeA by Charles 
v., opposed by Clement VII., ii. 189 
sqq. ; rejected by Clement, 208 ; 
reasons pro and con, 209; called 
for by the cardinals, .'537 

Council, Lay, proposed by Francis I., 
ii. 209 ; would constitute a revolu- 
tion, 210 ; rejected by Charles V., 
212 ; arrangement at council of 
Trent, 213 

Council of Halberds, i. 384 sqq. 

Coii?'avlt, appointed to preach in Paris, 
ii. 156 ; his preaching, 157 ; con- 
fined by the king's order, 166 ; for- 
bidden to preach, 304, 305 ; burn- 
ing of, demanded by Beda, 308 ; 
set free, 312 ; opposes theplacards, 
iii. 113 ; arrested, 133 ; before the 
king, 139 : sent to a convent, es- 
capes to Switzerland, 148; meets 
Calvin at Basel, 195 ; reports the 
prosecution, 1 96 ; urges acceptance 
of Calvin's Confession by all the 
Genevese, vi. 349 ; attends synod of 
Lausanne, 37.5 ,■ forbidden to preach. 




450 ; preaches at St. Peter's, 454, 
455 ; arrested and imprisoned, 456 ; 
a protest against his imprisonment, 
457 ; bail refused, 458 ; banislied, 
480, 484 ; leaves Geneva, 486 ; tal^es 
refuge at Thonon, 490 ; hisdeath, 533 

Coiiifelier, Father, sent to Geneva, iv. 
316 ; submits his doctrines to the 
council, 317 ; his sermon, 318; in- 
terview with Farel, 322 ; his preach- 
ing compared with Farel's, 331 ; 
gives evidence against Maison- 
neuve, 381, 382 

Covcrdale, Miles, iv. 2 ; account of, 
V. 231 ; his Bible, 232 ; the king's 
sanction to it refused, 232 ; accom- 
panies Grafton to Paris, to prepare 
new edition of Tyndale's Bible, viii. 
213 \_Graftoii\ 

Coxe, Leonard, gets John Fryth libe- 
rated, iv. 184 

Cracow, Luther's doctrines introduced 
at, vii. 525 

Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Can- 
terbury, presents to Henry VIII. 
his treatise on the ising's marriage, 
iv. 29 ; ambassador to the pope at 
Bologna, 30 ; his audience put ofP, 
goes to Home, 36 ; nominated grand 
almoner by the pope, 54 ; sent to 
Niirnberg, 147; intercourse with 
Osiander, 148; marries, 160; ne- 
gotiates with Elector of Saxony, 
150 ; with imperial chancellor, 150 ; 
selected by the king for primate, 
hesitates, 151 ; goes to Italy, attends 
meeting of the pope and the em- 
peror, 152 ; returns to England, 
153 ; objection to the primacy, 154 ; 
consents, 156 ; sends the pope's 
bulls to the king, 157 ; his protest, 
157 ; consecrated, 158 ; takes the 
oath, 158 ; energy and weakness, 
159 ; papal order interred at his 
consecration, 160 ; his letter to the 
king, 169; a second, 170; receives 
royal licence, 171 ; his court at 
Dunstable, Henry VIII. and Cathe- 
rine summoned, 172 ; pronounces 
divorce of the king and queen, 
173 ; declares marriage of Henry 
and Anne Boleyn lawful, 174; hi, 
sentence annulled by the pope, 178 
appointed one of Pryth's judges 
195 ; wishes to save him, lOii, 'iWi 
detects imposture of Maid of Kent 
V. 17 ; leader of evangelical part}', 
26, 54 ; his explanation of royal 


supremacy, 58, 59 ; his character, 
62, 63 ; proposes translation of the 
Bible, 64 ; a compromise, ^4 ; pro- 
ceeds with the task, 66 ; visitation 
of London and Winchester, 67 ; his 
.sermon at visitation of Canterbury, 
100, 115, 116; intercedes for Prin- 
cess Mary, 130 ; his communications 
with Queen Anne, 141, 152 ; hears 
of the queen's arrest, 166; writes 
to the king, 167 ; his false con- 
science, 16!l ; the charges laid be- 
fore him, 169; declares null the 
marriage of the king with Anne 
Boleyn'; ISS, 218, 21!l, 224; signs 
the king's Articles of Eeligion, 
229 ; sugi;ests remedial measures, 
230 ; his cowardice and submission 
to the king, 266; asks permission 
for Tyndale's Bible to be sold, 267 ; 
baptizes Edward (VI.), viii. 171, 
177 ; urges union mth German 
Piotestants, 185 ; conference with 
German envoys, 186 ; presses them 
to delay their return, 187 ; has a 
conference with Lambert, 199 ; con- 
demns his views, 200 ; at Lambert's 
trial, 205 ; speaks against the Six 
Articles, 220 ; retains his see, 222 ; 
courted by the king, 222, 223 ; a 
banquet, 223 ; necessary to the 
king, 224 ; difficulty of iilling his 
place, 225 ; his Bihle published, 
246 ; writes to the king in behalf 
of Cromwell, 255, 256 ; absents 
himself from parliament on the 
reading of bill of attainder, 262 ; 
consents with Convocation to di- 
vorce of Anne of Cleves, 278, 279 ; 
his provision for education of min- 
isters set aside, 285 ; conspiracy 
against him, 291 ; accused to the 
king, 293 ; interview with him, 294, 
295 ; receives the king's ring, 293 ; 
summoned before the council, pre- 
sents the ring, 296 ; formally recon- 
ciled with the lords, 298 ; embar- 
rassed by disclosures of Lascelles 
against the queen, 300 ; reports 
them to the king, 300 ; sent with 
Noi-folk to examine the queen, 301 ; 
receives her confession, 301 ; in 
favour, 308 ; introduces a Bill fm' 
ihf Adrancemeiit nf Ileligion, 313 ; 
its absurdities, 314 ; obtains modi- 
fication of Six Articles, 314 ; revises 
the King's Book, 315; plot of bi- 
shops and priests against him, 317 ; 




interriew with the king, 318 ; ac- 
quitted by the commissioi), Sl'.i ; 
pleads for ilarbeck, 321 ; interview 
with the king on his deathbed, 371 

Crarvar, Paul, burnt at .St. Andrews, 
vi. 6 

Ci-esjrin, John, goes with Juan Duaz 
to Geneva, viii. 121 

Ci'ocus^ Cornelias, account of, vii. 
647 ; undertakes to write against 
Luther, 647 ; writes against Sar- 
torins, 649 

Crome, Dr., forbidd n to preach, viii. 
2aO ; his falls and recovery, 32.S 

Cromnc'U, Sir Kichard, commissioner 
for visitation of monasteries, v. 98 

Cromwell, Thomas, iv. 47; presents 
to the king Tyndales Practice of 
Prelates, 68 : writes to VautrLan, 
74 ; suggests attempt to gain Fryth, 
76 ; his expedient for making the 
king supreme over the clergy, 80 ; 
announces it to Convocation, 80 ; 
demands recognition of royal su- 
premacj', 81; character of, 113; 
advises abolition of papal power 
in England, 226 ; in advance, 229 ; 
sends the JIaid of Kent to the 
Tower, v. 17 ; Protestant leader, 26, 
.i4 ; visits More and Fisher in the 
Tower, 7-5 : advises abolition of the 
monasteries, y.5 ; named vicegerent 
and vicar-general for visitation of 
churches and monasteries, 97 ; his 
commissioners, 'J8 ; lays the Black 
Book before parliament, 112, 118, 
163, 189, 21.5 ; his position at Con- 
vocation, 216, 218 ; invites Alesius 
to attend, 219, 222; signs the 
king's Artioles of Keligion, 229; 
made lord privy seal, and vice- 
gerent in ecclesiastical matters, 
230 ; his instructions to the priests, 
231; his -efforts in behalf of Tyn- 
dale, 257, 260, 267 ; his report on 
birth of Edward TI., viii. 170 ; pre- 
sents works of Bullinger to the 
king, 176 ; arrests Bishop Sampson, 
summons him before him, 195 ; his 
interview with Lanrbert, 207 ; ex- 
tols the king, 208, 20'i ; resolves to 
issue another edition of the Bible, 
213 ; orders seizure of the presses, 
types, &c., at Paris, 215 ; his Bible' 
completed, 21.5; sanctions the .8ix 
Articles, 220 ; quarrels with Nor- 
folk, 224 ; his alms, 232 ; recom- 
mends Anne of Cleves to the king, 


'?32 ; conversations with the king, 
236, 237; blamed by Henry, 238; 
his desire to have the Gospel 
preached, 242 : Lis measures, 247 ; 
his speech in Parliament, 247, 248 ; 
his promotions, 248; created Earl 
of Essex, 249 ; his possessions, 249 ; 
his fiscal measures, 250 ; a note from 
the king, 251 ; accused of treason 
and sent to the Tower, 252 ; the 
charges against him, 253 ; the real 
aim of his enemies, 254 ; bill of 
indictment against him, 257, 258 ; 
denies alleged alliance with Pole, 
259 : bill of attainder adopted, 
260 ; his alarm and distress, 260 ; 
his letter to the king, 261 ; the bill 
pa-ssed, 262; renewedexaminations, 
262 ; again writes to the king-, 263 ; 
.anxiety for his famUy, 264 ; his 
last days, 266 ; his confession and 
prayer, 267-269 ; his execution, 269 ; 
his character, 269 

Culdees, the, their influence in .Scot- 
land, vi. 4, 5 

Cul2)ejier, TJii. 304; beheaded, 305 

Culrerins, Prior Bonivard's, i. 62; 
claimed by duke of Savoy, 63 

Curione, Celio Secundo, birth and 
early life of, iv. 529, 53it : reads Lu- 
ther> ilelanchthon, and Zwinglius, 
581 ; sets out for Wittenberg, 532 ; 
arrested, 533 ; placed in a monas- 
tery, 533 ; puts the Bible in place 
of relics, 535 ; escapes to Milan, 
535 ; his philanthropy, 535 ; mar- 
ries, 536 ; returns to Piedmont, 
536 ; defends Luther against Do- 
minican preacher, 538 ; again im- 
prisoned, 538 ; harshly treated, 539; 
prison thoughts, 541 : escapes, 542 ; 
teaches at Pavia, 544 ; attempts to 
seize him baffled, 544 ; escapes to 
Ferrara, 644 

CuHet, Aime, appointed syndic of 
Geneva, iv. 311 

Cvi-tet, Castellan of Chaumont, burnt 
at Annecy, vi. 578 

Curtet, Jean Ami, attempt to murder 
him, iii. 550 ; iv. 239 

Cyriaei, Martin, goes to study at Wit- 
tenberg, viii. 423 ; returns to Leut- 
schau, 432 

D'ADDA, Stephen, iv. 299. 403 
Dalecarliam, The, demand banish- 
ment of Lutherans, vii. 339 ; de- 




clare for (he pretender -Xils Sture,' 
340 ; treat with Gustavus, 363 ; re- 
volt suppressed, 364 

Banes, Pierre, ii. 67; cited, 78; at 
Council of Trent, 87 ; accused by 
Beda, 307 

Daniel, Francis, Calvin a visitor in 
his family, ii. 10, 11 ; his sister a 
nun, 70, 76 ; his vievrs for Calvin, 
110; asks for Bibles, 116, 123; 
Calvin's letter to, iii. 9 

— , Robert, ii. 78 

Daniel of Yalenre, at Waldensian 
synod, iii. 304 ; refuses to sign the 
new confession, 309 ; goes to Bo- 
hemia, 311 

Danish Xeic Testament, published by 
Michelsen, vii. 178 

Dantzic, beginning of reformation at, 
vii. 517, 518 ; opposition, 519 ; tole- 
ration established, 520 ; Romish 
worship abolished, 521 ; invites 
Pomeranus, 521 ; Hanstein sent, 
522 ; Catholic deputation to King 
Sigismund, 522 ; his severity, 523 ; 
preaching of Klemme, 524 

Darcy, Lord, head of Catholic league, 
V. 236; joins insurgents of York- 
shire, 241 ; at Pomfret Castle, 245 ; 
on the march southward, 247, 248 ; 
executed, 249 

Dales, coincidence of, iii. 156 

Da%j/hiny, i. 468, 482; iii. 146 

'Day of the Ladders,' ii. 512 

De Bresse, i. 156 

De Clialans, Rene, Count, Marshal of 
Aosta, ii. 540, 541, 544; his hostility 
to the Lutherans, v. 524 

De Cornihiis, Pierre, invited to dis- 
putation at Geneva, v. 303 

De Olautiiiis, accompanies Farel to 
Granson, iii. 280 ; preaches, 283 ; 
insulted by monks, 284 

De la Croix, Father Laurent, con- 
demned as hereticat Geneva, ii. 313; 
preaches in France, 314 ; at Lyons, 
314; visits the prisons, 316; es- 
capes discovery, 316 ; his Easter 
preaching, 319; arrested and con- 
demned to death, 320 ; removed to 
Paris, 320 ; before the parliament, 
tortured, 322 ; condemned to be 
burnt, 323 ; his degradation, 323 ; 
martyrdom, 324, 325 

De la Fosse (Barnabas Vore), sent to 
invite Melanchthon to France, iv. 
460, 466, 470; importance of his 
mission, 481 ; visits Melanchthon / 
481, 483 sq. 


De la Mare, Stephen, Genevese envoy 
with Hugues to Fiiburg, i. 190; 
elected syndic, 201 ; interview with 
the bishop of Geneva, 253, 254, 
280 ; at general council, opposes 
Swiss alliance, 412; goes to Swit- 
zerland with Mamelukes to break 
it off, 420 ; appointed pastor at 
Geneva, vi. 493; charges against 
him, vii. 4 

De la Motdlle, William, ii. 420, 482 

De la Place, Pierre, iii. 17, 52, 56, 66, 

De la Tow, Sieur, martyrdom of, 
with his servant, i. 555 

DeUrme, watches llaisonneuve atthe 
tournament, iv. 290 

Democracy, i. 430 

Denia, Marquis of, keeper of Queen 
Joanna, viii. 154, 164, 165, 166 

Denis, a Christaudin, i. 573 ; his re- 
conversion attempted by Brifonnet, 
573 ; burnt, 575 

Denmarlt, beginning of the Reforma- 
tion in, vii. 147 sqq. ; union of 
Calmar, 148 ; the crown offered to 
Frederick, duke of Holstein, 167 ; 
accepted by him, 174 ; Michelsen's 
translation of New Testament in- 
troduced, 178; assembly of the 
council at Copenhagen, 186 ; its 
resolutions agamst Lutherans and 
Lutheran books, 187 ; progress of 
the Reformation in, 196 ; alarm of 
the bishops, 1 96 ; agitation, Diet of 
Odensee, 198 sqq. ; demands of 
nobles and priests, 200 ; the royal 
ordinance, 201 : submission of the 
prelates, 202 ; Diet of Copenhagen, 
209 sqq. ; progress of the Gospel, 
223 ; death of Frederick, 236 ; in- 
terregnum, intrigues of the priests, 
237 ; Electoral Diet opened, 238; 
demands of the bishops, 239, 241 ; 
the compact published, 242 ; the 
election adjourned, 243 : edict for 
prosecution of Lutherans, 249 ; 
polemical publications, 251 ; in- 
vasion of the Liibeckers, 263; 
Christian II. restored, 254; as- 
sembly of the Diet in Jutland, 
255 ; proclamation of Christian III., 
257, 258 ; surrender of Copenhagen, 
262 ; arrest of the bishops, 266 ; 
first representation of the people in 
the Diet, 266 ; charges against the 
bishops, 267 ; the compact signed, 
268 ; the bishops excluded from the 
Diet, the Reformation established, 




■2fi9 ; the bishops liberated, 269 ; 
constitution of evangelical church 
promulgated, 271 ; separation of 
Sweden from, 321 

Denny, 8ir A., viii. 371 

De Pesmes, Percival, iii. 439, iil, 
451 ; bears the banner of Geneva, 
453, 454, 487, 493 ; iv. 268, 401 ; 
escapes from Geneva, 406 

De Pranging, Sire de Rive, Governor 
of Neuchatel, v. 379 ; forbids de- 
]iarture of auxiliaries for Geneva, 
379 ; orders the men to return 
home, 381 

Derham, Francis, viii. 299, 301, 304 ; 
hung, 305 

D'Erlacli, Sieur, Swiss envoy to 
Geneva, i. 208 ; his speech, 209 ; 
leads Swiss army to Geneva, ii. 
566 ; envoy with Nagueli to duke 
of Savoy, v. 422 

Destois, Jean, appointed to examine 
Berthelier, i. 261 ; passes sentence 
of death on him, 265 

Des Fosset, iii. 89 

De Sindeux, sent to Geneva to hunt 
up charge against Maisonneuve, iv. 

Dcriiy, Mathias Biro, his birth and 
early life, vii. 448 ; conversion, 
449 ; goes to study at Wittenberg, 
449 ; returns to Hungary, 454 ; his 
sympathy with Melanchthon, his 
completeness, 454, 455 ; pastor at 
Bada, 455 ; removes to Kaschau, 
457 ; successful labours, 457 ; de- 
nounced to King Ferdinand, 457 ; 
seized and carried off by the bishop 
of Eger's agents, 458 ; harshly 
treated in prison, 458 ; cited before 
Bishop Faber, 459 ; liberated, goes 
to Buda, 460; imprisoned by 
Zapolya, 460 ; set at liberty, 461 ; 
received by Count Xadasdy, at 
Sarvar, 462; replies to Szegedy, 
463 ; visits Melanchthon at Witten- 
berg, 463 ; at Basel publishes his 
works, 465 ; returns to Hungary, 
465 ; his Grammar, 466 ; his preach- 
ing, 467 ; driven away by Turkish 
invasion, 478 ; at Wittenberg, 478 ; 
gres to Switzerland, 479 ; becomes 
acquainted with ( !alvinism, 483 ; 
returns to Hungaiy, 483 ; pastor 
and dean at Debreczin, 485 

De Veiffy, canon of Geneva, his mis- 
sion to duke of 8avoy, ii. 467 ; 
exjjelled from Geneva, 468; ex" 


amines Farel, iii. 344 ; commands 
one of the bands against Lutherans, 
453 ; charged to bum out the 
Lutherans, 466 ; iv. 2S1 

Deventer, envoys of Charles V. sent 
to inquire after Lutherans, refused 
admission, vii, 652 

De Venonay, Marin, account of, iii. 
493 ; incites to conflict, 494 

De Vei-sonex, F., v. 363 

De Via, Cardinal, protests against 
preaching of Ocohino, iv. 598 

Diana of Poitiers, iv. 457 

Dia:, Alonzo, informed of Ms brother 
Juan's heresy, viii. 128 ; goes to 
Ratisbon, 129 ; consults with Mal- 
venda, 129 ; their schemes for find- 
ing Juan, 130; finds him, 131: 
takes leave, 132; returns, murders 
Juan, 133 ; flies to Iimspruck, 134 

Diaz, Juan, account of, viii. 120 ; his 
conversion and friendships, 121 ; 
goes to Geneva, 121 ; visits Stras- 
birrg, 122 ; delegate with Bucer to 
conference of Eatisbon, 122 ; meets 
with JIalvenda, 123 ; resists his 
endeavours to win Mm back to the 
Pope, 124-126 ; leaves Ratisbon, 
129 ; at Neuburg, 130 ; visited by 
Ms brother Alonzo, 131 ; declines 
to go to Rome, 132; murdered by 
Alonzo, 133 

Dia:, Peter, \-iii. 43 

Dieshach, John of, commands Swiss 
auxiliaries at Pavia, iv. 413 ; Ms 
widow seeks intervention of Berne, 

Dieshach, Nicholas of, avoyerof Berne, 
iv. 412 

Diesbacli, Rodolph of, envoy to Court 
of France, iv. 414 ; account of, 414 ; 
pleads for Maisonneuve and Janin, 
414 ; succeeds, 421 ; delivers them 
up to Genevese authorities, 423 ; 
with Xiigueli, envoy to duke of 
Savoy, V. 422 

Dieshach, Louisof,Bemese ambassador 
to Pays de Vaud, v. 399 ; at confer- 
ence of Coppet, 399, 401, 404, 407, 
408 ; seized by Savoyards and re- 
leased, 410 ; at Geneva, 416 

Dieshach, Sebastian of, head of Swiss 
embassy to Geneva, i. 419 ; again, ii. 
520, 521 ; reports failure, 523 ; 
deputy to Geneva, 595 ; again, 
599 ; again, advocates religious 
liberty, iii. 514 ; advises consent 
to episcopal citation, 543 ; head of 




Berneie embassy to Geneva, iv. 
27G ; demands a disputation be- 
tween Furbity and the reformers, 
^78 ; at the tournaments, 280 sq. ; 
colloquy with Furbity, 2S3 ; de- 
mands his punishment, 284 

Diplomacy, v. 397 

Dispensations, papal, abolished in 
England, iv. 232 

Dobszynski, writes in praise of Wy- 
cliffe, vii. 575 

Dominicans, at Geneva, their vices, 
i. 39, 317; iv. 257; compared with 
Franciscans, 316 

DoH, beginning of Beformation at, 
vii. 591 ; complaint of Dominicans, 
592 ; reply of Henry of Nassau, 

Douglas, Gavin, competition for see 
of Ht. Andrews, vi. 11 

Douglas, Hir George, guardian of James 
v., vi. 28 ; discovers flight of the 
king, 87 ; joins English army against 
the Scots, 164 ; returns to Scotland, 
187 ; reinstated in his honours and 
estates, 191 ; imprisoned, liberated, 
218 ; at the preaching of Wishart, 

Doiillon, Nicholas, martyrdom of, i. 
527, 528 

Da B'illay, Jean, bishop of Paris, 
Cardinal, ii. 67, 86, 87, 99, 100; 
appoints two evangelical monks to 
preach in Paris, 156 ; warns the 
king of danger, 168, 178, 199, 202, 
244 ; delivers Latin address to the 
pope at Marseilles, 258 ; ordered 
to persecute heretics, 262 ; closes 
the churches, 304 ; takes part in 
preparing French version of the 
reformers' opinions, 378, 381 ; iii. 
161 ; iv. 5, 9 ; his eilorts at media- 
tion between England and the 
pope, 228 ; awaits success, 233 ; 
pleads with the consistory for de- 
lay, 233 ; his ancestry, 457 ; driven 
from France, 458 ; at heaxi of mo- 
derate Catholic party, 459 ; advises 
the king to invite Welanchthon to 
France, 459 ; created cardinal, 
465 ; ambassador to Rome, 469 ; 
^vrites to Melanchthon, 469, 473 ; 
interview with English envoys at 
Bologna, v. 6. 

Du Bellay, William, views of, ii. 126 ; 
desires union of France and Ger- 
ma.ny, 127 ; ambassador to Ger- 
many, 127 ; at Schweinfurth, 130 ; 


proposals to the Protestants, 132 ; 
addresses the landgrave of Hesse, 
133 ; conclirdes agreement with 
Protestants, 136 ; sent to England, 
136 ; negotiates alliance between 
Francis I. and Henry VIII., 137 ; 
supports Christopher of Wiirtem- 
berg, 14'.), 199 ; his project of a lay 
council, 209 sqq. ; quoted, 216 ; 
hopes of reformers fixed on him, 
244 ; opposes publication of bull 
against heretics, 259 ; a friend of 
freedom, 289 ; explains transition 
from JIarseilles to Avignon, 287 ; 
ambassador to Diet of Augsburg, 
288 ; negotiates with the Swiss 
Protestants, 289 ; supports Chris- 
topher at Augsburg, 290 sqq. ; in 
Germany, 294 ; negotiates with 
Philip, landgrave of Hesse, 295 ; 
opposed by Luther and Melanch- 
thon, 296 ; has interview with 
Bucer at Strasburg, 327 ; returns 
to Paris, 327 ; estimate of Melanch- 
thon, 328; hopes, 336, 342, 348, 
351, 376 ; takes part in preparing 
French version of reformers' opin- 
ions, 878 ; submits it to the Sor- 
bonne, 379, 381 ; his estimate of 
Bucer, iii. 79, 80 ; ambassador in 
England, takes gifts for Francis I., 
iv. 50 ; his ancestry, 457 ; character, 
458 ; advises the king to invite 
Melanchthon to France, 459, 466 ; 
letter to Melanchthon, 470, 471 ; 
envoy to Smalcalde, 506; has au- 
dience of Elector John Frederick, 
507 ; received by German princes 
and deputies, 507, 508 ; demands a 
congress, 509 ; a consultation held, 
570 sqq. ; receives reply of the 
princes, 517, 518; failure of his 
mission, 519 

Du Bowg, John, iii. 86 ; arrested, 
132 ; his martyrdom, 142 

Du Chdtel, PieiTe, ii. 87 ; opposes 
persecution, iii. 134 

Diichemin, Nicholas, character of, ii. 
1 ; Calvin in his house, 2, 11 ; 
appointed ecclesiastical judge, v. 

Dii Cresi, Nicholas, premier syndic of 
Geneva, iii. 437, 449 ; takes part in 
consultation for peace, 473 : envoy 
to Berne, 481 ; fails, 485 ; iv. 245, 
258 ; searches the bishop's palace, 
303, 308, 328 ; escapes from Geneva, 




Xhimotit, syndic of Geneva, deputy 
to the bishop, i. 351 

Diiinoulin [Alexander Caniis] 

Dunbar, Gawin, archbishop of Glas- 
gow, chancellor of Scotland, with 
the primate and other prelates 
placed at the head of the govern- 
ment, vi. 88 ; deprives the nobles 
of their jurisdiction and sets up a 
College of Justice, 100 ; presides 
at prosecution of Kennedy and 
Eussel, 143 ; intimidated by agents 
of Beatoun, condemns them, 145 ; 
threat ened by James Y., 149; be- 
comes chancellor, 192 ; opposes the 
law giving freedom to read the 
Bible, 192 ; takes possession of 
church, at Ayr, to prevent Wishart 
preaching, 222 

Duncan, Andrew, captured by the 
English at Flodden, vi. 11 ; at- 
tempts rescne of Patrick Hamilton, 
69 ; captured by Beatoun's troops 
and banished, 70 

Ditnlield, bishop of, counsels peace, 
vi. 18 ; with other prelates placed 
at head of the Government, 88 ; 
his interview with Thomas Forrest, 

Dnnfstdble, Cranmer's court at, iv. 
172 sg[(i. 

Duprat, Cardinal, i. 459, 465, 484, 
537, 549 ; character and position, 
550; sides with Rome, 561; at 
synod of Paris instigates persecu- 
tion of Lutherans, 657 ; appeals to 
Francis L, 658 ; his ambition and 
aggrandisement, 559 ; his quarrel 
with the parliament of Paris, 559 ; 
combines with the parliament 
against Lutherans, 560, 575 ; ii 44, 
90, 159 ; sent to Paris to stop 
intrigues of the Sorbonne, 168 ; 
arrests Le Picard, 169 ; his spies, 
170; summons the priests, 170; 
the doctors of the Sorbonne, 171, 
283, 370, iii. 134, 136 

Dutch Keiv Testament, published, vii. 
610; Old Testament, 630; the 
whole Bible, 630 

Diivillard, J., appointed syndic of 
Geneva, iv. 311 

ECK, Dr., at Diet of Ratisbon, vii. 
30 ; declines invitation to Den- 
mark, 197 

Edinlnirgh, entered by Lord Hertford 


and English army, vi. 218 ; pillaged 
and burnt, 219 

Edward VI., Bang of England, pro- 
posal for his marriage with Mary 
Queen of Scots, vi. 185 ; the treaty 
concluded, 195, 196 ; frustrated, 
203 ; his birth, viii. 170 ; created 
Prince of Wales, 171 ; hopes excited 
by his birth, 173 

Egidius, John, preacher at Seville, 
viii. 26, 27 ; his scholastic sermons, 
27 ; his interview with Valeric, 28, 
29 ; conversion, 29, 30 ; Ms evan- 
gelical preaching, 31 ; interview 
with Ponce de la Fuente and Yar- 
gas, 33, 34 ; division of labour with 
them, 34; opposition aroused, 37; 
loses his two friends, 41, 42 ; 
schemes of his enemies, 42 

Egrmmt, Nicholas van, inquisitor in 
the Netherlands, vii. 598, 600 

EJirard of Nidau, account of, v. 376 

Einm'sen, Gisser, vii. 277 ; sent to 
Copenhagen, 277 ; made bishop of 
Skalholt, 278 ; his death, 279 

Einarsen, Morten, elected bishop of 
Skalholt, taken prisoner by Bishop 
Aresen, vii. 279 

Eliae, Paul, vii. 153 ; interpreter of 
Reinhard, 160 ; sent to Odensee, 
162 ; attacks Reinhard, 162; 
preaches against Lutheranism, 180 ; 
attends conference at Copenhagen, 
210 ; remains silent, 221 ; publishes 
apology for the mass, 222 ; draws 
up plea for the bishops, 257 

Eliot, Nicholas [Students, English] 

Eliot, Sir Thomas, begs for gift of 
convents, v. 116 

Elizabeth, Queen, birth of, iv. 213 
excitement in London, 214 ; com- 
mended to care of Parker, v. 156 

Elizabeth of Arnex, plots against 
Farel, iii. 254 ; her conversion, 268 

Engelbrechtsen, Olaf, archbishop of 
Drontheim, receives Christian II., 
vii. 226 ; flies to the Netherlands, 

England, laity and clergy, iv. 1 
Scriptural reformation, 2 ; special 
character of Reformation in, 3, 4 ; 
the Romish and political parties, 
6 ; the Society of Christian 
Brethren, 7; Tabletalk, 8, 9; 
popular excitement, 10 ; petition 
of the Commons, 12; reforms of 
the clergy, 20 ; abolition of plural- 
ism, 24 ; English address to the 


J 61 


pope, 55 ; the clergy preiominant, 
78 ; royal supremacy recognised by 
clergy, 84, 85 ; popular agitation, 
88 ; beginning of persecution, 99 ; 
importance of choice of new pri- 
mate, 147 ; papal authority set 
aside by parliament, 169 ; separa- 
tion from France, 224 ; general 
movement against papal supre- 
macy, 229 ; abolition of papal 
privileges, 230, 231 ; Komish ex- 
actions, 231 ; the tree lopped, 232 ; 
a critical epoch, v. 1,2; people 
and clergy against Rome, 7 ; con- 
fusion, 62 ; efEect of execution of 
More and Fisher, 87, 88 ; general 
visitation of churches and monas- 
teries ordered, 97 ; suppression of 
lesser monasteries, 115; advanta- 
geous results, 120, 121, 122 ; state of 
parties after Queen Anne's death, 
201 ; sarcasms against the papacy, 
210, 211; the King's Articles of 
Eeligion published, 225 ; evan- 
gelical reaction, 233 ; prosecutions, 
231 ; insurrection in the North, 
236 sqq. ; renewal of, 249 ; invasion 
of, proposed by Paul III., vi. 129 ; 
three parties in, viii. 169 ; source 
and efEect of the Reformation in, 
169, 170 ; relations with Swiss 
reformers, 173 ; various parties, 
attempt at compromise, 216 sqq. ; 
the Six Articles, 219 sqq. ; Cran- 
mer's Bible and others published, 
246 ; Catholic policy on marriage 
of Henry VIII. with Catherine 
Howard, 284 

Enthu.iiasts, The, in the Netherlands, 
vii. 655 sqq. \_SpiriUuils, The] 

Enzinas, Francis de \_Enziiias,The], 
returns to Burgos, interview with 
Peter de Lerma, viii. 49 ; desires 
conversion of Spain, 50 ; under- 
takes translation of New Testa- 
ment, 51 ; his acquaintance with 
Alasco, 51 ; with Hardenberg, 51 ; 
■writes to Alasco, 52 ; presents his 
sword to him, 53 ; goes to Paris, 
53 ; attends deathbed of Peter de 
Lerma, 54 ; goes to Wittenberg, 57 ; 
completes his translation of the 
New Testament, 20 ; visits Alasco 
and Hardenberg, reaches Louvain, 
70 ; at Antwerp, 71 ; opinions on 
his New Testament, 71, 72 ; submits 
it to the dean of Louvain, 72 ; 
obstacles, 73 ; interview with the 


printer, 74 ; with a Dominican, 75 ; 
the titlepage criticised, 75, 76 ; 
goes to Brussels, 80; dedication of 
his New Testament, 81 ; difficulty 
of access to Charles V., 81, 82 ; in- 
terviews with Mendoza, 82, 83 ; 
presented to the emperor, 84 ; the 
conversation, 85 ; interview with 
De Soto, 87 : hears his sermon, 88 ; 
interviews with him, 90 xqq. ; ex- 
citement in the convent, 93 ; ar- 
rested, 94 ; imprisoned, 95 ; his de- 
jection, 95 ; consoled by Tielmans, 
95, 96 ; his examination, 97 ; re- 
proached by friends, 98 ; reads 
Calvin and the Psalms, 99 ; his 
numerous visitors, 100 ; failure of 
attempts in his behalf, 101, 102 ; 
resolves to fly, 105 ; escapes, 106 ; 
in danger at Mechlin, 107 ; reaches 
Antwerp, 108 ; a legend about him, 
109; another tale, 110; his cor- 
respondence with Calvin, 111 ; 
goes to Wittenberg, intercourse 
with Melanchthon, 112, 113 ; coun- 
sels his brother to leave Rome, 
114 ; hears of his death, 117 ; wTite^ 
to Calvin, 117 

Enzinas, James de \_Enzinas, The], 
at Paris, viii. 54 ; his character, 
65 ; impressed by heroism of mar- 
tyrs at Paris, 55 : his Catechism, 
57 ; sent by his father to Rome, 
113 ; his dissatisfaction, 114 ; re- 
solves to leave Rome, arrested by 
the Inquisition, 114 ; his trial, 1 15 ; 
his martyrdom, 116 sqq. 

Bmoinas, John de [Enzinas, The], 
settles in Germany, viii. 57 

Enzinas, The, viii. 45 ; sent to Lou- 
vain, 46 ; their character, 46 ; re- 
ligious disposition, 47 ; friendship 
with Cassander, 47, 48 ; study the 
Bible and read Melanchthon, 48 
[Enzinas, Francis de, James de, 
and John de] 

Eperies, Conference of, vii. 500 

Erasmus, i. 444 ; approves Berquin's 
propositions, 461, 462, 507, 541 ; at- 
tempts to restrain Berquin, 543 ; 
again, 545 ; his colloquies proscribed 
by the Sorbonne, 546; shrinks 
from conflict, 547 ; writes to Mar- 
garet of Angouleme, 553 ; advice to 
Berquin, 578 ; ii. 1 ; warns Francis 
I., 43, 397 ; iii. 185 ; meeting with 
Calvin, 186 ; breaks with him, 187, 
197; his followers, iv. 448, 581, 




582, 587 ; laments More, v. 88 ; de- 
picts couit of Brussels, 260 ; the 
ideal of John Alasco, vii. 530 ; re- 
ceives Alasco as his guest, 533 ; his 
counsels, 535 ; his controversy with 
Luther, 536 ; esteem for Alasco, 
537, 538 ; mourns his departure, 
639 ; letter to Alasco, 639 ; writes 
to King Sigismund, 5i7 ; his cool- 
ness towards Alasco, 549 ; friend- 
ship withViglius, 580, 581 ; a fore- 
runner of reformation, 588 ; as- 
sailed by theologians of Louvain, 
591 : his opinion of the monks, 
594, 630 ; read in Spain, viii. 3 ; 
writes to Valerio, 15, 16 

Erdoed, Conference of, vii. 499, 

EriDk, king of Sweden, the govern- 
ment resigned to him by Gustavus, 
vii. 395 ; his character, 397 ; seeks 
the hand of the princess Elizabeth 
of England, 398 ; his character and 
attainments, 398 ; instructed in 
Calvin's principles, 399 ; abolishes 
Catholic rites, opens Sweden to all 
Protestants, 400 ; his madness, 401 ; 
slays Nils .stm'e, 401 ; his iiight, 
402 ; slays Surrey, 402 ; escapes 
from his guards, his wanderings, 
403 ; taken to Stockholm, 403 ; 
conferences with his brother John, 
404 ; deprived and imprisoned, 
404 ; his treatment, 405 ; his mur- 
der ordered by John in., 411 ; his 
death by poison, 412 

Enclt, St., Feast of, 332. 

Eszeliy, Emeric, preaches at Tolna, vii. 
504 ; application of the priests to 
pasha at Buda against him, 505 ; 
declared free to preach, 506 ; esta- 
blishes a school, 506 

FAampes, Duchess of, ii. 245 

Europe, awakening of, i. 423 

JJraiigelicals. [^Lictlierans, England, 
France, Genera^ 

Eram^eUsts, sent out by Calvin, iii. 
69 ; abuse of, 73 

Excommunication, Calvin's view of, 
vi. 341, 344 

Exeter, Marquis of, charged with 
treason and executed, viii. 184 

EABEjR, John, bishop of Vienna, 
writes against Luther, vii. 4.t8 ; 
appointed bishop, 45'.i ; cites Devay 
before him, 459 


Fahri, John, Friburg envoy to 
Geneva, i. 208, 279 

Fahri (Chr. Libertet), iii. 192; joins 
Farel at Morat, 240 ; sent to Neu- 
chatel, 241 ; removes to Bole, 365 ; 
Catholic riot in his chapel, 366 ; 
rising of Protestant peasants, 367 ; 
another riot, 368, 369 ; with Viret 
at Lausanne, vi. 273, 274 : his 
trials, 323 

Facts and Ideas, iii. 490 

Faith and Science, iii. 72, 73; vi. 38, 

Farel, William, i. 2, 409, 424 ; at 
Strasburg, 485 sgq. ; light of France, 
496 ; invited to La Marche, 499 ; 
his qualifications as reformer, 602 ; 
hesitation, 603 ; his connexion with 
family of Mirabeau, 503 ; preaches 
at Gap, 504 ; arrested and res- 
cued, 504 ; schoolmaster at Aigle, 
505, 511, 518 ; ii. 134, 349, 582 ; 
his perils, 585 ; his attention fixed 
on Geneva, 585 ; calls Toussaint to 
go there, 586 ; consulted by evange- 
licals of Paris, iii. Ill ; draws up a 
protest, 112; the great evangelist, 
236 ; development and character, 
237 ; scene of his labours, 239 ; 
at Morat, joined by Fabri, 240; 
preaches at Orbs, 243 ; at Avenches, 
252; again at Orbe, riot at his 
sermon, 253 ; plot of women, 254 ; 
assaulted and rescued, 255 ; his 
strange congregation, 267 ; another, 
258 ; sermon on penance, 259 ; care 
for the ministry, 261 ; meets with 
Viret, 263 ; their friendship, 266 ; 
the Lord's Supper at Orbe, 270 ; 
invites preachers into Switzerland, 
276 ; letter to Andronicus, 277 sgq^. ; 
goes to Granson, 281 ; rougli recep- 
tion at the convents, 282, 283 ; goes 
to Murat, 283 ; imprisoned at 
Granson, 285 ; assailed in a church, 
286 ; invited to Waldensian synod, 
300 ; his journey, 302 ; the discus- 
sions, 305, 308 ; resolves to visit 
Geneva, 311; reaches Geneva, 328 ; 
consults with Olivetan, 329 ; inter- 
view with Huguenot leaders, 330 
sqq. ; agitation against him, 336 ; 
appears before the town council, 
337 ; conspiracy against, 341 ; sum- 
moned before episcopal council, 
342 ; the examination, 844 sqq. ; 
tumult, 345 ; threats, 347 ; assault, 
348; dangers, 349, 350: banished. 




3.51 ; attempt to kill him, 3.53 ; es- 
capes, 355 ; at Yvonaud, 356 ; in- 
vites Froment to go to Geneva, 
357 ; urges Olivetan to translate 
the Bible, 359 ; sent by Bernese to 
Geneva, iv. 267 ; his character, 
268, 273 ; at the tournament, 279 ; 
disputation with Furbity, 285 sqfi; 
314, 317, 319; interview with 
Father Courtelier, 322 ; preaches 
in the convent at Eive, 326, 331 ; 
domestic trials, 333 ; letter to 
evangelicals of Paris, 334 ; presides 
at first evangelical marriage, 358 ; 
at first evangelical Pentecost, 363 ; 
before the council, 394 ; protests 
against union with popery, 453 ; 
attempt to poison him, v. 288 ; 
promotes a public disputation, 296 ; 
invitations, 303 ; interview with 
Caroli, 306 sq. ; preaches at the 
Madeleine, 326, 327 ; summoned 
before the Council, 327 ; preaches 
at the Cathedral, 329 sqq. ; before 
Council of Two Hundred, 344 ; 
preaches to nuns of St. Claire, 355 ; 
exhorts the council, 426, 429, 475 ; 
476 ; calls for a general confession, 
479 ; asks for help, 488 ; meeting 
with Calvin, 536 ; presses him to 
stay at Geneva, 537 sqq. ; urges the 
council to retain Calvin, vi. 271 : 
goes to Lausanne, 272, 282, 2X3 ; 
his theses at the disputation, 283 ; 
his opening speech, 284 ; opposes 
protest of the canons, 286 ; his 
closing discourse, 306, 310 ; his 
search for pastors, 321, 322 ; pre- 
sents the confession of faith to the 
Council, 338 ; his reverence for 
Calvin, 352 ; made a citizen of 
Geneva, 354 ; his depressed state, 
372 ; attends synod of Lausanne, 
373 ; with Calvin at the council, 
413 ; accompanies him to Berne, 
415 ; excluded by Berne from col- 
loquies of the Vaudois, 444 ; sent to 
synod of Lausanne, 445 ; before the 
council, 450, 541 ; protests against 
imprisonment of Courault, 457 ; 
with Calvin declines to administer 
the Supper, 466, 467 ; in defiance of 
prohibition preaches, 472, 473 ; a 
disturbance in the church, 473 ; 
banished, 480, 484 ; leaves Geneva, 
486 ; goes to Berne, 495 ; at synod 
of Zurich, 500 sqq. ; returns to 
Berne, 507 ; interview with Kunz, 


508 ; with Calvin before the sen- 
ate, 511 ; reconducted to Geneva 
by Bernese, 513 ; banished by vote 
of general council, 532 ; at Berne, 
525 ; at Basel, 526 ; goes to Neu- 
chatel, 531 ; his letter to the 
Genevese, 541 ; urges Calvin to re- 
turn to Geneva, vii. 27 ; edict of 
expulsion revoked, 52 ; deprived 
and banished from Neuchatel, 60 ; 
reinstated, 61 ; a man of action, 141 

Fariiese, Alexander [Paw? Z/X] 

— , Cardinal, sent by the Pope to 
Charles V. at Eatisbon, vii. 33 

Favre, Francis, Genevese deputy to 
Berne, ii. 407, 463, 464; assailed 
by Mamelukes, iii. 538 ; envoy to 
Berne, iv. 397 

Felia; V. [Amadeus VIII.'] 

Feray, Claude, vii. 27, 28 

Ferdinand, the Catholic, deprives his 
daughter Joanna of her crown and 
imprisons her, viii. 152 ; assumes 
the government of Castile, 168; 
meeting with Philip, 159; agree- 
ment between them, 160, 161 ; his 
secret protest, 161 ; his delegate 
left with Philip, 161, 168 

Ferdirmnd, of Austria, King of Bohe- 
mia and Hungary, ii. 145 ; invested 
with duchy of Wurtemberg,145,289 ; 
threatened by alliance of Francis 
I. and Philip of Hesse, appeals to 
the pope, 331, 332; his army de- 
feated by Philip, 336 ; loses Wiir- 
temberg, 338 ; attempts to maintain 
papal power in the duchy, 339 ; 
opposes Zapolya and is crowned 
King of Hungary, vii. 445 ; pub- 
lishes edict against the Lutherans, 
446 ; supported by Charles V., 452 ; 
annuls edict of toleration, 452 ; less 
hostile to the Reformation, 468 ; 
appoints a conference between the 
bishops and Szautai, 469 ; his em- 
barrassment, 471 ; interview with 
the bishops, 471, 472; banishes 
Szantai, 473 ; concludes agreement 
with Zapolya, 476 ; issues ordinance 
for maintenance of Catholic faith 
488 ; another, 488 ; his desire for 
union of the two churches, 498 

Ferrara, Hercules, duke of, his mar- 
riage at Fontainebleau, i. 561 

Ferrara, Eenee, duchess of {^Beiue of 

Ferrara, University of, declares for 
divorce of Henry VHL, iv. 52 ; know- 




ledge of evangelical doctrines at, 
547, 62i ; influence of Calvin at, v. 
498 sqq.\ the Inquisition, 519 

Fcij-t, Florentius, Jesuit, sent to Swe- 
den, vii. 407 

Fief, Peter du, conducts persecution 
at Louvain, vii. 674, 675 ; remon- 
strance of the townsmen, 677, 692 

Finlason, James, one of the Perth 
Protestants, condemned bj Cardi- 
nal Beatoun, vi. 214 ; hung, 215 

Pislwr, John, bishop of Bochester, iv. 
5, 6 ; defends the church, 21 ; sum- 
moned before the king, 22 ; his 
subterfuge, 22 ; rumour of attempt 
to poison him, 89, 182 ; supports 
Maid of Kent, v. 12, 14 ; attainted, 
sentenced to death, 19 ; refuses to 
take the oath of supremacy, 54 ; 
attainted, 54 ; steadfast, 55 ; visited 
by Cromwell, 75 ; made cardinal, 
76 ; his last moments, 77 ; death, 
79 ; characterised, 87 ; effect of his 
death at Rome, 89 

Fitzkerieii, Anthony, commissioner 
for suppression of lesser monas- 
teries, V. 117 

Fitztvilliavt, .Sir William, lord-admi- 
ral, iv. 6 

FitzmiUiam, Lord, Governor of the 
Tower, delivers Fryth to messen- 
gers of the primate, iv. 198 

Fhimitiio, Marco Antonio, poet, iv. 
547 ; .birth and early life of, 609, 
610 ; character, 611 ; at Naples with 
Valdez, 612 «j.; at Rome, with Pole 
and CarafEa, 614 

Florence, iv. 654 

Fulengo, Giovanni Battista, account 
of, iv. 617, 618 

Fontainehleaii, rejoicings at, i. 561 
sqq. ; interrupted, 565 

Forest, Father, defends Catherine of 
Aragon, iv. 135 

Fm'man, Andrew, competitor for see 
of St. Andrews, vi. 11 ; seizes the 
castle and monastery, 12 

Fm~rest, Henry, Benedictine, impri- 
soned by Beatoun, vi. 109 ; de- 
graded, 109 ; burnt, 110 

Fm-rest, Thomas, Augustine, reads the 
writings of St. Augustine, ^A. 121 : 
priest of Dollar, 122 ; denounced, 
123 ; his interview with the bisl.op 
of Dunkeld, 123; arrested, 137; 
examined before the cardinal, 138 ; 
burnt, 139 
Fouquet, [_Trois-Mouticrx, prior of] 


Fo^, Edward, high almoner, deputed 
with Gardiner to obtain opinion of 
Cambridge University on the king's 
divorce, iv. 37 ; with Longland, 
that of Oxford, 42 ; summoned to 
Windsor, 45 ; ambassador to Ger- 
many, V. 128 ; concludes alliance 
with the princes, 129 ; sent to con- 
duct discussion with Protestants at 
Wittenberg, 136 ; has audience of 
Elector of Saxony, 137 ; his speech 
at Convocation, 220 

France, struggles in, i. 6 ; royalty in, 
382 ; springs of reformation, 424 ; 
state of, 431 gqq. ; after battle of 
Pavia, 434 ; dismemberment of, 
proposed by Charles Y., 437 ; per- 
secution of Lutherans in, 445 ; 
proclamation against the Bible in 
French, Luther's works and doubt, 
460 ; who will be the reformer of 1 
495, 509, 510 ; councils against 
heresy, 559 ; hopes of reformers, 
ii. 175 ; progress of reform, 244 
iqq. ; flight of evangelicals from, 
282 ; proposal for union with Ger- 
man Protestants, 2s5 ; rival plans 
of reform, 340 ; spirit of liberty in, 
380 ; evangelisation of, begun by 
Calvin, iii. 65, 69 ; progress of the 
Gospel, 72, 80: 'year of the pla- 
cards,' lOy sqq. ; importance of, iv. 
463 ; invasion of, by Henry VIII., 
viii. 323 
Francis I., of France, i. 105, 315, 
356, 382 ; captmred at Pavia, 435 ; 
suppliant to Charles V., 437 ; at 
Madrid, 437 ; illness, 440 ; reco- 
very, 441 ; patron of letters, 450 ; 
orders persecution to be stayed, 
451 ; his abdication, 4.51 : his con- 
tradictory oaths, 452 ; treaty with 
Charles v., 452, 453; inconsistency, 
454 ; stops proceedings against Ber- 
quin, 463 ; returns to France, 472 ; 
refuses permission for Count of 
Hohenlohe to go into France, 474, 
475 ; liberates Lutheran prisoners, 
478, 490 ; consents to marriage of 
Henry d'Albret and Margaret, 507 ; 
his promises to them, 508 ; treaty 
with Charles V., 50S ; his attitude 
towards the Reformation, 539 ; 
arrests Beda, 544; exasperation 
against the Sorbonne, 545 ; hesi- 
tation between Rome and the Re- 
formation, 550, 551 : deaf to appeal 
of Duprat, 558, 550 ; deaf to the 




priests, 560; goes to Paris, 506; 
investigates case of mutilation of 
image of the Virgin, 568 ; sanctions 
persecution, 571 ; consents to in- 
quiry against Berquin, 57'J 
— , warned bj' Erasmus, ii. i''> ; signs 
treaty of Cambray, 82 ; liis chil- 
dren restored, 83, S5, 86 ; his mar- 
riage and coronation of his queen, 
Eleanor, 86 s^q.; tlie Protestants 
accused to him, 93 ; receives en- 
voy and letter from German Pro- 
testant princes, yi ; proposes a 
council, 95 ; hears Lecoq preach, 
99 ; has secret interview with 
him, 100 ; veers towards reform, 
126 ; sends Du Bellay to Germany, 
127; and to England, 136; alli- 
ance with Henry VIII., 137 ; meets 
him, complains of the pope, 138, 
139 ; treaty with Henry, 140 ; 
sends embassy to the pope, liO ; 
threatens separation from the pa- 
pacy, 111 ; alarm in Europe, 1-12 ; 
confines heads of both parties in 
their own houses, 166 ; warned by 
Henry of Navarre and Du Bellay, 
168 ; receives deputation from Hor- 
bonne, 168 ; insults the deputies, 
169 ; banishes Beda, 173 ; sends 
ambassadors to conference of Bo- 
logna, 189, 194 ; aims at alliance 
with Henry VIII. and the pope, 
196; consequences of his scheme, 
196 ; sends special ambassador to 
Bologna, 196 ; proposes marriage 
of Henry duke of Orleans with 
Catherine de' Medici, 197 ; claims 
an Italian state, 197 ; hesitation, 
204, 205 ; sends the pope full pow- 
ers for the contract, 205 ; his policy, 
209 ; proposes a lay council, 209 ; 
a meeting with Clement arranged, 
217 ; silences iVIontmorency accus- 
ing Margaret, 236 ; orders inquiry 
on the decision of the Sorbonne, 
239 ; meets Clement VII. at Mar- 
seilles, 256 ; his demands, 258 ; at 
marriage of his son with Catherine 
de' Medici, 260; orders persecution 
of heretics, 262 ; intrigues with 
Protestants, 263 ; holds a council 
at Avignon, 285 ; his policy in Ger- 
many, 288 ; goes to Bar-le-Duc, 
294 ; invites Philip of Hesse to a 
conference, 298 ; discusses affairs 
of Germany, 299 ; desires to see 
Melanchthon, 300; concludes treaty 


with Philip, 301 ; returns to Paris, 
309 ; refuses to burn Roussel and 
others, 310 ; imprisons Beda, 311 ; 
vacillation 311 ; sets free the 
preachers, 312 ; quotes Scripture, 
329 ; co-operates with Bucer and 
Du Bellay, 329 ; gives audience to 
waywode of Wallachia, 330 ; re- 
ceives news of Philip's victory, 
337 ; sends Clielius to Germany, 
346 ; receives memoirs of German 
doctors, 351 ; holds conferences in 
the Louvre, 352 ; approves Melanch- 
thon's views, 373; sends envoy to 
Germany and confesses his mis- 
takes, 374 ; orders French version of 
reformers' opinions, 377 ; his tactics, 
380; dill'erence between him and 
Henry VHI., 391 ; leans towards the 
Reformation, 393 ; supports de- 
mands of Savoy against Geneva, 520 

— , steps towards reformation, iii. 
79; a 'placard' on his door, 125; 
his exasperal ion, 126 ; orders search 
for evangelicals, 127 ; returns to 
Paris, 133 ; harsh towards Mar- 
garet, 136 ; recalls her to Paris, 
137 ; interview with her preacliers, 
139 ; pardons them, ] 48 ; orders 
procession of relics, 150 ; his peni- 
tence, 154 ; his .<?peech, 158 ; present 
at torture and death of martyrs, 
163, 164, 165 ; orders extirpation of 
Lutherans, 167 ; abolishes printing, 
167 ; his motives, 171 ; writes to 
German princes, 175 ; illusions about 
him, 199 ; Calvin's letter to, 217 

-, inclines towards Eome, iv. 166, 
212, 214 ; meeting with Clement 
VII., 215 ; conference with Eng- 
lish envoys, 215 ; conversation with 
the pope, 221 ; their accord, 223 ; 
attempts mediation between Eng- 
land and the pope, 227 ; at Pa- 
via, 413 ; appeal of Bernese to, in 
behalf of Maisonneuve and Janin, 
414 ; liberates them, 421 ; his let- 
ter to the syndics of Geneva, 421 ; 
447, 448, 449 ; writes to German 
princes, 451 ; 455, 456 ; inclines 
to reform, 459 ; invites Melanch- 
thon to Prance, 460 ; his letter to 
Melanchthon, 406 ; his sincerity 
questionable, 467 ; publishes am- 
nesty, 473 ; instructs Cardinal dn 
Bellay, 473 ; proposes a conference 
between Catholics and reformers, 
474 ; gives up the scheme, 476 • 


H H 




his political designs, 50i ; proposes 
to write to Elector of Saxony, 505 ; 
his views o£ reformation set forth 
by Du Bellay at Smalcalde, 511 
sqq.; plays two parts, .519 ; his an- 
ger at Garneseochi, 608 

— , proposes interview with Henry 
VIII., V. 24 ; sends embassy to him, 
67, 88 ; accepts alliance of Charles 
v., 133 ; proposes crusade against 
Henry, 1 34 ; prepares for war with 
the emperor, 136 ; secretly aids 
Geneva, 420, 425 ; resolves to in- 
vade Savoy and the Milanese, 442 

■ — , refuses to deliver up Cardinal Pole 
to Henry VIII., viii. 181 ; expels 
Pole from France, 181 ; opposes mar- 
riage of Henry VIII. with duchess 
of Milan, 210 ; proposes marriage 
of Henry of Orleans with Princess 
Mary of England, 212 ; authorises 
printing and importation of Bibles 
by Grafton, 213 ; rejoices at Crom- 
well's fall, 254 ; and at persecution 
of Protestants in London, 282 ; pre- 
texts of Henry VIII. for war with, 
322 ; concludes peace with Charles 
v., 324 

Fraiuus, bishop of Geneva, i. 27, 34, 

Frarioiscans, at Geneva, i. 58 ; com- 
pared with Dominicans, iv. 316 

Fiungipani, Francisco, vii. 451, 468 

Frankfurt, Protestant deputies at, 
ii. 129; assembly of Protestant 
Princes at, v. 138 ; Conference of 
theologians ai, vi. 562 s^q. \ be- 
ginning of reformation at, viii. 383 

Fredencli, duke of Holstein, forms 
alliance with Liibeck against 
Christian II., vii. 166 y his charac- 
ter, 172; a canon of Cologne, re- 
signs the canonry, 173 ; accepts 
crown of Denmark, 174 ; promises 
not to tolerate Lutherans, 1 71 ; re- 
solves to maintain impartiality, 
175 ; his edict of toleration, 1 77 ; 
his son Christian in Germany, 180, 
181 ; enters Copenhagen, 182 ; pro- 
fesses Lntheranism, 182 ; his coro- 
nation, 188 ; liberates Jansen, 190 ; 
convokes diet at Odensee, 198 ; his 
speech, 198-200; by his ordinance 
establishes freedom of conscience, 
201 ; assembles a conference of the 
bishops and the Lutherans, 209 ; 
prohibils preaching of the Luther- 
ans, withdraws the prohibition. 


211; his impartiality, 222, 224 ; 
allies himself with German princes, 
224 ; assembles army and fleet, 
227 ; imprisons Christian II., 232 ; 
his death, 235 ; his character and 
his family, 236 

Fredericlt tlie Wise, i. 545,- his reply 
to the king of Hungary, vii. 426 

Fregom, archbishop of Salerno, made 
cardinal, iv. 622 

Frihv/rij, citizenship of, granted to 
Genevese patriots, i. 49 ; envoys 
of, at Geneva, protect Berthelier, 
112; another deputation to Geneva, 
117 ; indignation at refusal of 
safe-conduct for Berthelier, 117 ; 
Genevese embassy to, demands 
alliance, 190 ; otier of alliance ac- 
cepted by Geneva, 200, 201 ; the 
duke of Savoy tries to break the 
alliance, 205 ; disturbances, 205 ; 
Fabri sent to Geneva, 208 ; the 
alliance confirmed, 210 ; the canons 
of Geneva declare against it, 215 ; 
deputation sent to Geneva, 230 ; 
alliance renounced by Mamelukes, 
243 ; sends army to Geneva, 244 : 
message to the duke, 245 ; protects 
and receives fugitive patriots of 
Geneva, 366 ; promises help, 371 ; 
embassy to Geneva, 376 ; arrival of 
wives and children of exiles, 379, 
380; alliance with Berne and 
Geneva, 407 ; departure of Genevese 
exiles, 408 ; 410, 415, 416, 419, 420 ; 
ii. 520, 522, 534, 540, 654, 558, 559, 
564, 577, 589 ; asks help of Geneva, 
589 ; outrages of Friburgers at Ge- 
neva, 593 ; demands renunciation of 
alliance, 599 ; alliance maintained, 
601 ; complains of Lutheran pro- 
ceedings, 622 ; joint-suzerain of 
Orbe, iii. 243 ; deputation from 
Orbe to, 252 ; orders liberation of 
priests, 274 ; with Berne publishes 
first act of religious liberty in 
Switzerland, 291 ; sends embassy 
with threats to Geneva, 424 ; 
mediation of Fribm-g merchants 
between Catholics and Lutherans, 
470 ; urges bishop of Geneva to 
return, 508 ; demands satisfaction 
for Wernli's death, 513 ; deputies 
of, attend the bishop on his return, 
518 ; rumours of intervention at 
Geneva, 636 ; the deputies demand 
justice for Wernli's death, 53" ; 
support episcopal citation, 543, 




545 ; iv. 297 ; renounces alliance 
with Geneva, 332 

Friesland, religious condition of, vii. 
557 ; a battle-field of religious 
parties, 558 ; Countess Anna, 563, 
566 ; John of Palkenberg, 566 ; 
Countess Anna's reply to Alasco, 
569 ; suppression of Eomanism, 
570 ; disorders, 576 

Proieniiis, iv. 522 

Froment. Christian Anthony, iii. 
356 ; urged by Farel to go to 
Geneva, 357 ; 370, 373 ; goes to 
Geneva, 374 ; coldly received, 375 ; 
departs but returns, 376 ; advertises 
his school, 377 ; his proceedings, 
378 ; success, 379 ; alarm, 381, 382 ; 
conversion of Claudine Levet, 386 ; 
disputation with Pellier, 397 ; ends 
with a riot, 398 ; advised not to 
preach, 401 ; preaches at the Mo- 
lard, 405 ; forbidden by sjTidics, 
continues, 410 ; interrupted by 
armed priests, rescued by Bernard, 
416 ; attempted concealment, 417 ; 
employed as a servant, 417, 420 ; 
attacked and rescued, 421 ; goes to 
Yvonand, 422 ; results of his labours 
at Geneva, 422 ; returns to Geneva, 
iv. 251 ; attempts to arrest him, 
254 ; refutes Furbity, 262 ; assailed 
in the church, rescued by Jlaison- 
neuve, 262 sq. ; leaves Geneva, 
265 ; returns, 276 ; at the tourna- 
ment, 279 ; at first evangelical 
Pentecost, 363 ; 423 ; attempt to 
poison him by Antonia Vax, v. 
288 ; at the disputation, v. 315 

' Frondeur,' 3,n unhappy, ii. 117; at 
atrasburg, 118 ; returns to France, 
118 ; received by Calvin, 119 

Fnjth, John, sought for by Henry 
VIII., iv. 76 ; married, 76 ; account 
of him, 180; his true Catholicism, 
181 ; assists Tyndale, 182 ; returns 
from the Low Countries, 182 ; his 
reply to More and others on pur- 
gatory, 182 ; in the stocks at Read- 
ing, 183 ; liberated, goes to London, 
184 ; his doctrine of the Lord's 
Supper written down, 185 ; a copy 
treacherously taken to the Chan- 
cellor, 185 ; leaves London, 185 ; 
Tyndale 's letter to, 186 ; hunted 
by More, 187 ; arrested, 188 ; reads 
More's reply to him, 189 ; writes 
the. Bnhvnrli, 190; other labours in 
prison, 191 ; some liberty allowed 


him, 192 ; visits Petit, 192 ; the 
bishops bent on his death, 194 ; 
ordered for trial, 195 ; his judges, 
195 ; taken by Cranmer's messen- 
gers to Lambeth, 198 ; will not 
step backwards, 199, 200; the 
scheme for his escape, 201 ; refuses 
to escape, 203 ; his trial at Croydon, 
205 ; his view of the sacrament, 
205 ; again sent to the Tower, 206 ; 
his cause transferred to bishop 
of London, 206 ; sentenced to 
death, 207 ; in Newgate, 207 ; 
burnt at Smithfield, 208 ; influence 
of his writings, 209 ; v. 39 

Funeral Prooesswn of the Papacy, at 
Geneva, ii. 402 

Furbiti/, Guy, Dominican, sent to 
Geneva, iv. 257 ; preaches in the 
Cathedral, 258 ; challenges Luther- 
ans, 261 ; answered by Froment, 
262 ; tumult in the church, 262 
sq. ; eulogizes St. Thomas of Can- 
terbury, 267 ; watched by city 
guards, 273 ; prevented from 
lea-idng Geneva, 274 ; appears 
before the council, will not speak, 
279, 280 ; his trial demanded by 
Bernese, 282 ; colloquy with 
Diesbach, 283 ; disputation with 
Farel, 286 sq. ; visits Pennet in 
prison, 309 ; summoned before the 
coimcil, 313 ; his apologies in the 
Cathedral, 315 ; violently assailed 
and again imprisoned, 315 ; his 
release requested by Francis I., 
424 ; liberated, 425 ; declines to 
take part in disputation, v. 312, 
314 ; liberated, 476 

GABRIEL DUXE, Gardiner's agent 
against Tyndale, v. 40 sq. 

Gaillard, Castle of, Duke Charles 
III. at, i. 229 

Oallc, Peter, champion of the papacy 
against Olaf Petersen, vii. 835 ; 
discussion with Olaf at Westeraas, 

Gallicaa Libe7-ties, ii. 326, 328, 380 

Gamiara, nuncio, ii. 190 

Gardiner, Stephen, deputed to obtain 
opinion of Cambridge university 
on the king's divorce, iv. 37, 40, 
41 ; made bishop of Winchester, 
94 ; his interviews with Fryth in 
the Tower, 189 ; one of Fryth's ex- 
aminers 195; envoy to Marseilles, 

H H 2 




215 ; jealousy of Bonner, 216 ; re- 
solves on death of Tyndale, v. 40 ; 
his agents, Philips and Gabriel, 41, 
57 ; opposes translation of the 
Bible, 64 ; opposes visitation by 
Cranmer, 67 ; opposes alliance with 
German Protestants, 130 ; his reply 
to Pole, 208 ; his policy, his embassy 
to France, viii. 191 ; complains to 
Granvella of calumnies about him- 
self, 192; his entry into London, 
192 ; urges the king to persecution 
of heretics, 193 ; his secret confer- 
ences with other bishops, 194 ; in- 
stigates prosecution of Lambert, 
200 ; at his trial, 205, 224 ; preaches 
at Paul's Cross instead of Barnes, 
243 ; brings subject of the king's 
divorce before Convocation, 278 ; 
reads the Judgment, 279 ; intro- 
duces Catherine Howard to the 
king, 283 ; sent with Norfolk to 
examine the queen on charges 
made against her, 301 ; his argu- 
ment for keeping Latin words in 
English Bible, 309 ; takes part in 
plot against Cranmer, 317 ; perse- 
cutes evangelicals of Oxford, 319 
sqq. ; examines Anne Askew, 335 ; 
gets royal proclamation issued 
against New Testament and many 
religions books, 337, 345, 346 ; in- 
stigates Henry against the queen, 
347, 348 ; intrigues against her, 
849 ; with Wriothesley, draws up 
indictment against her, 350 ; in 
disgrace, appeals to the king, 360 ; 
excluded from number of the 
king's executors and from the 
council of regency, 360 

Garret, evangelical preacher, viii. 
243 ; preaches at Paul's Cross, 244 ; 
reprimanded by the king, 245 ; 
committed to the Tower, 246 ; 
burnt at Smithfield, 272-275 

Gaudet, Pierre, iv. 365 ; settles at 

• Geneva, v. 279 ; sets off for Gex, 

279; seized and taken to Peney, 

280 ; tortured, 281 ; his death, 282 

Oaudri, Bishop of Laon, slain, ii. 

Gazzini, Pietro, Bishop of Aosta, ii. 
490 ; commissioned to seek help of 
the pope for Duke of 8avoy, 524 ; 
his opposition to the Lutherans, v. 
524, 526 

GecJi-ii, Jan van, ' Spiritual,' excites 
revolt in Holland, attempts sur- I 


prise of Amsterdam, viii, 422 ; fate 
of his followers, 422 
Genera, centre of Keformation, i. 1 ; 
characteristics of the movement, 

2 ; importance of political element, 

3 ; great things to be studied in 
small at, 9 ; Eoman, German, 
Christian influences combined, 10 ; 
Burgundian conquests, 11; the gos- 
pel first brought to, 12 ; its first 
bishop, 13; early history and liber- 
ties, 14 ; Charlemagne at, 15 ; the 
Counts of, 15 ; their castles and 
mode of life, 16 ; growth of power 
of the bishops, 16 ; the first prince- 
bishop, 17 ; coveted by House of 
Savoy, 18 ; seizure of the castle by 
Peter of Savoy, 21 ; placed under 
his guardianship, 21 ; attempt of 
Amadeus V., 22 ; the vidamy, 23 ; 
rectors of the city elected, 24 ; at- 
tempt of Amadeus VHI., 25 ; visit 
of Pope Martin Y., 25 ; the fair 
transferred to Lyons, 38 ; sur- 
rounded by states of Savoy, 35 ; 
renovation preparing, 37 ; excite- 
ment at, about death of bishop 
Charles de Seyssel, 39, 40, 41 ; en- 
try of the Bastard of Savor, 50; 
settlement of Savoyards in, 55 ; 
given to Savoy by Leo X., 66 ; ex- 
citement and opposition, 67 ; con- 
sent of cardinals refused, the bull 
recalled, 69 ; corruption fostered 
by Philibert the Fair, 77 ; assembly 
of patriots, 92 ; terror caused by 
torture and death of Pecolat, 110 ; 
peril, 114 ; Swiss alliance sought, 
115 ; excommunication riot, 141 ; 
plot of the duke, the bishop, and 
the count, 149 ; agitation caused 
by deaths of Blanchet and Navis, 
168 sqq. ; meeting of the council, 

172 ; embassy to Duke of Savoy, 

173 ; critical position of the Re- 
public, 175 ; another embassy to 
the duke and the bishop, ITS ; con- 
sultation of patriots, 181 ; rejec- 
tion of sealed letter from the 
bishop, 186 ; the Great Council, 
186 ; conflict of ecclesiastical and 
secular society in, 188 ; fruitless 
debate on Swiss alliance, 191 ; ex- 
citement, 192 ; reception of ducal 
embassy, 197 ; Swiss alliance car- 
ried, 201 : election of Huguenot 
syndics, 201 ; Marmaduke organi- 
zation, 203 ; the canons in danger, 




216; surrounded by ducal army, 
220 ; insolent ducal embassy, 221 ; 
ordered by Swiss Diet to receive 
the duke, 222 ; summoned by 
Charles IH., 223, 224 ; reply of the 
Syndics, 225 ; preparations for war, 
226; a truce, 231; attack of the 
duke frustrated, 232 ; entered by 
the duke, 236 ; distribution of his 
army, 237 ; conquered, 239 ; pil- 
laged, 2iO ; Friburg army at, 244 ; 
the plague, 247 ; entered by the 
bishop, 254 ; Mameluke reaction 
at, 271 ; restriction of liberties, 
276 ; the decrees revoked, 278 ; 
Huguenots recover their liberties, 
280 ; papal citation, 282 ; proces- 
sion organised by priests, 284 ; 
Pierre de la Baume, prince bishop, 
291 ; time of depression, 294 ; 
vanity of the Genevese, 296 ; en- 
try of the duke and duchess, 297 ; 
' mystery ' performed, 300 ; seem- 
ing success of Savoyard seductions, 
303 ; New Testament introduced, 
304 ; quarrels with Savoyards, 312 ; 
corruption and disorders, 316, 317 ; 
agitation caused by seizure of Lev- 
rier, 333 ; indignation at his exe- 
cution, 342 ; departure of the duke, 
343 ; vengeance of Savoyard council 
for assault on Boulet, 348, 349 ; 
election of Huguenot syndics, 353 ; 
appeal of Council to the pope 
against Savoy, 354 ; the delegates 
stopped by the duke, 357 ; appeal 
withdrawn, 359 ; the ducal «rmy 
near, 860 ; enters, 362 ; exodus of 
patriots, 363 ; entered by Charl«s, 
374 ; about to surrender indepen- 
dence, 375 ; Swiss embassy to, 376 ; 
departure of wives and children of 
exiles, 379 ; ' council of halberds,' 
384 ; departure of the duke, 388 ; 
mission of LuUin, 389 ; justification 
of the fugitives, 391 itq^g-; return 
of the bishop, 397 ; -election of 
Huguenot syndics, 401 sqq. ; old 
constitution restored, 403 ; Swiss 
alliance concluded, 407 ; return of 
exiles, 408 ; Council, 409 ; General 
Council, 412 «jj. ; gleams of re- 
formation, 416; conspiracy of 
canons, 417 ; flight of iMamelukes, 
418 ; Swiss embassy, 419 ; alliance 
sworn, 420 ; rejoicings, 421 
-, the new sitiiation, ii. 400 ; the 
castle.s, 401 ; traders, 402 ; measures 


of defence, 406 ; deputation to 
Berne, 407 ; immoralities, 423 ; pro- 
ject of the duke against, 429 ; warn- 
ings, 430; deli\ered from the canons, 
433, 434 ; the bishop made a citizen, 
436 ; civil jurisdiction conceded, 
437 ; new party forms, 443 ; im- 
morality attacked, 445 ; claim and 
threats of the duke, 449 ; flight of 
the bishop, 452 ; constitution 
foiTued, 458 ; fall of the ducal 
arms, 459 ; excommunication and 
interdict pronounced against, 460 ; 
papal letters prohibited, 461 ; 
funeral procession of the papacy, 
462 ; bids the duke mind his own 
business, 466 ; assailed by ' gentle- 
men of the Spoon,' 476 ; civil juris- 
diction revoked, 484 ; menaced by 
the bishop, 485 ; reply to his 
envoys, 486 ; the messenger of the 
council insulted, 488 ; intrigues in 
the convents, 493 ; arrival and de- 
parture of auxiliary troops, 496 ; 
insolence and death of Pontverre, 
501 sjj. ; a Genevan crucified, 510 ; 
'Day of the Ladders,' 511, 512; 
embassies from the Swiss and from 
Savoy, 520 ; will not give up Swiss 
alliance, 522 ; defies the emperor, 
527 ; emperor and pope imite 
against, 528 ; war begun by duke 
and bishop, 555 ; march of allies 
on, 556 sq. ; still a Catholic city, 
557'; blockaded, 559; skirmishes, 
560 ; night attack, 561 ; retreat of 
Savoyards, 563 ; arrival of Swiss 
troops, 565 sqq. ; preachings in the 
cathedral, 569 sqq. ; truce of St. 
Julien, 572 ; declines intervention 
of the emperor, 575 ; another attack 
threatened and frustrated, 576, 
577 ; Diet of Payerne, 577 ; a pil- 
grimage to St. Claire resisted, 579 ; 
another allowed, 580 ; ' de Christo 
meditare,' 583 ; agrees to help 
Berne and Friburg, 590 ; again 
threatened by the -d-uke, 591 ; 
election of Catholics, struggles, 
593 ; threatened by the duke, 594 ; 
Swiss alliance adhered to, 696 ; 
withdrawal of ducal army, 597 ; 
preparation by suiferings and dan- 
gers, 597 .«</(/. ; Swiss alliance 
cancelled by patricians, 699 ; but 
maintained by citizens of Berne, 
601 ; cession of, to son of the duke 
proposed, 603 ; agitation about the 




General Pardon posted up by 
Lntherans, 619 sqg[. ; Friburg em- 
bassy and threats, 622 ; placards 
and preacbing prohibited, 623 ; 
first official act in favour of reforma- 
tion, 624 ; letter from archbishop 
to the syndics, 625 ; standard of 
the Gospel raised, 630 ; conflict of 
two parties, 631 sqq^. 

-, saves Eirrope, iii. 236 ; Farel's ar- 
rival at, 328 ; progress of reforma- 
tion, 389, 393 ; tumult, 898, 899 ; 
Froment's sermon at the Molard, 
priests in arms, 405, 416 ; balance 
of parties, 423 ; agitation against 
Lutherans, 440 ; conspiracy, 442 ; 
both parties armed, 445 ; disturb- 
ance in the cathedral, 446 ; Catholic 
preparations to fight, 449 ; the corps 
formed, 451 ; musteringof the corps, 
453 ; distresses in the homes, 456, 
457 ; the Huguenots on the defen- 
sive, 467 ; bloodshed prevented, 
469 ; mediation of Friburgers, 470 ; 
peace proclaimed, 474; articles of 
peace, 476; disquietude, 480 ; holi- 
day evening and a brawl, 491 ; the 
tocsin, 495 ; fight in the Molard, 
498 sqq. ; the bishop invited to re- 
turn, 511; his entrance, 519; a 
general council, 521 ; the Charters 
consulted, 523 ; episcopal proscrip- 
tions, 526 ; deputation of elders to 
the bishop, 540 ; resolution of the 
Sixty, 543; of the Two Hundred, 
545 ; gathering perils, 551 

-, the part of Geneva in the Reforma- 
tion, iv. 287; agitation about Lu- 
theran prisoners, 240 ; the bishop's 
final departure, 247 ; evangelical 
preaching authorised by the Coun- 
cil, 253 ; plot of the Catholics, 
271, 272 ; both parties in arms, 
275 ; Bernese embassy to, 276; the 
tournament, 279 sqq. ; the bishqp's 
C(mp d'etat, 207; assassinations and 
tumult, 299 sqq. ; the bishop's 
palace searched, 303 ; the cathe- 
dral searched, 305 ; four Hupnenot 
syndics, 311 ; Savoyard procession 
forbidden to enter, 359 ; another 
enters and is driven out, 359 sq ; 
image-breaking, 361 ; Whitsuntide 
procession, 365 ; -embassy from 
France, 375 ; Feast of Coipus 
iJhristi, 391 ; rumours of attack by 
bishop and duke, H95 .vj. ; pre- 
parations, 397; plans of the in- 


vaders, 398 ; advance on the city' 
400 ; treachery within, 400 ; a 
warning, 401 ; called to arms, 402 ; 
retreat of the Savoyards, 405 ; 
vigilance, 407 ; city and suburbs 
described, 415 ; destruction of 
suburbs ordered, 416, 419 ; opposi- 
tion of Catholics, 420 ; the houses 
razed, lamentations, 429, 430 ; ram- 
parts built, 431 ; the see removed 
to Gex, 435 ; excommunications by 
the bishop, 436 ; appeal to the pope, 
437 ; prepares for defence, 440 
-, three parties to uphold the Refor- 
mation, V. 272 ; Huguenot magis- 
trates elected, 273 ; a monk allowed 
to preach the Gospel, 275 ; riot of 
women in the church, 277 ; plots 
of Roman Catholics, 285 ; a dis- 
putation announced, 800 ; refusal 
of the papists, 301 ; the debate, 
310 sqq. ; its effect, 322 ; trade or 
intercourse with Geneva forbidden 
by the bishop, 317 ; misery in the 
city, 325 ; Farel at the Cathedral, 
32.1 sqq. ; forbidden to preach there, 
332 ; images broken, 335 ; cam- 
paign against idols, 339 sqq. ; mass 
suppressed, church property confis- 
cated, 347 ; the moriks dumb before 
the Council, 351 ; flight of papists, 
352 ; hospital and school foimded, 
368 ; mendicity abolished, 363 ; end 
of Romanism, 365 ; proclaimed as 
infected by duke of Savoy, 368 ; 
skirmishes and alarms, 369 ; re- 
fuses to erpel heresy and restore 
the bishop, 372 ; news of battle of 
<Jlngins, 405 ; stoiTning of con- 
vent of St. Jean, 417; blockaded, 
419; assault repulsed, 419; coins 
money, 421 ; refuses a truce, 
425 ; the troops partly withdrawn, 
425 ; rejects offer of French pro- 
tectorate, 427; attack on the church 
of our Lady of Grace repulsed by 
Jess6, 428, 429 ; night attacks by 
Savoyards, 430, 481 ; the war of 
Cologiiy, 431 ; famine, 439 ; Bernese 
help promised, 439 ; entrance of 
Xagueli and the Bernese army, 
452 ; the castles bvurnt, 457, 458 ; 
rejects sovereignty of Berne, 464 ; 
attack on Chillon, 466 sq.; evange- 
lisation of the town and the coun- 
try, 472, 473 ; difficulties with the 
priests, 475; morals in the city, 
47 7 ; i!;e General Confession (21st 




May), 481 sqti. ; return of refugees, 
486 ; toleration, 486, 487 ; action 
of the Government in religious 
affairs, 544 
-, importance of the services of Ge- 
neva to freedom and religion, vi. 
261, 262, 263; arrival of Calvin, 
263 ; church discipline before his 
time, 267 ; long preparation of the 
Genevese for triumph of the Refor- 
mation, 269, 270 ; conference of pas- 
tors at, 326, 327 ; Calvin's Confession 
of faith adopted, 840 ; his articles on 
order and discipline allowed, 345 ; 
measures of the council, 347, 348; 
Convocation of the people, the Con- 
fession adopted, 350; but refused by 
many: discipline by the state, 355 ; 
description of the city, 355, 356 ; 
parties at, 399 ; the Confession 
sworn to, 402 sc[. ; resistance of 
the Huguenots, 402 sq^. ; a general 
Council, 407 ; the remonstrance, 
407, 408 ; confusion, 410 ; deputa- 
tion to Berne, 416 ; refusal of the 
council to exclude any from the 
Supper, 423 ; disorders, 423, 424 ; 
two parties in the republic, 427 ; 
election of syndics, 429, 430 ; vic- 
tory of the opposition, 430; pro- 
clamation against disorders, 431 ; 
refuses to entertain project of sub- 
mission to France, 432 ; confusion 
of church and state at, 434, 435 ; 
Bernese usages adopted, 451.; dis- 
turbances, 453 ; confusion, 461 sgq. ; 
Easter Sunday 1538, 471; banish- 
ment of the reformers decreed, 
480, 484 ; dismay at their departure, 
491 ; licentiousness of the vulgar, 
492; the new pastors, 493; replyto 
Bernese letter, 499 ; resistance to 
return of Farel and Calvin, 514 ; 
Bernese delegates received, 515; 
vote of banishment of the ref oAi ers 
by general council, 522 ; the cere- 
monies established, 634 ; new pas- 
tors, 534, 535; party strife, 536; 
disorders, 638 ; despotism, 563, 
554 ; the rector and regents of the 
College banished, 556 ; election of 
new syndics, 560 ; suppression of 
disorders, 561; letter from Sadoleto 
received by the 'Council, 672 ; effect 
of Calvin's reply to it, 591, 695 ; 
Catholic priests before the Council, 
596, 597; dispute about treaty with 
Berne, 610 ; a new treaty signed, 


611; quarrel about it, 612, 613; 
summoned by Berne to a trial at 
Lausanne, the treaty rejected by 
general Council, 614 ; judgment 
against Genevese delivered at 
Lausanne, 615; a general recon- 
ciliation, 615 ; agitation about the 
quarrel with Berne, 616 ; flight of 
the Articulants, 617 ; a riot, 620 ; 
fate of the Articulants, 624, 625 

— , proceedings for recall of Calvin, 
vii. 6 ; letter of the Council, 9 ; 
edict of expulsion of the reformers 
revoked, 62 ; letters of the Syndics 
to Zurich, Basel and Strasburg, 62 
Bqg. ; value of these documents, 
55 ; preparations for reception of 
Calvin, 61 ; a day of humiliation, 
71, 72 ; the ' Ordinances ' consi- 
dered by the Council, 74, 75 ; 
adopted, 76, 77 ; Geneva to be 
made an ecclesiastical fortress, 79 ; 
the name of Jesus engraved on the 
gates, 93 ; relation of church and 
state at, 94 sqci- ; state of men's 
minds at, 119; new pastors, 131; 
moral change, 137 

George, Duke of Anhalt, his birth and 
early life, viii. 389 ; his adherence 
to Rome, 390 ; searches the Scrip- 
tures, 390 ; inquiry and perplexity, 
391 ; reads Luther, 392 ; gains over 
his brothers to his views, 393 ; 
exercises episcopal authority, 394 

GersjO, castle of, iii. 17 sciq. 

German jEwooys in England, viii. 185 
sqq. .; their long stay, fruitless dis- 
cussions, 187 ; ttieir view, 188 ; 
leave England, 189 

GerTnan Protestant Princes send en- 
voy to Francis I. ii. 95 ; envoy sent 
to, 96 ; proposal for union of 
France with, 285 ; English em- 
bassy to, V. 128 ; attempt at al- 
liance renewed, 136, 137 ; assembly 
at Frankfort, 138 ; embassy to 
Henry VHI. 138; renounce his 
alliance, 200 ; send envoys lo 
Henry VIII., viii. 185 ; discussion 
at Lambeth, 186 

Germans, The, papal treatment of, i. 

Germany, affairs in, ii. 127 sqq. ; pea- 
sant revolt in, compared witli Pil- 
grimage of Grace, v. 243 

Gex, meeting of- duke of Savoy and 
bishop of Geneva at, ii. 554, 665 

Ghent, the Ref onnation at, vii. 665 sqq. 




Ghinucci, deprived of see of "Wor- 
cester, iv. 232 
' Glwgt of Lyom,' i. 548 

Criierto, Giovanni Matteo, bishop of 
Terona, iv. 611, 616 

Gingim, Aimi de, ^ibbotof Bonmont, 
i. il ; elected bishop of Geneva, 
42 ; set aside by the Pope, 47 
pensioned by the Bastard, 53, 213, 
216, 217, 229 ; ii. 547, 548, 624 
episcopal council at his house, iii. 
339 ; presides nt examination of 
Farel, 344, 348, 475 ; armed gather- 
ing at his house, 493 ; v. 301 ; flies 
from Geneva, 361 ; discovered by 
the Bernese at Divonne, ransoms 
himself, 451 

Gingim, Francis de, lord of Divonne, 
a,ccount of, v, 449, 450 ; a ransom 
exacted from him by the Bernese, 

Gingins, battle of, v. 391 sq. ; effect 
of it, 416 

Giraldi, Lilio, iv. 547 

Girard, Aime, deputy to bishop of 
Geneva, i. 351, 363, 370; ii. 488, 
491, 504 

Gjoe, Heirry, holds Copenhagen for 
Christian II., vii. 182 ; capitulates 
to Frederick, 182 

Gjoe, Magnus, councillor of Den- 
mark, embraces the Eeformation, 
vii. 182 ; head of reform party, 
201 ; his speech at the electoral 
diet, 240 ; refuses to sign the com- 
pact, 241 ; in Jutland, 254 ; urges 
election of Christian IH. 255 ; an- 
nounces to him his election, 258 

GjiJe, Brigitta, vii. 248 

Gldreatuis, his intercourse with 
Alasco, vii. 536, 537 

GnapTieia, "William, vii. 609 ; takes 
part in translating Xew Testament, 
610 ; arrested and imprisoned, 611 ; 
liberated, 611 ; again arrested, 
632 ; his TuMas and Lazarus, 632 

Goch, Jan van, vii. 58S, 599 

Golden Bull, The, read at Geneva, ii. 

Goldenhauer, Gerhard, preaches in 
Guelderland, vii. 639 ; goes to 
Strasburg, 641 ; Professor of Theo- 
logy, Marburg, 641 

Gonin, Martin, Waldensian deputy to 
Granson, iii. 300, 301, 356, 360, 361 

Gmizitiin. Giulia di, among friends of 
Valdez, iv. 595 ; BarlmroSia's at- 


tempt to carry her ofE, 596 ; her 
religious struggles, 599 ; conversa- 
tions with Valdez, 600 sq. 

Gosseau, Jacques, vii. 671, 694 

Gostivieli, Sir John, accuses Cranmer, 
viii. 293 ; the king's menace to him, 

Gathus, Lawrence, appointed arch- 
bishop of TTpsala, vii. 407 

Gottschanien, Oddur, vii. 275, 276 ; 
secretary to CEgmund, 276 ; trans- 
lates the Xew Testament, 277 ; his 
translation printed, 278 

Gaulaz, Jean, takes part in posting 
up General Pardon at Geneva, ii. 
61 8 ; afEray with a canon, 621 ; 
fined, 623; visits Farel, iii. 332, 
354, 375 ; supports Froment, 381, 
446 ; vrith Porral charged to main- 
tain good morals in the city, vi. 
345 ; renounces citizenship of Ge- 
neva, and is imprisoned, 560 ; assists 
Calvin in preparing constitution of 
a church, vii. 68 

Gam-laij, Norman, condemned and 
burnt with Straiton, vi. 114 

Grafton, Richard, asks permission to 
seU Tyndale's Bible, v. 266 ; inter- 
view with Cranmer, 266 ; with 
"Whitchurch, authorised by Francis 
I. to print and import the Bible 
into France, viii. 213 ; vrith Cover- 
dale goes to Paris, 213 ; their diffi- 
culties, 214 ; the printing stopped 
by the Inquisition, 214 ; and com- 
pleted in London, 215 ; cited before 
the Council, 287 ; saved by inter- 
vention of "Wriothesley, 287 

GraTiam, Patrick, primate of Scot- 
land, deprived and imprisoned for 
life, vi. 6 

Gramont, Cardinal de, ambassador to 
Clement Vn. ii. 140 ; to Conference 
of Bologna, 189 ; characterized, 
194 \Tmirnon~\ 

Gramont, De, Bishop of Tarbes, am- 
bassador to the emperor, iv. 31 ; 
confers with Earl of "Wiltshire, 34 

Gran, Archbishop of, cites evangelists 
of Hermanstadt before him, li. 
427 ; goes to Rome, 428 ; takes part 
in suppression of Lutheranism, 429 

Gratixon, battle of, iii. 281 ; the 
chm-ches opened to Farel by order of 
Berne, 284 ; a fray in the church, 286 

G^'anvella, Imperial chancellor, iii. 
314 ; gives to Bellegarde answer of 
the emperor to duke pf_ Savoy 




316 ; his relations with de Soto, 
viii. 80 ; orders arrest of Bnzinas, 89 

Grapliexis, Cornelius, account of, vii. 
6y9 ; seized by Inquisitors, 599 ; 
apologizes and is imprisoned, 600 ; 
retracts, 600 ; his property is con- 
fiscated, imprisoned for life, 601 ; 
his appeal fruitless, 601 

Greewmieh, tournament at, v. 161 sqq. 

Gregonns, Matthias, Bishop of Streng- 
naes, vii. 289 ; massacred at coro- 
nation of Christian II., 291 

Gregorxj., Father, orator of Eoman 
party at Conference of Bchassburg, 
vii. 469 sqq. 

Grimani, Marco, legate, sent to Scot- 
land, vi. 197 ; co-operates with 
Lennox, 198 

Gringalet and Levrat, monks, intrigue 
for duke of Savoy, ii. 492 ; banished 
from Geneva, 494, 495 

Grmat, George, precentor, iii. 269 ; 
preaches at Orbe, 270 

Groningen, reformers at, vii. 611 

Groot, Gerard, vii. 588 

Gros, Claude, his mule, i. 97, 98 ; 
mock auction, 99 ; his complaint 
before the vidame, 100 

Grynceus, Simon, his intercourse with 
Calvin at Basel, iii. 191, 199 ; con- 
demns divorce of Henry VIII,, iv. 
53 ; defends Bucer, vi. 387 ; takes 
part in the synod of Berne, 390 ; 
his letter to Calvin and Farel, 

526 ; receives Calvin into his house, 

527 ; his early life, vii. 422 ; pro- 
claims evangelical doctrines at 
Buda, 422 ; seized, imprisoned and 
banished, 431 ; Professor at Basel, 
431; viii. 173 

Gnarino, Francesco, sets out with 
Curione for Wittenberg, iv. 532 ; 
arrested, 533 

Guene, William, instigates persecu- 
tion at Brussels, vii. 692 

Giierin, iii. 422, 426, i30; presides 
at the Lord's Supper at Geneva, 
432; leaves Geneva, 432 

Guidaoerio, of Venice, publishes com- 
mentaries on Scripture, ii. 119 ; ac- 
cused by Beda, 307 

Guido, iii. 356, 360 sqq. 

Gidllanme, Thomas, named chaplain 
to Earl of Arran, vi. 184 ; outcry 
against him, 185 ; forbidden to 
preach, goes to England, 199 

Gvillet. M., i. 55 

Guiidebald, at Geneva, i. ]1, 12 


Gustavus Vasa, his birth and boy- 
hood, vii. 299 ; his first campaign, 
300 ; one of the hostages assigned 
to Christian II., taken prisoner and 
confined in Jutland, 300 ; escapes 
to Liibeck, pursued, 301 ; returns 
to Sweden and enters Calmar, 301; 
escapes to the mountain district, 
attempts to rouse the peasants, 
302 ; his wanderings, 302 sqq. ; his 
interview with archbishop Ulfsson, 
304 ; hears of the Stockholm mas- 
sacre, 304 ; in concealment in Dale- 
carlia, 305 ; recognised at Orna«s, 
307 ; received by Perssons, 307 ; 
denounced, escapes, 308 ; pursued 
and wounded, again escapes, 309 ; 
his appeal to the peasants, 310 ; pro- 
claimed captain of all the com- 
munes of Sweden, 311 ; growing 
success, 312 ; the Danish camp 
broken up by his followers, 312 ; 
takes possession of Westeraas, 312 ; 
besieges Stockholm, and takes it, 
313; convokes a diet at Strengnaes, 
313 ; proclaimed king there, 314 ; 
his interview with the reformers, 
315; his policy, 316 ; appoints An- 
derson chancellor, 316,' conversa- 
tions with him, 317 ; at Malmoe, 
arranges with Frederick the sepa- 
ration of the kingdoms, 319 ; re- 
fuses to persecute the Lutherans, 
320 ; appoints Magnus primate, 
320-; expels the iconoclasts, 326; 
makes a progress through the pro- 
vinces, 326 ; present at Olaf 's mar- 
riage, 327 ; bids the bishops trans- 
late the New Testament, 329 ; 
demands part of the tithes for 
state purposes, 330 ; at tJpsala on 
the Feast of St. Erick, 331 ; confers 
with the Chapter on church tem- 
poral power, 333 ; attends public 
disputation between Olaf and Peter 
Galle, 335 ; declaration of his pur- 
pose, 341 ; cites the primate before 
him, 342 ; resolves on reformation, 
343 ; convokes Diet at Westeraas, 
344 ; his speech and abdication, 
352, 353 ; in retirement, 354 ; re- 
ceives deputations from the Diet, 
357 ; returns to the Diet, 358 ; his 
requirements, 359 ; his victory, 362 ; 
suppresses revolt of the Dalecar- 
lians, 364 ; his coronation, 364 ; 
convokes a synod, 365 ; his politi- 
cal view of religion. 366; itnder- 




takes restoration of the schools, 
372 ; marries Catherine of Saxe- 
Lauenburg, 375 ; discovers and frus- 
trates scheme of alliance of Hanse 
Towns and Denmark against him, 
377 ; his ecclesiastical measnres, 
378 ; compared with Olaf, 379 ; his 
coolness towards Olaf, 380; rebuked 
by him, 381 ; marries a second time, 
382 ; his letter to the primate, 382 ; 
anger against Olaf and his brother, 
384 ; commands them to be brought 
to triaJ, 385 ,• compared with Henry 
Vni., 386; his claim to rule the 
Church, 388; absolute in church 
and state, 389; his rule of the 
church, 391 ; orders arrest of the 
bishop of Strengnaes, 392; excuses 
for severity, 393 ; declines to join 
the League of Smalcalde, 393 ; his 
speech on resigning the government 
to his son, 394, 395 ; last conversa- 
tions, 396 ; death, 397 ; grief over 
his sons, 397 

Guy Regis, Superior of Grey Friars, 
iii. 282, 283; contends with Farel 
and Viret, 284 

Cryldengtern, Count, his inters'iew 
with Tausen, vii. 207 

(ryldenstern, Knud, commander-in- 
chief of forces of Denmark, vii. 
227 ; receives submission of Chris- 
tian II., 228; his convention an- 
nulled, 230 

Gypsies, banished from England, iv. 

HA CKET, Sir John, at Brussels, iv. 

210; attempts to seize Tyndale's 

Kew Testaments in the ports of the 

Netherlands, vi. 29, 30 
Ealidon, battle of, vi. 164 
Haller, Berthold, invites Farel to 

Switzerland, i. 505 ;' ii. 534 ; v. 371, 

422 ; blesses the Bernese army, 

437 ; his death, vi. 387 
Hamburg, Congress at, CJerman 

mediation between Christian HI. 

and Liibeck, vii. 260; beginning 

of reformation at, viii. 386 ; church 

organized by Pomeranus, 386, 387 
Hamilton, made archbishop of St. 

Andrews after murder of Beatoun, 

vi. 256 
Hamilton, Catherine, her trial before 

the ecclesiastical court, vi. 115; 

leaves Scotland, 116- 


Hajmilton, James, Lord, detained by 
the Lesleys as a hostage, vi. 255 

Hamilton, John, of Linlithgow, ac- 
companies Patrick Hamilton to the 
Netherlands, vi. 34 

Hamilton, John, abbot of Paisley, 
arrives in Scotland, vi. 198 ; his in- 
fluence on the regent, 199 ; inter- 
views with Beatoun, 201 ; alarms 
the regent, 205 

Hamilton, Sir James, at Council at 
Edinburgh, demands reforms, vi. 
124 ; treasurer, charged to seize 
heretics, 152 ; imprisoned and put 
to death, 152 

Hamilton, Sir James, resolves to 
rescue his brother Patrick, vi. 64 ; 
is prevented, 65 ; cited before ec- 
clesiastical court, leaves Scotland, 
114; is condemned, excommuni- 
cated and deprived of his estates, 

Ha/milton, Sir Patrick, vi. 14 ; his 
great reputation, 15, 16 ; counsels 
peace, 18 ; slain in affray at Edin- 
burgh, 19 

Hamilton, Patrick, his birth and early 
life, vi. 14, 15 ; sent to Paris, 16 ; 
abbot of Feme, 16 ; becomes ac- 
quainted with Luther's writings, 
20 ; death of his father, 20 ; returns 
to Scotland, 20; enters University 
of St. Andrews, 23; refuses to 
enter on the monastic life, 23 ; 
begins to preach, 23 ; lays open the 
New Testament, 31 ; cited before 
Beatoun, 33; escapes to the Nether- 
lands, 34 ; arrives at Marburg, 36 ; 
visits Lambert of Avignon, 36, 37 ; 
member of the university of Mar- 
burg, 40; his evangelical theses, 
44 sq^g. ; sails for Scotland, 48 ; at 
Kincavil, 50 ; his zeal, 51 ; his 
brother and sister, 51 ; his minis- 
trations, 52, 53 ; preaches at Lin- 
lithgow, 53, 54; his marriage, 55; 
invited by I3eatoun to a conference, 
56; goes to the conference, 57; 
arows his principles, 58 ; his in- 
terviews with Alesius, 60 ; with 
Alexander Campbell, 61 ; cited to 
answer a chaige of heresy, 63 ; 
appears before the bishops, 60 .sjj. ; 
his doctrines declared heretical, 
69 ; an'ested and confiined in the 
castle of St. Andrews, 71 ; his trial 
in the Cathedral, 71 sqq. ; declared 
a heretic, 75 ; at the stake, 77-81 ; 




the effects of his martyrdom, 83, 
84, 85 

Haiue Towns, alliance of, with Den- 
mark, against Gustavus Vasa, vii. 
377; German and Swedish partici- 
pators put to death, 377 ; rumours, 

Hardenberg, Albert, vii. 531 ; de- 
clines invitation to Friesland, 
558 ; remains in convent of Adu- 
wert, 560, 561 ; denounced as a 
heretic, 561 ; escapes imprisonment, 
561 ; his inward conflicts, 561, 
562 ; leaves the convent, goes to 
Wittenberg, 563 ; meets with 
Francis de Enzinas, viii. 51 ; again, 
70 ; leaves his convent, 70 

Harman, Richard, liberation of, 
ordered by Queen Anne, v. 38 

Ma/rvel, Edmund, ambassador in 
Italy, viii. 324 

HmiijMoH, Prior, refuses to take oath 
of succession, v. 55 ; sent to the 
Tower, 56 ; takes the oath, 56 ,• re- 
solves to resist the king's com- 
mand, 69 ; sent to the Tower, 71 ; 
found guilty of high treason and 
executed, 72, 73 

JImissmann, Nicholas, viii. 382, 394 

Ilaveloos, Antoinette, vii. 667; re- 
ceives Alasco as her guest, 668 ; 
her daughter Gudule, 668, 671 ; her 
widowhood, 674 ; arrested, 677 ; 
buried alive, 686, 687 

Harvkiiix, English ambassador to con- 
ference of Bologna, ii. 216 

Seath, Archdeacon, ambassador to 
Germany, v. 128 ; signs alliance 
with the princes, 129 ; takes part 
in discussion at Wittenberg, 136 

ITedio, ii. 327 ; visit of Chelius to, 
351 ; his proposals examined before 
Francis I., 353 sqq. ; iii. 178 

Henry III. of England, i. 20 

Henry V. of England, i. 26 

Henry VIII. of England, i. 478, 507 

— , ii. 136 ; alliance with Francis I., 
137 ; meets Francis I., 138, 1.S9 ; 
dances with Anne Boleyn at Calais, 
139; treaty with Francis, 140; 
'alarm in Europe, 142 ; his opinion 
of marriage of Henry duke of 
Orleans with Catherine de' Medici, 
200; displeasure of Charles V. 
against, 216 ; tries to prevent 
meeting of the pope and Francis 
I., 247 ; his marriage with Anne 
Boleyn, 248 ; censured by the pope, 


249 ; contributes to recovery of 
Wiirtemberg from Austria, 338, 
391, 393 
-, personification of Anglo-Saxon 
tendency, iv. 2 ; summons a par- 
liament, 4 ; opens it, 11 ; requires 
the bishops to answer petition 
of the Commons, 15 ; his character 
and intentions, 26 ; motives, 27 ; 
sends embassy to the emperor and 
the pope, 28 ; invites opinions 
of universities, 37 ; letter to Ox- 
ford, 42 ,• another, 45 : receives 
Cambridge deputation, 48 ; sends 
gifts to Francis I., 50 ; sends agents 
to Italy, 51 ,• his proclamation 
against papal bulls, 56 ; tries to 
gain the evangelical doctors, 58 ; 
reads Tyndale's Practice of Pre- 
lates, 68 ; sends Vaughan in search 
of Tyndale, 70 ; exasperated by 
his report, 73, 74 ; fails to gain 
Tyndale, 75; aims at being head 
of the church, 79 ; demands recog- 
nition of supremacy, 81 ; agrees to 
compromise proposed by Warbam, 
83; his supremacy recognized by 
the clergy, he pardons them, 85 ; 
desires Catherine to leave Wind- 
sor, 93 ; authorizes persecution of 
Lutherans, 99 ; will not allow his 
cause to be tried at Kome, 1 12 ; 
compels submission of the bishops, 
113 ; errors of his policy, 118 ; his 
court, 123; his see-saw policy, 137 ; 
chooses Cranmer as primate, 151 ; 
marriage with Anne Boleyn, 152 ; 
insists on Cranmer's primacy, 151; 
converses with him, 155 ; demands 
necessary bulls of the pope, 156 ; 
marriage with Anne Boleyn, 164, 
165 ; excommunicated by Clement 
Vn., 166 ; obtains decision in 
favour of divorce from Convoca- 
tion, 169 ; requires Cranmer to 
modify his letter, 170; insists on 
supremacy, 171 ; summoned before 
Cranmer at Dunstable, 172 ; tlie 
divorce pronounced, 173; his mar- 
riage with Anne declared lawful, 
174; presents her to the people, 
175 ; informs the pope, the em- 
peror, &c., of his divorce and mar- 
riage, 178 ; threatened with excom- 
munication, 178 ; orders trial of 
Pryth, 195; cited to appear at 
Rome, appeals to a general council, 
211; his isolation, 212, 213; sends 




envoys to Germany, 212 ; sends 
Gardiner and Bryan to Marseilles, 
215 ; sends Bonner, 216 ; a. procla- 
mation drawn up, 224 ; announces 
to foreign states his determination 
to reduce the power of the pope, 
226 ; his message to Francis I., 
227 ; dispenses with a council, 227 ; 
condemned by the pope, 234, 447 
— , condemned by the pope, v. 8-; pro- 
poses arrangement with the pope, 
3 ; writes his book against the pope, 
6 ; informed of sayings of Maid of 
Kent, 11 j admits her to an audi- 
ence, 12; conspiracy against him, 
15, 16 ; his supremacy recognized 
by monks, 23 ; interviews with 
Francis I. 25 ; abolishes power of 
the pope by proclamation, 27-; anger 
against Queen Anne, 3tt ; sum- 
inus ejiiscopns, 49 ; his tj'ranny, 
57 ; his new title ratified by Par- 
liament, 58 ; consents to transla- 
tion of the Bible, 65 ; his fixed idea, 
65 ■; papal decree against him with- 
drawn, 67 ; danger of insurrection, 
70; hesitates about execution of 
More and Fisher, 75 ; bull of Paul 
III. against, 90; his excuses, 91 ; 
at Eeading Abbey, 92 ; makes ad- 
vances to German Protestants, 124 ; 
writes to Melanchthon, 125; sends 
Barnes to invite him, 126 ; sends 
another embassy to Germany, 128 ; 
requires Catherine to renounce her 
title, 131 ; renews attempt at 
union with German Protestants, 
136, 137 ; attracted by Jane Sey- 
mour, 149, 151; required by the 
pope to put away his wife, 154 ; 
resolves to get rid of her, 158 ; ap- 
points commission of inquiry, 169 ; 
summons Parliament, ] 59; at Green- 
wich tournament, 161 ^ withdraws, 
162 ; orders the queen to keep her 
room, 162 ; sends her to the Tower, 
164^ effect of her letter to him, 
179 ; attempts to prove a pre-con- 
tract of marriage, 179 ; determines 
to annul the marriage with Queen 
Anne, 187 ; puts her to death, 193 ; 
at a hunting party, 193 ; will main- 
tain rupture with Home, 203^ Pole's 
book presented to him, 204, 21)7 ; 
his marriage with Jame Seymour 
ratified by Parliament, 209; plays 
llie pope, 224 ; his Artir/cx of Ite- 
ligion, 225 sqq. ; dissolves Parlia- 


ment and Convocation, 2S»'; refuses 
to sanction Coverdale's Bible, 232 ; 
threatens insurgents of the North, 
240 ; his energetic policy, 244 ; 
sends Lancaster herald to the 
rebels, 245 ; abandons Tyndale, 
260 ; authorizes sale of Tyndale 's 
Bible, -267 

— , his quarrel with James IV. of 
Scotland, vi. 10 ; receives Sco