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A. D.— 1-600. 

Translated by Andrew Rutherfurd, B.D. 

" Characterised by all the thoroughness that marks most of the productions of 
German scholars. A distinct advance on Kurtz." — Review of the Churches. 

"To say the least, entitled to rank with the very best works of the kind." — 

" The orderly, consecutive, readily apprehensible statement. . We have no hesitation 
in saying that the book is a great improvement on the manual of Kurtz, the work with 
which it most invites comparison .... Thorough knowledge, clear method, lucid 
statement, a power of seizing and distinctly exhibiting the main points in a period of 
movement — these are the qualities which are likely to put it in the front rank among 
our text books of Church History." — Critical Review. 

"This work furnishes a much-needed desideratum to students of early Church 
History." — Religious Review of Reviews. 

" The book is a text or hand-book, and the best of its kind we are acquainted 
with." — Modern Church. 

" The place which Dr. Moeller's History was sent to fill was unfilled till it came. 
It is a student's volume, the kind of book which a student delights in, loves to handle, 
loves to conquer and know." — Expository Times. 

" To the teacher who wants references, to the priest or minister who wants to 
keep up his theological library, to the public librarian who wants to be able to send his 
inquirers to a practical and scientific authority, and to be himself directed to the choice 
of the best books on the subject, as well as to the student, this book may be heartily 
recommended. ' ' — Manchester Guardian. 



" Has deservedly taken a first place among works of its kind. The present volume 
is one of great interest, covering as it does the whole march of events ecclesiastical, 
from Gregory the Great to the Renaissance. It has all the qualities which made the 
former volume so suitable as a text-book— clear and concise statement, a sufficient 
reference to authorities, a careful and unprejudiced estimate of men and movements." 
Critical Review. 

" There is an unbroken testimony to its industry and scholarship. It will be a 
well-thumbed and well-loved book by the sincere student, and that is the only reward 
the distinguished author would have cared for. It will henceforth be referred to by 
English writers as the standard of authority." — Expository Times. 

"A book of extraordinary comprehensiveness, the amount of information com- 
pressed into it is marvellous, and, where so much is attempted, it is extraordinary that 
so much should be done so well. It is a work of immense industry and of remarkable 
power both of analysis and synthesis. There can be no question of its value as a 
book of reference."— Guardian. 

"All the substantial excellences of Dr. M oiler's work continue to be found in it, 
his profound learning and his calmly judicial temper being conspicuous among them! 
The book is primarily a book of reference. It does not pretend to give vivid and 
detailed descriptions, but it supplies the student with the means of making himself 
master of the subject. It is scarcely too much to say that from this point of view it is 
indispensable." — Spectator. 

" Will be welcomed by every teacher and preacher who wishes to keep abreast of 
modern theological research, and by all students of Church History, who desire to have 
at hand a thoroughly reliable scientific authority on the subject. It combines per- 
spicuity with thoroughness, and method with style."— Dundee Advertiser 




A.D.— 1517-1648. 




Professor of Church History in the University of Kiel 



Professor of Theology in the University of Kiel 

Translated from the German by 

Late Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge 





: 3 



A. D.— 1-600. 


Translated by Andrew Rutherfurd, B.D. 

1ANUEL " Characterised by all the thoroughness that marks most of the productions of 

German scholars. A distinct advance on Kurtz."— Review of the Churches. 

" To say the least, entitled to rank with the very best works of the kind."— 

" The orderly, consecutive, readily apprehensible statement. . We have no hesitation 
in saying that the book is a great improvement on the manual of Kurtz, the work with 
which it most invites comparison .... Thorough knowledge, clear method, lucid 
statement, a power of seizing and distinctly exhibiting the main points in a period of 
movement— these are the qualities which are likely to put it in the front rank among 
our text books of Church History."— Critical Review. 

"This work furnishes a much-needed desideratum to students of early Church 
History." — Religious -Review of Reviews. 

"The book is a text or hand-bcok, and the best of its kind we are acquainted 
with." — Modem Church. 

" The place which Dr. Moeller's History was sent to fill was unfilled till it came. 
It is a student's volume, the kind of book which a student delights in, loves to handle, 
loves to conquer and know." — Expository Times. 

"To the teacher who wants references, to the priest or minister who wants to 
keep up his theological library, to the public librarian who wants to be able to send his 
inquirers to a practical and scientific authority, and to be himself directed to the choice 
of the best books on the subject, as well as to the student, this book may be heartily 
recommended. ' ' — Manchester Guardian. 



" Has deservedly taken a first place among works of its kind. The present volume 
is one of great interest, covering as it does the whole march of events ecclesiastical, 
from Gregory the Great to the Renaissance. It has all the qualities which made the 
former volume so suitable as a text-book — clear and concise statement, a sufficient 
reference to authorities, a careful and unprejudiced estimate of men and movements." 
Critical Review. 

" There is an unbroken testimony to its industry and scholarship. It will be a 
well-thumbed and well-loved "book by the sincere student, and that is the only reward 
the distinguished author would have cared for. It will henceforth be referred to by 
English writers as the standard of authority." — Expository Times. 

" A book of extraordinary comprehensiveness, the amount of information com- 
pressed into it is marvellous, and, where so much is attempted, it is extraordinary that 
so much should be done so well. It is a work of immense industry and of remarkable 
power, both of analysis and synthesis. There can be no question of its value as a 
book of reference." — Guardian. 

" All the substantial excellences of Dr. M oiler's work continue to be found in it, 
his profound learning and his calmly judicial temper being conspicuous among them. 
The book is primarily a book of reference. It does not pretend to give vivid and 
detailed descriptions, but it supplies the student with the means of making himself 
master of the subject. It is scarcely too much to say that from this point of view it is 
indispensable. ' ' — Spectator. 

*• Will be welcomed by every teacher and preacher who wishes to keep abreast of 
modern theological research, and by all students of Church History, who desire to have 
at hand a thoroughly reliable scientific authority on the subject. It combines per- 
spicuity with thoroughness, and method with style." — Dundee Advertiser, 



After the death of Dr. W. Moller, the publisher entrusted 
the completion of the unfinished work to the author's colleague, 
Dr. G. Kawerau. 

Owing to the fact that the greater part of Dr. Moller's work, 
as he left it, treated of subjects that would naturally have been 
included in a later volume (the Greco-Russian Church, English 
Methodism), Dr. Kawerau may be regarded as being mainly 
responsible for the present instalment. Divisions I. and VII. 
were written by him independently, as well as several chapters in 
other divisions. 

The references to books bearing upon the subject (which could 
have been greatly increased) have been purposely limited. 

The present Volume carries the history only down to the year 
1648, as being the terminus recommended by the course of German 
Ecclesiastical History. 

The Editor's standpoint is thus described in his own words : 
" A History of the Reformation is essentially influenced by its 
author's position. I gladly acknowledge myself a disciple of Luther. 
But for that very reason I have always kept before my eyes his 
exhortation to every historian, " intrepidly to write what is true" 
and I have endeavoured not to forget this duty. The cause of 
truth can be served only if we keep inviolate the prima lex historiae, 
ne quid falsi dicere audeat, deinde ne quid Yeri non audeat, ne qua 
suspicio gratiae sit in scribendo, ne qua simultatis (Cicero, De 
Oratore, II., 15)." 


ABA = Abhandlungen der bairi- PpStA 

schen Akad. d. Wissen- 
schaften, histor. Classe. Prjb 
ADB = Allgem. deutsche Bio- RE 

AG = Archiv fur Geschichte. 

ALG - Archiv fur Lit.-Gesch. RQ 

AOG = Archiv fur osterr. Gesch. SBBA 

ASB = Acta Sanctorum Bol- ___... 

landi. SBWA 

BA = Braunschweiger Luther- ' 

ausgabe 1889 ff. Schaff 

BM = Bullarium magnum, Tu- 

riner Ausgabe. 
CA = Confessio Augustana. StBlV or 

CR = Corpus Reformatorum. StlV 

Denzinger = Enchiridion Symbolo- StKr 
rum ed. Denzinger. 6 
Wirceb. 1888. ThLB 

DevBl = Deutsch-evang. Blatter. ThLZ 

DLZ = Deutsche Literatur-Zei- ThQ 


EA = Erlanger Luther -Aus- 

gabe. Vg 

'Enders = Luthers Briefwechsel, VRG 

herausg. von Enders. WA 

FC = Formula Concordiae. Walch 

FdG = Forschungen zur deut- 

schen Geschichte. ZdA 

FRA = Fontes rerum Austria- 

carum. ZdCG 

GGA = Gottinger gelehrte An- 

zeigen. ZfTh 

GGN = Gottinger gelehrte Nach- 

richten. ZG 

GV = Geschichtsverein, ZGW 

HJb = Historisches Jahrbuch 

(Miinchener). ZhTh 

HpBl = Historisch-politische 

Blatter. ZhV 

HpZ = Historisch-politische 

Zeitschrift (L. Ranke). ZKG 
HTb as Historisches Taschen- 

buch. ZkTh 

HZ = Historische Zeitschrift. 

JdTh = Jahrbiicher fur deutsche ZkW 

Theologie. (NJdTh = 
Neue Jahrbiicher). ZITh 

JGG = Jahrbuch der Gorres- 

JprTh = Jahrbiicher fiir protest. ZPGLK 

KL = Kirchenlexikon, kath. ZprTh 

2. Aufl. 
KO, KOO = Kirchenordnung, ZSKG 

Kirchenordnungen . 
KZ = Kirchenzeitung. ZThK 

MIOG * Mittheilungen des Instit. 

f. osterr. Geschichte. ZwTh 

NA — Neues Archiv. 

Niemeyer = Collectio confessionum 

in eccl. reformatis publi- 
catarum. Leipz. 1840. 

= Publicationen aus den 

preuss. Staatsarchiven. 
= Preussische Jahrbiicher. 
= Real-Encyclopadie von 

Herzog, Plitt u. Hauck. 

2. Aufl. 
= Romisch. Quartalschrift. 
= Sitzungsberichte der 

bairischen Akademie. 
= Sitzungsberichte der 

Wiener Akademie. 
= Bibliotheca Symbolica, 

ed. Schaff. New York 

_ Stuttgarter Bibliothek 
— des liter. Vereins. 
= Theologische Studien 

und Kritiken. 
= Theolog. Liter. -Blatt. 
= Theolog. Lit.-Zeitung. 
= Theolog. Quartalschrift 

= Unschuldige Nach- 

= Vulgata. 

as Verein f. Reform. -Gesch. 
= Weimarer Luther-Ausg. 
= Walch' sche Luther- Aus- 
= Zeitschrift fiir deutsches 

= Zeitschrift fiir deutsche 

= Zeitschrift fur Theologie 

(Tubinger) . 
= Zeitschrift f. Geschichte 
= Deutsche Zeitschrift fur 

= Zeitschrift f. historische 

= Zeitschrift des histori- 

schen Vereins. 
= Zeitschrift fur Kirchen- 

= Zeitschrift f. katholische 

= Zeitschrift fur kirchliche 
Wissenschaft u. k. Leben 
= Zeitschrift f. lutherische 
Theologie (Rudelbach- 
Guerike) . 
= Zeitschrift f. preuss. Ge- 
schichte u. Landeskunde. 
= Zeitschrift f. praktische 

— Zeitschrift fiir sachsische 

= Zeitschrift fiir Theologie 

und Kirche. 
= Zeitschrift fur wissen- 
schaftliche Theologie. 


Preliminary Note v 

List of Abbreviations v j 

Errata x jj 

First Period— Reformation and Counter-Reformation (1517-1648). 

Introductory Survey ... T , 

1 — 4 

First Division. The Reformation in Germany up to the Year 

x 555 5—162 

Chapter First. Luther's Rupture with Rome .... 5—40 

1. The Course of Luther's Development, up to the commencement 

of the Struggle y _ IO 

2. The Dispute about Indulgences T1 I5 

3. The Negotiations with Cajetan and Miltitz 15—17 

4. The Leipzig Disputation 17—20 

5. Melanchthon 20—21 

6. The Humanistic Allies and the New Emperor . . . . 21—24 

7. The Great Reformation Treatises of the Year 1520 . 24—26 

8. The Papal Ban 26 _ 2g 

9. The Diet of Worms . [ 29—33 

10. The Sojourn at the Wartburg, and the Return to Wittenberg . 33—38 

11. The Formulating of reformatory Ideas in Melanchthon's Loci 

Communes •''.,'.. ?8 40 

Chapter Second. The Movement in the Nation .... 41—57 

1. The Political Situation 41—45 

2. The Spread of the Reformation in Germany .... 45—46 

3. The beginnings of the Institution of Evangelical Communities . 46—49 

4. U. Zwingli and German Switzerland 49—57 

Chapter Third. The Years of Clearing up and Separation . 58—69 

1. Erasmus and Luther 58—61 

2. The Severance of the Reformation from the Mystico- Revolu- 

tionary Circles f 6l _6 3 

3. The Severance of the Reformation from the fanatic Anabaptist 

Circles 63—66 

4. Separation of the Reformation from the Revolution of the 

Peasants' War 66 _6 9 



Chapter Fourth. Development of the Reformation : Eccle- 
siastical Territories and Confessions of Faith . . 70 — 114 

1. Emperor and Pope 70 — 71 

2. The Gotha-Torgau League 71 — 73 

3. The Diet of Spires, 1526 73 — 74 

4. The Beginnings of the Established Churchship . . . 74 — 81 

5. The Consolidation of the Reformation in German Switzerland 81 — 82 

6. The Eucharistic Controversy 83 — 87 

7. The Endangering of the Reformation by Anabaptist Propaganda 

in Germany 88 — 96 

8. The Protestation of Spires and the Marburg Colloquy . 96 — 102 

9. The Diet of Augsburg 102 — 114 

Chapter Fifth. The Schmalkaldic League in its Prime . 115 — 138 

1. Zwingli's Death and the Nuremberg Truce .... 115 — 119 

2. The Growth and Development of German Protestantism . 119^124 

3. The Concord of Wittenberg 124 — 125 

4. The Catastrophe in Baptism . . . . . . 125 — 130 

5. The Schmalkaldic Articles and the Truce of Frankfort . . 131 — 135 

6. Fresh Victories of the Reformation 135 — 138 

Chapter Sixth. The Weakening of the League and the 

Imperial Policy of Reunion 139 — 148 

1. The Religious Discussions of Worms and Ratisbon . . 139—143 

2. Weakening of the Schmalkaldic League by Philip's Bigamy^ . 144—146 

3. The Respite before the Catastrophe 146 — 148 

Chapter Seventh. The Overthrow of the Schmalkaldic 

League I4g — 153 

1. The Approach of the Catastrophe and Luther's Death . . 149—152 

2. The Schmalkaldic War Z c 2 153 

Chapter Eighth. The Interim and the Religious Peace . 154—162 

1. The Interim , g . . ' § X c 4 i5 q 

2. The Treaty of Passau and the Religious Peace of Augsburg . 159—162 
Second Division. The Reformation outside Germany. 

Calvinism 163—217 

Chapter First. The Foundation of Lutheran Established 

Churches in the Scandinavian North .... 163—170 

1. Denmark 163-167 

2 ' Sweden . ... 168-170 

Chafter Second. (French) Switzerland and Calvin . . 171— 189 

1. German and French Switzerland after the death of Zwingli . 171— 173 

2. Calvin until the time of his arrival at Geneva .... 174—177 

3. Calvin's early activity in Geneva, his Expulsion and Recall . 178— 181 

4. Geneva and Switzerland under the influence of the Spirit 

of Calvin 181-187 

5. The Reformation in the Grisons 187—189 

Chapter Third. The Reformation Movements in France . 189—195 

1. The Beginnings of Lutheranism under Francis I. . 190—192 

2. The Propaganda of Calvinism 192—195 


f\ -r^ — PAGE 

Chapter Fourth. The Reformation Movements in the 

Netherlands T gc X g8 

Chapter Fifth. The Ecclesiastical Revolution in England 199 — 211 

1. Henry's Breach with Rome Ig9 204 

2. Henry's Established Church Government .... 204 207 

3. Evangelical Reforms under Edward VI 207 211 

Chapter Sixth. The Reformation in Poland, Hungary, 

Transylvania, and amongst the South Slavs . . 212 — 217 

1. In Poland 212—214 

2. In Hungary and Transylvania 214 217 

3. The Gospel amongst the South Slavs 217 

Third Division. The Restoration of Catholicism . . . 218 275 

Preliminary Remarks 218 

Chapter First. The Catholic Reaction and the Extinction 

of the Reformation in Italy 219 227 

1. Evangelical Movements and Catholic Reforms . . . 219—223 

2. The Annihilation of the Italian Reformation Circles . . 223—227 
Chapter Second. The Order of the Jesuits .... 228 236 

1. St. Ignatius 228—232 

2. The Society of Jesus 232 236 

Chapter Third. The Council of Trent 237 248 

1. Its External Course . . , 237 243 

2. The Theological and Ecclesiastical Results of the Council . 243—248 
Chapter Fourth. The Popes of the restored Catholicism 249—254 
Chapter Fifth. The Intellectual Currents and Forces in 

post-Tridentine Catholicism 255 272 

1. Catholic Learning in the Service of the Counter- Reformation 255—258 

2. The Decline of Augustinianism 258 260 

3. Gallicanism and its Opponents. The Jesuit Doctrine of the 

state 260—265 

4. The Corruption of Moral Teaching by the Jesuits . . . 265—268 

5. The Cultivation of Mysticism 268 270 

6. Orders and Congregations at the Service of the Counter- 

Reformation 270 272 

Chapter Sixth. The Missionary Conquests of Catholicism . 273—275 
Fourth Division. The Disruption and confessional Separa- 
tion of German Protestantism 276 — 314 

Chapter First. Dogmatic Controversies in Lutheranism . 276—282 

1. The Points of Difference between Melanchthon and Luther . 277—279 

2. The Controversies after Luther's Death 280—282 

Chapter Second. Philippists and Gnesio-Lutherans . . 283—288 

Chapter Third. The Work of Concord 289—298 

1. The First Attempt and the Overthrow of the Philippists in 

Saxony 289—291 

2. The Concord 291 296 

3. The Downfall of Crypto-Calvinism in Saxony .... 296—298 



299— 3 X 4 
300 — 303 


311— 314 

Chapter Fourth. The Advance of Calvinism in Germany 

1. The Electoral Palatinate 

2. Nassau 

3. Bremen 

4. Anhalt 

5. Baden 

6. Hesse and Lippe 

7. Electoral Brandenburg 

8. The Lower- Rhenish Church 
Fifth Division. The Struggle between Reformation and 


Chapter First. The Counter-Reformation in Spain and the 

1. The Extinction of Evangelical Movements in Spain 

2. The Religious Struggles in the Netherlands .... 
Chapter Second. The Religious Struggles in France . 

1. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew 

2. The Edict of Nantes 

Chapter Third. The Struggles in England and Scotland . 

1. Bloody Mary 

2. Elizabeth *• 

3. Ireland 

4. Scotland .. 

5. England and Scotland under James I • 

6. The Struggle of Catholicising Episcopalianism with 


7. Independency 

Chapter Fourth The Struggle with the Counter-Reforma- 
tion in Sweden, Poland, and Hungarian Transylvania 

1. Sweden 

2. Poland ■ • 

3. Hungary and Transylvania 

Chapter Fifth. The Condition of Germany after the 

Religious Peace of Augsburg 

1. The Period of Suspense . . 

2. The Counter- Reformations 

3. The Presages of the War of Religion . . 
Chapter Sixth. The Thirty Years' War and the Peace of 

Westphalia 375— 381 

Sixth Division. The internal Condition of the Evangelical 

Churches 382-427 

Chapter First. The. Constitution • • 382—390 

Chapter Second. The Devotional Life 39 1 4°o 

Chapter Third. The Development of the theological 
Spirit from the time of the confessional Settle- 
ment 401-420 




330— 33 1 
33 1 — 336 








i. Lutheran Scholastic Theology 401 — 404 

2. The mystical and practically-religious Current . . . 404 — 407 

3. Fresh Controversies ......... 407 — 409 

4. The Reformed Theology . 409 — 410 

5. Arminianism and the Synod of Dort 410 — 415 

6. The Peacemakers and G. Calixtus 416 — 420 

Chapter Fourth. The Influence of the Reformation upon 

Morality and Education ...*.. 421 — 427 

Seventh Division. The Smaller Non-Catholic Groups . . 428 — 465 

Chapter First. The Waldensians 428 — 430 

Chapter Second. Utraquists and Bohemian Brethren . . 431 — 436 

Chapter Third. The Anabaptists 437 — 443 

1. The Baptist Congregations after 1535 437 — 442 

2. New Prophets 442 — 443 

Chapter Fourth. Anti-Trinitarians and Socinians . . . 444 — 457 

1. The first anti-Trinitarians 444 — 446 

2. Michael Servetus 446 451 

3. The Italo-Polish anti-Trinitarians 451 — 453 

4. Socinianism 453 457 

Chapter Fifth. Mystic Spiritualism . .' . . . 457 — 465 

1. Sebastian Franck 457 462 

2. Caspar Schwenkfeld 462—465 

General Index. 


Page 72 line 17 for " case " read " cause." 

102 ,, 34 for " day " read " diet." 

185 ,, 32 delete " the " before " Martyr." 

I 97 .. 9f or " Propst " read " Probst." 

2 ^3 H 45 for " Sextus " read " Sixtus." 

301 ,, 25 for " Schnepp " read " Schnepf." 

307 ,, 19 for " church beadles " read " ministers and schoolmasters. 

363 ,, 18 for " Nikolsburg " read " Nicolsburg." 

399 .. 3 1 f or " canonical " read " canonicae." 

4°3 t» 34 f or " Tarnor" read " Tarnov." 

407 ,, 23 for " Tarnor " read " Tarnov." 

429 ,, 1 for " Waldesians " read " Waldensians." 

422 ,, 27 for " Leonhard" read " Huttef." 

424 ,, 1 for " Patrick Hamilton " read " Church History." 

425 ,, 10 for " Raticius " read " Ratichius." 


Literature : E. L. Th. Henke, Neuere Kirchengeschichte, 3 vols., Halle, 1874-1880. 
Nachgelassene Vorlesungen (edited by W. Gess and A. Vial). J. J. Herzog, 
Abriss der gesammten Kirchengeschichte, 2nd edition by G. Koffmane. Vol. ii. 
Leipzig, 1892. K. von Hase, Kirchengeschichte auf der Grundlage akadem. 
Vorlesungen. Parts iii. and iv. Leipzig, 1891-1893. G. J. Planck, 
Geschichte der Entstehung, der Veranderungen und der Bildung unseres Protes- 
tant ischen Lehrbegriffs. 6 vols. Leipzig, 1 781 -1800 ; continued in Geschichte 
der pvotestantischen Theologie von der Konkordien-formel bis in die Mitte des 
18 Jahrhunderts. Gottingen, 1831 ; the writings of Werner, Frank, Dor- 
ner (see vol. i., p. 24). 

Reformation and Counter-reformation (1517-1648). 

Introductory Survey. 

Notwithstanding the assertion of more recent Romish Church 
historians to the contrary, the modern period of Church History 
commences with Martin Luther. In the first place, the result of 
his appearance upon the scene was a split in Western Christendom, 
so considerable and far-reaching, that all the schisms which the 
Middle Ages witnessed appear by comparison insignificant, more 
or less local severances, and from that time forth the name 
"Catholic" Church is claimed for the party that resisted the 
Reformation ; in the second place, the process of construction, 
which the Christian Church underwent in the system of Catholi- 
cism, is negatived on principle in all crucial points, and 
replaced by a new edifice founded upon a new understanding 
of the Gospel. In spite of numerous points of contact in detail, 
Luther's Reformation by no means stands on the same footing as 
the formation of various sects in the Middle Ages,— still less is it 
the continuation of the internal ecclesiastical reforms of the 
15th century, but indicates a new phase in the development of 
Christianity. Wiclif and the so-called pre-reformers, on the one 
hand, may have, to a great extent, prepared the way in individual 
details, in religious knowledge and criticism of what was already 
existent, as, in like manner, on the other hand, the opponents 
of Curialism (Marsilius and others), and lastly also, Human- 
ism may have done in its criticism of Christianity and 
vol. in. 1 


Scholasticism, and by reason of its application ad fontes, — to 
the Scriptures and the Fathers of the Church; yet Luther 
is not historically to be considered the man who collected, 
renovated, and carried out their ideas. He was not guided 
to the mission of his life by these men's school, but on an 
entirely different path : in the case of theology, he was led from 
nominalistic Scholasticism to Augustine (partly also to German 
mysticism) and by way of Augustine to Paul and the Scriptures 
generally ; in the case of religion, from the search after the most 
manifold guarantees of happiness beyond the grave to the discovery 
and knowledge of happiness as the certainty of forgiveness of sins 
founded on belief in the divine purpose of grace made manifest in 
Christ. His knowledge of salvation, guided and confirmed by the 
Scriptures, shatters, as far as he is concerned, the Catholic idea of 
Belief, Grace and the Church, and, at the same time, the Catholic 
ideal of piety. He lays a new foundation on the crucial points, in 
a renewal of the religious ideas of Paul and in the understanding of 
the essential nature of the Gospel. The development of the 
ecclesiastical struggle of necessity forces him out of the papal 
Church, and drives him to a new edifice, in the first instance, 
eYangelical communities: then the Princes (and magistrates) 
interfere and organise established churches. The religious becomes 
the national question, and soon, that of the interests of the 
different States. The division of Germany into Catholic and 
Evangelical States (the religious peace of Augsburg) and also the 
division into Lutheran and reformed denomyiational churches, 
is decided by protracted struggles, processes of purification, and 
schisms (Anabaptism, Mysticism, Antitrinitarianism). However, 
the new foundation was largely built upon with material that had 
been handed over, the Evangelical notion of belief combines anew 
with the Catholic, the work of Theology, amidst the struggles 
raging on the right and on the left, drifts rapidly into a new 
Scholasticism. The Churches, which are the product of the 
struggle, are, on the Lutheran side, schools of pure doctrine and 
educational establishments for a people as yet under age, rather 
than priestly communities of the faithful. The struggle with Rome 
drives men to set up the authority of the infallible word of Scripture 
in opposition to that of the Church, tradition, and the Pope, but at 
the same time to make the symbols, or, in other words, a rapidly 
confirmed tradition of pure doctrine, the canon of interpretation of 
the Scriptures. Particularism of the most varied kind paralyses 


the German Protestants' capacity for action, weakens them in 
the face of Rome's methodical advance, and causes them to lose 
again much of what they possessed : finally, they are only enabled 
to hold their ground, by means of assistance obtained outside 
Germany, during the terrors of the Thirty Years' War. Calvinism 
enters into the development of events as an independent factor in 
ecclesiastical history : a descendant of Lutheranism, but of an 
independent stamp. Distinguished from Lutheranism, not so 
much by searching theological differences as by its theocratic 
character, it appears by the side of the former (which, politically 
self-sufficient, is busied solely with the purity of the Gospel and of 
doctrine developed in continually increasing detail and with the 
consolation of the conscience of the individual) as a politically 
aggressive power, waging the wars of the Lord and everywhere 
encroaching, with full consciousness of its aim, upon the domain of 
public life. Its history accordingly becomes a history of war, and 
a martyrology without parallel. In Germany, certainly, where it 
continues its victorious march almost entirely on already Lutheran 
soil as a " purifying " of Lutheranism from papistical leaven, and 
conquers all the territories which were driven by the continuous 
development of Lutheranism to the theology of the Formula of 
Concord, its theocratic character becomes less pronounced, but in 
the struggle with its deadly enemy, the idolatrous Papal Church, in 
'the West of Europe, it acquires a pure characteristic stamp. 

The end of the Thirty Years' War, the middle of the 17th 
century, is the close of the Reformation period. But at the end 
of the latter, in Germany, the prophet of further developments of 
Protestantism appears in Germany in the person of Calixtus with 
his wide historically well-posted view and his eminently concilia- 
tory disposition, while in England, where a properly national 
Reformation now for the first time commences, the ideas of com- 
plete separation of Church and State, of the exchange of the 
established and national Church for the free association of the 
faithful, the principle of toleration and the like, prepare the way 
for further ecclesiastical development. In the meantime, the 
Roman Church has recovered from the shock which the Reforma- 
tion dealt it, found its leaders in the struggle in the Order of the 
Jesuits, and rejected the Reformation at Trent, and at the same 
time established itself so extensively, that it is in a position to 
commence the work of reconquest (Counter-reformation) with 
success. But its great victories, frequently made too easy for 

1 — 2 


it by the weakness, discord, and short-sighted policy of its 
opponents, frequently gained by secular weapons, injure its internal 
development : the saviour of Catholicism, the Society of Jesus, 
proves fatal to it: the reduction of religious life to something 
purely mechanical, like the struggle for power, introduces with 
itself a new secularisation. The Eastern Church, almost entirely 
unaffected by the course of events in the West, disappears for 
awhile from our consideration, not to become the subject of our 
narrative until the conclusion. 


The Reformation in Germany up to the year 1555. 

Sources for the history of the Reformation in Germany : Luther's Works, 

Wittenberg, 12 German (1539-1559), 7 Latin folios (1545-1558) : more 

correctly, Jena : 8 German, 4 . Latin folios, 1555-1558: Eislebener Suppl. 

(J. Aurifaber) 2 folios, 1564-1565: Altenberg, 1661-1664, ™ folios (only the 

German); Leipzig, 1729-1740, 22 folios (German): Halle (G. Walch) 24 

vols. 4 , 1740-1753, the Latin in a German translation, with the addition of 

documents and treatises by opponents; Erlangen — Frankfurt — Calw. 

(Irmischer, Schmidt, Enders), 67 vols. German, 1826- 1857, a P ai "t of the 

. same (1-20, 24-26) in a second, essentially improved edition, 1862-1885: 28 

vols. opp. exeg. lat. 3 vols. Comm. in ep. ad Gal., 7 vols., opp. var. argumenti ; 

Brief wechsel (Enders) up to the present, 5 vols., 8° ; Weimar (Knaake and 

others) from 1883 in 4 , up to the present i-vi., viii., xii-xiv. Brief e, besides 

those in de Wette, 6 vols, (the 6th by K. Seidemann), Berlin, 1825-1856; 

Luthers Briefwechsel by Burkhardt, Leipzig, 1866; Kolde, Analecta 

Lutherana, Gotha, 1883. Tischreden : Forstemann-Bindseil, 4 vols., 

Berlin, 1844-1848. Bindseil, Colloquia, 3 vols., Lemgo, 1863-1866, 

Wrampelmeyer, Tagebuch des C. Cordatus, Halle, 1885. Seidemann, 

Lauterbachs Tagebuch. Dresd. 1872. Preger, Tischreden. Leipzig, 1888. 

Losche, Analecta Luth. et Mel. Gotha, 1892.— Best (annotated) popular 

edition (Selections) : Braunschweig, 8 vols. 1889-1892. 

Melanchthon's Works. Basil. 1541, 5 fol. ; Viteb. 1562. 4 fol. Corpus 

Rcformatorum ed. Bretschneider and Bindseil, 28 vols. 4 . Hal. and 

'Brunsv. 1834 to i860 (vol. i-x. The Letters). Completion of the Letters in 

Bindseil, Ph. Mel. Epistolae. Hal. 1874; C. Krause, Melanthoniana. Zerbst, 

1885; Hartfelder, Anal. Melanth. paedag. Leipzig, 1892. On Zwingli see 

later. Briefwechsel d. J. Brenz ed. Pressel, Tub. 1868; d. f. Jonas, ed. 

Kawerau. 2 vols., Halle, 1884-1885 ; des Bugenhagen ed. Vogt. Stettin, 1888. 

Other publications dealing with the Sources: Loscher, Vollst. Ref. -Acta (1517- 
J 5i9)> 3 vols. Leipzig, 1720 ff. Tentzel-Cyprian, Hist. Bericht vom Anfang und 
Furtg. d. Ref. 2 vols., Leipzig, 1717, 1718, containing, in addition to many useful 
documents, Spalatini Annates (up to 1543), F. Myconii, hist, reform. Kapp, Kl. 
Xachlese niitzl. Urkunden. 4 parts, Leipzig, 1727 ff. Riederer, Nachrichten zur 
A'.-, Gelehrten-u. Biichergesch, 4 vols., Altdorf, 1764-1768: Strobel, Misccllanccn, 
Beitrdge u. Neue Beitrdge. Niirnb. 1778 ff. ; 1784 ff. ; 1790 ff. Forstemanx, 
Archiv f. d. G. d. R. Halle, 1831 ; the same, N. Urkundcnbuch, Hamb, 1842. 
M. Lenz, Briefw. Landgr. Philipps mit Bucer, 3 vols., Leipz. 1880-1891 (Pp St 
A. 5. 28. 47). Neudecker, Urkunden aus der Ref.-Zeit., Kassel, 1836. the same, 
Uerkw. Aktcnstiicke, Niirnb, 1838. the same, N. Beitrdge, Leipz., 1841, 2 vols. 
J. C. Seidemann, Erlciutcningcn zur Ref.-Gesch. Dresd., 1844. Beitrdge zur Ref- 
Gcsch., 2 parts, Dresd., 1845-1848. K. Lanz, Corr. des Kaisers Karl \\. 3 vols. 


Leipz., 1844-1846. G. Heine, Briefe an Karl V. (1530-1532), Berlin, 1848. 
Polit. Corr. der Stadt Strassb., edited by Virck and Winckelmann. 2 vols., 
Strassb., 1882-1887, Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschl., edited by W. Friedensburg. 
First Division, 2 vols., 1533- 1538, Gotha, 1892. Hortleder, Von den Ursachen 
des teutschen Kriegs, 2 vols., Frankf., 1617-1618, (1522-1558). A. von Druffel, 
Briefe und Akten zur Gesch. des 16 Jhs mit bes. Riicksicht auf Baiems Fiirstenhaus. 
3 vols., Miinchen, 1873-1880. 

Literature : Joh. Sleidanus, De statu religionis et reip. Carolo V . Caesare com- 
mentarii : Argent. 1555; edited at the end of vol. 3, Francf. 1785. A. 
Scultetus, Annalium evangelii saec. 16 per Europ. renovati decades I. et II., 
(1516 to 1536) in von der Hardt, Hist, litteraria ref., Frcf. 1717. V. L. von 
Seckendorf, Comment, historicus et apolog. de Lutheranismo, 1517-1546,' 2 Lips., 
1692. Salig, Vollst. Hist. d. CA. (1517-1562), 3 parts. Halle, 1730-1745. 
Gerdesius, Introductio in Hist. Evglii sec. 16 passim per Europam renovati, 4 vols. 
Groning, 1744. Marheineke, Gesch. der teutschen Ref., 4 parts, Berlin, 183 1 
to 1834. L. Ranke, Deutsche Gesch. im ZA d. Ref., Berl., 1839, 6 vols., Works, 
Vols, i.-vi. K. Hagen, Deutschlands lit. u. rel. Verhciltnisse im Ref.-ZA. 3 vols., 
Erl. 1841-1844. J. Dollinger, Die Ref., ihre innere Entwicklung und ihre 
Wirkungen, 3 vols., 2 Regensb., 1848. K. F. A. Kahnis, D. d. Ref. I., Leipz., 
x ^72. J. Janssen, Deutsche Gesch. seit dem Ausg. d. MA., vols. ii. and iii., 
Freib., 1879-1881. F. v. Bezold, Gesch. d. deutschen Ref., Berlin, 1866 ff. G. 
Egelhaaf, Deutsche Gesch. im 16 Jh bis zum Augsb. Rel.-Frieden., 2 vols., 
Stuttg., 1889-1892. F. B. v. Bucholtz, Gesch. d. Regierung Ferdin. L 8 vols., 
and volume of documents. Wien, 1831-1838. Von Rommel, Philipp d. Grossm., 
2 vols., and volume of documents. Giessen, 1830 ff. H. Baumgarten, Gesch. 
Karls V.; up to the present 3 vols., Stuttg., 1885-1892. (Hefele) Conciliengesch. 
Vol. 9, by Hergenrother (1517-1536). Freib., 1890. 

Biography of Luther: Melanchthons kurzer Abriss von 1546, in CR VI., 
155 ff. (originally the Preface to Vol. II. of the Wittenb. edition of Luther's 
Works) ; Joh. Cochleus Commentaria de actis et scriptis Lutheri. Mogunt., 
1549, (well informed, but hostile and self-complacent). M. Ratzeberger, 
Handschriftl. Gesch. iiber Luther und seine Zeit, edited by Neudecker. Jena, 
1850 (written from the party standpoint of the anti-philippistic Lutheran). 
J. Mathesius, Historien von des ehrwiird. DM. Lutheri Anfang, Lere, Leben 
und Sterben. Nurnberg, 1566, and since that time, in numberless edns. 
(Sermons of the loyal and pious pupil) J. Kostlin, M. Luther, 2 vols. 2 Elberf. 
1883. Th. Kolde, M.L., 2 vols., Gotha, 1884-1893. (These two scientifically 
independent works render the mass of older literature out of date). Add to 
these G. Plitt Einleitung in die August ana. Vol. I. Gesch. der evg. K. bis zum 
Augsb. Reichstag. Erl. 1867. {The Biography of Luther in 6 volumes by the 
convert G. Evers, Mainz, 1883-1891, is spiteful, a work written with a purpose 
only to be considered as a pamphlet. Against this, as against the abundant 
ultramontane Luther-literature of recent years, its misunderstandings and mis- 
representations, cp. W. Walther, Luther im jiingsten rom. Gericht., 4 parts, 
Halle, 1886-1892 ; Lutherophilus, das 6 Gebot und Luthers Leben., 
Halle, 1893. 


Luther's Rupture with Rome. 

1. The course of Luther's development up to the commence- 
ment of the Struggle. 

Sources: WA I., III., IV.; Enders I. 

Literature: K. Jurgens, Luther von seiner Geburt bis znm Ablasstr., 3 vols., 
Leipz., 1846-1847. J. Kostlin in St Kr 1871, 7 ff. Th. Kolde, Die deutsche 
Augustinercongreg. unci J oh. v. Staupitz. Gotha, 1879. H. Hering, die Mystik 
Luthers, Leipz., 1879. F. W. Kampschulte, die Univ. Erfurt, 2 vols., 
Trier 1858-1860. Oergel, Beitr. z. Gesch. des Erf. Humanismus, in Mitth. 
d. Ver. f. d. Gesch. u. Alterthumskunde von Erf. XV. O. Schmidt, Luthers 
Bekanntsch. mit den Klassikern, Leipz., 1883. For Staupitz : his Opera, ed. 
Knaake I. Potsdam, 1867 ; add Ritschl in JdTh. 1869, 555 ff. Grimm in 
ZhTh 7, 2, 58 ff. ; N. Paulus in JGG XII 309 ff., 773 ff. ; the same in JGG 
XII. 68 ff. on the Journey to Rome. Dieckhoff, Luthers Lehre in ihrer 
ersten Gestalt, Rostock, 1887. Loofs, DG 3 1893, pp. 344 ff. F. Nitzsch, 
L. u. Arist., Kiel, 1883. F. Bahlow, L.s Stellung z. Philos., Berl., 1891. 

The German Reformation commences with the course of the 
inner development of a personality, which in itself fully tested the 
religious and ecclesiastical training for Catholic piety, but, in 
striving after the assurance of salvation on the path of religious 
knowledge, attained to a new understanding of the Gospel, the 
practical consequences of which were bound to bring the true son 
of the Church irresistibly into conflict with the organs of the 
Catholic Church. Up to the year 1521, the history of the Refor- 
mation is consequently almost identical with the history of Martin 
Luther's development, searchings, and struggles. 

Luther sprang from a German peasant family, which had settled at Mohra 
in Thuringia. His father, Hans Luther, had removed from there to Eisleben, 
to look for work in the mines : here his son Martin by his wife Margaret (maiden 
name Ziegler, StKr 1881, 684 ff.) was born on the 10th of November, 1483. l 
After a few months, the family went on to Mansfeld, where it gradually worked 
its way up from its original state of poverty to a financially improved and 
respected position. Both the parents were pious Catholics, although the father 
certainly had little liking for monks and clergy (cp. EA 44, 235). Rendered shy 
by the harshness of his bringing up, the boy made but slow progress in the 

1 There is no doubt that Luther was born in this year, not in 1484, although 
in later years, he himself varied in his statements. 


schools at Mansfeld and Magdeburg ; it was at Eisenach, where he was for a 
time admitted into the highly respected family of one Cotta, a merchant, 1 and 
became acquainted with a more refined mode of life, that he first attained a 
freer development and commenced to display his abundant talents. In 1501, 
he entered the University of Erfurt, 2 to study law in accordance with his 
father's wish. This institution was still completely dominated by the medieval 
spirit and system of instruction, although a minority of Humanists still existed 
by the side of the representatives of Scholasticism. Although he attended a 
course of lectures on the humanities (on Reuchlin's Sergius) and by private 
study made himself familiar with the writers of antiquity (especially Virgil, 
Cicero, and Terence),' and further, contracted personal friendship with 
individual younger Humanists, he remained far removed from the humanistic 
turn of mind. He never belonged to the league, which here gathered round 
Conrad Mutianus, 3 Canon of Gotha. Its members regarded him as "the 
Philosopher," but at the same time, as a " lively, genial comrade," and " a 
musician." However, it was no linguistic or aesthetic interest that attracted 
him to the classical authors, but his liking for their practical worldly wisdom. 
Having taken his Mastership in Arts in 1505, he was about to commence the 
special study of the law, when he suddenly (July 17th) disappeared in the 
Augustinian Convent. The question " How can I find a merciful God ? " had 
laid hold upon him : the sudden death of a friend, and the terrors of a thunder- 
storm had deeply shocked him, and impelled him to utter the vow : " Help, 
dear St. Anna, I will become a monk." His intention was, by " becoming pious 
and giving satisfaction," to procure for himself a merciful God : in this, the 
" complete sacrifice " of his life in monastic self-sacrifice was to assist him. He 
chose a convent of the order of Augustinian Hermits of the Observance. 4 The 
convent of Erfurt belonged to the " German Congregation," regulated by 
Proles, and now under the Vicarship of Joh. von Staupitz. In the convents, 
which had come under the guidance of these men zealous for monastic 
holiness, there existed in many cases a seriousness combined with monastic 
ideals : and, side by side with these, scientific strivings, fervour in preaching 
and the care of souls, and careful superintendence of the brotherhoods that had 
become popular in the second half of the 15th century. No trace is to be found 
in the Order of a freer, evangelically disposed Theology, such as has frequently 
been supposed. The theologians of the Order defended papal absolution, were 
zealous promoters of the worship of Mary, vigorous advocates of the system of 
indulgences, and the like. 5 Luther took his monasticism very seriously — his 
father became angry. After his novitiate, a period of continued self- 
denial for the youthful Master of Arts, he entered a monastery and then 

1 The "juvenile" Frau Ursula Cotta has been transformed, in the light of 
more recent investigation, into a matron who was probably at the time already 
advanced in years; cp. Schneidewind, Das Lutherhaus in Eisenach, 1883. 

2 Cp. Nic. Paulus, Barth. Usingen, Freib. 1893. 

3 Cp. Krause, Brief wechsel des Mutianus Rufus, Kassel, 1885. Gillert, 
Brief wechsel des Conr. M., Halle, 1890. 

4 De observantia : see Vol. ii. of this work, pp. 460, 539. 

5 Staupitz was not the first to introduce diligent reading of the Holy 
Scriptures : it had already been prescribed in earlier constitutions. Cp. 
N. Paulus, Joh. Hoffmeister, Freib. 1891, p. 7. 


commenced the study of scholastic theology, in which he showed a preference 
for the later school-men, Occam, d'Ailly, Gerson, and Biel, whose shrewd- 
ness attracted him. But, with all his progress in his studies, he never 
forgets the question of justification and salvation. " If ever a monk reached 
Heaven by monkish life, I also resolved I would reach it." He cannot do 
enough in the matter of asceticism : but the more earnestly he struggles with 
his sins, the more he discovers in himself anger, envy, and pride. The object 
of admiration in the convent owing to the strictness of his life, he is tormented 
by the feeling of being abandoned by God. Staupitz, 1 whose attention was 
directed to him on one of his visitations, took upon himself the care of Luther's 
soul. Certainly he did not understand the depth of the needs of Luther's soul, 
but he referred him from subtle speculations concerning predestination to the 
fact of expiation, to the shepherd Jesus, who allows no one to be torn from his 
arms. He taught him that penitence does not commence with fear of the God 
of punishment, but with love of the God, who will justify sinners. On his advice, 
Luther commences the study of the Scriptures, together with Augustine and 
Bernard. This private study leads him further. In 1507, he was ordained 
priest and held his first mass. The year after, in accordance with a resolution 
of the Order, his convent sends him off to that of Wittenberg, to finish his 
theological studies at the new University (founded 1502), and commence his 
academic activity. There he became baccalareus and sententiarius in 1509, and 
then Erfurt suddenly recalled him. Disputes between Staupitz and a number of 
the convents placed under his control, amongst which was that of Erfurt (not 
that of Wittenberg), excited the German Congregation : and Luther, who was 
treated with great confidence by Staupitz and enjoyed a high reputation 
amongst the brethren, was well fitted to act as negotiator and advocate. This 
dispute also occasioned his being sent (in 151 1) to the Pope as the deputy of 
the seven convents concerned in it. This journey to Rome, on which occasion 
he successfully represented the standpoint of the convents at the Curia, subse- 
quently proved extremely instructive to him from the gloomy insight which it 
afforded him into foreign, Romish piety, but at the time in no way shook his devo- 
tion to the Papacy and the Church. Returning again to Wittenberg, he finished 
his graduation in Theology, and became a Doctor in that faculty in the autumn 
of 1512. Contrary to the usual custom, he now delivered exclusively exegetical 
lectures, — on the Psalms, and the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians. 
In 1515, he was appointed district-vicar of eleven convents in Saxony and 
Thuringia, and devoted himself with pastoral earnestness to the guidance of 
the brethren entrusted to his care. At the same time, at the urgent request of 
Staupitz, he also began to turn- his attention to preaching, in which his practi- 
cally popular method soon broke through the scholastic forms of preaching. 
The writings of the later German Mystics (Tauler [Vol. II. p. 469]) and 
" German Theology " have a powerful attraction for him, without specifically 
mystic speculations having gained a hold upon him. 

During this period of study and the commencement of teaching, 
the foundation of Luther's " New Theology " is completed in a 
number of religious fundamental ideas, which for the- most part 

1 Staupitz also first underwent a continuous development under the influence 
of Luther's development. At that, time he was simply the practically experi- 
enced Christian, who — without any definite system — was Luther's adviser. 


flashed upon his mind as a new understanding of individual passages 
of Scripture: that, e.g., in Romans I. 17, God's justice does not 
denote that qua deus iustus est et peccatores iniustosque punit, but that 
qua nos deus misericors justificat per fidem : that Genesis, iv. 5, means, 
that the person must be just, before works well-pleasing to God can 
be performed by him, but that the person does not become just by 
works : in like manner, according to Isaiah, xxviii. 21 (Vulg.) the 
difference between God's opus alienum (wrath against and crushing 
of the sinner) and opus suum (showing mercy and forgiveness). 
In his view, Justificatio is identified, with ever increasing 
definiteness, with the idea of forgiveness of sins, but at the 
same time also is on principle regarded as Sanctificatio, as the 
awakening of a new life ; Gratia again (according to biblical 
usage), according to him, is used to indicate God's feeling towards 
us = Misericordia ; Fides still more decidedly = confidence in 
God's promise and the work of Christ. These simple fundamental 
views of religion, due to the influence of Augustine, are combined 
with the conviction of the absolute incapacity of the natural man 
for good, and its predestinarian conclusions. At the same time, 
he takes up an attitude of ever keener opposition to the piety of his 
time (not to the doctrine and constitution of the Church), the 
superficial, formal, and self-righteous nature of which he attacked 
both in the lecture-room and in the pulpit ; at the same time, the 
forms of devotion exhibited in the worship of the Saints, pilgrimages 
and the like, which were cultivated with especial fervour at the end of 
the Middle Ages, are criticised by him with ever increasing keenness 
and recognised as caricatures of genuine religious feeling. 

On the other hand, he is left almost unaffected by the quarrels between the 
Humanists and Dominicans (Vol. ii., p. 533) ; certainly, in Reuchlin's dispute 
with the monks of Cologne, he declares against the latter, but only because there 
were things more necessary to be done in the Church of the Lord than to burn 
Jewish books, and the famous pamphlet of the younger contentious Humanist, 
the Epistolae virorum obscurorum, offends him by its tone ; " votum probo, opus 
non probo " (Enders, I. 62). Neither has he any enthusiasm for the Erasmus- 
cult of these days ; however valuable the Greek New Testament (15 16) and the 
A dnotationes upon it are to him, to whatever extent he recognises Erasmus's 
erudition, he clearly detects traces of the difference of mind ; as Erasmus feels 
drawn towards Jerome, so does Luther towards Augustine. But he certainly 
commences, of his own accord, a struggle against the domineering position of 
Aristotle in the sphere of Theology ; it is in his Ethics that he sees the scientific 
source of the Pelagian character of scholastic theology; "back from Aristotle 
to Paul and Augustine " becomes the watchword of a new " Wittenberg " 
Theology, for which Luther more and more inspired his colleagues (Carlstadt, 
Armsdorf, and others) with enthusiasm. 


2. The Dispute about Indulgences. 

Literature: Kapp, Schauplatz des TetzeVschen Ablass-Krams. 2 Leipz. 1720; the 
same, Sammlung einiger zum . . . Ablass . . . gehorigen Schrifften, Leipz. 
1731. Grone, Tetzel und Luther, Soest., 1853; the same, Der Ablass. 
Regensb. 1863. KSrner, Tetzel, Frankenberg, 1880. Bratke, Luthers 95 
Thesen, Gottingen, 1884. Dieckhoff, Der Ablassstreit, Gotha, 1886. Grube 
in lit. Rundschau fiir das kath. Deutschl., 1889. No. 6. J. May, Card. 
Albrechtll. von Main:: u. Magdeb., 2 vols., Miinchen, 1865- 1875. G. Kawerau, 
Sobald das Geld im Kasten klingt, Barmen, 1889. Dietterle, die franciscan. 
Sammae Confessorum und ihre Bestimmungen iiber den Ablass, Dobeln, 1893 

In 1513, the warlike Julius II. was succeeded by the Medicean 
Leo X. (Vol. II., p. 530), the man of refined enjoyment of life, the 
sympathiser with the culture of the Renaissance, 1 and the clever 
financial politician. The general tithe imposed upon Christendom 
for the purpose of carrying on war against the Turks, for which the 
fifth Lateran Council of 1517 had given permission, and financial 
operations such as the appointment of numerous Cardinals, the 
creation of new offices, posts of honour, an order of Knights and 
the like, were not sufficient to fill the treasuries ; he also had 
recourse to the favourite method of granting indulgences. 

Julian II. had already issued (in 1506) an indulgence for the new building 
of St. Peter's Church (in place of the Basilica of ancient fame) and caused it to 
be promulgated by Franciscans in Italy and the Slavonic countries (BM V 
481 f.) After this, in 1514, the same indulgence had been offered for sale by 
Arcimboldi in North Germany and in the Scandinavian North, and by 
Franciscans in Switzerland. In 1513 and 1514, the Archbishoprics of Mag- 
deburg and Mainz had fallen to the Margrave Albert, the youthful brother 
(born 1490) of Joachim I., Elector of Brandenburg, in addition to the adminis- 
tration of the bishopric of Halberstadt. He had promised his Mainz electors 
that he would pay the heavy expenses of the papal pallium himself, the Fuggers 
having advanced him the money for the purpose. At his earnest entreaty and 
for a cash payment of 10,000 ducats, Leo, on April 15th, 1515, made over to 
him the right of promulgating this indulgence for eight years in his ecclesiastical 
parishes and in the Brandenburg countries ; half of the money that was got in, 
after deducting expenses, was to be paid into the Papal exchequer. But, as the 
claim of the Archbishop to the second half of the moneys was not explicitly 
mentioned in Rome, he waited, after opening up the transaction, until this 
matter was settled. It was not until 1517 that the affair began to progress. 
The Dominican Joh. Tetzel 2 of Leipzig, who had already in many ways shown 

1 Hence the German Humanists at first received him with loud applause ; 
so, even as late as 1518, Petr. Mosellanus, de variarum linguarum cognitions, 
Ausg. Jenae, 1634, p. 9 f. 

2 As yet we possess no account of his life, which satisfies all requirements ; 
Schirren's animadversions in Arch. f. d. Gesch. Livlands VIII., p. 198, f. still 
hold good ; at present, the best account is Korner's. 


his activity as an agent for indulgences since the year 1502, entered Albert's 
service and, in the summer, travelled through the districts of Magdeburg and 
Brandenburg. It was an indulgence in forma Jubilaei, whereby, by way of a 
fiction, Rome with its places of mercy, which people formerly sought out as 
pilgrims, was conveniently brought before their door ; perpendat populus, quod hie est 
Roma. 1 The kind of grace it offered was announced in the Instructio summaria 
pro subcommissariis 2 issued by Albert on the lines of earlier examples, and the 
method of puffing up these acts of grace may be learnt from Tetzel's sermons 
composed for his assistants. ■ There were four different graces to be obtained : 
1. On the supposition of previous confession, a plenaria remissio omnium pecca- 
torum, i.e., recovery of the gratia Dei and complete cancelling of every poenae 
in purgatorio luendae, in return for certain devotional exercises and a contributio 
in cistam taxed according to the amount of a man's property ; 2. By the pur- 
chase of a " confessionale " was obtained the facultas eligendi confessorem idoneum, 
who, amongst other things, even in cases reserved for the apostolic chair, would 
be able to give absolution semel in vita et in mortis articulo, to grant exemption 
from vows, and once in life and then in peril of death to bestow plenary indul- 
gence (as in 1) ; 3. By paying indulgence-money, a man could obtain for himself 
and his parents, provided they in charitate decesserunt, the participatio omnium 
bonorum ecclesiae universalis; lastly 4. Also in return for a contribution accord- 
ing to a fixed rate, the plenaria omnium peccatorum remissio for particular souls 
in purgatory ; this remission of sins was administered to these souls by the Pope 
in proportion to the charitas in qua defunctus decessit and the contributio viventis. — 
Consequently, the theory of indulgences, which had already long ago obtained 
a certain ecclesiastical sanction not by resolution of a Council, but by the 
authority of theologians of repute and the practice of the Church, was here 
correctly represented. The indulgence does not refer to the guilt of sin, but to 
the remission of censures decreed by the church, and not only to that, but also 
to punishments of sin meted out by the justice of God to the sinner, in this case, 
that is to say, in purgatory. The doctrine of indulgences forms a complement of 
the doctrine of the Sacrament of repentance. But, while the later school-men 
pretty generally declared the attritio, the imperfect penitence ("gallows'- 
repentance "), which had its origin in fear of punishment, to be sufficient in 
order to obtain the sacramental forgiveness of sins, while the indulgence con- 
veniently put aside punishments themselves here and in purgatory, guarantees 
of happiness and exemption from punishment, which ruined the religiousness of 
the people, were procured without real conversion. 

It was, in addition, notorious that, the Curia, like the prelates, managed 
these concessions of indulgence purely as financial speculations, and it is 
obvious that, in the sale of these spiritual wares, the loudest " crier " was the 
most welcome to those who undertook the financial operation ; lastly, it was 
no secret that the indulgence-money was afterwards frequently devoted un- 
blushingly to purposes quite different from the pretended spiritual ones. 4 

1 Kapp, Schauplatz. p. 44. 

2 Kapp, Sammlung p. 117 ff. 

3 v.d. Hardt, Hist, litter, ref. iv. 14. ff. Kapp, Schauplatz., p. 43 ff. 

« Cp. on this point Bomhovers, Schone historie (about 1508) in the Archiv 
filr die Geschichte von Liv-, Est- and Curland, VIII. (1861) p. 170 ff, 191 f. 


Tetzel, who was no worse than others of his profession, was a 
preacher who knew how to lay on the colours most effectually 
without exactly distorting the traditional doctrine of indulgences, 
a man of by no means irreproachable morals, who had already 
been involved in frequent quarrels in consequence of his pretentious 
bearing. In the autumn of 1517, while plying his trade, he had 
reached Juterbogk and Zerbst in the neighbourhood of Wittenberg 
— he had been forbidden to carry on business in the Electorate of 
Saxony — where damaging stories were told of the methods by which 
he puffed up the indulgence. 1 

Luther, in his intercourse with members of the community, who 
had hastened thither to buy confessionalia, witnessed its evil effects : 
he saw the doctrine of the penitence of the Christian reduced to 
utter confusion. He accordingly resolved, after he had on several 
occasions preached upon the indulgence to the community, to clear 
up, to his own satisfaction and that of others, the real nature of the 
indulgence, which the Church approved of and which nevertheless 
brought in its train consequences so injurious to the religiousness 
of the people. This he endeavoured to do by means of 95 
disputation theses 2 or propositions which, in accordance with 
academic usage, he affixed to the door of the castle church on the 
31st of October, as the vigil of All Saints' Day, the dedicatory 
festival of the church, which was endowed with an indulgence. 
He sent his theses to his superiors, the Archbishop Albert and the 
Bishop of Brandenburg Hieronymus Scultetus, and drew their 
attention to the doubtful proceedings that went on. 

The theses are nothing but a programme of Reformation. In them, he does 
away with the dangerous identification of penitence with penitential sacrament ; 
the whole life of believers is to be a change of mind, a conversion. He seeks 
to limit the competency of papal indulgences to the remission of canonical 
ecclesiastical punishments and, consequently, to the living ; on the one hand, 
he develops evangelical ideas, the consequence of which is the negation of an 
ecclesiastical mediatorship in reference to the forgiveness of sin and punish- 
ment ; on the other, his endeavour is to understand absolution, like indulgence; 

1 There can be no doubt of the genuineness of the saying attributed to 
Tetzel, " As soon as the money chinks in the box, the soul leaps forth from 
Purgatory." Silvester di Prierio declared it to be a met a et catholica Veritas 
(EA opp. v. a. I. 357). Subsequently, Tetzel, in his theses (EA opp. v. a. I. 300 
cp. Wimpina, Anacephalaeosis 1528, 44 b.) did not dispute the statement, but 
rather went further: "The soul is released from Purgatory more rapidly than 
the indulgence-money can reach the bottom of the box." 

2 Facsimile reprint, Berlin, 1892 ; WA I 229 ff., in a new German version 
BA I 99 ff. 


as a declaratio remissionis divinae. He consoles himself with the idea, that the 
practices of the preachers of indulgences were unknown to the Pope, and 
consequently regards it as a duty enjoined upon him by the Church, to tell the 
people that he (the Pope) desires their prayers rather than their money. The 
effort to make the way of salvation clear for the sinner is as pronounced as the 
endeavour to elicit a tolerable interpretation for the ecclesiastical arrangement 
of indulgences. Even good Catholic circles rejoiced at this protest against the 
traffic in indulgences. 1 

No one presented himself for the discussion challenged by 
Luther ; there was no reply from Albert. Nevertheless, the affair 
closely concerned the latter, as the proceeds of the sale of indul- 
gences were bound to suffer from such a protest, especially as a 
reprimand had just been sent from Rome, to the effect that the 
commissaries were injuring " the holy business " by excessive 
expenditure. In consequence of the unseemly behaviour of his 
people, Tetzel received a reprimand, but, for the rest, the trade 
was to be continued. Luther's bishop, on the other hand, in an 
answer couched in friendly terms, warned him to keep silence and 
not to interfere with the authority of the Church. Tetzel himself, 
however, replied in some theses composed for him (by Conr. 
Wimpina) 2 and posted up in Frankfort on the Oder. These theses 
correctly develop the medieval doctrine of indulgences— indulgence 
extends to all punishments of sins, even to souls in purgatory; 
those who are attriti and per confessionem contriti have already ob- 
tained forgiveness, minima contritio sufficit ad peccatorum remis- 
sionem—; Luther answered, in 1518, with his Sermon von A Mass 
und Gnade. 3 Tetzel replied in his Vorlegung wyder einen vormessen 
Sermon,* and subsequently, in a second series of theses (May, 
1518); whereupon Luther, by his Freiheit eines Sermons pdpstl. 
Ablass belangend, put an end to this dispute in June. "s 

In the meanwhile, he completed a detailed elucidation of his 95 theses 
(Resolutiones) which, while waiting for the verdict of the Church, he dedicated 
to the Pope,5 and sent to his bishop with an accompanying letter couched 
in humble terms. Significantly enough, although still uncertainly and in- 
consistently, recourse is had from the Pope, as a human being liable to error to 
the verdict of a Council, but not unconditionally, and the papal authority over 
the Church is only recognised according to Romans xiii., 2 ; a new idea of the 
Church makes itself noticeable in contrast with the prevailing one. 

1 Gess in ZKG ix. 590. 

» Wimpina, Anaceph. I. Bl. 39 indicates himself (nos) as their author 

8 Cp., against WA I 239, Kolde in GGA 1884, P- 986 f. 

4 In Kapp, Sammlung, p. 317 ff. 

5 In regard to a still more humbly worded outline of this letter cp. ThLB 
1892, 360. r 


Joh. Eck of Ingolstadt, who had previously approached Luther in a 
friendly spirit, was the first who mixed himself up in the quarrel between 
Luther and Tetzel. In March, his essay Obelisci, circulated only in MS. form, 
came into Luther's hands ; it consisted of carping remarks upon the theses, in 
the course of which Luther was attacked as a " Bohemian" and as the novus 
Propheta, qui egreditur terminos, quos constituerunt patres nostri. Luther issued a 
rejoinder in his Asterisci, also in MS. 1 

3. The Negotiations with Cajetan and Miltitz. 

Literature : Jager in ZhTh 28, 431 ff. Seidemann, Miltitz. Dresd. 1844. 

The Pope had at first regarded the dispute about indulgences as 
a monkish quarrel ; he then commissioned the general of the 
Augustinians " to pacify the man." However, before he had 
taken any steps, the Dominican Silvester Mazzolini Prierias, 
master of the palace and papal censor of books, bestirred himself, 
and within three days, wrote a counter-treatise (June, 15 18), which 
unreservedly espoused the cause of Tetzel, even in the matter of 
"the money in the box" ; it was of even still greater importance 
that he placed at the head of it a number of rigorously curialistic 
propositions 2 relating to the Church, which is virtually included in 
the infallible Pope; any one who dissents from the doctrine of 
Rome and the Pope is a heretic, consequently, everyone who asserts 
ecclesiam Romanam non posse facere id quod de facto facit. Luther 
confronted this opponent with the infallibility of the Holy Scrip- 
tures. But Rome was already preparing to bring a charge of 
heresy against him. Roman judges (amongst them Prierias) 
were appointed, and on the 7th of August, the summons to Rome 
reached Wittenberg. Immediately afterwards, the Saxon Pro- 
vincial of the Augustinians was directed by the General of the 
Order to have Luther imprisoned. 3 The latter begged Frederick 
the Wise to intercede for him at Rome, with a view to his being 
examined on German territory. Frederick, who at the time was in 
Augsburg at Maximilian's last imperial diet, by negotiation with 
the papal legate, Cardinal Cajetan (vol. ii. p. 530), succeeded in 
obtaining permission for Luther to be examined by the legate on 
German soil, at Augsburg, at the end of the diet. On the 7th of 
October, Luther presented himself at Augsburg, where, at the 

1 The two Essays were first printed in 1545. 

2 EA opp. v. a. I. 346 f. 

3 ZKG II. 476. Kolde, Augustinercongr. p. 411 f. 


request of the electoral councillors, he at first waited for the im- 
perial letter of safe conduct. 

On the 1 2th of October he entered the presence of the learned Dominican, 
who received him in a fatherly manner, but, at the same time, curtly demanded 
the recantation of his errors, his promise not to be guilty of them again, and a 
vow that he would abstain from everything calculated to produce confusion in 
the church. During the conversation that ensued about the errors of Luther 
alluded to by the. Cardinal, the curialism of the latter came into unyielding 
collision with Luther's assertion, that papal decretals had frequently perverted 
the Scriptures. The next day, Luther read a "protestation," in which he 
submitted his previous writings to the judgment of the Church and omnibus 
melius sentientibus, and declared his readiness to accept the judgment of the 
Universities of Bale, Freiburg, Louvain, or Paris. The Cardinal, on the other 
hand, curtly demanded recantation, but finally allowed him to present a written 
defence. When Luther handed this in on the 14th, Cajetan for the third time 
demanded recantation, refused to allow Luther to speak, and dismissed him 
ungraciously with a threat of excommunication. At this critical moment, 
Staupitz prudently released Luther from the vow of obedience to the order 
and left the city himself, to avoid being obliged to take any proceedings against 
his friend. The latter now appealed (Oct. 16) in due form a papa non bene 
informato ad melius informandum, notified the same to the Cardinal, and, as the 
latter persistently maintained a suspicious silence, secretly took flight from the 
city, not without reason, for, on the 23rd of August, the papal order had 
already been issued, to arrest Martin " the heretic " and convey him to Rome. 1 

On his return home, Luther published the Acta Augustana 
[Minutes of the Augsburg Conference]. 2 Meanwhile, Cajetan had 
demanded from Frederick Luther's extradition to Rome or, at 
least, that he should be expelled from Saxony; the Elector 
immediately showed his letter to Luther, whereupon the latter 
begged him not to give him up, at the same time expressing 
his willingness to leave the country. But as he even declared 
himself ready to allow himself to be confuted, the Elector was not 
yet willing to let the ornament of his University go. In the mean- 
time (Nov. 25), Luther solemnly appealed from the Pope to the 
Council. But at Rome, people were hesitating about the ban 
and bringing pressure to bear upon Frederick, since, owing to 
political reasons (Election of Emperor) they desired to keep him 
well disposed towards them. The papal chamberlain, Karl von 

1 Concerning the genuineness of the papal brief, which Luther was at first 
disinclined to believe, cp. Kolde, Luthers Stellung zu Concil und Kirche 
Gutersloh, 1876, p. 115 f . ; WA II. 22; Cone. Gesch. IX 69 ; Evers II 102 
547 ; H. Ulmann, DZGW, X 1 ff . 9 ' ' ° 2 ' 

2 WA II. 1 ff., and StKr 1888, p. 166 ff. 


Miltitz, a Saxon nobleman, was commissioned, when conveying 
the " golden rose " intended for the Elector, to press for the 
extradition of Luther to Rome at the same time. Bat, on his 
arrival on German soil, he learned with astonishment what keen 
interest was already being extensively taken in Luther's case by 
all the nation, and he accordingly resolved to leave the "golden 
rose " in keeping somewhere for awhile, and, on his own respon- 
sibility, before presenting it, to enter upon the path of amicable 

Tetzel had to be sacrificed for this purpose. Miltitz summoned him to 
Altenburg, but he declared that he could not travel in safety, considering the 
excited state of the people. Accordingly, Miltitz visited him in the Dominican 
convent at Leipzig, searchingly investigated the manner in which he had carried 
out his office and his manner of life ; the result was unfavourable, and Tetzel 
was treated very ungraciously; a few months later, he died, utterly broken 
down by this unexpected disgrace. Luther, on the other hand, obeyed the 
summons to Altenburg. As Miltitz was unsuccessful in his demand for recan- 
tation, he condescended to negotiations lasting several days, the result of which 
was as follows : both parties were henceforth to remain silent, and Luther's 
case was to be submitted to the judgment of an intelligent German bishop, 
who should indicate the points in which Luther had gone too far. He was 
further to write an essay, to prevent his earlier writings being misunderstood, 
and to confess to the Pope that he had been too hasty. 

The affair seemed happily settled by prudent diplomacy. Luther 
wrote the letter desired and the pacifying essay (Untefricht auf 
etlichc Artikel, die ihm von seinen Abgonnern aufgelegt und zugemessen 
werden), 1 half submitting and vigorously rejecting the con- 
clusions of his premises, but still it was only " an episode, which 
could not arrest his development." And could the Curia approve 
of this patching-up of fundamental differences ? 

4. The Leipzig Disputation. 

Sources: WA II. Enders II. Add Luther's correspondence with Eck, recently 

discovered, in Enders V. 
Literature: Seidemann, die L. Disp. Dresden, 1843. Albert in ZhTh 43, 

382 ff. Seifert, die Reform, in Leipzig. Leipz. 1883. Wiedemann, J. Eck. 

Regensb., 1865. HpBl 108, 241 ff. 

Eck deserves the credit of having put an end to this cessation of 
hostilities which could not possibly last. This learned authority 
on Scholasticism and famous disputant, after his Obelisci (see 
p. 15) became known, was challenged by Carlstadt, who as 
dean of the theological faculty, thought himself obliged to champion 

1 [Information on certain articles, laid to his charge and attributed to him 
by his enemies] . 

VOL. III. 2 


its honour, in some theses (May 9th, 1518), upon sin, grace, and 
free will, which were more closely worked out at Wittenberg in 
several disputations. Eck first declined the challenge, then 
answered with counter-theses, and demanded a disputation at 
Rome, Paris, or Cologne. Carlstadt answered and conditionally 
agreed to the proposal of a disputation. In the personal negotia- 
tions that took place between Luther (representing Carlstadt) and 
Eck at Augsburg, Leipzig or Erfurt was agreed upon. Eck decided 
in favour of Leipzig, where he applied for leave to hold the debate. 
At the same time, he published (at the end of December) twelve 
theses, in which, as Luther observed with indignation, he himself, 
rather than Carlstadt, was attacked. Hereby Luther considered 
himself released from the promise he had given to Miltitz — certainly 
Eck knew nothing of this agreement — and, breaking through the 
bonds of that arrangement without any qualms of conscience, he 
replied, at the beginning of February, 1519, with twelve counter- 
theses. Eck now inserted in his theses, by way of supplement, 
a proposition directed against Carlstadt. Luther accordingly sub- 
joined a new counter-thesis : Carlstadt also now published his 

The most important thing in Eck's challenge was the fact that he again 
insisted upon the teaching of the Church ; Luther had observed in his Resolutiones 
that, even in the time of Gregory I., Rome possessed no primacy over the 
whole Church, at least, not in the East (WA I 571) ; Eck now affirmed that 
this precedence was already in existence in the times before Pope Silvester 
(3 x 4-335)> since the Pope was the successor of Peter and general Vicegerent of 
Christ. Luther now rejoined, that the supremacy of the Roman Church was only 
founded on the frigidissima decreta (only 400 years old) of the Popes, whereas the 
history of the first eleven centuries, the Scriptures, and the Council of Nicaea 
bore witness to the contrary. Again, just before the disputation, he issued a 
special essay against this thesis of Eck (WA II. 183 fF.) In this, serious ques- 
tions connected with the history of the Church were concerned. He denies 
the ius divinum of the papal primacy, bases its authority only upon Romans, xiii, 
and declares that Matthew, xvi, does not refer to Peter alone, but to him as the 
commune organum omnium Apostolorum. The keys belong ecclesiae, communitati ; 
the priest who exercises office non suo iure, sed ministerio ecclesiae clavibus utitur 
(II. 189-191). 

The University of Leipzig, pressed by Duke George, had only 
consented against its will to the disputation between Eck and 
Carlstadt ; George also had scruples, when Luther was drawn into 
it. Negotiations were protracted. Miltitz now summoned Luther 
to appear before the Archbishop of Treves in conformity with the 
agreement ; but, under the altered conditions, Luther refused (May 


17th). The disputation began without permission having arrived 
for Luther to take part in it : he could only set out upon the 
journey as Carlstadt's companion. After the settlement of tedious 
negotiations about the conditions of the disputation, on the 27th of 
June, Eck and Carlstadt opened the debate (on Free Will) in the 
presence of a large concourse of hearers, some of whom had 
hurried up from a distance; on the 4th of July, Luther was able to 
take part and the discussion was now directed to the question of 
the papacy. 

.Here Eck succeeded in exposing Luther as a heretic. In Constance, the 
view that subordination to the Pope was not necessary to salvation, had already 
been condemned as a heresy of Huss. Thereupon Luther replied : cerium est, 
inter articulos /. Hus vel Bohemorum multos esse plane Christianissimos et evangelicos, 
quos 11011 possit universalis ecclesia damnare (WA II. 279). Terrified at the con- 
clusions, which Eck at once drew from this, Luther endeavoured to move back 
a step, and suggested that perhaps those Articles were only foisted in the acts of 
the Council ; but that certainly only the word of God, not a council, was 
infallible ; and then, in order partly to withdraw this proposition from Eck's 
attack and to make a concession, that resolutions of the Council were certainly 
binding in matters of belief (WA II. 303). The disputation then turned upon 
purgatory and indulgence ; on the 14th of July, Carlstadt again took part in it. 
In the end, it was agreed to lay the proceedings of the disputation before the 
Universities of Erfurt and Paris. Both parties claimed the victory ; however, 
Luther himself looked back with uneasiness upon a struggle, in which cleverness, 
not truth had gained the day. On his return home, he wrote an explanatory 
essay upon his disputation theses ; he recognises the Pope, but rejects his 
ius div inum as a novum dogma; the whole constitution of the Church is an 
ecclesiastical, not a divine arrangement (WA II. 432 ff) ; some Erfurt friends 
brought the proceedings of the disputation before the public. l 

The proceedings at Leipzig, as may easily be understood, 
attracted the attention of the Bohemians to Luther ; Utraquists 
entered into correspondence with him, and Huss's treatise de 
ecclesia was sent him. On the other hand, a new Catholic opponent, 
Hieronymus (Jerome) Emser of Dresden, seized upon the oppor- 
tunity of drawing Luther out, by undertaking, in an apparently 
friendly manner, to defend him against the suspicion of being an ally 
of the Bohemians. This gave rise to a quarrel, which, during the 
years immediately following, caused both parties frequently to take 
up the pen. 2 Although the disputation made Duke George Luther's 
decided enemy, on the other hand, from the time of his conflict 
with Eck, the increasing sympathy of the humanistic circles (e.g., in 

1 Cp. Heumann, Documenta litter, p. 248. 

2 Enders, Luther und Emser, 2 vols., Halle, 1889-91. 

2 — 2 


Erfurt), which soon grew to a positive offer of a stormy alliance, 
inclined in his favour. 

Eck, in the proud consciousness of victory, at once applied to 
the Elector Frederick, demanding that he should now have 
Luther's books burnt, and then repaired to South Germany and 
on to Rome, in order to press for Luther's condemnation. The 
biting satire Eccitcs dedolatus [the planed Eck (corner or angle)], of 
which the humanist W. Pirkheimer was indicated as the author 1 
pursued him from Nuremberg. Miltitz now really wanted to present 
the golden rose to the Elector, but only succeeded in seeing the 
Councillors ; his part was played out. Luther, however, gladly 
returned from the controversial questions of the day to the cardinal 
question of the way of salvation in his Commentary upon the Epistle 
to the Galatians (WA II. 436 ff.). 

5. Melanchthon. 

Literature : Heyd, Mel. und Tubingen. Tiibg. 1839. C. Schmidt, Ph. M. Elberf. 
1861. K. Hartfelder, Mel. ah Praeceptor Germaniae. Berlin, 1889. 
Plitt-Kolde, die loci comm. Ph. Mels.* Erlangen, 1890. 

Meanwhile, a colleague was introduced to Luther, with whom his life and 
work were henceforth to be indissolubly connected in mutual giving and 
receiving, influencing and being influenced. Phil. Melanchthon (Schwarzert, 
who writes his name " Melanthon " after 1531), the son of an armourer and 
great nephew of Reuchlin, born (1497) in Bretten, where (and in Pforzheim) he 
received his early education, had already studied at the University of Heidelberg 
when twelve years old, and afterwards migrated (15 12) to Tubingen, where he 
found capable humanistic teachers; after taking his Master of Arts in 1514, he 
worked as a teacher of the Classical languages, a philologer in the best sense of 
the world, interesting himself not only in the grammar (he wrote a Griechische 
Grammatik, 15 18), but also in the spirit and views of life of the ancients. 
Reuchlin's quarrel had made him a decided humanistic enemy of the School- 
men, " the Sophists " ; on the other hand, Luther's appearance on the scene left 
him as yet unaffected ' 2 — as the task of his life, he conceived the plan of editing 
the genuine Aristotle (CR I. 26). In the summer of 15 18, on Reuchlin's 
recommendation, he went as teacher of Greek to Wittenberg, where " the 
puny little creature " speedily captured all men's hearts, aroused a general 
enthusiasm for the study of Greek (Luther also took lessons with him), and 
also, being of an impressionable turn of mind, in the atmosphere of Wittenburg 
acquired an interest in the religious question aroused by Luther's vigorous 

1 Reprinted by Szamatolski (Berlin, 1891), who, without sufficient reason, 
calls Pirkheimer's authorship into question (cp. ThLZ, 1891, Sp. 380 ff.) 

2 He" has been described, against the facts of history, as having "placed 
his universal knowledge at the service of theology while still at Tubingen '" 
(von Bezold p. 280.) 


nature. Luther's cause became his, the interest in Aristotle waned, the 
humanist became the theologian. And Luther himself urged his friend to take 
up theology. On September 9th, 1519, he became bachelor of theology; the 
propositions, which he defended on this occasion, breathe Luther's spirit, — 
even in part go beyond him. 1 The accession of this humanist to the cause of 
the Reformation was of eventful importance for the latter. Not only did 
Melanchthon exert himself to put Luther into correspondence with the leaders 
Reuchlin and Erasmus (Enders I. 320 ff. and 488 ff.), not only did numerous 
younger humanists, following his example, complete the accession to Luther, 
(and thus the results of humanism subsequently proved especially beneficial 
to Protestanism in matters of education), but it became the task of his universal 
learning and formally trained gifts to transform Luther's ideal world into 
clearly intelligible, acceptable doctrine. " Luther's ideas have only been 
historically realised in the form, which Melanchthon gave them. On the other 
hand, Melanchthon's statements cannot be understood without the chief 
motives and catchwords given by Luther." a While Melanchthon placed all 
his knowledge at the service of theology, he not only brought humanism into 
relation with the Church, but it thus also became possible for the Protestant 
University system to follow the analogy of the medieval stadium generate: the 
entire orbis litterarum became an organic whole, of propaedeutic and subsidiary 
value for the princeps omnium artium, Theologian 

6. The Humanistic Allies and the new Emperor. 

Sources: Hutteni opp. ed. Bocking. 

Literature : Kampschulte, de Croto Rubiano, Bonnas, 1862. Einert, Joh. Jdger, 
Jena, 1883. Strauss, U. v. Hutten, 3 parts, Leipz. 1858-1860. Szama- 
tolski, Huttens deutsche Schriften, Strassburg, 1891. Werckshagen, Luther 
und Hutten, Wittenb. 1888. Reindell, Luther, Crotus und Hutten, Marb. 
1890. H. Baumgarten, Gesch. Karls V. (see above p. 6) ; the same, 
Karl V. und die deutsche Reform. Halle, 1889 ; the same, in FdG 1883, 
521 ff. 

After the Leipzig disputation, the humanistic circles began to 
take an interest in Luther. Crotus Rubianus (Joh. Jager), one 
of the authors of the Letters of Obscure men (Epistolae obscurorum 
vivorum) on the plea of old acquaintance, in October, 1519, en- 
deavoured to get into communication with Luther from Italy. 4 

1 See Plitt-Kolde p. 260 ff. The ostensibly " meaningless " sine cicotibus 
in Thesis 13 is the Greek avev ti/corwi/ cp. CR XIII. 617 f. 

2 Troltsch, Vemunft und Offenbarung bei J. Gerhard und Mel. Gottingen, 
1891 p. 139. 

3 Cp. Hartfelder p. 160 ff. Troltsch, p. 68. 

4 The frequently alleged correspondence between Crotus and Luther in the 
autumn of 1518, only rests upon a misunderstanding of the passages in the 
letters (Enders I. 227 and 303). We only know of one letter from Crotus to 
Luther at Augsburg, but this did not reach him (Enders II. 208). 


In stormy language, he invited him as pater patriae, upon whom the 
eyes of all would be turned, to take part in the struggle against 
the fraus Rotnana, declaring that the people must be stirred up by 
publice clamare. Somewhat later, he was also approached by 
Ulrich v. Hutten, whose edition of Laurentius Valla's treatise 
upon the so-called Donation of Constantine had just reached Luther's 
hands, and confirmed him in the apprehension, which had already 
occupied his attention ever since the Augsburg negotiations had 
left their impression upon his mind, that the Antichrist had arisen 
in the Papacy. Hutten, " a wandering poet with the pretensions 
of a cavalier," had worked his way up through the struggles and 
trials of an adventurous life, in numerous literary quarrels, to the 
position of mouthpiece of the national enthusiasm for the liberation 
of Germany from Roman tyranny, a protest glowing with anger 
against the practices of the degenerate Church of the World, and 
fostered, in widely extended circles, hatred of the Romanists. 
This deadly enmity was " of purely worldly, half humanistic, half 
national origin and does not exhibit a single trace of any religious 
interest whatever." 1 Consequently, the positive aims of his 
efforts always remained obscure. If he had at first criticised 
Luther's behaviour as due to a monkish quarrel, he now sought 
a reconciliation. He offered Luther Sickingen's protection at this 
critical moment, and proposed fresh assaults upon Rome. Further, 
recognising that the struggle against Rome would in this case be 
carried on from religious motives, he now exerted himself to the 
utmost to strike this note in his conduct of the dispute. Thus, in 
the spring of 1520, his dialogues Vadiscus sive Trias Romana 
(directed against the corruption of Rome and its exploitation of 
Germany) and Inspicientes (attacking the papal legate Cajetan) were 
published and added fuel to the flame. 

For Luther, however, this alliance was neither personally a matter of 
indifference nor, in reality, without influence. Certainly, the German was not 
now for the first time awakened in him, and the idea that he borrowed the 
materials for his accusations against Rome from Hutten, is shown on closer 
examination, to be unsupported 2 ; it is doubtful whether he was acquainted 
with the Vadiscus at all, when he wrote his Essay to the Christian nobility. 
Far stronger than such direct influences or borrowings, which certain persons 

1 v. Bezold, p. 286. 

2 Compare against Kampschulte, Maurenbrecher and Werckshagen, 
especially WA VI. 381 ff. and Reindell (also GGA 1890, 484 ff. ZdA 1891, 
220 ff. 


thought they had discovered, was the indirect influence of the contemporary 
parallel intellectual movement. He also began to regard his cause as the cause 
of the nation ; he had an inkling of a rising of the German people against 
oppression that had already been patiently endured too long ; it roused him to 
believe that, in case of eventualities, he might rely upon human protection in 
the struggle. While inwardly renouncing the Roman Church which he had so 
long loyally reverenced, his mission now rises before him — not to suffer alone as 
a martyr to his cause, but to lead his people to the fight for freedom. Accord- 
ingly, the tone of his writings changes ; theological discussion makes way for 
the appeal to his people. He believes in a reorganisation of things, which will 
be carried out, but not without noise and tumult : his intention certainly is, to 
carry out this helium domini only with his own weapon, the word of God, but 
at the same time he hopes that all appeals amongst the people will also 
co-operate. Luther would have broken with Rome even without that national 
movement ; but its development may well have hastened the rupture. 
Although Luther has adopted much from its gravamina in his programme, yet 
everything has been driven into the light of the religious question. Thus, for a 
short time, the religious and the humanistic-national movements meet ; both 
combined stir the German nation in these spring days of the Reformation to its 
very depths. In numerous pamphlets, for the most part anonymous, the soul 
of the people declares its assent. 1 In sight of most people both movements 
blend into one — the peculiar characteristics of both reasserted themselves soon 

At this time, when the German people was in the highest state 
of excitement, Luther was expecting the overthrow of the Papacy. 
For him, also, the question had now grown beyond the purely 
religious aspect : all in the nation, who desired help and a re- 
organisation of things, looked to him, filled with expectation. He 
expected an explosion, but not in the form of a tumult, but as the 
exercise of a right of necessity in opposition to the authorities of 
the Curia. He even — and many with him — hoped for the goodwill 
of the youthful Emperor Charles. His Essay to the Christian 
nobility was dedicated to this " gentle blood," and a special section 
devoted to the independence of his imperial dignity as far as Rome 
was concerned. But even here Luther mistook the actual condition 
of things. 

On the 12th of January, 1519, Maximilian died, after he had received the 
promise of the Electors, while still in Augsburg, that they would elect his 
grandson Charles (born at Ghent in 1500) King of Rome. But now, in addition, 
Francis I. of France appeared as a candidate for the throne ; both courted the 
votes of the Electors. All, with the exception of Frederick the Wise, showed 
themselves open to bribery. Francis paid ready money and had the Pope on 
his side, his power seemed in the highest degree dangerous to the independence 

1 Schade, Satiren und Pasquille. 2 Hannover. 3 vols. A. Baur, Deutschl. in 
den Jahren 1517-1525. Ulm 1872. 


of the Electors ; nevertheless, he finally lost the favourable chance, as the dis- 
like of the German people to the Frenchman was mightily stirred on the Rhine 
at a decisive moment. The Pope attempted, even at the last hour, to guide the 
choice of the Electors to Joachim I. or Frederick the Wise, and the latter had 
a chance of being elected, but he did not consider his dynastic power strong 
enough for this position. Thus, at last, on the 28th of June, 1519, the votes 
were united in favour of Charles. The agitation of the Pope for the election of 
the Frenchman as Emperor had been the first of those serious tactical errors, 
whereby the Popes of the Reformation period injured their cause. But it was 
a mistake for people to expect far and wide a national anti- Romish policy from 
the young Emperor who was distasteful to the Pope. 

Charles regarded his new office as bestowed upon him by God for the pur- 
pose of acting against Turks and heretics. From religious conviction — for he 
was a faithful son of the Roman Church — he looked upon himself as protector 
of the Church. But his political interest also pointed in the direction of the 
same task. For, in the enormous kingdoms in three quarters of the globe, 
over which he had to rule, the unity of the Roman Church was the 
indispensable support of his authority. Hence, political instinct had always 
made him anxious for the friendship of the Pope, however disloyal and untrust- 
worthy this friend might prove towards him. He tore up the confidential 
letter which Luther addressed to him. 

7. The Great Reformation Treatises of the Year 1520. 

Literature: Lemme, die drei grossen Reformationsschriften Ls. 2 Gotha, 1884. 

Luther's Sermon Yon den guten Werken 1 had grown into a book, 
in which he joyously gives expression to his new understanding of 
the Gospel ; the central meaning of belief, which is a firm trust in 
God's mercy and moves men's hearts to keep God's commandments 
with joy in free love, limited by each man's professional duties. 
Never had the Summa of the Gospel been preached so clearly and 
with such telling effect to the German people. The incredibly 
foolish defence of the ius divinum of the Holy See which was under- 
taken by the Franciscan Augustin Alveld of Leipzig, gave Luther 
the opportunity of an immediate and sharp rejoinder in his Vom 
Papstthum zu Rom, 2 and of propounding the religious idea of the 
Church to the laity,— the community of the believers in Christ, the 
existence of which is recognised by its signs, the Gospel and the 
Sacraments. But even here the tone, which characterises the 
succeeding essay to the nobility, makes itself visible : the national 
idea breaks forth, the hope of measures of emancipation carried out 
by the secular orders : his language becomes more aggressive. 
These ideas find expression unreservedly in the Essay (which 
appeared in the middle of August) addressed " an den christlichen 

1 [Discourse on Good Works] . 

2 [Concerning the Papacy at Rome] . 


Adel deutscher Nation Yon des christlichen Standes Besserung." 

[To the Christian nobles of the German nation : concerning the 
reformation of the Christian Estate.] l 

He overthrows the three walls 2 of the Romanists, first, the elevation of the 
" ecclesiastical " order above the " secular " by the proclamation of the royal 
priesthood of the faithful : Christendom only recognises differences of service 
and function, not a priestly order set over the laity : the " clergy " are the 
mandatories of the community of believers. With this, consequently, the two 
other walls, — that they alone claim the right of interpreting the Scriptures, and 
that the Pope alone should have the power of summoning a Council — fall to the 
ground of themselves. A free Council is needed, as a subject for the debates 
of which he proposes the injury done to the Church, so far as it is caused by 
Roman ecclesiastical government : hence this bill of indictment is concerned 
chiefly with the actual administration of the Church, scarcely at all with the 
injuries inflicted in the matter of doctrine. Here Luther becomes the spokes- 
man of the manifold gravamina of the German nation. But not only does he 
complain, he also formulates demands : decentralisation, the establishment of a 
German Church under the Primate of Germany, so that there may be left to 
the Pope something of the importance of a representative of the unity of the 
nationally organised ecclesiastical bodies ; pilgrimages are to be forbidden, 
the celibacy of the priests abolished, the number of festivals reduced, the 
Universities reformed, all usurious trafficking forbidden, trading-companies 
limited, brothels done away with, the poor to be systematically cared for and 
the nuisance of beggars minimised, and the like, — in short, an abundant pro- 
gramme of ecclesiastical and social reorganisation. 

The theological tract De captivitate babylonica Ecclesiae praelu- 
dium (A prelude concerning the Babylonish captivity of the 
Church) followed in October. 3 This endeavours to shatter the 
ecclesiastical methods of power, whereby it forces the life of the 
Christian into dependence upon the priestly church,— its seven 

Of these, only Baptism and the Lord's supper, and, in a certain sense, the 
)enitential Sacrament are allowed to stand ; their common strength is the word 
of promise, which contains forgiveness of sins and requires belief. He criticises 
the withholding of the cup from the laity, and transubstantiation, for which 
(with Ailly and Occam) he would prefer to substitute a consubstantiation without 
:hange of the elements, but, above all, the conversion of the Lord's supper into 
in act of sacrifice. He shows how Baptism excludes self invented works and 
'ows, and how all the Christian's penitence is only a return to baptism ; he 

1 WA VI. 381 ff. Of the special editions that by Benrath holds a distin- 
guished place, VRG Part 4. Halle, 1884. 

2 Cp. Virgil. Aen. VI. 549 (Tartarus) : triplici circumdata muro. 
s In 1519, Melanchthon already speaks of the 400 years "Babylonish 

'aptivity " of the Church, CR I. 71. See Luther's Essay, translated into 
rerman with notes, in BA II. p. 375 ff. 


criticises the practice of confession, the character indelebilis of the priesthood, 
the tyranny of the marriage legislation, and so forth. Here, certainly, the 
foundations of Roman Christianity were shaken. For Christianity in the 
Catholic acceptation stands and falls with the mediating grace of the Church 
and the piety that is to be founded upon a man's own performance of religious 
exercises. Nevertheless, Luther was convinced that he was no " heretic," since 
indeed he only represented the cause of " evangelical truth against the super- 
stitious opinions of human tradition " (Enders I. 469). 

But, at the same time that he had poured out the vials of his 
wrath upon Rome, Luther showed wonderful internal composure 
in his thoughtful Essay Yon der Freiheit eines Christenmenschen 
(concerning the freedom of a Christian) (in both Latin and 
German). 1 

Here he teaches the grandeur of belief, which makes the Christian a free 
master in all things, since, in believing, he has Christ ; but, at the same time, 
in his external life, he remains engaged in battle with sin, and, in affection, 
bound to serve his neighbour. Luther at the same time made use of the Latin 
edition of this Essay as a letter, which the indefatigable Miltitz had suggested 
to him he should send to the Pope, to show that he had never desired to attack 
him personally. But, during the negotiations on this matter, the papal bull 
threatening excommunication had already become known. Miltitz and the 
electoral court accordingly induced Luther to antedate his treatise the 6th of 
September. It is not easy to understand, how anyone could expect any good 
results from a letter, which, notwithstanding its courteous tone, contained so 
much that was offensive to the Pope. 

8. The papal ban. 

Literature: v. Druffel in ABA 1880, I 5, 571 ff. Hefele, Conc.-G. 
IX. 129 ff. 

In January, 1520, Eck had taken a journey to Rome, where he 
succeeded in securing Luther's condemnation. Frederick the 
Wise, pointing to the excitement of the German people, vainly 
endeavoured to persuade Rome to consent to a refutation of 
Luther by the testimony of the Scriptures. 2 After lengthy de- 
liberations in the papal consistory, the bull Exsurge D online was 
issued under date June 15th. 3 

" Foxes will lay waste thy vineyard, a wild boar out of the forest seeks to 
destroy it, etc." (Pslams, 74, 22. 80, 14). Forty-one propositions from Luther's 
writings are censured (amongst them that Haereticos comburi est contra voluntatem 

1 Reprinted by Knaake, Halle, 1879. 

2 EA opp. v.a. V. 7 ff. 

8 BM V. 748 ff. A letter of Hoogstraten to Leo. X. was made use of in 
drawing it up, WA II. 384. 



spiritus), particularly propositions dealing with the Church and its plenary 
power, and only indirectly propositions referring to his doctrine of belief and 
justification. It is already proof of his heresy, that he has appealed to a 
Council. His heretical books are to be destroyed, and he is to be deprived of 
his professorship and authority to preach ; the faithful are to avoid intercourse 
with him and his followers ; every place which receives him is to be placed 
under interdict. He is granted sixty days for recantation. 

Leo forwarded the bull to Frederick the Wise with a letter of 
advice, dated July 8th, and called upon him to withdraw his pro- 
tection from the now convicted heretic. 1 At the same time, Eck 
appeared in Germany, to make the bull public everywhere, but met 
with little encouragement from the bishops in face of the excited 
disposition of the people. Authority was granted him to include 
in the bull, at his discretion, the names of some of Luther's followers: 
in addition to Carlstadt and Feldkirchen of Wittenberg he selected 
his personal enemies, above all Pirkheimer (see p. 20) and Laz. 
Spengler, the town-clerk of Nuremburg, who, in 1519, had earnestly 
and manfully taken Luther's part in a " Vindication " written in 
German : in addition, Adelmann, Canon of Augsburg, whom he 
hated as joint author of Oecolampadius's satire Canonicorum indoc- 
torum responsio (1520) ; lastly, Joh. Silvius Egranus the preacher of 
Zwickau was included in the threat of excommunication in conse- 
quence of a theological quarrel, which he had had with a Leipzig 
theologian. First, Adelmann, then Pirkheimer and Spengler 
humbled themselves before Eck and obtained absolution from the 
ban. 2 Luther acted differently. The University of Wittenberg, 
acting in concert with the Elector's councillors, delayed the publica- 
tion of the bull : Luther himself was at first inclined to look upon 
it as a forgery of Eck. On the 17th of November, he repeated the 
appeal to the Council, demanded the Emperor and Princes, as repre- 
sentatives of the Christian Community, to espouse his cause, and, 
in his essay Adversus execrabilem Antichristi bidlam, opposed the papal 
excommunication with his sentence of excommunication against 
the Antichrist in Rome : Christus index viderit, utra excommunicatio 
apud cum valeat (EA opp. v. a. V. 153). 

Meanwhile, the Emperor Charles had made his appearance in 

1 Balan, Monum. ref. p. 1 ff. 

2 Drews, Pirkheimer. Leipz. 1887, p. 59 ff. Roth, Augsburgs Reformations- 
geschichte. Munchen 1881, p. 65 ff . ; the same, Einfiihrung der Ref. in Niirnb- 
Wurzburg, 1885, p. 71 ff. ; the same, Pirkheimer, Halle 1887, p. 39 ff. 
Buchwald on Silvius Egranus in ZSKG IV. 163 ff. For Adelmann see ZhV 
Schwaben VII. 85 ff. 


Germany, had been solemnly crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle on the 

23rd of October, and with full conviction had taken an oath to 

maintain the Catholic belief as handed down to him, and to be 

submissive to the Pope and the Romish Church. The papal 

nuncios, Caraccioli and Aleander, had previously, in Flanders, 

handed him the bull against Luther, and had also obtained his 

promise that he would at any rate order Luther's writings to be 

burnt in the Netherlands and Burgundy. (In regard to the ban of 

the empire, they had been put off until the coronation should have 

taken place.) Aleander, 1 who was specifically commissioned for the 

proceedings against Luther, at once began at Louvain with an "act 

of faith," with which he expected to create a great impression upon 

the laity. On the 10th of December, Luther replied by burning 

the papal decretal and the bull of excommunication. " Since thou 

hast afflicted the Holy One of the Lord (Mark. I. 24) so may 

eternal fire consume thee ! " The attitude of Frederick the Wise 

was now bound to be of decisive importance. In Cologne, on the 

4th of November, the nuncios had handed him the bull together 

with the Pope's letter, and demanded the execution of the bull and 

Luther's extradition to Rome. Frederick wanted to think the 

matter over. Erasmus, who was in Cologne at the time, being 

questioned by him, advised him to demand that the matter should 

be investigated and settled by a court of arbitration of men who 

were beyond suspicion and capable of judging (EA opp. v. a. V 241 f). 2 

Thereupon Frederick replied to the nuncios, that Luther should 

be examined under safe conduct, before learned judges who were 

beyond suspicion: and then, if his writings were convicted of 

heresy, he would prove himself an obedient son of the Church. 

With this commences the diplomatic game, which Frederick continued to 
play to the end of his life with wonderful cleverness, against Rome and then 
also against the Empire: to every demand to take steps against Luther he 
immediately raises an objection : to every complaint against Luther's or his own 

1 Balan, Monumenta reformationis Luth. Regensb. 1884. Brieger, Al. u. L. 
Gotha, 1884. Kalkoff, Die Depeschen des Nuntius Al. Halle, 1886. 

2 On this occasion, he gave utterance to the sarcastic expression : Lutherus 
peccavit in duobus, nempe quod tetigit coronam Pontificis et ventres monachonim. 
Shortly before, at a council which has erroneously made its way into Zwingli's 
works (O^. lat. I p. 1 if.), he had given similar advice in the matter of a court 
of arbitration, but had at the same time admitted that Luther had undoubtedly 
deviated from the truth (cp. Geiger in ALG V. 5 54 &)• Side by side with this, 
the same man, when it suited him, could declare that he had never read 
Luther's writings. 



attitude, he has a rejoinder : and he knows how to hold in suspense his actual 
partisanship of Luther and therewith his conflict with the ecclesiastical as well 
as with the imperial power. Hence it remains uncertain, whether, how far, 
and since when, he heartily made Luther's cause his own. Originally loyal 
and devoted, in a medieval spirit, to the Church and its guarantees of salvation, 
he at first endeavoured to protect, in the person of Luther, the famous Professor 
of his University : then Luther's piety, as exhibited in his practically edifying 
writings (e.g. the consolatory letter Tessaradecas consolatoria (15 19) addressed to 
himself) won him over, the religious movement in his country affected him, and 
the role of mediator cleverly played by his court chaplain and private secretary, 
G. Spalatin, had its share in preventing him from abandoning Luther even in 
most critical situations : finally, this game of hide and seek against Curia and 
Empire was entirely congenial to the skilled diplomatist 1 . 

9. The Diet of Worms. 

Sources : Forstemann, N. Urkundenbuch p. 1. ff. Aleander's dispatches in 
Balan, Brieger, Kalkoff (see above, p. 28). EA pp. v. a. VI. 1 ff. 
Account by Spalatin, A nnales, p. 38; by Peutinger in Kolde, Anal. 28: 
by Spengler in M. Mayer, Spengleriana p. 13 ff. 

Literature : Brieger in Marburger Festschrift zur Lutherfeier, 1883. Kolde, Luther 
undder Reichstag zu Worms. Halle, 1883. Soldan, Der Reichstag zu Worms. 2 
Worms, 1883. Elter, Luther und der Wormser Reichstag. Bonn, 1886. 
Burckhardt, Luthers Wormser Rede in Spalatins Wiedergabe in St Kr 1894. 
p. 151 ff. 

After his coronation, the Emperor proceeded to Worms, where 
he awaited the assembling of the States, whom he summoned thither 
on the 1st of November to the diet. The question, whether Luther 
would now be condemned unheard, as the Curia demanded, or 
whether he would be summoned before the imperial diet, was 
variously answered, according to the information that came in as 
to the Pope's position in relation to Charles and King Francis : 
first, it was said, he was to be summoned, and then only, if he were 
willing to recant; then (December 29th) that he was to be con- 
demned unheard by imperial mandate. The arrival of the States 
and the respect that was necessarily paid to them again rendered 
Luther's prospects more favourable. Meanwhile, on the 3rd of 
January, 152 1, Leo solemnly published the ban Decet Romanian 
Pontificem 2 , and called out the secular sword against the heretic. 

1 Cp. Kolde, Friedr. d. W. Erl. 1881 ; Kostlin in StKr 1882, 700 ; the 
same, Friedr. d. W. u. die Schlosskirchc zu Wittbg. Wittbg. 1892 (also StKr 
1893, 603 ff.). That Frederick, as late as 1522, caused relics to be bought up, 
perhaps was a part of the role, in which he wanted to protect Luther. 

« BM V 761 ff. 



On the 13th of February, Aleander appeared before the imperial 
diet and, in a long speech, 1 described Luther as a man who was 
politically dangerous, in whose case the Pope had now exhausted 
his leniency : he added that they should not allow themselves to 
be blinded by his show of piety, but, without further ado, should 
comply with the sentence of the Church, and not venture, as lay- 
men, to claim to be judges in this matter. The Emperor also was 
ready to act in this manner, but the States, who were acquainted 
with public feeling, and who also had their gravamina against the 
Curia, wished notwithstanding to examine him : perhaps, said they, 
he recanted his " unchristian " propositions and only upheld his 
criticism of abuses. A committee of the States accordingly 
recommended that he should be summoned, and the Emperor, 
who really wanted to bring a number of demands before the States, 
and perhaps also was really again beginning to entertain suspicions 
of the papal policy, 2 gave in on the first point. Accordingly, the 
summons was drawn up (March 6th, but not sent until the 15th) : 
it commenced in a most respectful manner, " Honourable, dear, 
beloved, etc." In the meantime, on the 10th, Charles signed a 
mandate, according to which all Luther's writings were to be de- 
livered up to the authorities. It was made public on the 26th, when 
Luther was already on his journey, during which the approval of 
the nation showed itself to him in many places. When he heard 
of the mandate on his way, he was taken aback, but still continued 
his journey, and refused to allow himself to be dissuaded from 
finishing it, either by- the efforts of the Emperor's confessor 
Glapio, who wanted to make him turn aside and go to Sickingen 
at his castle at Ebernburg, or by a warning from Spalatin, who 
feared the worst for him at Worms. To Aleander's amazement, 
he entered Worms on the 16th of April, eagerly welcomed by 
crowds of people. At noon on the 17th, he stood in the presence 
of Emperor and Empire. 

The Official 8 of Treves, Joh. v. Eck, instructed by Aleander, laid Luther's 
books before him, and asked him whether he were willing to recant. Luther 
answered in a low voice ( " as if he were frightened and terrified " ), that he asked 
for time for reflection. This debut was generally disappointing : " in any case, 

1 Forstemann, N. Urkundenbuch. p. 30 if. Add Aleander's despatches of 
February 14th. 

2 Cp. on this point Brieger, p. 3 ft". Baumgarten. Karl V., I 441. 
Ulmann in Fd G XI 638 ff. 

3 [The Catholic representative of the Bishop in secular matters] . 


he has lost much of his earlier reputation," triumphantly exclaimed Aleanderi 
the great crisis had been too much for him, and the peasant's son had been 
confounded amidst this brilliant company. 1 On the following day, Eck 
addressed him ungraciously in the presence of the assembly of the States with 
respect to his request for time for reflection ; but Luther this time gave a final 
answer " in a bold and fearless voice." He distinguished three classes of his 
writings : the devotional, which even his enemies appreciated : the polemical 
treatises against the Pope and Papists, which he said he could not possibly 
recant : lastly, his controversial writings against private individuals — in these 
he admitted that he might have been too violent, but even these he could not 
materially recant. He could only recant if he were confuted by the writings 
of the prophets and evangelists. A promise had previously been given to 
Meander that no one should argue with Luther : accordingly, it was impossible 
to agree to his request. Eck then declared to him that his erroneous doctrines 
had long since been refuted by the Church as errors of Wiclif and Huss : 
would he not at least be willing to recant what had been already been con- 
demned at Constance ? Luther rejoined, that he could believe neither Pope 
nor Councils alone, that he required written testimony or clear arguments. On 
being questioned, he again affirmed his conviction, that even the Council of 
Constance had been at variance with the Scriptures in many points. This led 
to an excited argument between Luther and Eck, but the Emperor rose 
angrily and cut short further dispute. Amidst the general confusion which this 
produced, Luther was heard to exclaim : " I cannot do otherwise ! here I stand, 
God help me ! Amen." 2 

Frederick the Wise was satisfied with Luther's first appearance. 
But what next ? On the following morning, Charles, in an auto- 
graph message, 3 ) unreservedly declared himself a "Catholic" 
Emperor, and that as such, although he would certainly give the 
monk safe-conduct, in other respects he would proceed against him 
as against a declared heretic. Not so the States, some of which 
were personally favourably disposed to Luther, while others were 
subject to the pressure of public opinion, which now vented itself 
in anonymous, threatening placards. They accordingly endeavoured 
to bring the influence of clever mediators to bear upon Luther. 

The Elector of Treves conducted these negotiations, the Chancellor of 
Baden, Dr. Vehus, 4 ) was spokesman. Although extensive concessions were 
made, it was at least desired to extort from him compliance with the demand 
of the Council, but he persisted in declaring that the Word of God was the only 
court he recognised. Joh. Cochlaeus, s who had been brought up as a human- 

1 Cp. Walther, Ls Beruf. Halle, 1890, p. 139 ff. 

2 These words have produced an extensive controversial literature, for 
which see Kostlin, IP 800 (453); add v. Gruner in FdG 1886, 141 ff. 
v. Dommer, die Lutherdrucke auf d. Hamb. Stadtbibl. Leipz. 1888, p. 113 ff. 

8 Baumgarten I 456 ff. 

4 Seidemann in Zh Th 21, 80 ff. 

5 Gess, Joh. Cochl. Oppeln 1886. Kolde in Kirchengesch. Studicn. Leipz. 
1888, 197, ff. (on the other side, Dittrich in JGG X no ff.) 


ist, had previously been well-disposed to the Reformation ; but, alarmed by 
Luther's Babylonish Captivity and, in short, converted by his connection with 
the Court of Mainz into an opponent of Luther, even he now pressed upon him 
and challenged him to a discussion, in return for which he was to give up all 
claim to safe conduct : a proposal, to which Luther was ready to assent, but it 
was rendered void by the Elector's Councillors. 1 Luther laid open his heart to 
the Archbishop of Treves in the form of a confession ; Meander eagerly desired 
to hear what this confession was, and asked the Archbishop (but in vain) to 
break the secret of the confessional. But the negotiations themselves remained 
altogether fruitless : Luther could neither submit unconditionally to the verdict 
of a council, which it was desired to induce him to do, nor did the offer from 
the Archbishop of a benefice as the reward of submission, make any impression 
upon him. Thus this attempt on the part of the States had to be abandoned. 

Against the advice of his Councillors, Charles gave the heretic 
safe-conduct and allowed him three weeks more tor the return 
journey : he only forbade him to preach on the way. By command 
of the Emperor he left the city on the 26th of April. Aleander 
now urged that he should be proclaimed an outlaw and drew up the 
draft of the ban himself, but was unable to induce the Emperor to 
issue the edict in his own name without the States. Charles pre- 
ferred to settle all the other affairs of the diet, before he proceeded 
with this affair, which was not to the liking of many. It w r as not 
until the 25th of May, when Frederick and the Count Palatine had 
already departed — and even then not at an official assembly of the 
States, but when the Princes happened by chance to be with him — 
that he surprised them by having the edict read to them (not laid 
before them for decision). The Elector Joachim thereupon, with- 
out authorisation, declared his assent : no one ventured to gainsay 
him. Thus it seemed as if Emperor and States were in this case 
unanimous ! Under date (wrongly) of the 8th of May, 2 the Edict of 
Worms was promulgated in the different countries : it declared 
Luther an outlaw in the harshest terms and demanded that he 
should be delivered over to the Emperor. His followers were to 
be apprehended, their property confiscated, his own and his 
followers' writings burnt, the censorship of his books to be 
exercised by the spiritual authorities. 

Under normal conditions, Luther would now have been lost, and the Re- 
formation crushed. But, in the German Empire of that time, imperial laws 
were only valid so far as the interest of the individual States permitted, while, 

1 ZhTh 21, 91 ff. Gess, p. 13 ff. Janssen II 166 ff. Wedewer, Dieten- 
berger. Freiburg 1888, p/. 51 f. Brief wechsel des Jonas II 346. Enders III 174 ff. 

2 As to the question whether this proceeding is to be regarded as a deceitful 
ante-dating, cp. Tesdorpf and Brieger in ZKG IX 129 ff. 132 ff. 


in regard to the latter, popular opinion, which impetuously espoused the cause 
of Luther, 1 played a part which was by no means to be underrated. Matters 
would certainly have been different, if Charles had now remained in Germany 
and had been able to apply his will and authority to carrying out the edict : 
but, on the 22nd of May, the French Ambassador in Worms resigned his office, 
the Frenchman's war of revenge for his defeat in the imperial election was 
directly impending, and Charles's years-long struggles for the defence of his 
vast possessions, which for a long time withdrew him from Germany and German 
affairs, commenced. This was destined to save Luther and the Reformation. 

10. The Sojourn at the Wartburg and the Return to Wittenberg. 

Sources : WA VIII. Enders III. 

Literature : M. Lenz in the Marb. Festschrift zum Lutherfest. 1883.— C. F. Jager, 
Andr. Bodenstein v. Carlstadt. Stuttgart, 1856. 

As early as the 28th of April, Luther had written to Wittenberg from Frank- 
fort : "lam going to hide myself, I do not yet know where. We must keep 
silent and suffer for awhile." 2 The day before his departure from Worms, the 
electoral councillors disclosed to him the plan, in accordance with which the 
prudent and cautious Frederick wanted to get him out of the way for a time, 3 
so that it remained officially unknown, where he was really staying. The 
Elector so arranged it, that he did not even know himself, in which of his 
castles Luther was, and hence could affirm his ignorance. Indeed, the secret 
was so loyally kept and the plan so successfully carried out, that both friend 
and foe were at first misled and e.g. Cochlaeus, even after Luther's death, was 
unable to ascertain, where his " Patmos " had really been. 4 

Luther, while visiting his relatives in Thuringia, was to all appearance 
violently attacked with hostile intent near Altenstein, and carried off to the 
Wartburg. Aleander at once rightly conjectured that Frederick the Wise had 
a hand in the game, although the latter in all respects kept up the part of one 
who knew nothing with considerable skill. 5 The people's attention was occu- 
pied by the most varied conjectures and apprehensions regarding Luther's fate. 
\. Durer lamented, in touching language, the lot of him who had been carried 
off, perhaps murdered by his enemies, and called upon Erasmus now to take 
the command in the struggle as protector of the truth. 6 

1 Cp. the pamphlets, M. Luthers Passion, Neukarsthans, Kuntz und Fritz 
and others, in A. Baur, p. 97-157 ; v. Bezold, p. 351 ff. 

2 De Wette I 588. 

8 It was, however, with quite a different idea that Charles V. recommended 
Frederick at Worms utfratrem Martinum in aliqua arce detineat (Balan, p. 94) : 
accordingly we must not, with Egelhaaf I 350, speak of a certain consideration 
for the Emperor's wishes. 

4 Cp. Myconius, Hist. Ref. p. 42. G. Kawerau, Agricola, p. 42. 

5 Cp. Kalkoff, p. 192 ff. 

6 Zucker, Diirers Stellung zur Reformation. Erlangen, 1886, p. 14 ff. For the 
widely circulated view, that the cause of Erasmus and Luther was one and 
the same, cp. the passages in Hartfelder HTb 1892, 123 f.— For Durer's 
religious position see also Danko in ThQ 70, 244 ff. Durer's lament for 
Luther's disappearance is also discussed by K. Langen and F. Fuhse, Durer's 
schriftlicher Nachlass. Halle, 1893, p. 161 ff. For his religious position, see the 
same, p. 66 ff. 380, and elsewhere. 

VOL. III. 3 


Luther found rest at the Wartburg after the storm, in the 
character of Junker Georg (Squire George). It was no doubt at 
the same time a severe trial of patience for the soldier ready for 
battle. The unusual mode of life brought on bodily ailments, and 
his keeping himself hidden seemed to him a desertion of his 
colours. The restriction placed upon his reading drove him to 
intense study of the Bible, and he soon proved his existence to the 
world by weighty writings. J AC. Latomus, the Louvain theologian, 
by a polemical treatise called forth from him the Rationis Latomianae 
Confutation an exhaustive exposition of his doctrine of sin and 
justification by faith. Then followed Von der Beichte, oh die der 
Papst Macht habe, zu gebieten, a loud protest agafnst the tyranny of 
the Romish practice of confession, a keen criticism of the untenable 
proof of the same adduced from Scripture, but also the eulogy of 
an evangelical order of confession and excommunication. Through 
all this time he also worked at his Kirchenpostille (Book of 
Homilies) \ which the Elector had previously urged him to write. 
In December, he commenced the Translation of the New Testament 
from the Greek (First Edition, September, 1522). 

The Old Testament followed in single parts in the following years : the 
first complete and at the same time revised edition, of the Bible appeared 
in 1534, after a second thorough revision, the edition of 1541 ; the editions of 
1543 and 1545 were also revised and improved. For Luther's independence of 
the medieval German Bible (Vol. II. p. 543) see Walther, L.s Bibeliibersetzung 
kein Plagiat, Erl. 1891, although this work was not unknown to him, at any 
rate in later years, as Biltz has shown, Beitrdge ilber deut'sche Sprache und 
Literatur. Berl. 1891, p. 125 ff. 

His Catholic contemporaries already took delight in accusing him of having 
deliberately falsified the Bible in his translation {e.g., by interpolating " alone " 
in Romans, 3, 28 and elsewhere), and, since Dollinger, Ref. III., 131 ff. has 
attempted to establish the charge afresh, it is confidently repeated by many. 
He himself had already (1530) answered it with a clear conscience and carefully 
considered sarcasm, EA 65, 104 ff., in a circular letter, in which he treats of the 
task of the " interpreter " as a pioneer and in advance of his contemporaries. 
For a justification of Luther in detail compare Walther, Luthers Glaubens- 
gewissheit, Halle, 1892, p. 61 ff., 91 ff. For Luther's " fine and almost unerring 
linguistic feeling," cp. P. Pietsch, L. und die hochdeutsche Schriftsprache, Bresl. 
1883, and Keyssner, die drei Psalterbearbeitungen Luthers, Meiningen, 1890. 
Owing to the publication of H. Emser's New Testament 1527, and Joh. 
Dietenberger's Bible, 1534, both of whom made Luther's work the foundation 
of their own, his Bible obtained a wide circulation even amongst the Catholics ; 

1 It appeared piecemeal, the Advent sermons in 1521 before the departure 
for Worms ; then, in 1522 and 1525, the winter homilies; lastly, 1527-1528, the 
summer half and the festival sermons. (These homilies were Sermons on the 
Gospels and Epistles for the Church year). 


for Luther's work now compelled his opponents to meet the popular demand 
for German Bibles. Emser certainly, in his concluding remarks, warned the 
laity against the Bible; " let every layman concern himself about a godly life 
more than about the Scriptures, which are commended to the learned alone " 
Zurich provided itself with a German Bible partly its own, Luther's work being 
taken as the foundation of the New Testament and the historical books of the 
Old, while a special version of the Prophets and Apocrypha was attempted by 
Leo Jud (Judah Leo) ; the Bible, thus put together, then underwent severe 
revisions (Breitinger, 1629) and touching up (from 1661 : cp. J. J. Mezger, 
Gesch. der deutschen Bibeliibersetz. in der schweiz. ref. Kirche, Basel, 1876 ; add 
ThLZ 1877, no. 9; ZKG III., 558 f.) An important work, which deserves 
notice by the side of Luther's, was the translation of the Prophets by the 
Anabaptists L. Hetzer and J. Denck, Worms, 1527. 

Luther was driven to other deeply trenchant works by the reports 
as to the development of ecclesiastical affairs in Wittenberg during 
his absence. The University, in spite of the edict of Worms, was 
now more flourishing than ever : Joh. Bugenhagen (Pomeranus) of 
Treptow on the Rega and Just. Jonas of Erfurt had entered with 
Carlstadt, Amsdorf, and Melanchthon. Carlstadt, to gratify his 
ambition, now strove to obtain the leadership,— a doubtful prospect, 
considering the unsteadiness of his development and the crudeness of 
his ideas. 

People were pressing on to practical reforms: individual clergy married; their 
bishops took steps against them, a literary defence of their action followed. 
Carlstadt now drew the further conclusion, that monks and nuns also could 
leave the convent and marry. Luther was taken aback when he heard of this ; 
was there, then, no difference between the celibacy that was forced upon the 
priests by ecclesiastical law and the virginity (of those belonging to an order) 
which depended upon a free vow ? Carlstadt further asserted, that marriage 
was enjoined upon the priests, not only permitted, by the Scriptures ; that the 
breaking of the vow by monks and nuns was certainly a sin, but not so great 
as that of living an unchaste life. At the same time, he began the struggle 
against the adoration of images and the worship of the Saints, and on behalf of 
the granting of the cup to the laity. The question of monastic vows was 
especially serious ; Carlstadt's argument was evidently untenable, and also 
Melanchthon endeavoured (but in vain) to find a more tenable position. Then 
Luther intervened with his Essay de votis monastic*, in which he examined the 
motive with which vows were taken. In most cases it was the sinful motive of 
obtaining special holiness, justification by one's own act. Monastic life is to so 
small an extent a higher grade of morality, that it much rather signifies selfish 
neglect of the duties of love of one's neighbour. Vows taken in this sense must 
3e done away with. But certainly the freedom of the Gospel can also exist 
with subordination to a definite rule of life. 

Even before this Essay appeared, steps had already been taken 
in Wittenberg, actually to abolish monastic life. In November, 
thirteen monks left the Augustinian convent, some of them be- 
coming mechanics and citizens. Shortly before, the Augustininn 



Gabriel Zwilling had denounced daily mass without a communi- 
cating congregation ; the Augustinians discontinued the daily 
reading of the mass : Luther supported them in this with his 
Essay Vom Missbrauch der Messe (also in Latin : de abroganda missa 
privatu). When Archbishop Albert now ventured upon the attempt 
to reopen the traffic in indulgences in his Cathedral at Halle with 
an exhibition of relics, Luther, by a letter from his Patmos, in 
which he threatened him with an angry essay, so alarmed the frivolous 
prelate, that he humbled himself before him. A secret visit to his 
friends at Wittenberg (in December) was the occasion of his 
writing his " exhortation to all Christians, to keep themselves from 
disturbance and sedition." He told them that his Gospel did not 
teach disturbance, that the authorities, not the Lord Omnes, should 
be left to deal with the removal of abuses : that it was a matter of 
being indulgent to the weak and showing themselves " Lutherans " 
by something better than railing at the Pope and reckless use of 
the freedom of the Gospel. 

Meanwhile, the Reformation went on in Wittenberg : Carlstadt (at Christ- 
mas) celebrated the holy communion without confession, without sacrifice, in 
both kinds, without priestly vestments : it was considered a new evangelical 
law, to take the host itself into the hand (Take, eat) and to pass the wine 
round in an ordinary drinking-cup. At Epiphany 1522, an Augustinian chapter, 
under the Grand Vicar Wenzel Link l , was held, which portended the breaking 
up of the " German Congregation." For everyone has the right to secede ; 
begging and votive masses are abolished, those who remain behind in the 
convent are regarded as a free association, the members of which, according to 
their several capacities, can preach the Gospel or support themselves by some 
handicraft. The side-altars and images of the Saints in the convent church 
were forcibly removed under Zwilling's direction. Carlstadt now also com- 
menced social reforms : he established a "common chest " for the church and 
the poor, and for lending money. 2 In addition, some " prophets" from Zwickau 
had immigrated here on the 27th of December 1521. At Zwickau, Thomas 
Munzer (amongst others) had preached, a man in whom medieval mysticism 
and apocalypticism were combined with passionate zeal against the existing 
ecclesiasticism. Further, unmistakably Taboritic influences from the neigh- 
bouring Bohemia produced their effect amongst the cloth-makers of the city. 
Thus, an enthusiastically socialistic spirit of reformation grew up here in 
conventicle circles. The punishment of priests and godless persons is close at 
hand ; God's spirit works in revelations and visions, not through the letter of 
the Scriptures, not through an ecclesiastical office ; infant baptism is also 
reprobated. When Munzer was obliged to withdraw from Zwickau, some of 

1 W. Reindell, W. Linck, I. Marb. 1892. 

2 Richter, Ev. Kirchenordnungen des 16. Jahrhunderts, Weimar, 1846, 
II. 484 f. 


these prophets determined to try whether restless Wittenberg might be soil 
better suited to their seed, amongst them the cloth-maker Nic. Storch and the 
former student Marcus Thoma Stubner. Melanchthon was confounded and 
perplexed in face of the new spirit ; in particular, he could not agree with their 
polemic against infant baptism. In his need he turned to Luther, who advised 
him to ask the enthusiasts for their call to their prophetic mission, and to test 
them in their spiritual knowledge, 1 but to use no violence against them. He 
firmly supported infant baptism, and he was certain that the intercessory prayer 
of the god-parents awoke actual belief in children under age. The mysticism 
of the enthusiasts met with a sympathetic reception from Carlstadt. He began 
to fraternise with this awakened laity and, for example, to despise academical 
degrees, since God manifested himself to those under age. Schools and a 
learned education were now regarded as a hindrance to salvation. The 
schoolmaster at Wittenberg implored the parents to remove their children from 
the school for conscience sake. The school was broken up ; the students also 
left the University in large numbers, preferring to learn a trade. The Elector 
could not avoid making the anxious complaint, " They act so strangely and in 
so many different ways at Wittenberg, that the result is, that so many sects 
are formed, that each and every one is mistaken and no one knows which is 
which." (Enders III., 295). He was undecided and helpless in face of the 
confused state of affairs. 

At the end of February, Luther informed him : " I myself, God willing, will 
be there at once. Your Highness need not be concerned about me." 2 The 
Elector certainly recognised that only Luther could stem the tide of confusion, 
and consequently in his heart himself desired Luther's return. But respect for the 
Council of Regency at Nuremberg, where his jealous neighbour, Duke George, 
had a seat, and caused all his actions to be suspiciously watched, so that his 
ambassador, Hans v. d. Planitz, had the hard task of continually proving his 
master's loyalty, forbade him to express this wish ; only when Luther returned 
against his command and acknowledged to him, that he came against his 
orders, was help afforded him. He accordingly drew up an intricate list of 
instructions (Enders III., 292 ff.), which formally prohibited Luther from 
returning. The latter clearly understood what was meant, and assisted in the 
time of need, but also drew up for the cautious diplomatist so vigorous a letter, 
containing a most contemptuous protest of belief against the protection ot 
princes, that Frederick was obliged to ask him in all haste for a revised letter, 
softened down and rendered more serviceable for his purposes. At last, after 
the letter had been re-written for the third time, it expressed Frederick's views 
(De Wette II., 137 ff., 141 ff., 146 ff.), and in this form Planitz was obliged to go 
round and lay it before the Council of Regency. 

On the 6th of March, Luther was again in Wittenberg 3 : on the 
next Sunday he occupied his pulpit and made himself completely 
master of the situation by preaching for eight days. As the three 

1 Cp. Gottschick in ZThK I. 155 ff. 

2 De Wette, II., 137. 

3 For his meeting with some Swiss students on his journey, see J. Kessler, 
Sabbata, ed. Gotzinger. St. Gallen, 1866, I. 145 ff. 


chief articles of Christianity 1 he preached to them confession of sin, 
acknowledgment of God's grace in Christ, and love towards one's 
neighbour. To the latter also belongs tolerance for the weak. 
Hence he blames the excessive haste of their reforms, their adher- 
ence to externals. They are on the point of making freedom a new 
law. His success was obvious : Carlstadt sulked in silence, 
Zwilling became thoughtful, Melanchthon again reserved. The 
" Prophets " first attempted to convert Luther in private conversa- 
tion, but as he steadily opposed the Scriptures to their revelations, 
they left the city in anger. The Council honoured the outlaw 
with presents. He had, in fact, saved the progress of the Reforma- 
tion from precipitancy and the spirii of fanaticism. He then 
continued the work of restraining and regulating, which had been 
commenced at Wittenberg, in those places which had been most 
deeply stirred, — in Zwickau and Erfurt. 

And it was well that the Reformation again came into his firm hand : for, 
shortly afterwards, the projects of that Knighthood, actuated by humanistic 
and reformatory ideas, which was represented in its literary aspect by Hutten 
and in its material by Sickingen, 2 miserably collapsed. The latter was quite in 
earnest in his belief, but still more in regard to a violent change of the political 
situation. In the summer of 1522, he attacked the Elector of Treves, partly 
pretending to be acting on the Emperor's orders, in order to punish the Elector 
for his partisanship of the Frenchman at the imperial election, partly as if he 
desired to obtain the electoral dignity for himself— in reality, a fierce interested 
struggle of the Knight of the Empire against the power of the princes under the 
colour of the " Gospel." But he succumbed, and, on the 7th of May, 1523, lost 
his last stronghold, that of Landstuhl, and his life at the same time. In August, 
1523, Hutten, a fugitive after the unsuccessful result of this insurrection, sickly 
and poverty-stricken, also died, on the island of Ufnau in the lake of Zurich. 
In Sickingen's downfall Luther, deeply affected, saw the judgment of God: 
Hutten had already completely disappeared from his range of vision. 

11. The Formulating of reformatory Ideas in Melanchthon's 
Loci Communes. 

Sources: CR XXI. Plitt-Kolde, Separat-Ausgabe. 2 Erlang. 1890 (add Knaake 
in StKr, 1891, 301 ff). Also worthy of special notice are: the Declama- 
tiuncula D. in Pauli doctrlnam (1520) in Plitt-Kolde p. 262 ff. and CR 
XX. 703 ff. (1522). 

1 Unfortunately, these most effective sermons of Luther are only preserved 
in scanty marginal notes, and in a double recension, in the Augsburg imprint of 
J 523 ( = EA 28, 252 ff.) and in the Eisleben supplementary volume of 1564, 
( = EA 28, 203 ff.), the latter perhaps only a more copious revision of the former. 

2 Ulmann, Fr. v. Sickingen. Leipz. 1872 : Thikotter in DevBl. 1888, 77 ff. 


Luther's main ideas, as they had been developed by the first years of the 
Reformation, found classical expression in Melanchthon's Loci communes 1 rerum 
theologicarum seu hy polyposes theologicae, December, 1521. The whole of the 
evangelical understanding of salvation and ideal of life is here set forth elo- 
quently and with the directness of fresh impulses, the first text-book of " our 
theology." We can here survey the hitherto existing theological result of the 
new movement. All the other authorities have collapsed in the presence of the 
Holy Scriptures : in these it is Paul who, before all others, has been the guide 
to the understanding of Christ and salvation : nullius Uteris propius cognosci 
posse Christum atque adeo salutis nostrae summam quam Paulinis (Pl.-K. 264).'- J 
With this is connected the clear knowledge of having derived from Paul a 
theology, which had been lost to the Church soon after its beginnings, in conse- 
quence of the irruption of Greek philosophy: nostrum theologiam videntur 
adiuvare nulli neotericorum neque Yeterum scriptorum praeter Augustinum et 
pauculos Graecos. Origenes nimium philosophatur (CR XX. 704). Statim post 
ecclesiae auspicia per Platonicam philosophiam Christiana doctrina labefactata est 
(XXI. 86). But the peculiar thing about the new understanding of salvation is, 
that its interest is only directed towards those articles, qui nostra maxime referunt 
(anthropology and soteriology), peccatum, lex, gratia : tribus his summa iustificationis 
nostrae comprehend itur : the others (e.g., the one de Deo uno trino, Verbi incarnatione) 
magis curiosas quam utiles disputationes continent (xxi. 49). Mysteria divinitatis 
rectius adoraverimus quam vestigaverimus (xxi. 84). Further, the sharp distinction 
between historica cognitio and fiducia in prbmissionem divinam. No historica 
cognitio de Christo (quod est deus et homo, etc.) justifies ; in itself it stands on the 
same footing as any other profane cognitio historica : non fides, sed opinio est : 
the fides Evangelii first begins with the fact that Christus pro me datus sit, mea 
deleat peccata, vivificet me; it is fiducia misericordiae (xx. 706, xxi. 161, 163). It is 
a pernicious use of language for us, in spite of Jthis, to call that historica cognitio 
"faith" (xx. 708), as we usually do. Hoc est Christum cognoscere, beneficia eius 
cognoscere, non .... eius naturas, modos incarnationis contueri (xxi. 85). It is the 
business of the divine law, to point out our sins and to make criminal, legis opus 
occidere et damnare ; the Gospel, on the other hand, is a promise of mercy, 
revealed in the person and work of Christ ; that we are able to believe, is the 
result of the Gospel, the object of belief is the promise. Sola fides iustificat. 
Quia ilia fides nos Christo incorporat et inserit, ideo iustificamur, i.e., ideo nos vult 
reputare pro iustis (xx. 706). Where this belief exists, spiritus dei occupat corda : 
hence, good works necessarily follow belief, but they fiunt in came adhuc 
impura, and are hence still immunda even in those who are justified. Coepta 
cnim iustificatio est, non consummata. Hence, even these works lack the credit 
of meritum : it is only to belief that they owe it that they are no longer regarded 
as sins: at every step of the Christian life fidei (= misericordiae dei) iustificatio 
tribuitur (xxi. 178). The Christian must be certain of this divine grace ; this 
certainty is the characteristic of the Christian (186, 187). Quatenus credimus, 
liberi sumus, quatenus dijfidimus, sub lege sumus. But Christian freedom does not 
mean, failure to carry out the law, but sponte ab animo velle ac cupere quod lex 
poscit (xxi. 197, 196). The pernicious distinction between generally valid 

1 For this expression cp. Plitt-Kolde 33 ff. Troltsch, p. 59 ff. 

2 Christum nostris tcmporibus ex unius Pauli Uteris cognoscere datum est (p. 268). 
Aliquamdiu prope ignoratus nunc reflorescit (Paulus) (p. 277). 



praecepta and consilia evangelica left to the Christian's discretion is done away 
with (124). The Sacraments, only two of which — Baptism and the Lord's 
Supper— are established by Christ, are signa, testimonia divinae voluntatis erga 
nos : they do not justify us, salvation is not necessarily bound up with them, 
but only with belief; they are, however, pignora miser icordiae, a means of 
strengthening belief, to assist our weakness (209, 210). It is in keeping with the 
Pauline- Augustinian origin of this theology and the contrast in which it stands 
to the scholastic doctrine of liberum arbitrium and meritum, that it is drawn up 
in a sharply predestinarian spirit, even to a decided affirmative reply to the 
question, utrum deus mala faciat (87 f. xx. 705). Luther called these Loci an 
invictum libellum, non solum immortalitate, sed canone quoque ecclesiastico dignum. 1 
The later editions and revisions of the Loci (especially those of 1535 and 1543) 
are the instructive documents of the further development, but also of the 
alteration, of that first understanding of the Gospel by (Luther and) 

1 Opp. v. a. vii., 117. 


The Movement in the Nation. 

1. The Political Situation. 

Literature: C. v. Hofler, Papst Adrian VI. Wien, 1880. Nippold in HTb, 
1875. O. R. Redlich, der Reichstag von Niirnberg, 1522-1523. Leipz. 
1887. St. Ehses, die Politik des Papstes Clemens VII. in JGG VI. 557 ff. 
VII. 553 ff. Notizenblatt des Arch, fur Kunde osterr. GQuellen. 1852, 97 ff. 
A. Richter, der Reichstag zu Niirnberg, 1524. Leipz. 1888. Egelhaaf, 
I. 493 ff. H. Baumgarten, Differenzen zwischen Karl V. und Ferdinand, 
1524. DZ f. GWiss, II. 1. ff. E. Brasse, G. d. Speierer Nat.-Concils, 
1524. Halle 1890. J. Weizsacker in HZ 64, 199 ff. W. Friedensburg, 
der Regensb. Convent in Hist. Aufs., dem Andenken an G. Waitz gewidmet. 
Hann. 1886, p. 502 ff. F. P. Datterer, Matth. Lang. Freising, 1890, 
P- 37 ff- 

After the Emperor had left Germany, the Council of Regency 
(at Nuremberg) under the presidency of Ferdinand, the Emperor's 
brother, as lieutenant of the Empire, took over the conduct of 
affairs. At first, chiefly at the instigation of Duke George of 
Saxony, it adopted an attitude hostile to the Reformation, and 
demanded the execution of the mandate of Worms, but did not 
meet with success even in Nuremberg itself, partly since perpetual 
want of money paralysed its efficiency. Thus also, the intervention 
against Frederick the Wise was not carried out, and Luther's 
successful action against the radical elements in Wittenberg 
brought about a change of opinion in his favour. Force, if it had 
been now employed against him, would have infallibly again let 
radicalism loose. In addition, the members of the government who 
had Catholic leanings also had many causes of complaint against 
Rome. Luther and the Reformation were thus, as a matter of 
fact, allowed a free hand. The brief Diet of Nuremberg (March, 
1522), being only concerned with the question of assistance against 
the Turks, did not even mention his case. In the autumn of 1522, 
another diet assembled at Nuremberg, personally presided over by 
Ferdinand, at which the new Pope was represented by his nuncio 


On the ist of December, 1521, Leo X. had suddenly died. The self-seeking 
and worldly-minded conclave elected, to the general astonishment, a pious, 
scholastically educated Netherlander of strictly Catholic views, Adrian YL, 
Cardinal of Tortosa. Of humble origin, he had gradually worked his way up in 
his ecclesiastical career, had been Charles's tutor, and for a considerable time 
his representative (gobernador) in Spain. His scholastic training rose in revolt 
against Luther's heresies : but, on the other hand, he had a lively sense of the 
fact that there were violent abuses in the Church to be contended against. 
By honourably removing these, he hoped to regain the goodwill of the Germans. 
He owed his election not to any pious zeal of the Cardinals for the welfare of 
the Church, but only to their mutual rivalry. His honourable efforts met with 
the strongest opposition in the circles of the Curia : the Italians grumbled at 
the barbarian, who could not even speak their language : the contrast between 
his austerity and parsimony and the dazzling magnificence, the love of art and 
luxury of the Medicean was too great. His efforts in the direction of reform led 
to characteristic negotiations, which showed the helplessness of goodwill in the 
bonds of system and conflicting interests. He also soon quarrelled with the 
Emperor Charles, since he did not afford him support against France, but 
demanded the reconciliation of the contending princes and speedy mobilisation 
against the Turk. 

At Nuremberg, like Ferdinand, he demanded the execution of the 
Edict of Worms, but at the same time he desired to counter-balance 
defection from the Church by its reformation. Accordingly, his 
nuncio was obliged to make a confession of the sins of the Curia 
before the diet to the following effect. The great falling away was 
a punishment for sins, especially those of the prelates. The corrup- 
tion had proceeded from the head to the limbs, from the Pope to 
the prelates. They had all sinned. But the Pope was ready to 
begin with the reformation of the Curia, unit forte omne hoc malum 
processit. Certainly, time was necessary to bring about this improve- 
ment : but in any case proceedings must be taken against the sects. 
In his judgment of Luther there was no difference between him and 
his predecessor. The States refused to carry out the Edict of 
Worms as being impossible, since it would mean civil war. They 
demanded that a Council should be summoned on German soil 
within the space of a year : till then the pure Gospel should be 
preached "according to the true Christian sense." (A more rigor- 
ous definition of this ambiguous formula in the Catholic sense was 
not carried through). Censorship regulations were to check the 
spread of writings calculated to occasion disorder. The resolutions 
were a fresh adjournment of a decisive opinion. Luther rejoiced at 
resolutions more favourable to his cause and made use of them for a 
public complaint against the States, who " perverted the meaning 
of the mandate" (WA XII. 48 ff.). As early as the 14th of 


September, however, Adrian succumbed to the heavy burden of 
fruitless labour. Meanwhile, the internal affairs of Spain and the 
war with France claimed all the Emperor's attention. 

The new diet, which was summoned for Martinmas, 1523, at 
Nuremberg, could not be opened until January, 1524. The new 
Pope, Clement YII., Leo's cousin, Cardinal Julius di Medici, who 
had now at last obtained the object of his desires, was personally 
a man of blameless life and character, but a thorough Italian, with- 
out religious sympathies, but inclined to political intrigues, hitherto 
an enemy of France, and hence apparently made to be Charles's 
ally. He sent Cardinal Campeggi 1 as his Ambassador to Nurem- 
berg, with instructions to demand the suppression of the heretics. 
The Emperor also issued an emphatic warning that the Edict of 
Worms was to be carried out. The majority in the diet, which was 
still entirely inclined to Catholicism — Frederick the Wise had left 
the diet before Campeggi's arrival — also recognised the edict a 
second time, but only declared its willingness to carry it out "as 
far as possible." The cities on the other hand declared that the 
disturbance that was to be feared rendered its execution impossible : 
other individual States supported them in this. Then the demand 
for a " common free universal council " in the German nation was 
repeated : but its summoning was certainly not to be thought of 
for a moment, as long as the Emperor and France were at war. 
Accordingly, the more general demand, especially urged by Bavaria, 
followed : to summon a " common assembly of the German nation " 
(National Council), in the autumn, at Spires, with a view to the 
provisional settlement of the ecclesiastical question. Consequently, 
there was a fresh adjournment of a decision. In addition, the 
electorate of Saxony and others protested against the resolution. 
But the chief achievement of the diet was the abolition (carried 
through by the princes) of the Council of Regency at Nuremberg 
which was too powerful for them, and the resolution passed for a 
central authority to be newly constituted at Esslingen. The Pope 
and the Emperor received the resolution of the diet in regard to the 
ecclesiastical question very angrily : the latter forbade the national 
assembly that had been planned, at which hopes had already been 

1 For the proposals which were submitted to him by the Franciscan A. 
Bomhauer for the effectual putting down of the Lutheran heresy, see JGG X. 

Sio if. 


entertained that Luther would appear before the German nation, 1 
but against which Campeggi warned him as a dangerous opportunity 
for a schisma aeternum : Ferdinand also was terrified at this project, 
considering that there the princes would be able to bring about the 
election of a Roman King. The Emperor again demanded the 
carrying out of the Edict of Worms. Luther, in an essay blazing 
with wrath, printed the latter by the side of the fresh Nuremberg 
resolution as " two imperial orders that were incompatible and con- 
tradictory" (EA 24 2 , 220 fT.). Enraged at the internal contradictions 
in the latter, he overlooked in his wrath how favourable to his 
cause on the whole this last resolution had turned out. The 
States were again indignant at the annulling of their resolution. 
Evidently, in view of the opposition of the Emperor (who was far 
from the Empire and at the time powerless) to the resolution of 
the States, the imperial organisation was in danger of being broken 
up. It was no wonder that fresh forces now took the lead in the 
Empire ; the territorial powers were obliged to proceed indepen- 
dently, and the States were obliged to seek protection and 
furtherance of their interests on the path of coalition. The 
Catholic party made the first start in this direction ; Ferdinand, 
on the advice of Campeggi, 2 in order to be able to meet the day 
of Spires with a firm front, at the end of June 1524, united the 
Dukes of Bavaria and the majority of the South German bishops 
at Ratisbon in a solid league against the heretics. The prohibition 
of Luther's writings and of studying at the University of Witten- 
berg, as well as certain reforms extorted from Campeggi, — such as 
a diminution of the number of holidays, the lightening of the 
ecclesiastical imposts — belonged to the programme of the league, 
in which for the first time the modern anti-reformatory Catholicism 
became an organised reality. Ferdinand himself took the lead 
mercilessly in the persecution of the heretics in Austria and in 
Breisgau. Pope and Emperor rejoiced at this convention, 3 without 

1 Thomas, Mar. Sanuti Diarium p. 46 : a Spira dove vegnira Martin Lutherio 
in persona. The Wittenberger Nachricht of April 8th, 1524, certainly refers to 
this: Lutherum aiunt petiturum Wormaciam absque omni fide publica et praeter 
voluntatem ducis Saxonici etc. Hartfelder, Melanchthoniana paedag. p. 133. 

2 He had already, on April 25th, 1524, recommended to the Bishop of 
Strasburg a mutuus consensus foedusque principum ad pellendos haereticos. 

3 Cp. Charles's letter to Ferdinand dated the 31st of October, 1524, in 
Datterer, p. lx. 


considering that it was just in this that German unity was shattered. 

Only the Protestant Upper German States at first followed the 
Catholic model ; they combined for preaching the simple Gospel 
and for purposes of mutual assistance, in case the attempt should 
be made to force the Edict of Worms upon them. 

2. The Spread of the Reformation in Germany. 

Literature : For C. Giittel see Biography by G. Kawerau. Halle 1882 ; Link 
see above p. 36 ; Stiefel : G. Kawerau in RE XIV. 702 ff. ; Propst : 
Janssen. 2 Amsterd. 1866; H. Ziitphen : Iken. Halle 1886; Brismann : Zh 
Th 20, 502 ff. ; Myconius : Lommatzsch. Annab. 1825 and Meurer in 
Altviiter der luth. K. IV.; Eberlin : B. Riggenbach. Tubing. 1874, and 
M. Radlkofer. Nordl. 1887; Kettenbach : B. Riggenbach in RE VII. 648 
ff; Lambert: J. W. Baum. Strassb. 1840, and Hassencamp in V titer der 
ref. K. IX. Elberf. i860; Bucer : J. W. Baum, Capito und Bucer in V titer 
der ref. Kirche III.; Blarer: Keim. Stuttg. i860. Oecolampadius, see 
below; Rhegius : Uhlhorn. Elberf. 186 1 ; Spengler : Haussdorf. Niirnb. 
1741 ; H. Sachs: W. Kawerau. Halle 1889. For pamphlets, see Schade 
and Baur p. 23 above ; further, J. Voigt in HTb 9, 321 ff. Strassburg : A. 
Baum, Magistrat u. Ref. in Strassb. Strassb. 1887. Ulm : Th. Keim, 
Ref. d. Reichsst. Ulm. 1851. Augsburg: Fr. Roth. Miinchen, 1881. 
Niirnberg: Moller, A. Osiander. Elberf. 1870; Fr. Roth. Wiirzb. 1885. 
Schwabisch-Hall: Hartmann and Jager, Joh. Brenz, 2 vols. Hamburg, 
1840-1842. Magdeburg. Fr. Hulsse. Magdeb. 1883. Ostfriesland : 
Cornelius, der Antheil Ostfrieslands an der Ref. 1852; Frerichs, Blicke in 
die Ref.-G. Ostfrieslands. Emden, 1883. For the Dutch martyrs cp. WA 
XII. 73 ff. For the beginnings of the Reformation in the Baltic provinces. 
XII. 143 ff. Prussia: Tschackert, Urkundenbuch zur Ref.-G. Preussens. 
3 vols. Leipz. 1890; the same, P. Speratus. Halle, 1891. 

Under these circumstances the Reformation was able to spread and 
strengthen itself. In nearly every part of Germany voices were raised in favour 
of Luther's belief. At first in his own order: amongst many, Joh. Lang in 
Erfurt, C. Giittel in Eisleben, Wenz. Link in Altenburg, M. Stiefel in Esslingen, 
Jak. Probst and Henry of Ziitphen in the Netherlands. They were supported 
by a large number of Franciscans, Brismann in Cottbus, then in Konigsberg, 
Fr. Myconius in Gotha ; in South Germany, the popular preachers and pam- 
)hleteers Eberlin of Giinzburg and Henry of Kettenbach : Lambert of Avignon, 
who fled from France to Luther. Add to these, the Dominican Bucer in Stras- 
burg, the Benedictine Ambros. Blarer in Constance, Joh. Oecolampadius on the 
Ebernburg and then in Bale, the Carmelite Urb. Rhegius in Augsburg and others. 
The voices of the laity joined with those of the theologians; the town-clerk Laz. 
Spengler, the master-singer 1 and shoemaker Hans Sachs in Nuremberg 
(Wittenberg. Nachtigal. 1523), the nobleman Hartmuth of Cronberg, and Argula 
of Grumbach. Pamphlets in large numbers, the sermons of wandering preachers 

[The " master - singers " were a corporation of German poets from the 
to the 17th century]. 

14th to the 17th century] 


and " escaped " monks, the inspired activity of Luther's numerous personal 
disciples, and also the propagandist zeal of wandering artisans spread the news 
of the new preaching of faith over the whole land, often in purely evangelical 
enthusiasm, often also more in the desire of throwing off the yoke of manifold 
statutes, in noisy abuse of the old Church and its adherents and boasting of a 
mistaken freedom. In the cities, especially the free imperial cities, numerous 
centres of the evangelical movement were formed : Strasburg (Matthias Zell 
already since 1578, followed by Bucer, Capito, Hedio), Ulm (Eberlin, Kettenbach, 
Diepold, Conr. Sam), Augsburg (Oecolampadius, then Urb. Rhegius) Nuremberg 
(Andr. Osiander), Schwabisch-Hall (J oh. Brenz.), Nordlingen, Reutlingen, 
Constance : Frankfort on the Main : Erfurt, Goslar, Magdeburg (Nic. Amsdorl) 
and elsewhere. 

The waves of the Reformation may be traced advancing from the Nether- 
lands, where the Augustinians Henry Voes and John of Essen (Esch) were burnt 
on July 1st, 1533, the first martyrs of the Reformation, as far as Livonia (Andr. 
Knopken) and from East-Friesland, Holstein (Henry of Ziitphen, killed at Heide, 
December 10th, 1524) and Pomerania as far as Austria and Hungary. Besides 
Frederick the Wise, who, officially neutral, as a matter of fact everywhere pro- 
moted the appointment of evangelical communities in his lands and his brother 
John, who openly came forward as Luther's adherent, — George of Brandenburg 
(of Frankish lineage, at the same time Duke of Jagerndorf), the grand-master 
Albert of Prussia, who visited Luther at Wittenberg in 1523, asked for some clergy- 
men (Paul Speratus and Brismann) from him, and whom Luther, by his essay 
An die Herren Deutsch Ordens l (WA XII. 228 ff.) assisted to prepare the way for the 
conversion of the land of the Order into a secular duchy, Henry and Albert Dukes 
of Mecklenburg, and Count Albert of Mansfeld especially, amongst others, 
devoted their sympathy and showed more or less open solicitude for the cause of 
the Reformation. It was a matter of the highest significance, that the young Land- 
grave Philip of Hesse, in spite of the obstacles raised by his father-in-law, Duke 
George of Saxony, in the spring of 1524 decidedly espoused the cause of the 
Reformation (cp. Seidemann, in ZhTh 19, 175 ft .). The great hopes, which 
Luther, in 1523, placed in an evangelical movement of the Utraquists of Bohe- 
mia, soon showed themselves to be vain (WA XII 160 ff.) ; even the negotiations, 
which he had carried on with the Bohemian "Brethren" since 1522, making 
advances in a spirit of joyous expectation, had at first only resulted in an 
aggravation of the differences that existed between the two parties. 

3. The beginnings of the institution of evangelical communities. 

Sources: WA XII. ; EA 22, 140 ff. (BA VII. 109 ff.) ; Richter, Ev. KOO I. 
(W. LOhe) Samml. liturg. Materialien III. Nordl. 1842, (here p. 37 ff. the 
alleged regulations for divine service by Bugenhagen, 1524, p. 42 ff. A. 
Dober's Niirnb. Gottesdienstordnung 1524, p. 51 ff. Strassb. Ordnung d. Messe); 
Th. Kolde, Die iilteste Niirnb. Liturgie in St Kr 1883, 602 ff. ; Mittheil. aus 
dem Antiq. v. S. Calvary I. 57 ff. ; (Strassb. Messordn. von 1524) ; another 
in Rohrich, Mitth. aus d. Gesch. d. evg. K. des Elsasses, I. 191 ff. 

Literature : Ehrle, die Armenordnungen von Niirnberg und Ypem in JGG IX 450 ff. ; 
B. Riggenbach, das Armenwesen der Ref. Basel 1883; Th. Brieger, die 
angebl. Marb. KO. Gotha 1881. (For the literature of church hymns, etc., 
see below in division vi., chapter 2). 

1 i.e., to the Order of Teutonic Knights. 


In German countries it was already possible to speak, not only 
of adherents of Luther, but even of evangelical communities with a 
new order of divine service, a recognised clerical office, and a muni- 
cipal constitution : but they were still isolated communities, without 
regular union, without hierarchical organisation, in reality emanci- 
pated from episcopal jurisdiction, but also without any definite 
settlement of their relation to the sovereign government, or to the 
communal arrangements — a period of transition, during which the 
existing legal arrangements were broken through in numberless 
cases in the name of " divine " right, and a new ecclesiastical right 
was now for the first time to be created. 

In his treatise Von Ordnung Gottesdiensts in der Gemeinde (1523) Luther indi- 
cated the general main outlines of ritual, laying stress upon preaching the word 
as the chief thing, and in his Formula missae et communionis (1523) described, for 
others to imitate freely, the conservative Wittenberg practice which had hitherto 
been observed with careful regard for custom. In his Taufbiichkin 1 (1523) he 
commenced to turn the service into German, while, for the sake of the pupils, he 
was desirous of still leaving a place for the Latin language in choral singing and 
parts of the liturgy. By numerous modifications and gradations, divine service 
in the evangelical communities was altered to an evangelical " Mass," simplified 
and purified from the idea of sacrifice : the celebration of the Lord's Supper by 
as many members of the community as possible was to form the regular culmina- 
ting point of the Sunday service, and the communion was to be celebrated even 
at week-day services, if there were communicants present. The communio sub 
utraque, which was at first still treated by Luther as optional, speedily drove out 
the Romish withdrawal of the cup. The low masses of the priests without a 
congregation to participate in them were abandoned, and with them died the 
significance of the side altars and the numerous attendants on the priests of the 
'hurch. Hereby, as well as in consequence of the cessation of the established 
lasses, especially those for the soul, the finances of the Church were in need of 
a new adjustment. Luther's struggle against mendicancy and his demand for 
regular relief of the poor required the establishment of municipal relief-funds, 
'he now generally created regulations of a " common chest " served to solve 
this task — the arrangements of the chest in the little town of Leisnig were pub- 
lished by Luther himself (1523) as a model for other towns. The need of evan- 
gelical preachers for the communities sought satisfaction in asserting the right 
)f the Christian community to appoint and remove from office : Luther himself 
>roclaimed it in 1523, in his treatises Dass eine christliche Versammlung Recht 
ind Macht habe, Lehrer zu berufen and De instituendis mimstris, and thereby 
succeeded in bringing it about that, frequently in defiance of existing rights of 
>atronage, the communities provided themselves with evangelical "priests" 
and "preachers" (deacons). In such proceedings of the community, the 
)rganisation of the civil communities served as the form in which the 
ecclesiastical proceeded in its acts and resolutions ; thus, the " right of the 
community" could easily and without contradiction pass into a patronage 
)f the council. In 1524, Luther commenced with the publication of some 
rerman hymns; in the same year the first hymn-books (the Wittenberger 

1 Little book of Baptism, 


Achtliederbuch, the Erfurt Enchiridion, and John Walther's Gesangbiichlein) 
appeared. These hymns soon proved a most effectual means of furthering 
the Reformation. At first, ordination was not substituted for the Romish 
consecration of priests; the mandate of the community was regarded as a 
sufficient legitimation for office. Confirmation and supreme unction were 
likewise suppressed, without anything being substituted for them. Compulsory 
confession was done away with, at first without any definite fresh regulation 
being made ; but on Maundy Thursday, 1523, Luther announced one, — a 
notification to communion with an examination of the communicants, in order 
to check the religious ignorance of the multitude and prevent communicating 
without due consideration. Private confession entered into combination with 
this exploratio as a means of training and instruction for the simple. But 
matters did not stop at the mere initiative of the community in reference to 
the spread of the Reformation. However strongly Luther accentuated the 
separation of spiritual and temporal power, however firmly he adhered to 
the principle : nemo ad pietatem etfidem cogi potest nee debet, and hence interposed 
in cases in which preachers desired to drive the people to violent reforms 
(de W. II 438), yet the other was connected with it : scelera tamen publico, tollenda 
sunt (Enders IV 54), and from this point of view he endeavoured — at first in 
vain — to induce the Elector to do away with Catholic forms of worship 
{e.g. in the Castle Church of Wittenberg). Thus, as early as 1522, he advised 
the Count of Schwarzburg to "take away their benefices" from those monks, 
who would not preach the Gospel, "and to fill them by pious learned men" 
(de W. II 258). 

It was in the free imperial cities in particular that reorganisation 
was carried out unceasingly after the example of Wittenberg. The 
people were urgent, zealous preachers took the lead in reforming, 
the Council was in the habit of tacking about for a short time, 
but afterwards took the same road, sometimes on its own initiative, 
sometimes rather under pressure. Different German translations 
and evangelical revisions of the mass appeared in print, all of 
which, however, adhered more or less closely to tradition. In 
Strasburg, e.g. on February 16th, 1524, the Lord's Supper was 
for the first time celebrated sub utraque, then divine service and 
the baptismal service were conducted in German ; the municipal 
authorities at first took no notice, but soon took the work of reform 
in hand themselves, did away with images and relics, and began 
to abolish established masses. Almost at the same time (Passion 
week, 1524) innovations in public worship were introduced at 
Nuremberg, thanks to the courageous example of the Augustinian 
prior Volprecht ; the provosts of both parish-churches combined, 
and Osiander prepared a German baptismal service. The Bishop 
of Bamberg attempted to proceed against the provosts and the 
prior with threats of deprivation of office and excommunication ; 
but the Council ignored these ecclesiastical censures and thereby 


practically wrested the city from episcopal jurisdiction. It was the 
same in other places. It is obvious that secular reasons, in the 
imperial cities, co-operated, which made liberation from episcopal 
rights of jurisdiction appear desirable; the efforts of the larger 
communities (that had grown strong in self-government) in the 
direction of independence contributed valuable assistance. Already, 
even now, by the side of the conservative method of Luther's 
reforms, a more radical method in the treatment of ecclesiastical 
tradition unmistakably showed itself here and there. In Strasburg, 
not only did the people resort to violent measures against the 
images, to noisy interruptions of Catholic services, but also to 
more radical ideas of feast days, and the substitution of tables 
for altars ; a leaning to far simpler forms of worship manifested 
itself prominently: quid enim commune Christianis cum papistis? 1 
The model of the Church of Wittenberg was imitated in that of 

4. U. Zwingli and German Switzerland. 

Sources: Opera: Zurich, 1545, 4 vols.; ed. Schuler and Schulthess., 8 vols., 
Zurich, 1828-1842. Oecol. et Zwinglii epist. libri IV., Basil, 1536. Herminjard, 
Corresp. des Reformateurs I. and II., Geneve, 1866 f. Briefw. d. Beat. 
Rhenanus, by Horawitz and HartfelOer, Leipz., 1886. H. Bullinger, 
Ref. gesch. (1519-1532), edited by Hottinger and VOgeli, 3 vols., Frauenf., 
1838 to 1840. J. J. Simler, Samml. alter und nener Urk., 2 vols., Zurich, 
1757 to 1763. Eidgendss. Abschiede, Vol. IV. la and lb (1521-1532), 
revised by Strickler. Brugg and Zurich, 1873 and 1876. J. Strickler, 
Actensamml. zur schw. Ref. gesch., 1521-1532, 5 vols., Zurich, 1878-1884. 
E. Egli, Actensamml. zur G. d. Ziiricher Ref., 1519-1533, Zurich, 1879; 
Archivf. d. schw. Ref. gesch., edited by the Swiss Piusverein, 3 vols., Soloth., 
1868-1876. Tschudi's Chronik derRef.jahre, 1521-1533, edited by Strickler, 
Bern 1889. 

Literature: For Zwingli's biography : O. Myconius, de vita et obitu Zw., 1536. 
R. Christoffel, Elberf., 1857. J. C. Morikofer, 2 vols., Leipz., 1867-1869. 
R. Stahelin, Halle, 1883. Ph. Schaff, Hist, of Chr. Church, VII., New 
York, 1892. M. Usteri, Initia Zwinglii in StKr, 1885, 607 ff . ; for his 
theology, see E. Zeller, Tubing. 1853 ; Ch. Sigwart, Stuttg. and Hamb., 
1855, but especially A. Baur, 2 vols., Halle, 1885- 1889. A. Baur, die erste 
Ziiricher Disputation, Halle, 1883. Bern : Val. Anshelm, Berner Chronik, 
edition by Stierlin and Wyss, 2 vols., Bern, 1884-1886. M. v. Sturler, 
Urkunden dor Berner K. Ref., 2 vols., 1855-1877. M. Kirchhofer, B. Haller, 
Zurich, 1828. C. Pestalozzi, B. H., Elberf., 1861. For N. Manuel: 
Gruneisen, Stuttg., 1837. Bachthold, Frauenf., 1878. Basel: Basler 
Chroniken, edited by W. Vischer, Leipz., 1872. K. R. Hagenbach, KirchL 

1 Kapp, Kleine Nachlese II 650. 


Denkwiirdigkeiten z. Gesch. Basels seit d. Ref., Basel, 1827. W. Vischer, 
Actenstiicke z. Gesch. d. Ref. in Basel in Easier Beitriige, 1854. J. J. Herzog, 
das Leben Oecolampadius, 2 vols., Basel, 1843. Hagenbach, Oecolamp. u. 
O. Myconius, Elberf., 1859. St. Gallen : Joh. Kessler, Sabbata. Chronik 
der Jahre 1523-1539, edited by E. Gotzinger. St. Gallen (Mitth. zur vaterl. 
Gesch. V—X). St. Gallen, 1866, 1868, 2 vols. 

Meanwhile, under Zwingli's leadership, an evangelical movement, 
parallel to the Wittenberg Reformation, had taken place in German 
Switzerland, which, although not so independent of Luther as its 
promoters affirmed, 1 nevertheless had a different origin : besides, 
in accordance with the character of the people and the political 
conditions of the confederacy, it pursued other paths of reform, 
and hence, notwithstanding all points of relationship, the longer 
it continued, the more its peculiar nature and independence asserted 
themselves. 2 Its advent at first promoted the victorious spread of 
reformatory ideas : on the other hand, it weakened the resistance 
to Rome by the quarrels which soon broke out between the two 
reformation circles, while the efforts of the theologians as well 
as of the youthful communities were demanded by the dogmatic 
declarations in respect to the questions of doctrine that were in 
dispute between them. This struggle itself, then, in many ways 
checked the consistent, quiet development of reformatory principles 

Ulrich (Huldreich) Zwingli 8 was born January 1st, 1484, at Wildhaus, in 
Toggenburg. Like Luther, he was descended from the peasant order, but 
grew up under far easier and more favourable conditions of life. Early 
destined by his father for a learned profession, he passed his school (in Bale 
and Berne) like his student days (in Vienna and Bale) free from material 
want and also undisturbed by severe internal struggles. At an early date 
he was trained by humanist teachers (such as Celtes in Vienna) to take delight 
in ancient writers and to dislike Scholasticism — " a full and complete humanist, 
who fills up his intervals of rest with cheerful enjoyment of life, in particular 

1 As to the dependence of the evangelical movements in Switzerland in 
general upon Luther's work, cp. R. Stahelin in ZKG III., 558. 

2 " Not springing from the depths of an anguish -stricken heart, but uplifting 
itself on the foundation of a humanistically perfected understanding, the 
anti-Catholic piety of the Swiss strengthened its base in the granite pillar 
of the idea of the absolute God, whose majesty, alone worthy of adoration 
and alone ordaining, stands elevated above every creature. If the German 
reformation sees, in Catholicism, mankind cheated of its salvation, the Swiss 
sees in it the Godhead cheated of its honour." — G. Frank, Gesch. d.prot. Th., 
I., 41 f. 

N ' 3 In the Bale matriculation list, May 1st, 1502: Udalricus Zwyngling de 


seasoned with music." » He took his Master of Arts in 1506 at Bale, and, 
soon afterwards, being appointed pastor of Glarus, he introduced a humanistic 
enlightenment into his ecclesiastical office through the instrumentality of his 
teacher, Thomas Wyttenbach of Bale, and still more through the study of 
the writings of Erasmus. This enlightenment at first did not conflict with the 
obedience to the Pope, which he rendered both as pastor and politician; 
he certainly vigorously opposed his countrymen entering upon service in 
France, but on the other hand upheld service under the Pope as the duty 
of a Christian, accompanied as chaplain, on at least two occasions, the 
troops of Glarus to Italy on a campaign in defence of the Pope, and enjoyed 
a papal pension until the year 1520. In consequence of the hostility of the 
French party he was obliged to leave Glarus. At the end of his stay in that 
place (which lasted till 15 16), his interest in theology, under the influence of 
Erasmus, perceptibly increased, yet even now, from a moral point of view, 
he remained under the spell of the lax views of the humanist circles. He 
began to study seriously the fathers and the New Testament. But' even 
during the time of his pastorate at Einsiedeln, a famous resort of pilgrims 
(15 16- 15 18), his standpoint was no higher than that of a reformer as Erasmus 
understood it. After the latter had settled in Bale (15 16) for a considerable 
time, a circle of admirers (Glareanus, Beatus Rhenanus, Conrad Pellicanus, 
Oswald Myconius, Joachim Vadianus, and others) gathered round him, with 
whom Zwingli also entered into correspondence. His letters were dominated 
by the taste for declamation and literary sympathies of these circles,— also by 
delight in the struggle of humanistic illumination against the obscurantists. 
As a preacher, he soon acquired a reputation: he combated the moral 
diseases of popular life in the spirit of a lively national feeling. But, even 
at Einsiedeln, his insight into the abuses of the Catholic Church increased ; 
he recognised with increasing clearness the sharp contradiction between the 
prevailing ecclesiastical system and the Bible: he was a free-thinking, 
enlightened Catholic, who fell back upon a simpler, biblical method of 
instruction, but did not yet manifest his call to be a reformer. As late 
as September, 1518, the papal legate Pucci appointed him papal chaplain. 
Even the appearance of Bernard Samson, the trader in indulgences, in 
Switzerland (in the winter of 1518 b]), although it certainly aroused ' his 
disapproval, did not drive him to any decisive action. The ecclesiastical 
huckster met with almost general opposition in Switzerland. The assembly 
of the States at Zurich vigorously resisted the imposition, and the Pope, 
who did not wish to fall out with the Confederates, considerately left it to 
them to decide whether Samson should be granted or refused permission 
to carry on his traffic—even his commissioner for Switzerland unceremoniously 
abandoned him. The politic bishop of Constance, Hugo von Landenberg, 
apart from this, was not favourably disposed towards this papal indulgence, 
as it was an unpleasant rival to the episcopal indulgence; he accordingly 
approved of the opposition of Zwingli and others to it. On the first day of 
the year 1519, having been called upon by the chapter of the canons to offer 
effective resistance to the French party, he entered upon his office as Leut- 
pnest (i.e., a priest who held a regular pastorate, who preached, and undertook 
the cure of souls) at the great cathedral of Zurich. Here he commenced with 
a series of sermons upon the biblical books, which were highly approved by 

1 A. Baur, I, p. 18. 


the congregation. His pastoral activity during the plague epidemic in the 
summer of 1519 confirmed his reputation: having been brought to the brink 
of the grave himself by sickness, he devoted more serious attention to his 
religious life. 1 Under the influence of Luther's writings, he now began to 
investigate the Pauline Gospel teaching more thoroughly. His continued 
patriotic opposition to the system of pensions and foreign service, and also to 
the luxury that crept in in their train, and, in addition, his contestation of the 
divine right to demand ecclesiastical tithes excited opposition both amongst 
the clergy and also amongst those who were humanistically inclined and 
politically influential. A mandate of the Council (1520), which in this case 
by its orders interfered in a remarkable manner in ecclesiastical matters, 
commanded that the Gospels and Epistles should be preached in accordance 
with the Spirit of God and the Holy Scriptures, and that nothing should be 
said about any adventitious innovations and dogmas, — obviously a hint for 
Zwingli to confine himself to what was purely religious. In Switzerland, a 
combination of Zwingli's activity with the cause of Luther (whose works were 
much pirated and read) had already been begun: he was already reckoned 
as the foremost amongst Luther's adherents in that country. Nevertheless, 
he always vigorously denied that he had been influenced by Luther. " Before 
any man in our land knew anything of Luther's name, I had already begun to 
preach the Gospel of Christ in the year 1516" (I 253). This was undoubtedly 
in part self-deception : he even asserts that he scarcely knew anything of 
Luther's writings, whereas it can be proved against him, with how large a 
portion of them he was really acquainted before 1522, so that his reformatory 
ideas in the matter of religion were at least strongly influenced by Luther. 2 
And yet his assertion, that he was no pupil of Luther, is subjectively correct, 
since he gradually advanced, without a break with the past, from Erasmus to 
Luther, and even then his Christianity, like his theology, preserved the traces 
of having originated from another source. The Pope and his representatives 
in Switzerland, at first, however, treated Zwingli quite differently from Luther. 
While the papal legate, at the assembly of the States at Baden (1520), demanded 
that Luther's writings should be burnt, he endeavoured, by entreaty, cajoleries 
or menaces, to keep Zwingli from proceeding further. Yet it was greatly to the 
interest of the Pope to keep on his side the zealous opponent of the temptations 
held out by France to Switzerland. But Zwingli renounced the papal pension 
in 1520, and received for it a small prebendary's benefice at the cathedral: he 
was, however, unable to prevent Zurich from again affording military assistance 
to the Pope on the ground of a previous agreement. 

His reformatory labours proper began in the spring of 1522. 

Several citizens (amongst them Zwingli), who had violated the 
ordinances in regard to fasting, appealed to their evangelical 
conviction, fostered by Zwingli, that it was only a matter of human 
ordinances. The Council, on the advice of the chapter and the 
clergy, ordered (March 19th, 1522) that no one should eat meat 
on fast days without sufficient reasons, and the Bishop of Constance 

1 Cp. his poems on the plague. Works II 369 ff. . 

2 Usteri in StKr 1886. 142 ff. 


despatched a commission to uphold the ecclesiastical ordinance. 
Then, on April 12th, 1522, Zwingli wrote Von erkiesen und fryheit 
der spy sen 1 (I, I ff.). Attempts were immediately made to silence 
him. The Bishops of Constance and Lausanne bestirred themselves, 
the Curia demanded that his chapter should take proceedings 
against him, the assembly of the States at Lucerne forbade all 
preaching that tended to produce error in belief. But Zwingli 
would not allow himself to be intimidated. 

In July, together with some friends who held similar views 
(amongst them Leo Jud[Juda]), he wrote a Supplicatio (in Latin 
to the Bishop of Constance, III, 17 if., in German to the same 
effect, I, 30 ff.), petitioning for the free preaching of the Gospel, 
for permission for the priests to marry, or at least that their 
marriage should be tolerated. 2 This was followed by his Archeteles 
(III, 26 ff.), a moderate but yet decisively offensive and defensive 
treatise, in which he opposes the Scriptures as the normative 
authority to the ecclesiastical principle of authority. The struggle 
of parties now became inflamed, calumnies were heaped upon 
him, and his life was threatened by the one side, while tumultuous 
impetuosity was shown on the part of several of his adherents. 
The Council of Zurich itself could no longer keep out of the 
movement. " After the most careful consideration of a difficult 
matter " it resolved to arrange a public disputation, 3 at which 
discussion should be carried on " with the aid of truly divine 
writings and in the German language." While the Council 
reserved for itself the decision "in accordance with truly divine 
writings " in this disputation which was appointed for January 29th, 
1523, to which all the clergy in its jurisdiction were invited, he 
confidently took the work of religious reform in hand. Evidently, 
the leading personalities in the Council had already made up their 
minds beforehand : the disputation would only solemnly authenti- 
cate the actual revolution of public opinion at a large assembly 
(RE 15, 596). Rome, which was still in debt to Zurich for arrears 
of pay, had hitherto still endeavoured to hold the latter to the old 
political connection. The new Pope, Adrian VI., not only wrote 

1 [Of choice and free use of meats]. 

2 At that time Zwingli had already secretly married Anna Reinhard, widow 
of Johann Meyer, of Knonau ; the marriage was not publicly blessed until 

s A. Baur, I, 174 ff. 


to Zurich, at the same time loudly extolling the services rendered 
by the city to the papal chair, but, at the beginning of 1523, sent 
his legate Ennius thither with fresh commissions, wrote to Zwingli's 
friend Franz Zingg of Einsiedeln to win the former over to the 
cause of Rome by his assistance, and even sent (January 23rd, 1523) 
a flattering letter to his "beloved son" Zwingli in recognition of 
his distinguished services, offering him special favours, if he would 
show himself compliant. 1 When this letter arrived, the decisive 
step had already been taken. 

Zwingli had drawn up for the disputation sixty-seven " Conclusions " 
(I 153 ff.), " the model of a Christian confession of belief." 2 The Gospel carries 
its authority in itself, and needs no previous confirmation by the Church. 
The sum of it is the revelation of the will of God, redemption and reconciliation 
to God through Christ, who is therefore for us the only way to eternal happiness. 
No other teaching is to be compared to that of the Gospel or to be looked upon 
with greater respect. The Church is the community of the Saints, the body of 
Christ, the members of which are only attached to their head and his word. 
The salvation and condemnation of mankind depend only upon belief or 
unbelief in regard to the Gospel. Christ is the only high priest. The result 
of these fundamental principles is the rejection and criticism of the Romish 
papal, priestly, and sacramental church. The authority of the Pope conflicts 
with that of Christ, the mass with His sacrifice, the intercession of the Saints 
with His mediation. Further, justification by works, prohibition in the 
matter of food, feast-days, pilgrimages, monastic orders, prohibition of marriage, 
usages of worship are subjected to religious criticism. The ban is assigned 
to the individual community as a reaction against public offences in their midst. 
All magisterial authority is disputed with the Church : all functions connected 
with the government of the Church are, on the other hand, adjudged to the 
Christian authorities, so far as they do not order what is against God. If any 
authority acts thus, it has forfeited its office and may be "deposed by the 
will of God." 

The confederate States invited to the disputation, even the 
friendly-disposed Bale, officially declined, with the exception of 
Schaffhausen. Only a few friends of Zwingli attended in a private 
capacity, Vadian from St. Gall, Sebastian Meyer from Berne, 
and others ; but the Bishop of Constance sent a deputation, the 
spokesman of which was his general-vicar Joh. Faber (Fabri). 
The latter endeavoured to avoid the disputation (I 105 ff.) as 
much as possible, but was finally drawn into it by Zwingli, 3 when 
he attempted to screen himself under the authority of the Church 

1 Works VIII 266, 300. Bullinger I 82, 84. 

2 Cp. Ritschl, Rechtfertigung.* I, 168. Niemeyer, Coll. Conf., 3 ff. Schaff, 
Bibl. symb., I, 363 ff. ; III, 197 ff. 

3 For the importance of this moment of the disputation, cp. Nippold in 
Hagenbach, KGesch., 5 III, 697 ff. 


and the fathers, and only exceptionally soared to a feeble proof 
drawn from the Scriptures. At noon the resolution of the Council 
(I 143) was announced to the great assembly : Zwingli was to 
continue, as hitherto, to preach the Gospel and the genuine divine 
Scripture in accordance with the spirit of God and to the best 
of his ability, until he should be better informed. All the preachers 
in the country were also to preach nothing but what they could 
uphold by the authority of the Scriptures, but were at the same 
time to refrain from all accusations of heresy and from abuse. This 
decided the victory of the Reformation in Switzerland. Faber 
subsequently attempted (but in vain) to conceal his defeat by 
his literary efforts. Zwingli, with heart uplifted with joy, now 
produced his Auslegung und Begriindung der Schlussreden (I. 169 ff.), 
a treatise of fundamental importance for the religious side of the 
Swiss Reformation. 

Practical reforms followed in rapid succession. The Council permitted 
withdrawal from the monasteries, several priests took the step of marrying : 
Leo Jud, who had been Zwingli's colleague in office at Zurich since the 
beginning of the year, translated the baptismal service into German : the 
chapter of the great Cathedral was reformed, its revenues partly allotted to 
educational purposes. In the autumn, the impatience of the populace pressed 
on to violent reforms: images, ever -burning lamps, and crucifixes were 
destroyed by men who had been stirred to iconoclasm by a pamphlet written 
by the restless and hot-headed Ludw. Hetzer in Wadenschwyl. Zwingli 
disapproved of such action as being an excess, certainly not as an act of 
sacrilege. The Council interposed with a punishment of imprisonment, but, 
in the face of the great sensation which these events excited in Switzerland, 
thought it desirable to settle the matter at a second disputation " concerning 
the mass and images." This took place on October 26th-28th (I, 459). No 
competent opponent presented himself; every speech that was not supported 
by Scriptural proofs was cut short. Zwingli and Leo Jud represented the 
radical standpoint in the attack upon images, the pious Commander [of the 
Knights of St. John] , Conrad Schmid of Kiissnacht, spoke fervently in favour 
of sparing the weak, but the spirit of fanaticism was already excited in Conrad 
Grebel, for whom the work of reform could not be pushed on rapidly enough, 
and, in Simon Stumpf, the enthusiastic prophetic spirit, the subjectivism of 
which refuses to submit to any authority. Zwingli's and Leo Jud's propositions, 
that God forbade images, that the mass was no sacrifice and had hitherto been 
celebrated with many abuses, obtained recognition : but at the same time, 
in view of the sudden appearance of an extravagantly radical party, the 
Council determined to proceed cautiously and tenderly, and to take further 
reforms in hand only in combination with previous instruction. With this 
object, Zwingli, under the authority of the Council, wrote the Kurze christliche 
Einleitung (I, 541 ff.), which was followed by the order of the Council, that 
images were no longer to be carried round in processions, and that the mass 
should be freely administered : a definitive arrangement was to come into 
force at Whitsuntide (1524). 


Zwingli's Einleitung was sent to the bishops and the confederate 
cantons. Subsequently, on January 24th, 1524, at Lucerne, the 
twelve cantons decided upon the unconditional maintenance of 
the old Church and sent a solemn embassy to Zurich, to formulate 
complaints and issue a warning. But Zurich replied on March 21st, 
1524: that it intended to support the confederate alliance loyally, 
but at the same time not to deviate from what God's word and 
the salvation of souls required. Meanwhile, the reforms in public 
worship advanced (organ - playing also was done away with). 
After Zurich had made certain of the assent of its country-parishes, 
the abolition of monasteries, the limitation of the number of 
festivals, the establishment of civil and ecclesiastical regulations 
in regard to the poor, of a school and theological seminary out 
of church property, the change of the mass into a simple 
communion-service (Easter, 1525), the substitution for the altar 
of a table covered with a white cloth with wooden plates and 
goblets for unleavened bread and wine, the abolition of all singing 
(even singing by the congregation being discouraged), emancipation 
from the liturgical model of the Romish mass, — all these reforms 
were introduced. The rupture with the Catholic constitution of 
the Church followed. The civil authorities (the Council of the 
Two Hundred) took over the government of the Church "as a 
Christian authority and instead of their common church " and 
appointed a "court of discipline" and a "marriage court" for 
marriage affairs and moral discipline, consisting of four members 
of the Council and two pastors, to which the Stillstdnde (presbyteries) 
in the parishes corresponded as a local board of control. Thus 
the Reformation attained to a clerical organisation more rapidly 
in Switzerland than in Saxony. 1 

But already Zurich no longer stood alone. In Appenzell (Ausserroden) 
evangelical preaching obtained a free course by a resolution of the general 
assembly in 1524: in the imperial city of Muhlhausen (united with Bale) 
allegiance to the Bishop of Bale was renounced in the same year. In Berne 
the Swabian Berthold Haller and Sebastian Meyer had already, several years 
before, by outspoken preaching, and the painter Nicolas Manuel, by his satirical 
poems, stirred up a movement amongst the population : still, the Council did 
its utmost to maintain an ambiguous position midway between the two parties, 
while it combated certain abuses, drove Sebastian Meyer, as well as his 

1 This organisation was completed by the foundation of the Synod, composed 
of all the pastors, municipal deputies and government representatives (assessores 


opponent, a Dominican, from the city, but allowed Haller to do as he pleased. 
In Biel, Zwingli's former teacher, Thomas Wyttenbach, courageously espoused 
the cause of the Reformation, was deprived of his office for getting married in 

1524, but in the next year the community secured free preaching of the Gospel. 
In Bale, Wolfgang Fabricius Capito had, up to 1520, devoted himself to the 
study of the Bible in an Erasmian spirit and criticised outspokenly the abuses 
of the Church: then, Caspar Hedio and the Franciscan Conrad Pellicanus 
had fostered the first humanistic enthusiasm for Luther. But, in 1522, 
Joh. Oecolampadius (Hussgen, Hausschein, born 1482 at Weinsberg), who had 
already shown literary activity in 1521 as an adherent of Luther, arrived 
there. By his preaching and his activity as Reader in the Scriptures at the 
University, he soon obtained a reputation amongst the citizens: the bishop 
in vain forbade attendance at his lectures. Two disputations in December, 
1524 (the one by Stbr, a priest, against celibacy, the other by Wilhelm Farel, 
who had fled from France) encouraged the evangelical party. In February, 

1525, the Council appointed Oecolampadius minister of St. Martin, and 
allowed him to take in hand alterations in conformity with the Word of 
God. Nevertheless, the complete victory of the Reformation here was still 
in abeyance. Oecolampadius was already connected with Zwingli by an 
inlimate friendship. Schaffhausen also had found in Sebastian Hofmeister 
(Wagner), St. Gall in the humanist Vadian and in the pupil of the Wittenbergers, 
the learned saddler Joh. Kessler, active promoters of the knowledge of the 
Scriptures. On the other hand, Lucerne and the original cantons firmly closed 
their gates against the evangelical movement. Hence the victory of the 
Reformation was in sight only for a part of Switzerland : but already, together 
with the Old Church opposition, another dangerous enemy showed itself, the 
fanatically Anabaptist propaganda. The attempt of statesmen of Catholic 
views in the interior of Switzerland (the assembly at Lucerne, January, 1525), 
to avert the danger of civil war by means of a system of state church reforms 
(without and against the Pope) did not lead to an agreement. 1 

1 Oechsli, das eidgenuss. Glaubensconcovdat von 1525 in J. f. schw. Gesch., 
XIV 263 ff.: the same, in Anz. f. schw. G., XXI, I 18 ff. 


The Years of Clearing Up and Separation— 1524, 1525. 

1. Erasmus and Luther (Separation of the humanist and 
evangelical parties). 

Literature : For Emser, P. Moser, Halle, 1890 ; Murner, Waldau, Niirnb., 
1775; Strobel, Strassb., 1827; Rohrich in ZhTh 18, 587; W. Kawerau, 
2 parts, Halle, 1890, 1891 ; O. Winckelmann in ZG d. Oberrheins. 1891, 
49 ff . ; Faber, A. Horawitz, Wien, 1884; Dietenberger, H. Wedewer, 
Freib. 1888 (add Walther in HZ 63, 311 if., Kolde in GGA, 1889, 27 ff.) ; 
Schatzger: A. v. Druffel in SBBA, 1890, II 3. For Erasmus, Opp. ed. 
Lugd. Bat. 1703 ff., Tom. Ill and X ; Chlebus in ZhTh 15, 2, 1 ff. ; 
G. Plitt in ZIThK, 1866, 479 ff. ; R. Stahelin, Er.' Stellung z. Ref. 
Basel, 1873 ; Hartfelder in HTb 6. F. XI 148 f. ; F. O. Stichart, 
Er. v. R., Leipz., 1870. 

A whole host of literary adversaries of Luther had entered the field : in 
addition to Eck, Emser, Cochleus and the satirist Th. Murner, the general- vicar 
Joh. Faber, the Dominican Joh. Dietenberger, the minorite Schatzger and 
others, supported by foreign theologians (Clichtoveus, John Fisher and others). 
Luther, who at the commencement had always been ready with an answer, 
after his return from the Wartburg as a rule left the task of defence to his 
younger friends and pupils. It was only exceptionally that he himself took 
up the challenge : thus, in 1522, when Henry VIII. of England defended the 
seven sacraments against him, in return for which he obtained from the Pope 
the title of Defensor fidei and received a guarantee of an indulgence for every 
reader of his book, 1 he wrote the recklessly insulting Essay contra Henricum 
Regem Angliae (EA opp. v. a. VI 385 ff.) and, in 1523, curtly repulsed all 
Cochleus's repeated efforts to enter into a quarrel with him (VII 46 ff.). But 
hitherto the man, who had long since been exhorted on the Catholic side 
to come forward against Luther, namely, Erasmus, had remained silent. 
The Popes, the Emperor, King Henry, his English friends and others had 
hitherto vainly waited for his word of command in the struggle, although it 
had been represented to him that he was the only man who was Luther's 
literary equal or superior. But Erasmus, however conscious he was of being 
at heart different from Luther, and however important he considered it to 
keep the cause of belles lettres separate from the dangerous tendencies of the 

1 Cp. Lammer, Anal. Rom., p. 148. Wilkins, Cone. Britann. Ill 693 ff., 695 
ff., 702. Bridget in Dublin Review, 1885, 243 ff. 


reformatory movement, had hitherto only made his dissent known by occasional 
sallies in letters and essays. Luther's Reformation had brought him into an 
uncomfortable position midway between two parties : on both sides he aroused 
expectations, — but also distrust. His original assent to Luther's criticism of 
the state of affairs in the Church was soon transformed by the " tumultuous " 
course of procedure into a nervous apprehension ne res exiret in tumultum 
(III 639) ; to this was added a feeling of anxiety lest the reformatory movement 
should drive humanist sympathies, which had hitherto dominated the noblest 
of the nation, into the background, and at the same time weaken his own 
dominant position (nbicunque regnat Lutheranismus, ibi literarum est interitus ! 
Ill 1 1 39) ; but soon he felt what was heterogeneous in Luther's religious position. 
It was just the crucial religious statements of Luther {omnia opera sanctorum 
esse peccata ; liberum arbitrium esse nomen inane; sola fide iustificari [Zwinglii 
opp. VII 308]) that were aenigmata absurda to his moralism. In 1521, in 
consequence of the hostile attitude of the monastic party, he had retired 
from Louvain to Bale. But, at the end of 1522, he had renounced his old 
friendship for Hutten, who had fled thither, and was in consequence publicly 
accused by the latter in his Expostulatio of falling away from the Gospel and 
of weakness of character, whereupon he found himself compelled to describe 
his intermediate position in his Spongia : he declared that both sides were 
united in all the main points, and that only exaggerations on both sides 
prevented an understanding. He thought he would be able, by the aid of 
moderation and dispassionate negotiations carried on by the learned, to calm 
the excitement of the time. Vigorous attacks from the Lutheran camp 
(O. Brunsfels and Er. Alberus) followed. At the beginning of 1524, he asked 
Pope Clement's pardon for the audacious tone of his earlier writings, and 
informed him of an essay written against Luther; the Pope rewarded him in 
hard cash and ordered the monastic opponents of Erasmus to keep silence. 

In April, Luther again attempted, in a letter to Erasmus 
(de Wette II 499, Enders IV 319), to prevent the feud which 
he had long expected from breaking out between them : but 
the arrogant manner, in which Luther — with a true estimate of 
facts — endeavoured on this occasion to assign to him, as feeble 
and aged, the part of a spectator in the battle of belief, deeply 
wounded Erasmus. Greatly irritated, he replied in a letter 
(Enders IV 335) : in the autumn appeared his de libero arbitrio 
Siarpiffr). 1 In this he could pick a quarrel with Luther, without 
being obliged to withdraw his earlier criticism of ecclesiastical 
abuses : in this the point was set forth in which the humanistic 
culture felt itself, as far as religion was concerned, separated from 
Luther and was the representative of Catholicism : and at the 
same time the point at which Luther's ideas, in the form in 
which they had been brought forward, afforded a convenient 
object of attack. 

1 Opp. IX 1215 ff., in German in Walch XVIII, Sp. 1962 ff. 


In 1520 Luther had written: Liberum arbitrium est figmentum in rebus seu 
titnlus sine re, quia nulli est in manu sua quippiam cogitare mail aut boni, sed 
omnia (ut Viglephi articulus Constantiae damnatus recte docet) de necessitate absoluta 
eveniunt (EA opp. v. a. V 230). He employed all his efforts, not only to show 
these propositions absurd — which was easy enough — but also to keep the 
right mean between Manichaeism and Pelagianism, and to examine carefully 
the share that grace and free will respectively have in the salvation of mankind. 
Thereby results a Synergism, 1 which allows the beginning and end to grace, 
the intermediate step to free will. " The best of all his writings, but an 
entirely worldly one and most deeply irreligious." 2 

Luther's answer was put off owing to the intervention of the 
Peasants' War, his marriage, and the change of government in 
Saxony. It was not until the end of 1525 that it appeared: De 
servo arbitrio (EA opp. v. a. VII 113 ff.), with a German version 
by Jonas, who had formerly been an enthusiastic admirer of 
Erasmus, entitled " Dass der freie Wille nichts sei" (Walch XVIII 
2049 if.). In calm, polished language he demonstrates how he 
is concerned in the assertion of a " servile will " : that what 
medieval theology had always treated as the act of man, which 
God only more or less supports by acts of grace and methods of 
salvation, namely, belief, is much more the experience of an act of God 
in the case of sinful man. This practically religious, inviolable 
kernel of his ideas, — his experience of belief, he endeavours to 
justify dialectically, as if it were not a religious experience, but 
a dogma of philosophical metaphysics, and thus irrevocably rushes 
into a deterministic, supralapsarian 3 doctrine of predestination, 
the practical conclusions of which he then again seeks to evade 
by a distinction of the Deus absconditus and the Deus revelatus, the 
revealed will of God for the salvation of all and the concealed, 
which disposes of the salvation or condemnation of the individual. 

Luther, as late as 1537, expressly acknowledged this essay of his before 
others (de W. V 70) — a stumbling-block for his descendants, which it was 
endeavoured to explain away by violent exegetical devices (cp. Walch XVIII 
Introd. p. 140 ff.). Erasmus's essay had made no special impression on 
Melanchthon, who at first had been delighted that Luther should find in 
him (Erasmus) a cautious adversary (CR I 674); nevertheless, since 1527 

1 [In the Lutheran church, a Synergist was one who held that divine grace 
required a corresponding action of the human will to make it effectual] . 

2 Harnack, DG III 714. 

3 [The supralapsarian Calvinists held that the fall of Adam was part of the 
original plan of God, as also His decree of election as regards the eternal 
salvation of some and the eternal reprobation of others] . 


(Commentary on the Epistle to the Colossians), he had abandoned the paths 
of deterministic predestinarianism and henceforth sought ethical means of 
intercession for the efficacy of divine grace. 

Erasmus, now freed from the suspicion of being a secret Lutheran 
(although to the end of his life zealous Catholics annoyed him 
by saying Erasmus est pater Lutheri, Erasmus posuit ova, Luther us 
exclusit pullos 1 ), replied with irritation in his Hyper aspistes (X 1249 ff.). 
From this time forth, those who shared his Yiews withdrew from 
the Reformation together with him, the chief of the humanists, 
although individuals knew how to assert other special reasons for 
doing so: the jurist Zasius alleged Luther's abuse of the papacy, 
Pirkheimer his special Nuremburg relations, Crotus the absence 
of good fruits. In reality, the obstacle in the case of all was 
Luther's doctrine of grace. Even Mutianus, now advancing in 
years, joyfully welcomed Erasmus's vote in favour of free will. 2 

2. The Severance of the Reformation from the mystico- 
reYolutionary Circles. 

Literature : M. G6bel, A. B. v. Carlstadt in StKr 1841-1843 ; Jager (see above, 
p. 33) ; Seidemann, Th. Miinzer, Dresd. and Leipz., 1842 ; O. Merx, 
TJi. M. u. H. Pfeiffer, I, Gott., 1889. For J. Strauss, see G. L. Schmidt, 
J. Menius, Gotha, 1867, I 105 ff. ; Bossert in RE XIV 781 ff. 

Luther's return from the Wartburg had at first paralysed 
Carlstadt's activity. But secretly he was arming for a fresh 
struggle with Luther. 3 A protest against academical degrees and 
fraternisation with the peasants as " Neighbour Andrew " was 
combined with mystic writing, which raised up the spirit against 
the letter and treated the forms of ecclesiastical life with contempt. 
In the autumn of 1523, he got himself chosen pastor by the 
congregation of Orlamunde, the pastorate of which was incorporated 
with the archdeaconry of the Wittenberg collegiate church which 
was held by him. Here he soon began a crusade against images 
and introduced reforms in church-worship : he deduced from the 
Old Testament the right of bigamy and the identification of 
Sabbath and Sunday. Recalled by the University of Wittenberg 
to his post, although he resigned his ministry, he still remained 

1 R. Stahelin, Briefe aus der Ref. zeit, Basel, 1887, p. 24. 

2 Gillert, Brief w. des Mutianus, II p. 300. 

3 Cp. Melanchthon's description CR II 31. 


as a "citizen" in the community that was blindly devoted to him. 
Meanwhile, Thomas Miinzer, after all sorts of wanderings, had 
settled at Allstedt in Thuringia as minister, where he established 
a German form of worship, decked out with mystical whimsicalities, 
and began to collect a " community of saints " here and there in 
"leagues," in which communistic were already combined with 
mystical ideas, and the prospect was opened out of the speedy 
judgment of the "godless," the princes and lords first and foremost, 
which the good are called upon to execute. At Easter, 1524, he 
commenced deeds of violence by storming and plundering a 
neighbouring pilgrims' chapel. The Elector Frederick hesitated 
about taking proceedings against the dangerous fanatic. In the 
summer of 1524, Luther, in his Brief an die Filrsten von Sachsen 
vom aufrilhrischen Geist [letter to the Princes of Saxony concerning 
the spirit of disturbance] (de Wette II 358 ff.), 1 recommended 
that the teaching of the fanatics should be tolerated ("let the 
spirits dash against one another"), but that, as soon as they inter- 
fered with the fist, the disturbance should be opposed by punitive 
measures. Being summoned to Weimar for examination, Miinzer, 
without waiting for the verdict, secretly left Allstedt and repaired 
to the neighbouring imperial city of Muhlhausen. Carlstadt, in 
spite of Miinzer's cajolery, had resisted the appeal to force. 
But now he opened the campaign against Luther in the matter 
of his doctrine of the Eucharist, which appeared to him equivalent 
to the Romish ; he required " heavenly " instead of " sacramental " 
ideas, and interpreted the rovro (not ovtos) of the sacramental 
words ("this is my body") to mean that Jesus simply referred 
to his own body, but expressed no opinion as to the bread. A 
meeting between Luther and Carlstadt at the Black Bear at Jena 
led to no result ; an attempt to bring about a discussion with his 
excited adherents at Orlamtinde was equally unsuccessful ; amidst 
the execrations of the mob Luther was obliged to retire without 
having effected anything. The Elector still thought of clearing 
up the situation by a public discussion, to which, in addition to 
Luther and Melanchthon, Carlstadt, the preacher Jacob Strauss 
of Eisenach, the fabricator of plans of social reforms, and even 
Miinzer, should also be summoned: but, on Luther's opposition, 
the idea was abandoned and Carlstadt, with two of his adherents, 
was banished from the country. 

1 For the date cp. de W. VI 580. 


Carlstadt turned towards South Germany, where together with his 
Eucharistic doctrine he at the same time spread dislike of Luther personally. 
His appearance made a special impression in Strasburg, so that Luther in 
his Brief an die Christen zu Strassburg (de W. II 574 ff., Enders V 83 f.) 
attempted to resist the "fanatical spirit." There, however, the controversy 
was regarded as a simple contest of words. He then rose up with the full 
weight of his eloquence against the immoderate attacks, which had in the 
meantime been made in Carlstadt's writings, in his Essay Wider die himmlischen 
Prophcten von den Bildem und Sacrament [Against the heavenly Prophets 
concerning the Images and the Sacrament] (EA 29, 134 ff.), in which his 
Eucharistic doctrine attained full development (see below). Carlstadt's contrite 
endeavour to become reconciled to Luther was hindered by the refusal of 
the Elector to grant him safe-conduct. Nor would any such understanding 
have been able to delay the outbreak of the dispute about the Eucharist. 

Mtinzer had found in Mtihlhausen a soil already explored by 
the Cistercian Henry Pfeiffer. The Council still exerted itself 
igainst the new preacher of disturbance and drove him out. 
He wandered through South Germany as far as Switzerland, had 
lis incendiary essay Wider das geistlose, sanftlebende Fleisch in 
Wittenberg } [Against the godless, easy-living flesh at Wittenberg] 
printed at Nuremberg on the way and entered into relations with 
the Zurich Anabaptists: but he soon appears again with Pfeiffer 
'n Mtihlhausen, attacks the authorities and nobility, commences an 
issault upon the monasteries, overthrows the Council; peasants 
ind townspeople league together : the war of extermination against 

he "godless" under the leadership of the new prophet was ready 
to break out. Before the princes had agreed upon counter- 

leasures, the storm burst. 

3. The Severance of the Reformation from the fanatic 
labaptist Circles. 

literature : Heberle in JdTh 1858, 225 ff. Cornelius, Gesch. des M iinsterischen 
Anfruhrs, II., Leipz., i860, p. 15 ff. Egli, die Ziiricher Wiedertdufer der 
Ref. zeit, Zurich, 1878; the same, die St. Galler Tdufer, Zurich, 1887. 
Strasser in Bemer Beitrdge, edited by Nippold, 1884, p. 166 ff. Burrage, 
History of the Anabaptism in Switzerland, Philad., 1882. Nitzsche, Gesch. 
der Wiedert. in der Schweiz, Einsiedeln, 1885. Loserth, die Stadt Waldshut 
u. die vorder-osterr. Regierung, 1523-1526, in A.f. ost. G. 77, 1 ff. 

At the same time, in Switzerland, those who considered that 
'wingli's reforms proceeded too slowly and whose ecclesiastical 
ideal only found satisfaction in the conventicle, had in like manner 

1 Reprinted by L. Enders, Halle, 1893 (Niemeyer's reprints No. 118, p. 17 ff.). 


separated from him. As early as the second conference at Zurich 
(see p. 55) spirits of the kind had come forward. Socialistic 
tendencies also showed themselves in Simon Stumpf, and in others, 
such as Conrad Grebel, a youthful humanist who had suddenly 
awakened from a dissolute life, and Felix Manz, the desire for a 
visible representation of the community of the Saints. As Zwingli 
combated their endeavours as a " rebellion," they from that time 
regarded him as the enemy of Christianity. Mtinzer's writings 
against Luther here found a ready hearing, and his assistance, as 
well as that of his partisan Balthasar Hubmor (Hubmaier) of 
Waldshut, was in request. 

In 1523, the latter, after having already delivered reformatory sermons at 
Ratisbon, had in a short time won over the town of Waldshut on the frontier 
of Switzerland to the new doctrine as understood by Zwingli. The anterior- 
Austrian government, like the Bishop of Constance, had in vain endeavoured 
to call him to account or to procure his dismissal. It was only when 
preparations were made for proceedings against the town, whose defection 
and accession to the confederates were feared, that Hubmaier withdrew, in 
the summer of 1524, to Schaffhausen, but to the joy of the citizens returned 
soon afterwards, after volunteers from Zurich had marched into the town to 
defend, the word of God. But, in the meantime, Hubmaier had entered into 
personal relations with Th. Miinzer, abandoned Zwingli and joined the Zurich 
Stiirmer und Drcinger. 1 Anabaptism was begun, although "weak" parents 
were still not forbidden to have their children baptised. He thereby brought 
dissension into his congregation and deprived it of the sympathies of evangelical 
Switzerland. (After the end of the Peasants' War the town, which in vain 
invoked the protection of Switzerland, was handed over to the Austrian 
government, Hubmaier just managing to save himself by flight: Joh. Faber 
again triumphantly restored the Catholic service.) 

The conventicles of the fanatical society, which in its radical 
Bible Christianity recklessly sacrificed its connection with the 
history of the Church, and felt elevated in the consciousness of 
having no other than true Christians as fellow-members, were 
recruited from the artisan classes. In these circles the rejection 
of infant baptism — "the greatest cruelty of the devil and of the 
Romish Pope " — was uplifted as the standard : by Anabaptism, 
as the independent act of the individual, who desired to live as a 
citizen of the Kingdom of God, a man severed the bond with 
the rest of Christendom and separated from it to join a new, 

1 Literally, " Stormers and Stressers," but it is impossible to give an 
adequate equivalent. 


enthusiastic community. 1 Neither Zwingli's private negotiations 
with the leaders, nor two public discussions (January 17th and 
March 20th, 1525), appointed by the Council of Zurich, were 
able to arrest the baptist movement, which, e.g., in St. Gall, 
was joined by the people in large numbers, after the baptism of 
the monk Blaurock 2 by Grebel had given the signal. In spite 
of extravagant manifestations of the most whimsical kind, this 
movement notwithstanding maintained a peaceful character, in 
pronounced contrast with Miinzer's warlike aspirations. 3 

It was here that the Baptist community received its first characteristic, full 
development : in the return to the regulations of the Apostolic Church, in 
the assertion that Christians ought not to hold any magistracy *nor wear 
a sword ; in the rejection of the paid office of preacher ; in the opinion 
that the taking of interest and tithes was sinful: in the demand that "all 
things should be common and heaped up together." In the question of the 
Eucharist, they followed Carlstadt. In addition, there were special rules in 
regard to clothes (coats of coarse cloth, wide grey hats) and a vagabond horror 
of the forms of social life — " monks without cowls." 

The Council of Zurich endeavoured to protect infant baptism 
with threats of punishment, while Zwingli, in his Essay Vom Tauf, 
vom Wiedertauf und vom Kindertauf [On Baptism, Anabaptism, and 
Infant Baptism] defended it as a sign of allegiance and not to 
be withheld from children as members of the people of God, after 
the analogy of circumcision ; in a second Essay Vom Predigtamt 
he combats the proceedings of the Separatists, which threatened 
to destroy the church, refusing them divine legitimation for their 
separation. 4 But it required increasingly severe mandates of the 
authorities to suppress the strong, popular movement in favour 
of the proscribed unlicensed sect. The rigorism of the authorities, 

1 As a matter of course the name Anabaptists was always rejected : it was 
asserted that there were no Anabaptists, since the first baptism was nothing. 
Egelhaaf, II, 32. 

2 For Blaurock, see Fritz Jecklin in the 21st Jahresber. der histor. antiq. 
Gesellsch. von Graubunden, 1891, p. 1 ff. 

8 Cp. Grebel's Letter to Miinzer, September 5th, 1524 : Man sol das 
Evangelium und sine annemer nit schirmen mit dem schwert oder sy sich 
selbsz . . . rechte gleubige Christen sind Schaf mitten unter den wblfen, etc. 
[Men should not defend the Gospel and those who accept it, or themselves 
with the sword : the real faithful Christians are as sheep in the midst of wolves.] 
In Cornelius, Gesch. des M iinsterischen Aufrnhrs, II 244. 

1 For a third Essay, his Elenchus, cp. Baur in ZKG X 330 ff. Usteri in 
ZKG XI 161 ff. 

VOL. Ill 5 



which has made the history even of the peacefully disposed portion 
of the baptist communities a history of suffering without parallel, 
is partly to be explained by the coincidence of the first appearance 
of the Baptists with the revolutionary convulsions in the German 
peasantry and the many points of contact between the two 
movements which in themselves were entirely distinct. 

$. Separation of the Reformation from the Revolution of 
the Peasants' War. 

Literature: W. Vogt, Vorgeschichte des Bauernkrieges, Halle, 1887; the same, die 
bairische Politik im Bauernkriege, Nordl., 1883 ; the same, die Bodenseebauern, 
Augsb., 1892. For the supposed " Bauernparlament " see v. Kluckhohn 
in GGN, 1893, 276 ff. For the twelve articles see Dobel, Memmingen in 
Ref. zeitalter, I 2 69 ff. Stern, iiber die 12 Artikel, Leipz., 1868; the same, 
FdG XII 475 ff. Baumann, die oberschwab. Bauern und die 12 Art., Kempten, 
1871 ; Bossert in Bl. wiirtt. KG, II 73 ff; Vogt in ZkW, 1885, 413; 
Radlkofer in ZhV f. Schwaben XVI 1 ff . ; Hohlbaum in FdG XVII 
345 ff. Egelhaaf, I 569 ff. Falckenheiner, Philipp d. Grossm. im 
Bauernkriege, Marb., 1887. Seidemann, das Ende des Bauernkr. in Thiir. 
in N. Mitth. aus d. Gebiet hist, antiq. Forsch. XIV 392 ff. 

Disturbances amongst the peasants had already commenced, decades before 
the Reformation, in which the religious question of the latter originally had 
no share at all. The condition and treatment of the peasants living in serfdom 
just in the territories of the Church are in great measure responsible for them. 
After the culture of the towns had rapidly advanced, the peasantry began their 
war of emancipation, not entirely because the burden of their condition was 
unendurable, but because they objected to be looked down upon from a legal 
standpoint as compared with others. Special grounds of complaint acted as 
inflammatory material : first, devastating campaigns, then, the reception of the 
Roman law, which bestowed upon their masters fresh legal claims to territory, 
the change of hereditary into revocable fief, the limitation of right of settlement, 
• the unlimited exercise by the masters of the right of hunting : to these were 
added apocalyptic voices, astrological announcements, the impression which 
the Hussite victories had made upon the ordinary man, and the biblical 
catch-words, which had penetrated the masses : then, especially in the small- 
citizen circles, writings like the Reformatio Sigismundi of 1438 with its religiously 
democratic programme of reform, full of promises and supposed to have been 
devised by that Emperor himself, and its doctrine of " divine justice," i.e., the 
treatment of the Bible as the authority also for civil and social justice. The 
end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th century had already witnessed 
numerous explosions amongst the peasants and in the townships, but all of 
strictly limited area. Luther's demands for reform, further intensified by the 
inflammatory preaching of a number of preachers and by fugitive literature, had 
naturally afforded fresh nourishment to this frame of mind : the discontented 
peasantry appropriated them as fresh gravamina, and the regularly planned 
establishment of an "evangelical community" now combined with the social 
revolution. The abolition of the Nuremberg Council of Regency finally 


aggravated the pessimistic feeling. Certainly, the isolated risings of the year 
1524 had for the most part nothing to do with the " Gospel": at Waldshut 
(August, 1524) the agrarian and the religious movements went hand in hand ; in 
the succeeding winter, the blending of the social revolution with certain catch- 
words and demands of the Reformation was more definitely completed. The 
fact that a large number of country parsons and priests who said matins joined 
the peasants is to be explained by their own oppressed condition and their 
peasant origin. On the 24th of February, 1525, the peasants of Allgau (in 
Upper Swabia) constituted themselves " a Christian union " and proclaimed 
the holy Gospel as their fundamental law, but at the same time, manifesting 
peaceful intentions, they turned to the Archduke Ferdinand, as the representative 
of the Emperor, with the demand for social assistance. When then the different 
South German bands of peasants combined, the evangelical tendencies were 
at first checked in March, but immediately afterwards gained the upper hand 
in the acceptance of the Twelve Articles of the entire peasantry, 1 the author of 
which was the furrier Sebastian Lotzer, who was assisted by the Memmingen 
preacher Christopher Schappeler. These articles put in front of an agrarian, 
economic programme the demands, that the congregations should be allowed 
to exercise the right of choosing and dismissing their ministers (see above, 
p. 47), since they are in need of "pure" preaching of the Gospel, and that 
the tithe, which they further are willing to give, should be appropriated 
by the congregation itself to the support of the parson, the maintenance of 
the poor and as a reserve fund for the needs of the country. Also, the succeeding 
socio-economical demands of their programme at the same time appeared with 
a religious colouring, as founded on the Bible. But it is a programme 
of reform, not of revolution ; reconciliation, not a civil war is desired. 
The evangelical Spirit, which penetrated the movement, had a moderating effect. 
But the Swabian league, encouraged by the defeat of France before Pavia 
(February 24th) and by the failure of Ulrich of Wurtemberg's campaign to 
recover his country, rejected all the demands of the peasants. Then the 
radical elements broke out amongst the peasantry, deeds of violence began 
on the 26th of March : but the defeats of Leipheim (April 4th) and Wurzach 
(April 14th) and the treachery of the commander of the Lake of Constance 
peasants before Weingarten on April 17th sealed their fate. The peasants on 
the Neckar and in Franconia fought with better success ; but even in these 
cases the defeat at Boblingen (May 12th) bade the movement halt. On 
April 26th, Pfeiffer broke out from Miihlhausen : within a few days the whole 
of Thuringia was in revolt. Frederick the Wise, seriously ill and at the 
point of death, refused to believe in the seriousness of the danger. Luther, 
on his way to Eisleben, came across the Twelve Articles, and, while still 
travelling, wrote (April 19th) his Ermahnung zum Fricden auf die 12 Artikel der 
Bauernschaft in Schwaben [Exhortation to Peace] (EA 24 s 269 ff.), without 
knowing that his advice was too late. He reminded the Princes of their 
offences and begged them to deal kindly with the peasants: he approved of 
the 1 st Article: as for the others, he did not materially interfere with them, 

1 The foundation of these are the ten Articles of the Memmingen peasantry; 
Dobel, Memmingen im Reformationszeitalter I s 69 ff. ; the Twelve Articles are 
printed in Strobel, Beitr. II 1 ff., in Low German FdG 1877, 343. 



but only on principle set forth the moral duties of the authorities towards 
their subjects. 1 But he pointed out to the peasants that they forfeited all 
claim to take the lead in a Christian cause, the moment they proceeded to 
violence. At the risk of his life he attempted — but without success— to oppose 
personally the peasants in the Hartz Mountains and in Thuringia. Meanwhile, 
Frederick the Wise died on the 5th of May, seeing with resignation God's 
judgment of the Princes in the revolt of the peasants. In this critical situation, 
Luther with all his might opposed the revolt, in the interests of the Gospel. 
Satan desires to spoil his sowing, by making his Gospel the license for the 
revolution. He accordingly writes the rude and violent essay Wider die 
morderischen und rduberischen Rotten der Bauem (EA 24 2 300 if.). 2 He calls 
upon the authorities to discharge the duties of their office : he asks them to 
acknowledge that they have deserved this storm, but at the same time once 
again to offer to do justice to the peasants, and, if this is of no avail, to grasp 
the sword immediately : and then again, to show mercy to the large numbers 
amongst the prisoners who had been misled. He recognised, sooner than 
many others, that energetic management of authority in times of sedition is 
the right kind of compassion to be shown towards a country. On the 
15th of May, the decisive blow was struck at the battle of Frankenhausen, 
by the combined forces of Philip of Hesse, the Elector John, Duke George, 
and the Counts of Central Germany. Miinzer was taken prisoner and executed 
in camp. The more recklessly the Princes took vengeance upon the peasants, 
the heavier became the weight of odium, which Luther had to bear. He had 
lost his popularity amongst the peasants, the Romanists despised him as a 
man who could not be depended upon, 3 and even his friends were partly 
taken aback: was he not to blame for this bloody reaction? 4 He justified 
himself with a good conscience in a circular letter (EA 24 2 309 ff.). Never 
before had Luther been so isolated, and yet he had remained true to his 

The defeat of the peasants was the hour of the birth of the 
Catholic reaction: people now thought they had tested the fruits 
of the Reformation and now desired likewise to tear up the 

1 Cp. on the other hand Melanchthon, who, in CR XVI 441 has curtly 
denoted this essay as impius ac seditiosus libellus : cp. further XX 641 ff. 

2 [Against the murderous and plundering gangs of the peasants.] He wrote 
this at the time when he did not as yet know who would gain the victory 
(cp. EA 242, 307). Certainly, in the writings of ultramontane pragmatists, 
from Cochleus and Faber to Hergenrother {Cone. Gesch. IX 434), we find 
such statements as the following: "No sooner had the news of the first 
defeat of the peasants echoed through the land, than Luther etc. ; " quos ubi 
vidit superari, affligi, confici, hortatus est nobilitatem, ut etc (Ficker, die Konfutation, 
Leipz., 1891, p. 185). 

3 Cp., e.g., Faber in Ficker, die Konfutation, Leipz., 1891, p. 184 f. 

4 Cp. Poliander's defence of Luther in Tschackert, Urkundenbuch II 131 ff. 
The Austrian government showed itself especially cruel : the more beneficent 
was the effect produced by the mildness of Strasburg : cp. FdG 1883, 284 f. 


"root" of the revolution, — the Reformation. 1 The clear brightness 
of Luther's name grew dimmer in the lower circles of the people — 
the spread of baptist principles in succeeding years proves this. 
He also, since that time, bore a grudge against the Lord Omnes, and 
lost his joyful reliance upon the national movement. Henceforth, 
in his eyes the essential task of the Church was, the education of 
the uncultivated and stiff-necked ordinary man. The spring days 
of the Reformation were over. 

Cochleus, with odious meddlesomeness, had connected Luther's marriage 
with the defeat of the peasants: the whole of Germany lamented that he 
celebrated a joyous wedding! 2 A connection actually existed, in so far as 
the need of the time had awakened in him the idea of an approaching death 
and hence, the desire ("to spite the devil before I die") to set the seal of his 
own example (de W. Ill 13) upon his written testimony in favour of the marriage 
of the priests, "even should it be no more than a 'Joseph's' marriage" 
(de W. II 678). On the 13th of June, he quickly made up his mind and 
concluded a marriage with Catherine von Bora, a nun who had fled from 
the convent at Nimptschen : compassion for the woman who had been 
abandoned by a wealthy suitor had rapidly changed to affection. A fortnight 
later the marriage was publicly solemnised. Melanchthon, who had not been 
taken into confidence owing to his timidity, was beside himself at what Luther 
had done : the full tenor of his malicious letter, more characteristic of him 
than of Luther, has only recently become known. 3 Erasmus took occasion 
to circulate false and odious tittle-tattle about this marriage. It forms no 
special turning-point in Luther's public activity: it is frequently forgotten, 
lat he was already at that time in his forty-second year. 

1 For Duke George (and equally for the Pope) the victory of Frankenhausen 

fas simply a sigk widder die Lutterischen " a victory over the Lutherans " (ZhTh 

[847, 644). Cp. Friedensburg, Zur Vorgesch. des Gotha-Torgauischen Biindnisses, 

[arburg, 1884, p. 6 ff. J. Brenz had already successfully defended the 

'eformation against such accusations: see Jager and Hartmann, /. Brenz 

I 70 ff. Cp. also Philip's declaration to Duke George in v. Rommel, Philipp 

d. Gr. II 85 : that there had been less disturbance where people followed the 

Gospel, than where they persecuted it. 

1 Comment. 1549, p. 117 f. 

3 W. Meyer in SBBA of November 4th, 1876. De Lagarde, Mittheilungen 
IV 416 ff. 


Development of the Reformation: ecclesiastical territories and 
Confessions of faith. 

1. Emperor and Pope. 

Literature : W. Hellwig, uie politischen Beziehungen Clemens' VII. zu Karl V\ 
im J. 1526, Leipz., 1889. Grethen, die politischen Beziehungen Clemens' VII. 
zu Karl V. 1523-1527, Hannover, 1887. M. Brosch, Gesch. des Kirchenstaates. 
Gotha, 1880, I 106 f. Gregorovius, Geschichte der Stadt Rom. VIII. 

At the beginning of the year 1525, the Emperor's position had unexpectedly 
become most brilliant. The great victory before Pavia had almost annihilated 
the French army, Francis I. was his prisoner. Charles now resolved to leave 
Spain as soon as possible for Italy for his coronation and then to proceed to 
Germany to exterminate the "sect." He also regarded the Peasants' War 
simply as a Lutheran movement : a fresh reason for annihilating Lutheranism. 
Protestantism had to thank the Pope, that it did not now feel the Emperor's 
strong arm immediately. Certainly Clement VII., after the victory (terrible 
for him) of the imperial arms at Pavia, was driven to an alliance with Charles: 
but, at the same time, he began to conspire against the latter in France, 
England and Italy, attempted to entice Charles's general, Pescara, to treason, 
persuaded Francis to break the oath he had taken at the Peace of Madrid 
(Jan. 14th, 1526), and gave him absolution — in short, instead of supporting the 
Emperor in the struggle against the Reformation, he forced upon him a struggle 
against himself. On the 22nd of May, Clement, Francis, Milan, Venice and 
Florence, under the protection of Henry VIII., combined in the " Holy League" 
at Cognac, avowedly for the purpose of bringing about a lasting peace amongst 
the Christian princes, in reality to crush the Emperor. A correspondence 
followed between Pope and Emperor, in which the former (June 23rd, Non opus 
esse credimus 1 ) charged the Emperor's policy with ambition and trampling upon 
the papal rights, while the latter (September 17th) brought forward crushing 
material for accusation in reference to the faithlessness of the Pope, and, 
lastly, appealed to a general council 2 against the Pope, who from a shepherd 
had become an invader (non pastor sed invasor). In November, the Emperor 
despatched his troops against the Pope : recruiting for this purpose had also 
taken place in Germany, and Lutheran mercenaries hurried up right willingly, 

1 In Balan, Mon. saec. XVI. I. 364 ff. 

2 The Emperor himself repeatedly published his accusation in 1527. The 
author of the comprehensive document was probably the imperial secretary, 
Alfonso de Valdes. Cp. also Lanz, Corresp. Karls V. I 219 ff. 


eager to advance against Rome. On the 6th of May, Spaniards, Italians, and 
Germans stormed the walls of Rome, and a fearful avenging judgment broke 
over the city: 1 the undisciplined host kept the Pope prisoner until November. 
The idea was now mooted in the Emperor's Council to deprive the Pope of 
secular authority altogether, or to remove the papal chair from Rome, and to 
bring him entirely under the imperial control: but the Emperor refused to 
listen to these suggestions. He certainly allowed the Essay by Alfonso de 
Valdes (Dialogo) to issue from his chancery, which excuses the Emperor before 
Christendom for the plundering of Rome, but, at the same time, demonstrates 
God's judgment upon the rottenness of the Curia, the greedy profanation of the 
Holy One, the corruption in the high spiritual association. But further: 
Christ's teaching is here contrasted with that of Rome. If the Pope will 
recognise his errors, and heal the wounds of the Church, then the terrible fate, 
which has befallen Rome, will turn out a blessing. The first work with 
reformatory tendencies was thus written in the Spanish language to defend the 
Emperor against the Pope! 2 It was not until June, 1529, that peace was 
concluded between Emperor and Pope— thanks to the political errors of the 
Papacy, a valuable respite was afforded the German Reformation, which 
enabled it to take firmer root. 

2. The Gotha-Torgau League. 

Literature: Seidemann in ZhTh 1847, 638 if., 656 ff. Friedensburg, Zur 
Vorgeschichte des Gotha-Torgauischen Biindnisses, Marb., 1884. Stoy, Erste 
Biindnissbestrebungen evg. Stdnde, Jena, 1888. 

The overthrow of the peasants had encouraged the Catholic 
princes to energetic proceedings against Lutheranism. In South 
Germany, in the districts of the members of the Ratisbon league 
(p. 44), the triumph over the peasants became at once a bloody 
persecution of the evangelicals, especially of the "preachers." 
In many of the towns also the re -establishment of order was 
combined with that of the old Church. A similar result was to 
be expected in the North. Duke George, — after he had already, 
in camp before Muhlhausen, urged a league of the princes for the 
future prevention of disturbances amongst the peasants, — invited 
the Electors Joachim of Brandenburg and Albert of Mainz, as 

1 Cardinal Cajetan judged that the iustissimum Dei indicium so ordered it in 
this case. Gregorovius, VIII 568. Cp. Kilian Leib, Annates in Dollinger, 
Beitr. II 506 ff. For the " Sacco di Roma" cp. C. Ravioli in Archivio delta 
societa di Roma di storia patria VI (1883) 303 ff. ; a hitherto unpublished bull 
of Clement VII., threatening with the punishments of the Church the oppressors 
of that Church in Archivio storico Italiano IV I ff. Further the letters JGG 
XII 751 ff. 

2 Reformistas antiguos espanoles IV 325 ff. Wilkens, Gesch. des span. Pro- 
testantismus. Gutersloh, 1888, p. 31 ff. 


well as the Dukes Eric and Henry of Brunswick, to Dessau on 
the igth of July, 1525, where it was agreed to "extirpate the 
root of this disturbance, the damned Lutheran sect." 1 

It was hoped, in view of the Peasants' War, that the Elector 
John and Philip of Hesse also would be converted from Lutheranism : 
they were accordingly invited to enter into the league. Both 
princes refused the demand in a united declaration (September 15th) 
and conditionally avowed their adhesion to the " Lutheran action in 
so far as it agreed with the Holy Gospel and the Word of God," 
declaring that it was impossible for them to help root out the 
latter. 2 Thereby they saved North Germany from a decided 
Catholic reaction. As a diet had been convened at Augsburg for 
Martinmas in the current year, at which the Catholic party again 
intended to demand the execution of the Edict of Worms, Saxony 
and Hesse, at Philip's instigation, at first entered into an agreement 
on the 8th of November, at the Castle of Friedewald, in the case 
of the Gospel "to stand together as one man," but to reject the 
Edict of Worms as "quite unendurable." The diet was so poorly 
attended that it was deferred till the next year at Spires. Meanwhile, 
the cathedral chapter of Mainz assembled the suffragan chapter, 
and decided to send a petition to the Emperor with the object of 
violently exterminating Lutheranism 3 : with the same object, the 
Dessau confederates sent Henry of Brunswick with a memorial 
to Spain. 4 This rendered further understanding and agreement 
between the Evangelicals necessary. Certainly, princes and cities 
were not yet able to become united, but, on the 27th of February, 
1526, Hesse and Saxony entered into a close brotherhood (the 
so-called Torgau league) at Gotha, and, on the 12th of June, 
the Dukes Ernest and Francis of Brunswick-Luneburg, Philip of 
Brunswick-Grubenhagen, Henry of Mecklenburg, Prince Wolfgang 
of Anhalt, Count Albert of Mansfeld and the city of Magdeburg 
entered into the alliance at the latter place. Albert of Prussia, 
who, on the 10th of April, 1525, had handed over the land belonging 
to the Order to Sigismund King of Poland at Cracow as liege-lord 
and had got it back as a secular dukedom in fee, soon followed 

1 Friedensburg, p. 113. Consequently it was not a question of only a 
harmless defensive league. 

2 Friedensburg, p. 114 ff. 

3 A sharp rejoinder by Luther (EA 65, 22 ff.) was suppressed by the 
Elector John. 

4 Schmidt, G. der Deutsche* XI 279 ff. 


suit at the Konigsberg agreement (September 26th). 1 In Poland, 
an heretical but dependent Prussia was preferred to a Catholic but 
independent one. In like manner, the Evangelicals sought union 
with Frederick I. of Denmark and Gustavus Vasa. Thus, on both 
sides, measures for "defence" were organised. 

3. The Diet of Spires, 1526. 

Literature: Friedensburg, der Reichstag zu Speier, 1526, Berl., 1887. Ney, 
d. Reichst. z. Sp., Hamb., 1889; the same, in ZKG VIII 300 flf., IX 137 ff., 
593 ff. 
In the meantime, the diet at Spires had been opened (June 25th). 
The Catholic States were still decidedly in the majority, but were not 
agreed as to the extent to which the Edict of Worms admitted 
of being carried out : in addition, they now heard of the great 
coalition of the powers against Charles (p. 70), and consequently 
felt that his active interference in the affairs of Germany could 
no longer be counted upon. The Emperor's proposals demanded 
the prohibition of all innovations until the next Council, the 
punishment of the refractory, and the ultimate carrying out of 
the Edict. Secret additional instructions were couched in still 
stronger language. But now the cities (Nuremberg, Strasburg 
and Ulm) boldly took the lead in acknowledging that the Edict of 
Worms was simply impracticable. In consequence of the impression 
produced by this declaration, the idea of only provisional stipulations, 
favourable to reform, to remain in force until the next Council, 
began to be entertained : on the other hand, Frederic now brought 
forward his stringent additional instructions. In the excitement 
which was thereby aroused in the diet, recourse was finally had in 
the existing embarrassment, to the formula that every State "should 
so behave, rule, and believe, as it should hope and trust to answer 
before God, the imperial majesty, and the Empire." The Evangelical 
States were only able to accept this formula, — in which the original 
"before God first of all and afterwards before the imperial majesty" 
had been struck out, and thus responsibility to God and Emperor 
had been placed on the same footing, — since at the same time 
it was decided to send a message to the Emperor, to enlighten 
him as to the real state of affairs and the necessity of bringing 
about a peaceful reconciliation between the two parties in the 

1 Tschackert, Urkundenbuch II 275. 


Empire by means of a general or national Council and to beg him 
to come to Germany. 

The resolution passed at Spires was subsequently denoted as the legalisation 
of the territorial treatment of the religious question, and people discovered in it 
the sanctioning of national churchdom. This was certainly not its original pur- 
port : it was at first only the repeated adjournment of the imperial decision. 1 
But, owing to the fact that the embassy, thwarted by the Catholics, remained in 
abeyance, that political conditions rendered the general council impossible, that 
Charles would not listen to the idea of a national council, and refused even to 
go to Germany, the provisional resolution obtained a much more far-reaching 
importance : the condition of affairs itself created a free path for the evangelical 
States to arrange ecclesiastical affairs in their districts in whatever manner 
seemed suitable to them. And they rapidly accustomed themselves to interpret 
the resolution of the diet as the license for this procedure on their part. 2 The 
Emperor was certainly engrossed by public affairs : but Ferdinand, who, not- 
withstanding all his hatred of the Reformation, as Archduke of Austria had 
hitherto only possessed trifling authority, was now diverted from the persecution 
of the Evangelicals by great increase of power. After King Louis of Hungary 
and Bohemia, in the summer of 1526, had fallen at Mohacs against the Turks, 
his brother-in-law, Ferdinand, was crowned King of Bohemia in February 1527, 
and in November also King of Hungary. But just for that reason the Turk 
was henceforth his chief adversary. Against him Ferdinand needed the 
assistance of the Empire, also for this purpose the votes of the Evangelicals. 
Thus political reasons from this time forward drove him to adopt a completely 
different attitude towards the Reformation, even to endure the heretics in his 
own country. The territorial enlargement of the evangelical communities to 
established churches was hence able to proceed. 

$. The Beginnings of the Established Churchship. 

Literature: L. Richter, Gesch. d. evgl. KVerfassung. Leipz. 1851. H. Frantz, 
die evg. KVerf. in den deutschen Stddten des 16 Jhs. Halle 1876. O. Mejer, 
zum KRecht des 16 Jhs. Hann. 1891. Lorenz, L.s Einfluss auf die 
Entwicklung des evg. KRegiments. Gumb. 1891. Th. Brieger, die kirchl. 
Gewalt der Obrigkeit nach der Anschauung Luthers in ZThK II 513 ff. 
C. A. H. Burkhardt, Gesch. der sacks. Kirchen-und Schulvisitat. (1524-1545.) 
Leipz. 1879. Hessen : Lamberti paradoxa in v. d. Hardt, Hist. lit. ref. 
V 98 ff. ; his Ep. ad Colonienses in UN 1740, 30 ff. Credner, Philipps hess. 
KRef.-Ordn. Giessen 1852. Baum, Lamb. v. Avignon. Strassb. 1840. 
A. Ritschl in ZKG II 49 ff. Mejer in RE VI 268. 

The reigning princes and city authorities now came forward 
as administrators and organisers. This was no unheard-of inno- 

1 Cp. Brieger DLZ 1891, 16. 

2 Thus, on the 20th of October, 1526, the Synod of Homburg: "according 
to the resolution of Spires they might make ecclesiastical regulations de quibus 
parati sumus Deo et Caesari reddere rationem.'" Richter KOO I 56. Responsibility 
to the Emperor, i.e., to his Edicts, was transformed into readiness to endeavour 
to justify their conduct to him from God's word. 


vation. If it did not correspond to the curialistic theory, it was in 
harmony with the actual course of the development of the relation 
of State and Church in the 15th century. In like manner the 
aspiring city constitution, like the princely " liberty," had, in fact, 
ignored the "independence' 1 of the Church and claimed and 
exercised a number of rights, of which that theory knew nothing. 
Yet the Church itself, during the 15th century attempts at reform, 
e.g., the reforms in the monasteries, had called in the aid of the 
State and granted it rights in numerous ecclesiastical matters. 
Even before the Reformation, the authorities had come to regard 
themselves as responsible only to God, and that also in regard to 
the condition of the Church. In order to uphold peace and 
public order, they employed their police, and did their duty 
unhesitatingly even in face of the Church. The regulations for 
the country in the 15th century already bore unmistakably the 
character of regulations for the Church. The penetration of the 
Roman law promoted the theoretical justification of these views 
of the executive : and, while the Popes continually made use of the 
ruling princes against the bishops and had thus broken through the 
constitution of the Church, that sweeping right of reform had 
been granted to the princes, the conclusions of which were now 
drawn, and the reformers themselves appealed to this right. 

Some amongst them might directly deduce from the combination of member- 
ship of the Christian community and possession of secular power the duty 
incumbent upon the holders of such authority to arrange everything for the 
benefit of their subjects, " which Christ, in a Christian assembly, had ordered 
them to do"; 1 others might deduce from the fact that the episcopal jurisdic- 
tion had in reality ceased, and that no other man — not even the chiefs of the 
reformers— had received the call from God to hold a vacant episcopal office, 
only a right of necessity i.e. a charitable duty of the authorities under prevail- 
ing circumstances, to fill the gap to the best advantage of the Christian 
communities : 2 in practice it amounted to the same thing. 

For Luther, state and church theoretically fall completely asunder : the 
former has control over the person and property of man, in the latter, God 
governs souls by his word. Nevertheless, he is not untrue to himself, in 
driving his Elector on to the path of the regulation of ecclesiastical affairs by 
the sovereign. For the authorities are appointed for the purpose of maintain- 
ing peace, consequently of preventing confusion, factions, and discord in the 
Church : they have to punish blasphemy, consequently blasphemous forms of 
worship and doctrine : they have to protect the property of the Church, and pre- 
vent its being wasted : they are under the obligation of carefully providing for 
the religious education of the young. But, to these duties of the authorities 

1 See e.g. Joh. Brenz, Richter KOO I 40. 

2 So Luther: de Wette II 493. 


qua authorities are to be added those which arise from the fact that the bearer 
of authority is at the same time himself a member of the Church. As such, the 
Prince, at a time when the Christian communities are distressed, exercises his duty 
as a Christian in causing them to be visited and so assisting them by his position. 
The only condition attached is that the possessor of authority should himself 
submit to the word of God. Luther completely gave up the idea of coming to 
an understanding with the bishops in regard to the new constitution of the 
Church : in regard to these he could only give the advice (in 1526), " that they 
should consent to their order being changed to a secular one, and that certain 
properties should be taken in fief from the Empire and bestowed upon those 
who were found worthy of it " (EA 26 2 , 8). 

Since, further, it was an established principle of the reformers, that " only 
one kind of preaching should be allowed in one place" (de W. III. 89), ! civil 
and ecclesiastical communities could be identified and the former made the 
executive organ of the ecclesiastical administration. 

The church of the youthful duchy of Prussia was reorganised most rapidly 
and under most favourable circumstances. Bishop George von Polentz 2 of 
Samland had joyfully supported the cause of the Reformation : on the 30th of 
May, 1525, he placed his secular authority entirely in the hands of his ruler, 3 but 
reserved to himself the episcopal right of visitation and ordination, as well as 
the supervision of the clergy. Erhard von Queiss, who had been selected, but 
not confirmed by the Pope as Bishop of Pomesania, followed his example in 1527, 
after having in like manner made a declaration to his clergy in 1525 : there were 
still to be bishops, but such as " preach and teach, and interpret God's word 
in its purity and goyern the Church." 4 When he died in 1529, he was 
succeeded by Speratus, but not, as Queiss had wished, by the election of the 
clergy, but by decree of his ruler. For in this case also Albert regarded 
himself as the proper bishop (by necessity) of the land (coacti sumus alienum 
officium, hoc est, episcopate, in nos sumere) 5 , and the two established bishops as 
persons entrusted by him with the cura divinorum. 6 By a ducal mandate of 
the 6th of July, 1525, evangelical preaching was decreed for the whole land, 
and a proposition of the duke was agreed to by the diet, whereby the right of 
nomination, the limitation of parishes, the endowment of pastorates, the church 
finances and the like were reorganised, while an episcopal "ecclesiastical order" 
was announced for the "ceremonies." 7 The latter followed later, in 1526. 

It is worth noticing that, in these regulations, the community is allowed to 
co-operate in the choice of ministers and in exclusion from the Communion : the 
latter right, however, was not. practically exercised. A visitation of the 

1 Bucer reckons the idea of tolerating religious points of view of different 
kinds within the limits of the same country as one of the " errors of the 
Baptists," ZhTh i860, 7. — Cp. also EA 39, 252. 

2 Tschackert in Kirchengesch. Studien. Leipz. 1888 : add Dittrich in JGG 
X 112 ff. 

* Tschackert, Urkundenb. II. 120. 

4 Tschackert, Urkundenb. II. 101. 

5 Richter, Gesch. d. KVerf. p. 36. 

6 Tschackert, I 168. " Not a separation of Church and State, but only a 
division of the duties of the government." 

7 Tschackert, I. 127 ff. 


parsonages by secular commissioners of the duke and theologians immediately 
followed (1526, continued in 1528). Finally, in 1530, synods of the clergy were 
summoned, before which a first confession of doctrine was laid : but, instead of 
the latter, the Augsburg Confession was almost immediately introduced in the 
land. 1 

In Saxony, Frederick the Wise, during his lifetime, had kept up the appear- 
ance of abstaining from public participation in the reorganisation of the 
Church. His brother John 2 acted differently: even before he came to power, 
he had much more openly taken up a definite attitude towards the Reformation, 
but was for a time so caught by the ideas of James Strauss of Eisenach — who 
wanted to re-establish the Law of Moses as the norm in the evangelical com- 
munity — that his son, John Frederick, becoming uneasy, entreated Luther, in 
1524, to visit Thuringia and examine the preachers in reference to fanaticism 
and to dismiss those who were worthless " with the assistance of the authorities" 
(Enders IV 356 f.). But Luther refused, while Strauss, commissioned by the 
Prince, actually officiated as inspector, in January, 1525, in the neighbourhood 
of Eisenach, accompanied by a lawyer. Meanwhile, in the autumn of 1524, 
the preacher, N. Hausmann, of Zwickau, had applied to the Elector, on 
pretence that the position of the Church in the country required regulation by 
the authorities. His idea was, that a synod should be summoned pro imitate 
ceremoniarum statuenda : but Luther decidedly rejected this proposal, in order 
to leave the independence of the communities unimpaired (de Wette II 563, 
VI 54). In a memorial to Duke John, Hausmann subsequently (in May, 1525) 
developed the following plan : 3 as the proper bishops do not trouble themselves 
about the abuses of the Church, the ruler must interpose as the supreme 
protector: he should take heart and, making allowance for necessity, above all 
arrange visitations. The precedent of King Jehoshaphat (Chron. II. 17, 6 ff.) 
serves as a biblical authorisation, and the procedure of the Margrave Casimir of 
Anspach (Richter, KOO I 50) shows that other princes have already entered 
upon similar paths. In order to provide evangelical clergy for the whole 
country, the introduction of the right of the communities to elect is requisite. 4 
He also harks back to his scheme of summoning synods. At the same time, 
Spalatin, just before Frederic's death, had endeavoured to induce him to 
issue a " Reformation decree." 5 Soon Luther himself also called upon the new 
ruler to do away with the existing Catholic clergy, and to employ the revenues 
of the Church to the benefit of the preachers of the Gospel (de Wette III 15). 
The confusion, which the Peasants' War had caused, and the spoliation of 
church property by the nobility under the cloak of the Gospel had convinced 
him that the regulation of the affairs of the Church must now be carried out 
with a strong hand. On the 1st of October, 1525, Spalatin informed the 

1 TSCHACKERT, I 165 ff. 

2 J. Becker, Kurfiirst Johann and seine Beziehungen zu Luther, I, Leipz., 1890. 
8 ZhTh 22, 365 ff. 

4 The Lutheran Reformation did not follow up this idea further. Bugen- 
hagen (1526) in his Essay Von dem christlichen Glauben (Vogt, Bugenhagen 
p. 249) has expressed its position in regard to the question of the right of 
election of ministers " In this point we should be content with the usual right. . . . 
What does it matter by whom it is established ? " 

5 Koldf, Friedrich der Weise, p. 68. 


Elector of Luther's present readiness to lend a helping hand to such procedure 
on the part of the authorities, 1 and, on the 31st of the same month, in a highly 
characteristic cry of distress, he himself appealed to the Emperor, as a matter 
of conscience and as being the man who " is required and demanded by us 
and by necessity itself as also assuredly by God," (de Wette III. 39) to remedy 
with vigour the confusion existing in the Church. John followed the cry although 
he prudently rejected all possible claims upon the state -chest (Burkhardt, 
Briefwechsel, p. 92). The financial support of the ministries he declared to be 
the duty of the parishioners. Luther now made positive proposals (de Wette 
III. 51 f.) : that the land should be divided into four or five visitation-districts; 
that the revenues of the livings should be regulated by secular visitors'; that old 
or inefficient ministers, provided only they were not hostile to the Gospel, should 
be treated with forbearance, with the aid of the homily, from which they could 
read. Accordingly, in January, 1526, the Yisitation of the country commenced, 
at first by way of experiment in individual districts. In connection with this 
arrangement and the institution of a national church, Luther's Deutsche Messe 
(German mass) 2 appeared in January, 1526, — the important advance in the 
direction of a German language for purposes of worship and further emancipation 
from the Romish mass, certainly also the evidence of the lowering of his commu- 
nity ideals. For the service of God now serves " for the most part the simple 
and the young people." By the side of this, he developes the plan of the 
separation of a closer sacramental community, uniting in works of love and 
moral restraint, for the realisation of which, however, the time does not appear 
to be as yet ripe. 3 In the summer of 1527, Melanchthon, in view of the 
visitations that were now to be generally undertaken, drew up some shorter 
instructions in Latin for the purpose of testing the teaching and doctrine of 
the clergy: articuli de quibus egerunt per visitatores (CR 26, 7 ft .), — an attempt 
to equip the Church for effective, religiously moral education of the people, 
and at the same time a reaction against the manner in which many evangelical 
preachers misused the preaching of grace, the preaching of penitence (to be 
based upon the law) being put before the preaching of faith as indispensable : 
intelligi quid sit fides non potest nisi praedicata poenitentia : praedicatio legis ad 
poenitentiam provocat. This emphasis laid upon the law called forth the first 
conflict amongst Luther's companions : Joh. Agricola (at that time head-master 
of the school and preacher at Eisleben) exercised his censorship at the 
electoral Court upon the new method of instruction as in the case of Luther, 
and raised the complaint that Melanchthon "was again creeping backwards." 
However, Luther still endeavoured to soothe his friend and materially 
supported Melanchthon, who as a matter of fact in this case had followed 
Luther's footsteps, 4 so that, after some hesitation at Court, it became possible 
for the longer essay in German, Unterricht der Visitatoren [Instructions to 

1 Kolde, p, 70 f. 

51 EA 22, 226 ff. BA 7, 161 ff. 

8 As early as 1523 WA XII 485 and again in 1527 (de Wette III 167). 
He even had in his mind the idea of gathering the "real" Christians together 
at special preaching services in the convent church, and of having sermons 
delivered to the rest by the chaplain in the parish church : cp. Kolde in 
ZKG XIII 552 ff. 

4 Cp. e.g. EA 27, 180, 194, 270 f., 42, 112. 


Visitors] to follow. 1 This was certainly not, as Luther's preface sets forth, 
" a strict injunction that we should not raise fresh papal decretals, but a 
history and, in addition, an evidence and a confession of our faith," but it is 
intended that the secular authorities by virtue of this norm, should see to 
it that "discord, faction and disturbance do not arise amongst the subjects." 
The " Instruction " arranges the teaching in reference to the controversial 
questions of the day, settles the form of divine worship, appoints Superattendents, 2 
whose duty it is to exercise supervision over the teaching, administration 
and manner of life of the ministers; to make reports at Court in certain 
contingencies through official personages : to ^interrogate and examine 
ministers to be newly appointed before their investiture with the office in 
question : it is also their duty to settle the normal plan of instruction for 
the Latin schools of the country. A catechism, which Melanchthon had 
already begun to print, was not completed, in consideration of the conflict 
with Agricola. 3 Yet something of the kind was obviously an urgent 
necessity, in order to create a fixed tradition of instruction and to regulate 
as a uniform whole both material and form for the now prescribed 
catechismal sermon as well as for instruction in church, at school, and at 
home. Luther himself put his hand to the work and, in 1529, brought out 
in rapid succession, first, the "large," then . the '" small Catechism," 4 — the 
former, which had its origin in his own sermons on the main points, 5 as a 
specimen for catechismal sermons, the latter for the exercise of young men and 
servants, a remedy for the alarming religious ignorance of the people. A 
marriage manual as well as a revision of the baptismal manual of 1523 
(see p. 47) completed the liturgical apparatus of the established Church. 

Hesse seemed desirous of striking out a strongly divergent path of eccle- 
siastical organisation. Landgrave Philip convoked a synod at Homberg for 
October, 1526, to which he summoned, in addition to the clergy, deputies from 
the nobility and towns. At this meeting, the eccentric Francis Lambert of 
Avignon, who had been summoned by him from Strasburg, defended a number 
of reformatory theses {Paradoxa), on the basis of which the Synod instituted a 
commission, in which he played the part of leader. This commission handed 

1 It is characteristic, that Melanchthon himself hoped that this essay of 
his would meet with the approval of Erasmus, and that John Faber, on the 
basis of the same, made the attempt to invite him to return to the Catholic 
camp with an offer of a favourable provision being found for him, CR I 947, 998. 
Even the later edition of 1538 was regarded by the papal nuncio as retrattatione 
de molte case male. Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte II 288. 

2 The name was the familiar translation of Episcopus, especially in the 
form Superintend ens. Cp. Jerome, ep. 85, ad Evagr: Augustine de civitate dei 19, 
19: on Psalm 116; Rab. Maur. de cler. inst. 1, 5: Gabr. Biel in IV Sent. dist. 
24, 9, 1 ; EA 24, 2 219 ; CR II 283. 

3 The Zwickau library contains the only copy of the uncompleted 

4 On the 16th of May, copies of the small catechism were ready for 
distribution ; on the 26th, it was adopted for use in the monastery of 
Nimptschen : by the middle of June, the third edition had already been 
printed. Cp. AGd Buchh. XVI 91 ; Grossmann, die Visit.-Acten d. Diuc. 
Grimma. I. Leipz., 1873, p. 78. 

5 Recently discovered by G. Buchwald. 


the Landgrave the outline of a constitution, 1 which presents the peculiarity 
that its purport is to complete the separation of the congregatio fiddium from 
the mass of the parishioners and make it the foundation of the constitution. 
The names of all who are willing to submit to the regulations of the community, 
are entered in a list, and henceforth form the community of the Lord's Supper, 
bear the name of brethren, and are subject to the discipline of the community. 
In connection with divine service, they meet to discuss communal affairs, and 
are the administrators of ecclesiastical government in the local community. 
They appoint and dismiss the minister, and exercise the right of excommunication. 
On the deputation of the minister and a delegate from the community, they 
constitute the Synod, which meets every year and performs the functions of 
ecclesiastical government as a higher court. It nominates three standing 
visitors of the communities, and also a synodal committee, which carries on 
the government during the intervals. All this is the only order of things 
that is in conformity to the Scriptures. That Luther's ideas, as expressed in 
the "German Mass" (see p. 78), exercised an influence upon this scheme, is 
evident : on the other hand, the influence of Waldensian or Franciscan institu- 
tions, asserted by more recent authorities, is uncertain. The only concession 
made to the principle of sovereignty was, that the Prince, the Counts and the 
Knights should have a right of voting in the Synod, without this right being 
expressly connected with their belonging to the community of the faithful : 
further, the government of the Church was provisionally handed over to the 
Landgrave for a year, and the new order of things was not to enter into force 
until this period had elapsed. But Luther, before whom Philip laid the scheme, 
warned him against introducing ic, declaring that it was too much innovation 
at once, that the arrangement was premature. Above all, there was still a lack 
of the clergy to take it in hand. Experience would show that many alterations 
must be made, that much must be reserved entirely for the authorities (de 
Wette, VI. 80 f.). Here also, therefore, instead of Lambert's plans being 
followed, the mode of procedure in Electoral Saxony was adhered to. The 
only permanent result of his activity in Hesse was the foundation of the 
University of Marburg (1527), the first founded by Protestantism, which was due 
to his instigation. But Archbishop Albert of Mainz, by an agreement, dated 
the nth of June, 1528, formally handed over to the Elector and the Landgrave 
the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in their lands, until the time of a free Christian 
council. 2 Joh. Bugenhagen created the model for numerous churches in North 
Germany in the Brunswick Church ordinances of 1528. In this case the affairs 
of the Church form part of the city administration : the Council and the com- 
munity appoint a superattendent, especially charged with the supervision of 
instruction in the case of church and school servants : the management of 
the " cash box " is entrusted to " cash box keepers " chosen by the Council and 
representatives of the community. " Deacons," summoned from the com- 
munity, whose qualifications are established in accordance with Timothy I, 3, 
are appointed to look after the poor. Bugenhagen's numerous church 
ordinances (Hamburg, 1529, Liibeck, 1531, and later) exercised a most impor- 
tant influence upon the conservative character of the worship and customs of 
the church in the Lutheranism of North Germany, in the ecclesiastical year, 
mass-vestments, the maintenance of certain Latin parts of the liturgy, private 

1 Richter, KOO I 56 ft". 

2 Rommel, Philipp d. Grossmtithige. Giessen., 1830, I 156; II 116 f. 


confession, and, further, in the value attached to frequent catechismal preaching. 
Joh. Brenz in the church ordinances of Schwabisch-Hall (1526) proposed a 
committee of the elders of the community to be appointed by the Council, 
which should administer ecclesiastical discipline together with the minister. 

In Strasburg, the Reformation gained a decisive victory in 1529 : in Hamburg, 
thanks to the cooperation of Bugenhagen, in 1528 : in Brunswick- Liineburg it 
dated from 1527. 

5. The Consolidation of the Reformation in German Switzerland. 

Literature : Continuation of p. 49 : Trechsel in RE II 313 ff. Wiedemann, 
Eck. p. 206 ff. Hergenrother, Conc.-Gesch. IX 659 ff. H. Escher, die 
Glaubensparteien in der Eidgenossenschaft und ihre Beziehungen zum Ausland 
1527 bis 1531. Frauenfeld, 1882. Rohrer, das christliche Burgrecht. 
Luz., 1876. Archiv f. d. G. der Republik Graubunden II 286 ff. 
E. Blosch, eine neue Quelle zur Gesch. der Bemer Disp. in Theol. Z. aus 
der Schweiz. 1891, p. 157 ff. 

After the Peasants' War, the Catholic reaction had in like 
manner made itself felt in Switzerland. Eck had there repeatedly 
offered his services for a victorious disputation with the leaders 
of the Reformation who had hitherto always been successful in 
their efforts in that direction. The Catholic party now accordingly 
urged such a debate. As Zwingli and Eck could not agree upon 
the conditions, the former kept away from the religious colloquy — 
to the detriment of his reputation (II, 2, 393 ff.). In May, 1526, 
the new disputation took place in Baden (Aargau) in the presence 
of the four bishops and a distinguished assemby. Only Oecolam- 
padius held his ground against Eck, Faber and Th. Murner (at 
that time in Lucerne) ; the Catholic party was already sure of its 
victory in advance. Eck's theses were the foundation of the 
proceedings. Eighty-two of those present gave the victory to Eck, 
only ten to Oecolampadius : it was a great momentary success for 
the Catholic party, 1 a shock (although it certainly soon passed 
away) to the position, which the Evangelicals had up to the present 

A resolution of the diet threatened Luther and his associates 
with the great ban ; common measures were to be henceforth taken 
for the suppresion of the innovation. Zurich was required with 
threats to reduce Zwingli to silence. But it was just the certainty 
of victory that paved the way for a repulse. It was not only that 

1 Cp. however, in regard to the favourable impression produced by the 
disputation in Strasburg, Kolde, Anal. 83. 

VOL. III. 6 


Zwingli lifted up his head in a courageous counter-declaration 
(I. 2, 506) : in Berne and Bale also opinion veered round in favour 
of the Reformation : the five forest cantons, feeling their isolation, 
sought to enter the confederation with Freiburg and Valais. The 
grand council of Berne now ordered a fresh disputation, for which 
Francis Kolb and Bercht. Haller drew up the theses. 1 It com- 
menced on the 6th of January, 1528, attended by numerous 
deputies from Switzerland and South Germany (Bucer, Capito, 
A. Blaurer and others). A great success was gained : not only did 
Berne completely throw in its lot with the Zwinglian Reformation, 
but Bale, St. Gall, and Schaffhausen followed its example; in 
other districts (Graubiinden, 2 Glarus, Solothurn) the evangelical 
party grew : the movement was now also introduced into French 
Switzerland by Farel. At the same time this disputation indicated 
the victory of the Zwinglian doctrine of the Eucharist over the 
Lutheran in Switzerland and the friendly communities of South 
Germany. 8 Both parties now hastened to strengthen their position 
also politically. On the Catholic side, a league was formed with 
Austria (February 18th, 1529) : Zurich, on the other hand, hastened 
to conclude a " Christian league" 4 with the evangelical cantons of 
Switzerland, which at the same time sought assistance in the 
Empire (Strasburg). Thus the confederacy was divided owing to 
the dissension caused by the religious question. The burning of the 
minister Kaiser of Zurich at Schwyz in 1529 had given the signal 
for war : the armies already stood face to face at Kappel, but this 
time — against Zwingli's wish — a reconciliation was effected between 
the hostile parties and a public peace brought about (June 25th, 
1529). The five Catholic cantons were obliged to abandon their 
league with Austria : yet it was in that country that the Catholic 
cause possessed its strongest bulwarks. 

1 Printed in Niemeyer 14 f. Henke I 188. Schaff., Bibl. symb. I. 365 f. 
III. 208 ff. 

2 The disputation of Ilanz, 1526, followed by a law, in accordance with 
which each of the parties was allowed free movement in the three confederacies 
and persecution of the others forbidden. 

3 This caused great ill-humour at Wittenberg (de Wette III 290). 

4 Or, "to enter into Christian burgher -rights'" (Burgrecht). 


6. The Eucharistic Controversy. 

Literature: Hospinianus, Hist. Sacramentaria II. Tig. 1598. V. E. Loscher, 
Hist, motuum tw. Luther u. Ref. Frkf. 1723. A. W. Dieckhoff, die evgl. 
Abendmahhhlire im Rcformationszeitalter. I. Gott, 1884. J. Kostlin, L.s 
Theologie. 2 II. Stuttg. 1883. Th. Harnack, L.s Theologie, 2 parts, Erlg. 
1862 and 1886. A. Baur, Zw.s Theologie. Vol. II Die DGG by Thomasius- 
Seeberg Vol. II. and Loofs, 8 p. 391 ff. 

In 1 5 19, Luther had at first taught (EA 27, 38) that the Eucharist was to 
be regarded as a promise of God offered under visible signs to be adopted in 
faith : and then, from the sacramental words of Christ, developed the idea of a 
testament, the purport of which is forgiveness of sins. This promise of Christ 
is on the one hand sealed for us by his death, on the other hand our weak 
sensual nature needs, in addition to the word of promise, " a powerful, most 
precious seal and sign," the Sacrament, an external and yet in purport and 
meaning a spiritual thing, which, however, can effect nothing without belief in 
the promise (27, 147 f. 151, 164). Further, following Peter d'Ailly, he had 
criticised (see p. 25) the dogma of transubstantiation as a contradictory attempt 
of Scholasticism to make the mystery intelligible, and having been attacked by 
r Henry VIII. on the point, had rejected this dogma as impium et blasphemum 
(opp. v. a. VI. 428). The expression "This bread is Christ's body," he wishes 
to be judged like " This Man Jesus is God," as a judgment formed, not by any 
philosophy, but by faith (WA VI. 511). The Dutch advocate Cornells Henricxs 
Hoen of the Hague had directed a letter to Luther, probably in the summer of 
1522 *), in which, referring to several passages of Scripture, he explains the est 
of the sacramental words as equivalent to significat : hoc quod trado vobis, signifi- 
cat corpus meum, quod do vobis dando istud : diiudicemus ergo inter panem ore 
susceptum et Christum quern fide accipimus. 2 (Enders III. 422 ft). Luther sent 
back the letter, and also combated the interpretation here put forward, in his 
essay (1523) on the adoration of the Sacrament (EA 28, 393). The bearer of 
the letter, the principal of the house of brethren at Utrecht, Hinne Rode, went 
on with it to Switzerland. Oecolampadius, upon whom he called in January, 
1523,* at first reserved his opinion, but the letter made an impression upon 
Zwingli. This was the impulse that gave his doctrine of the Eucharist its 
definitive form. He had already selected John, VI., as the starting point for 
this doctrine : from this time forth he regarded the purely symbolic interpreta- 
tion as the only possible one — the expression " the flesh profiteth nothing " 
appears to him the clear canon of interpretation for the obscure sacramental 
words. In the letter to M. Alberus dated November 16th, 1524, 4 and then in 
the Commentarius de vera et falsa religione (III. 589 if., 239 ff.) he put 
forward his doctrine : in the Sacrament we think of the death and 

1 For the date cp. Enders III. 424, Loofs 3 387 : on the other side L. 
Schulze in RE 18, 235 f. 

2 [This which I hand to you signifies my body, which I give unto you, by 
giving it {i.e. the bread) : let us therefore distinguish between the bread taken in 
the mouth and Christ, whom we receive by faith.] 

8 Cp. Plitt I. 469. 

4 Keim in JdTh 1854, 556. 

6 — 2 


shedding of the blood of Christ: by taking part in the Lord's Supper, 
we prove ourselves members of Christ and bind ourselves to a Christian 
life: est = significat : the cup is a symbol of the Testament of Christ. 
He rejected Carlstadt's interpretation of the sacramental words that had 
become known in the meantime as an exegetical perversity. In 1524, Rode 
also looked up the inhabitants of Strasburg and won Bucer over to the 
new doctrine of the Eucharist. 1 The literary struggle was opened by Urban 
Rhegius, in the autumn of 1524, with a polemic against Carlstadt: 2 then 
followed Luther's writings (mentioned above on p. 62) in like manner directed 
against Carlstadt. Here Luther had already been obliged to defend himself 
against the argument that Christ could not come down from Heaven into the 
Sacrament, with the counter-declaration, that he does not ascend and descend 
in the Sacrament, but is present in all places and fills all (Ephesians, I, 23), and 
yet we are not bidden to enquire how it happens that the bread becomes the 
body of Christ (EA 29, 288 ff.). Accordingly, Zwingli 3 also now took up this 
argument against Luther : that Christ's body sits on the right hand of God, 
which he will not leave until his coming again. Nevertheless, Luther himself 
did not yet directly enter the lists against Zwingli : but Bugenhagen published a 
circular letter to John Hess in Breslau Wider den neuen Irrthum, in which he 
somewhat hastily and briefly snubbed Zwingli, who answered (October 23rd, 
1525) with a keen and detailed rejoinder (III 604 ff.) 4 Meanwhile, Oecolam- 
padius had taken Zwingli's side in his Essay de genuina verborum Domini 
exposition, and had thereby at the same time transferred the controversy 
to the examination of the patristic evidence. Oecolampadius explained corpus 
in the sacramental words figuratively as figura corporis. He dedicated his 
learned and acute essay to the preachers of Swabia. Fourteen of these, who 
agreed with Luther on the question of the Eucharist, met, on October 21st, 
1525, at the house of Brenz in Hall, and drew up an answer (Syngramma 
Suevicum, translated into German by Agricola, 1526, Walch 20, 667 ff.), 5 in 
which they insist upon the sacramental words, utilise the three different 
interpretations of these words by Carlstadt, Zwingli and Oecolampadius as 
evidence against them, an.d set against the symbolical interpretation as alone 
in conformity with the Scriptures the other view,— that Christ's word of 
promise included the true body and the true blood for the believer. They 
see, in the mutilation of Christ's words practised by the others, the cunning of 
the devil, who in appearance undoes God's effective acts, — the symptom of a 
false principle, which lifts up intelligence against the word of God. 6 A 
deputation of the inhabitants of Strasburg, sent to Luther (October, 1525), with 
the object of settling the dispute, failed completely. On the other hand, 
Pirkheimer attacked Oecolampadius in three polemical Essays, renouncing his 
old friendship, and, after beginning with a defence of Luther's point of view, 

1 Baum, Bucer und Capito, i860, p. 304. 

2 Uhlhorn, U. Rhegius, 1861, p. 89. JdTh i860, 3 ff. 

3 In 1525, he published, in addition to the Commentarius and Hone's Letter 
to Luther, his Subsidium or coronis de eucharistia (III 326 ff.), besides the Letter to 
Edlibach, published by O. Fr. Fritsche in ZhTh 13, 3, 123 ff. 

4 Vogt, Bugenhagen, p. 77 f. 

5 Strobel, Miscellaneen III 155 ff. 

6 Hartmann and Jager, Jolt. Brenz, 1840, I 135 ff. 


drew still closer to the Catholic doctrine. 1 The learned John Fisher, Bishop of 
Rochester (Roffensis), took part in the controversy and endeavoured to adduce 
traditional evidence for the Semper, ubique et ab omnibus of the Catholic dogma 
(De vcritate corporis et sanguinis Christi in eucharistia, Coloniae, 1527). Bucer also 
became involved in the dispute, in consequence of his venturing, in his trans- 
lation of Luther's homilies and Bugenhagen's Commentary on the Psalms, to 
traduce Zvvingli's Eucharistic doctrine, against which both raised a vigorous 
protest. 2 But elsewhere also Luther took a personal part in the struggle, at 
first in July, 1526, 3 in his Preface to the German edition of the Syngramma 
Sucvicum (EA 65, 180 ff.) ; the Sermon vom Sacrament (EA 29, 328 ff.) composed 
of three sermons, that appeared at Michaelmas, had been published without his 
co-operation : " Christ is also everywhere present by virtue of his humanity 
.... he is about us and in us, in all places .... our words cannot draw him 
hither, but are given us as an assurance that we know how we can certainly 
find him" (337). Zwingli answered him in the Arnica exegesis (April 1st, 1527; 
III 459 ff.). But, in the meantime, Luther's polemical essay Dass diese Worte, 
das ist mein Leib, noch feststehen (EA 30, 19 ff.) was completed (April, 1527). 
Zwingli replied Dass diese Worte . . . ewiglich den alten einigen Sinn haben werden 
(II, 2, 16 ff.), 4 and Luther issued a rejoinder (March, 1528) in the (large) 
Bekenntniss vom Abendmahl (EA 30, 151 ff.) ; Zwingli and Oecolampadius in 
August (II, 2, 94 ff.). Luther had previously declined to listen to the idea how 
" Christ was brought into the Sacrament " and had made it a reproach against 
Scholasticism that, by means of speculations and distinctions, it endeavoured 
to render comprehensible the judgment of faith, that Christ is here present, 
and now he himself puts his hand upon the armoury of the " Sophists " 
(EA 30, 207). 5 He combats the objection of the absurditas of the presence 
of the body and blood of Christ asserted by him by a doctrine of omnipresence, 
the Christological distinctions of which subsequently passed over through the 
Formula of Concord from the communicatio idiomatum into the didactic creed 
of the Lutheran churches. Christ's body has a share in the properties of the 
Deity. Locally, certainly, he is only in one place, but repletively in all places, 
and definitively where he pleases (Multivolipraesentia). But this omnipresence is 
only comprehensible for us, in cases in which he desires to be present for us by 
special promise — on such an occasion, in fact, as the Eucharist. If the presence 
of the body of Christ is thus founded upon the communicatio idiomatum and the 
special will of Christ, it exists not only for belief, but unconditionally, so that 
even the unbelievers enjoy Christ's body (29, 246. 30, 180. 355 f., 31, 381 f.). 
He meets the objection that in this case a superfluous miracle is maintained 
(since, even according to Luther, the Sacrament offers nothing which is not 
existent for the believer even without it) by reference to the individual appro- 

1 Drews, Pirkheimer, p. 89 ff. 

2 See Luther's letter in de Wette III, 201, September 13th, 1526 (not 1527)- 

3 Cp. ZKG XI 474. 

4 Here Zwingli's republican pride shows itself against the Elector of 
Saxony in the remark that glass windows were "transparent," but not princes 
(cp. Strobel, N. Beitriige, V 386 f.) ; an expression which Luther could not 
have forgotten. Tischreden (Forst. -Binds.) II 416. 

5 Revocavit nos Lutherus ad Scotica et Thomistica, writes Zwingli, August 
30th, 1528. 


priation of the forgiveness of sins offered generally in the preaching of the 
Gospel. If he herewith remains essentially in the sphere of ideas, which from 
the commencement had fixed his Eucharistic doctrine from a religious point of 
view, yet the spirit of controversy drives him at the same time to take up 
again the old Catholic view of the Eucharist as (fadpfxaKov ddavacrias ; he speaks 
of a life-distributing effect of the same upon the body of the Christian, " that 
he may live for ever and rise again at the day of judgment " (30, 135 and often), 
without, however, allowing a determining influence to this reflection. 1 Zwingli 
now again confronts the communicatio idiomatum with a doctrine of aAAotwo-ts, 
according to which all the passages of Scripture, which Luther brought 
forward in defence of the former doctrine, are interpreted as figures of speech : 
the tendency is towards the separation of the two natures in Christ. The 
different attitude assumed by the two leaders in the controversy in regard 
to the question whether John vi deals with the Eucharist, is characteristic : it 
is still more significant, that Luther, in spite of the starting point which he 
adopts in the case of the sacramental words, as a matter of fact abandons 
this attitude, and refers the body, of which Christ speaks, to the glorified 
resurrection-body. — The split was complete, the Romanists rejoiced : many 
communities were excited and divided on the question of the Eucharist. 

At the same time, behind the theological discussion, which on 
the one hand, led back into the abandoned paths of Scholasticism, 
and, on the other, demonstrated the influence of Erasmian en- 
lightenment, 2 stood more deeply-seated religious differences, for the 
arrangement of which on matters of principle the Eucharistic 
question afforded an opportunity. Luther's religious need found 
in the Sacrament the act of God in regard to man that sealed the 
consolation of the forgiveness of sins in divine condescension in a 
manner that appealed to the senses, the means of grace, which the 
individual needs to strengthen his belief, so that, according to him, 
in view of the communion with God the importance of the Sacra- 
ment as a communion of the community almost disappeared : 
Zwingli never felt this religious need of Luther, and hence was 
able to convert the Sacrament into an act of confession or duty 
performed by the faithful in the presence of the community. But 
what inevitably rendered the controversy more acute and made the 
breach irremediable, was that Zwingli never understood Luther's 
position from a religious point of view, in regard to the Sacrament, 
but only looked upon it as a folly that was contrary to common 

1 We should notice the correction, which Luther himself, in the large 
Catechism, makes in reference to the assertion of a medicine for the body : 
" When the soul has recovered, the body also is helped " (EA 21, 152). 

2 Cp. on this point Plitt I 468. Melanchthon writes CR IV 970 : Cinglius 
mihi confessus est, se ex Erasmi scriptis primum hausisse opinionem suam de coena 


sense : further, Zwingli, whom Luther did not know, set his face 
against the latter, as an ally of Carlstadt, whom he had seen 
through as a fanatical enthusiast : and lastly, Zwingli's rationalistic 
cavilling .at the Scriptures, 1 in connection with the simultaneous 
fanatical depreciation of the external word, was regarded by him as 
a symptom of a serious, far-reaching revolt of the intelligence against 
the Scriptures. Thus in Luther's eyes, Zwingli was entirely in a line 
with the " fanatics," while Luther's doctrine of the Eucharist still 
seemed to Zwingli only a tinge of the Catholic doctrine. Thus, 
although the Eucharistic controversy divided the evangelical ranks 
into two camps and thereby weakened their capacity for action, 
yet at the same time it saved the Lutherans from giving their 
adherence to Zwingli's lofty political plans. 

But the most serious result was, that the Eucharistic controversy 
obscured the evangelical idea of faith. Henceforth, Luther speaks 
of "points" of Christian belief, and makes the membership of the 
Christian church dependent upon the acceptance of the same in a 
definite theological coinage : as the result of this view, he declared 
all his life long that Zwingli was a non-Christian, whose " errors " 
were accounted to him as a " sin." 2 The latter in his turn, regards 
Luther and his followers as hardened heretics : stultitia Fabrum 
superat, impuritate Eccium. audacia Cocleum / 3 [He surpasses Faber 
in folly, Eck in impurity, and Cochleus in audacity !] A great 
portion of the Swabian communities (Constance, Lindau, Ulm and 
others) approved of Zwingli's views, but, in nearly all, a Zwinglian 
party henceforth arose by the side of the Lutheran : Zwinglianism 
advanced victoriously from Bale down the Rhine by way of 
Strasburg as far as the Netherlands : it even made its way 
successfully, as early as 1526, into East Friesland, where it was 
proclaimed by Rode himself. The split in the matter of the 
Eucharist had thus also become a fact on the soil of Germany. 

1 Cp. Melanchthon's complaint CR I 694: hoc dogma arridet sensui communi. 

2 Cp. EA 32, 399 f. Loofs 2 365 ff. 

3 R. Stahelin, Brief e aus der Refortnationszeit. Basel 1887, p. 21 ; cp. also 
Zwingli's works, III. 21. 


7. The Endangering of the Reformation by Anabaptist 
Propaganda in Germany. 

Sources: Jos. v. Beck, die Geschichtsbilcher der Wiedertailfer in Oesierr.-Ung. 
Wien 1883. (Fontes rer. Austr. II, XLIII). 

Literature : Erbkam, Gesch. der prot. Sekten im Zeitalter der Reformation. 1848. 
Cornelius, Gesch. des Milnst. Aufruhrs. 2 vols., 1855, i860. L. Keller, 
Gesch. d. Wiedert. 1880. Ritschl, Gesch. des Pietismus. I. Bonn. 1880. 
Uhlhorn in RE I. 361 ff. For Hubmaier see UN 1746; Schellhorn in 
Acta hist. eccl. Ulm 1738, I 100 ff. ; Cornelius II., 281 ff . ; Schreiber in 
Tagebuch fiir Geschichte und Alterthiimer in Siiddeutschland. 1839- 1840. 
Cunitz in RE VI. 344 ff. Loserth, B. Hubm. und die Anfdnge der Wiedert. 
in Mahren. Brunn 1893. Joh. Denk : Heberle in StKr 1851 and 1855 ; 
Keller, ein Apostel der Wiedert. Leipz. 1882. Gerbert, Gesch. d. Strassb. 
Sektenbewegung. Strassb. 1889, p. 25 ff. ; L. Schwabe in ZKG XII. 452 ff. 
(against the latter Keller in Monatsh. d. Comen. Gesellsch. I. 225) ; Kolde 
in Kirchengesch. Studien. Leipz. 1888, p. 228 ff. Hetzer (Hatzer): Keim 
in JdTh 1856, RE V 527, VII 630. Hutt : Roth, Augsb. Ref. -Gesch. 199 ff. 
Hofmann : Krohn, Gesch. d. Wiedert. Leipz. 1758. Leendertz and Zur 
Linden, M. Hofm. Haarlem 1883 and 1885. For the whole subject, see 
also Kessler, Sabbata (page 46), I. 258 ff. II. 120 ff. 

After the end of the Peasants' war and the violent suppression of 
the Baptists in Switzerland the propaganda of Baptism advancing 
by way of Waldshut and Constance, in an incredibly short time 
overspread the whole of Germany. Strasburg, Augsburg, and 
Nuremberg became the chief meeting-places. The leaders, partly 
yielding to persecution, and partly imitating the example of the 
Apostles, travelled through the countries of Germany, gathering 
together conventicle-communities of " brethren : " the wandering 
artisans, from whom their ranks were specially recruited, became 
in like manner wandering apostles of the doctrines of the Baptists. 
In a short time the traces of the new, completely unknown forma- 
tion of communities became perceptible not only in Central 
Germany (e.g. Hesse and Thuringia, where Mtinzer's adherents 
were won over to baptism), 1 but also in countries where Slav 
languages were spoken. In Nicolsburg in Moravia, Herr Lienhard 
von Lichtenstein had, since 1525, afforded the brethren domicile 
and protection, and also underwent baptism at their hands. In 
consequence of additions from Austria, South Germany and 
Switzerland a solid community was formed, which increased in 
numbers to 15,000 souls. In the Catholic districts the Lutheran 
propaganda gradually disappeared in the face of the baptist ; in 

1 e.g. Melchior Rink, cp. Hochhuth in RE XII. 799 ff. 


the evangelical, the Reformation suddenly found itself seriously 
threatened in its occupation, especially amongst the lower classes. 

Many things co-operated to promote this rapid spread of Baptist doctrines : 
the popular style of the apostles of Baptism, the courage that defied death, 
which they exhibited amidst all persecutions, the biblical radicalism, which, 
boldly overleaping the historical development of the Church, started directly 
from the Apostolic period, and seemed to restore the latter to its primitive 
form ; the world-shunning piety of its professors, 1 which held itself aloof 
externally from the children of " the world " and the Babylon of the church of 
" the world," austere, but in most cases indisputable, in glaring contradiction 
with the often undoubtedly worldly behaviour even of the evangelical clergy 
and their communities: the stress laid upon the imitation of Christ in good 
works and the self-sacrificing brotherly love in the Baptist communities, in 
contrast to the reliance upon a belief, which only too frequently was wanting in 
the fruit of the works ; the fanatically apocalyptic, millenarian character, which 
produced the hope of speedy revelations of God, the gathering together and 
separation of the Communion of Saints visibly represented, — all these things 
exercised a wonderful effect upon the people. A number of highly gifted and 
inspired leaders put themselves at the head of the movement : and, the more 
the ruling powers endeavoured to crush it by brutal persecution, the more 
deeply the soul of the people was roused by it. But, under the continuous 
pressure of persecution, the Baptists did not succeed in attaining a uniform 
stamp in their views of belief or a uniform organisation. Hence, they were not 
a spiritual power, everywhere homogeneous, whose ranks presented a firm 
front. It afforded all possible individual opinions, whether of a mystic or 
rationalistic kind, the opportunity of germinating, for which the whole body 
cannot as yet be held responsible. By the side of peaceful, quiet and harmless 
conventicle-Christians, dreamers and agitators of a most dangerous kind were 
concealed in their midst : by the side of biblical Christians, the inspired, who 
received revelations directly from the Spirit, by the side of strict ascetics, the 
proclaimers and practisers of an evil libertinism. 

Already however, out of the muddy ferment was formed 
the solid core of the movement, which alone was able to weather 
the times of storm and stress : Swiss and Swabian Baptists, on 
the 24th of February, 1527, at Schlatten, 2 agreed upon seven 
articles, the result of which is a clear ideal of a community : 
1. Rejection of infant baptism : baptism presupposes penitence, 
belief, spiritual life and personal desire ; 2. Amongst the brethren 
the ban is enforced in the degrees of admonition prescribed in 
Matt, xviii ; 3. In the breaking of bread in memory of the death of 
Christ the union of the brethren in the body of Christ, which takes 
place by baptism, is represented ; 4. The brethren sever themselves 
from all abominations, above all from the worship of the papists as 

1 Cp. Capito's testimony in ZhTh i860, 40. 
- At the foot of the Randen. 


well as from that of the anti-papists (the Reformation churches), 
both of which are " bondage of the flesh " ; 5. The community 
chooses for itself pastors for purposes of instruction and admonition, 
for pronouncing the ban and superintending the breaking of bread ; 

6. The use of the sword is a divine ordinance, which is necessary 
for the world ; but the " perfection of Christ " knows only the 
ban, not the sword : Christians do not draw the sword, do not sit 
in judgment, and consequently do not accept any office of authority ; 

7. Disciples of Christ abstain from the oath in every form. 1 For 
the rest, the Apostolicum or Apostles' Creed was regarded by these 
circles as the simple foundation of the confession which connects 
them with the Church of the Apostles. 

What was the origin of this violent movement ? It must be observed that 
these baptist circles themselves 2 sought their home in Switzerland, extolled 
the year 1525, as the time of the rising of the "true morning star," and Grebel, 
Manz, Blaurock and Hubmaier as the founders of the " separation from the 
world." Luther and Zwingli certainly possessed the merit in their eyes of 
having attacked, as it were with thunderbolts, the malice and trickery of the 
Romish church of the World : but they had substituted nothing better for it, 
but immediately attached themselves to the secular power and authorities, and 
hence only brought up a shameless people to the service of sin. They regarded 
themselves as most nearly related to the Bohemian brethren or Waldensians, 
who at least have preserved "some small appearance of truth." But, even as 
compared with these, they are sensible of a new, complete separation. 3 In 
spite of this independence, which they attributed to themselves, the task is im- 
posed upon* the historian, of enquiring for the connecting links in the case of 
this phenomenon. 

The Baptists have often been called the most consistent and the most 
genuine sons of the Reformation, or it has been thought that they have been 
excellently characterised by the name of the " Ultras " of the Reformation : but 
this view is supported only by the very extraneous circumstance, that many of 
their members had previously been adherents of Zwingli or Luther, and that the 
Swiss Reformation prepared the way for their doctrine of the Eucharist and 
their biblical radicalism. Even the attempt of Cornelius to explain their rise 
as the effect of the Bible in the hand of the ordinary man, is only sufficient 
to account for certain formalities and singular eccentricities. To judge from 
their collective view of the world, measured by their motives and aims, they 
belong, not to the Reformation, but to medieval Christianity, a continuation 
of the opposition (which grew up in the second half ot the Middle Ages on 
Catholic soil) to the secularised church. A. Ritschl deserves the credit of having 

1 Beck, p. 41-44. 

2 Such at the present day is the historiography of the Mennonites, cp. 
A. Brons, Ursprung, Entwicklung, und Schicksale der Mennoniten. 2 Norden 1891, 
p. 13 ff. Chr. Sepp, Kerkhist. Studien (Leiden 1885, p. 3 ff.) discusses the nature 
and origin of Anabaptism very cautiously. 

1 Beck p. 11, 13, 15 ff. 


paved the way for this opinion of the movement. 1 Different currents of the 
religious and social life of the 18th century here work continuously : Mysticism, 
Asceticism, and Apocalypticism, and, by the side of these, the Waldensian and 
Wicliffian ideas which were finally gathered together in Taboritism. They 
belong to the Catholic stage of Christianity by virtue of their treatment of the 
Gospel as the new law, which is normatively to settle the ecclesiastical and the 
civil community : and, in like manner, by virtue of their world-renouncing and 
world-denying system of Ethics, their leaning to asceticism, their esteem for 
contemplation and ectasy, their opposition to Luther's doctrine of justification, 
which they meet with the theory that God's merciful feelings must be won by the 
individual. In all this, they betray their origin in the ideas of the Middle Ages. 
On the other hand, the complete banishment of the sacramental and priestly 
Church from their ideas separates them from ecclesiastical Catholicism. The 
authority of the Bible, in other words, of the natural law is opposed to the 
authority of the Church, a new order of prophets to the clergy. Their judg- 
ment of civil and state regulations as the consequence of the Fall is a heritage 
from the Middle Ages, their ideal of perfection by means of the separation of 
conventicles of the holy is a retroflection of monastic ideals. The Reformation's 
only part in them is, that the strong religious excitement, which it aroused in 
the German people, also revivified these religious ideas which had their origin 
in the 15th century : and the importance attached to the Bible was at least 
greatly enhanced by the influence of the Reformation. The large number of 
those who hailed in Luther only the reformer of Christian life and of civil 
society were soon undeceived, and either returned to Catholicism or sought the 
realisation of their hopes in baptism. That the latter proceeded directly from 
the circle of the Franciscan tertiarii (Ritschl) is an hypothesis, 2 for which no 
sufficient proof can be adduced, although, without doubt, these influences may 
have exercised a subsequent effect, especially amongst the artisan circles : the 
movement also is thereby too one-sidedly imputed to a single branch of 
medieval reaction against the church of the world. That Waldensianism, that 
is to say, Hussitism also had a share in it is not to be doubted : certainly 
L. Keller has hitherto defended this proposition with great learning, but with 
such over-hasty combinations, that he has introduced more confusion than 
certain knowledge. 3 Unquestionably, many partly very dissimilar medieval 
remnants of sects meet together in the Baptist movement, and unite to bring 
about the by no means uniform mixture of Anabaptism. 4 Yet, even amongst 
the educated amongst its adherents, the influence of the writings of Erasmus 
should be taken into consideration. In regard to this, there is great need of 
investigation by fresh enquiry into authorities. 

Amongst the prominent leaders we may mention : Bait. Hubmaier, formerly 
Eck's pupil and protege, professor at Ingolstadt, minister of the Cathedral of 
Ratisbon, where he became involved in a violent conflict with the Jewish 

1 Luther already calls them fratres Papistarum. Caudis enim sunt comunctae 
istaevulpes,sed capitibus diversae. EA Comm. in Gal. I. 8. 

2 Against it cp. ThLZ 1883, 369 (Kolde) and Sepp, as above, p. 9. 
1 Cp. HZ 55, 477 ff. GGA 1886, 353 ff- 

4 Nulla est veterum haeresium, quae non videatur his auctoribus repullulare 
(Melanchthon, CR I 955). 


community 1 which trusted in Austrian protection, and subsequently, having been 
seized by revolutionary ideas, minister at Waldshut in 1522: now influenced 
for a time by Zwingli and then by Miinzer, at Easter 1525, he was re-baptised 
(see above p. 65), and gave his literary support to Anabaptism against Zwingli. 
In Zurich, whither he had fled for refuge, a recantation was extorted from him 
after he had been imprisoned, but this recantation proved so unsatisfactory, 
that he was sentenced as a punishment to severer imprisonment (the rack was 
applied!) 2 Having been released at Easter, 1526, he proceeded by way of 
Augsburg to Nicolsburg, where he carried on an effective propaganda and, in 
numerous writings, vigorously combated infant baptism, and also described 
the baptismal and communion service of the brethren. Having been im- 
prisoned by King Ferdinand, he steadfastly suffered death at the stake at 
Vienna in 1528 : in spite of his many changes of mind, a moderate and 
sincere apostle of Baptism. Of greater intellectual importance was Joh. Denk, 
an able humanist, whom Oecolampadius had recommended, in the autumn 
of 1523, to Pirkheimer as principal of the school of St. Sebaldus at Nuremberg: 
it was here that his antagonism to the Reformation doctrine of justification 
developed in connection with a mystic rationalism : he worked zealously and 
quietly to spread his doctrines, until Osiander's observation denounced him 
to the Council and he was banished from the city (January 21st, 1525). 
He now commenced a wandering life (St. Gall, Augsburg, Strasburg, Berg- 
zabern, Worms — then, again, Switzerland and South Germany), everywhere 
agitating with great effect, until persecution drove him on. Worn out and 
finally unable to comprehend the doctrines of the Baptists he succumbed 
(1527) to the plague at Bale. His doctrines of the inner light, to which the 
Scriptures are subordinate ("God works without any means") and of which 
Christ only enters into consideration as a pattern (Jesus "the man, in whom 
love was shown in the highest degree''), of the capacity of the enlightened 
man to fulfil the law without sin, of the conversion of the devil and of the 
apocatastasis are evidences of his fondness for speculations and give his 
activity a peculiar significance. Friend and foe saw in him one of the most 
important leaders of the movement. He co - operated with L. Hetzer in a 
translation of the Prophets into German. The latter, as chaplain at Waden- 
schwyl, near Zurich, had drifted towards iconoclasm ; driven from Zurich 
in 1525, he removed to Augsburg, where he agitated against infant baptism and 
in favour of Carlstadt's doctrine of the Eucharist, but was again expelled in 
the same year as a seditious person. Apparently repentant, he returned to 
Zwingli, whose confidence he once more regained, but soon lost by his own 
fault. Having been subsequently banished and giving offence at Bale by 
his looseness of morals, he proceeded to Strasburg, where, renouncing his 
Anabaptism, he was welcomed by Capito. Here he united with Denk, to 
whose superior intellect he adapted himself, and at the same time, going 
beyond his ideas, proceeded to contempt of the external word, to rejection of the 
merit and the godhead of the " brother" Christ. They carried on a combined 
agitation in the Palatinate, where they gained over the evangelical preacher 

1 Cp. V. Train, Gesch. der Juden in Regensburg. ZhTh 7, 3, 129 ff. ; the 
same, in ZhTh 14, 2, 81 ff. 

2 Cp. Zwingli's account in R. Stahelin, Briefe aus der Refonnaiionszeit. 

Basel 1S87, p. 20. 


Jakob Kautz, but by their provoking demeanour, not only brought about their 
own expulsion, but also a Catholic reaction against the evangelical preaching. 
After much wandering about, Hetzer prepared for himself an inglorious death 
at Constance, where he was executed (1529) as an adulterer. 1 

The influences of Denk and Miinzer cross each other in Hans Hutt, a 
restless book-seller and book-binder of Franconia. He adopted from Miinzer 
the idea that God puts the sword into the hands of His holy ones to execute 
judgment upon the godless : a victorious campaign of plunder against the 
Turk will take place, then the believers will gather up the gleaning. 2 With 
mighty eloquence, in the style of the language of the Old Testament, he 
fascinates and fanaticises the multitude : he strikes by preference and with 
most effect the note of apocalypticism. The communistic and apocalyptic 
propositions of the so-called Nicolsburg articles have their origin in him — if he 
is not even the author ot all of them. 8 

Having been imprisoned at Augsburg in 1527, he endeavoured to secure an 
opportunity of escape by setting fire to the prison, but was nearly suffocated in 
the smoke, and died a few days after : the burning of the author of " seditious 
and heretical articles" was completed in his dead body. Lastly, amongst these 
characteristic types of Baptism we may mention Melchior Hofmann, a furrier 
from Schwabisch-Hall. It was not until late that he formally gave his 
adherence to the Baptists, and then made this community take up a fateful 
attitude. His principle is the subjectivity of the lay preachership that comes 
into conflict with every ecclesiastical regulation, in combination with the megalo- 
mania of the inspired. He commenced his lay preaching in Livonia in 1523, at 
first as a tumultuous, unrestrained follower of Luther, who as late as 1525 
recognises him as one of his disciples. But his arbitrary subjectivity soon gave 
such offence amongst the evangelicals, that he left Livonia and proceeded 
to Sweden as preacher to the German community. Gustavus Vasa expelled 
him as a visionary. He turned towards Holstein, where King Frederick 
granted him license to preach throughout the country. As he propagated 
Luther's Eucharistic doctrine (with special modification) he was in this case 
also banished, after the religious conference held at Flensburg (under the 
presidency of Bugenhagen) in 1529. 4 He then proceeded by way of East 
Friesland and turned up in Strasburg ; here he was at first hailed with joy 
as the champion and martyr of the Swiss Eucharistic doctrine, but here 
also people were frightened by the visionary prophet, who contrasted his 
11 office of clearness " with the " literal office" of the preachers. Here he soon 
completed his adherence to the Anabaptist community. He now turned back 
to East Friesland (1530), where he founded the Emden Baptist community and 
planted the germs of the subsequent Anabaptist Kingdom of Munster, which 
pulled down his spiritual ideas into the flesh. For his followers saw in him 

1 It is idle for A. Brons, p. 414, to refer the unfavourable aspect of 
Hetzer's life entirely to calumny. Cp. on the other side, Th. Blaurer's account 
in Kessler, Sabbata II 190 ff. 

2 In Denk's Vom Gesetz Gottes we read: " He (the believer) may not resist a 
judge, if he judges rightly. He himself may not judge or promise further than 
it is of service to the Kingdom of Heaven." 

3 Cp. Cornelius II 279 ff. 

4 Hofmann's Dialogns of the Flensburg disputation is reprinted in Strobel, 
Bcitr. zu Lit. II 501 ff. 


the prophet, who should arise before the great day of the Lord and establish 
the Gospel throughout the world. A prophetic voice announces to him that 
he would first be imprisoned six months in Strasburg, and then be liberated 
and convert the whole earth. Accordingly, being again driven out, he proceeds 
by way of the Netherlands to Strasburg, cheerfully allows himself to be 
imprisoned and waits for the fulfilment of the prophecy. This city is for him 
the spiritual Jerusalem, from which 144,000 apostolic messengers are to set out 
with all speed into the world, and offer it alliance and Anabaptism. At the 
same time the judgment of wrath will visit those who have hitherto persecuted 
the brethren. But the liberation from prison did not come to pass, none of the 
dates given by the prophet proved true. Under the influence of Schwenkfeld 
Hofmann now also developed the principle that harked back to Docetism : that 
the Logos did not assume our nature (the accursed flesh of Adam), did not even 
derive its human nature from the Virgin Mary, but itself became the bodily 
Word (flesh). The people of Strasburg spared his life, convinced that "his 
errors were not due to wilfulness" (Leendertz, p. 362). In 1543, he died in 
prison at Strasburg: in the meantime his adherents had long since selected 
another city as Jerusalem and endeavoured to establish the kingdom. 

Everywhere throughout the Empire measures were taken against 
the Baptists. 1 At Zurich, in 1527, Felix Manz was drowned 
by order of the Council and other Baptists were removed in a 
similar manner : Strasburg, in 1527, protected itself by expelling 
them. By the existing law Anabaptism was a capital crime : in 
accordance with this, an imperial mandate of the 4th of January, 
1528, decreed the punishment of death against the Baptists. An 
edict of the Swabian diet (Feb. 16th, 1528) treated the Baptists (and 
Zwinglians) as beyond the pale of the law : divisions of cavalry 
scoured the country and executed judgment on the guilty and sus- 
pected, without sentence having been judicially pronounced. The 
Catholic authorities in Wurtemberg, the Palatinate, Austria, and 
Bavaria behaved with especial cruelty : " he who recants shall be 
beheaded, he who does not recant shall be burnt" (Duke William 
of Bavaria). 2 Thousands were the victims of this Baptist persecu- 
tion, 8 amongst them also many evangelicals (Leonh. Kaser). A 
fresh imperial mandate (April 23rd, 1529), ordered the pardon of 
those who repented, but the death-penalty for the teachers and 
backsliders or the refractory amongst those who were baptised. 
The evangelical authorities were visibly embarrassed. Should false 
doctrine be visited with secular punishment ? Did this come 

1 Cp. Keller, die Reformation p. 443 ff. 

2 J6rg, Deutschland in der Revolutionsperiodep. 715. Cp. also the opinion of 
the Catholic theologian Dungersheim EA 26 2 , 328. 

8 A list of the brethren of 153 1 already reckons more than 400 executions, 
Beck, p. 310 ff. 


uthin the jurisdiction of the authorities ? Must not the erroneous 
loctrines of the papists also be punished ? Luther (and similarly 
>enz) advised that punishment should only be inflicted, " in cases 
where offenders refused to acknowledge and obey the secular 
Luthorities" (de Wette II. 622), and, for the rest, demanded " that 
ivery man should be allowed to hold what belief he pleased. It is 
not just and it causes me real sorrow, that such miserable people 
jhould be so pitifully murdered, burnt, and cruelly put to death," 
[EA 26 2 283; de Wette III. 347). Melanchthon on the other 
hand, undertook to demonstrate, from divine and secular law, 
the duty of the authorities to proceed against the false doctrine 
of the former as against blasphemy (CR II. 18; III. 197 ff.) ; 
he taught, besides, that every man who held Baptist views, 
even if he were personally most peaceably inclined, should be 
regarded as a political criminal owing to his theoretical refusal to 
recognise the State. In principle, Osiander considered it justifiable, 
at least to put their teachers to death ; in practice, however, he 
dissuaded it. Thus then the behaviour of the evangelical States 
was very different : in many places, an attempt was made to manage 
with milder punishments, expulsion, imprisonment, and the like: 
yet much Baptist blood was shed, e.g., in Augsburg. The Elector 
of Saxony was in favour of severity, Philip of Hesse for gentler 
measures. 1 Nuremberg hesitated longer, but finally decided for 
expulsion. The Catholic practice of suppression of books now also 
found ready imitators amongst the evangelical party. " The arm 
of the civil authority was frequently invoked too soon, and still 
more frequently the assistance only too readily offered by it was 
gladly accepted, and thus rights, which it did not possess, were 
conceded to it in a matter that concerned the Church." 2 This 
worldly cleverness in dealing with the Baptists was subsequently 
destined to exact a bitter revenge from .the evangelical national 
churches. On the other hand, the manner in which the German 
Reformation had up to the present developed into an ecclesiastical 
organisation, under the protection and care of the authorities, which 
promoted the education of the people, caused its inability to carry 
out in the abstract the principle of personal freedom of belief; a 
free church organisation, resting simply upon free, individual 

1 Cp. Schmidt, J. Menius, I 176 ff. Arnold, Kirchen- u. Kctzcr-Hist. 
Frankf. 1700, II. 274 f. Hochhuth in ZhTh 28, 538 ff. 

2 Plitt, I 416. 


association could not come into being. 1 These violent measures 
proved successful in stemming the Baptist movement and driving it 
into concealment ; but, in spite of all the blood that was shed, it 
was not really destroyed. 

8. The Protestation of Spires and the Marburg Colloquy. 

Sources and Literature: Walch XVI. 315 ff. Politische Corresponded der Stadt 
Strassburg. I. Strassb. 1882. J. J. Muller, Hist. v. d. evg. Stiinde Protes- 
tation. Jena 1705. Jung, Gesch. des Reichstags zu Speier. Strassb. 1830. 
Ney, Gesch. des R. zu Sp. Hamb. 1880. For the extensive literature of the 
Marburg Conference, see Kostlin IP 645, Kolde II 589: add EA 36, 
320 ff. ; Redlich in Chr. W. 1891, No. 6 ff., Baumgarten, Karl V. III. 
11 ff. For the Schwabach Articles, see Engelhardt in ZhTh 1865, 532 ff. 
Plitt I 513 f. Kostlin IP 651. For the Pack affair, see Schomburgk 
in HTb 1882, 175 ff. Ehses, Freib. 1881 ; the same, Landgraf Philipp und 
O. v. Pack. Freib. 1886; H. Schwarz, Leipz. 1884; M. Lenz in ThLZ 
1883, 345 ; Niemoller in HpBl 104, 1 ff. Lenz in ZKG III. 

While the Emperor still held aloof from German affairs, and the com- 
bination of the States in offensive and defensive leagues called forth 
suspicion and anxiety, 2 a downright forgery was able to take in Germany, 
in the year 1528, immediately before the outbreak of the religious war. 
Otto von Pack, one of Duke George's prominent officials, who had frequently 
been engaged in political missions, a man whose affairs were in disorder 
and who possessed the natural talents that go to make a fashionable swindler, 
had informed Landgrave Philip, at the end of 1527, of the existence of 
a Catholic offensive league against the Protestants secretly concluded at 
Breslau in May. Philip demanded the production of the original docu- 
ment: in February, 1528, Pack handed him a pretended copy, which spoke 
of a great Catholic coalition, which had for its object an attack upon Electoral 
Saxony, Hesse, and Madgeburg, for the purpose of deposing the evangelical 
Princes and carrying out sentence upon Luther. Philip hastened to anticipate 
the attack of his opponents by a counter-federation on the evangelical side and 
rapid preparations, at the same time threatening the frontiers of the bishops on 
the Main. Like the Elector, Luther, and Melanchthon, he was convinced of 
the genuineness of the " Breslau league" : only Luther successfully warned his 
Elector against an offensive war, but approved of preparations, in case self- 
defence should become necessary. When Philip made the document public in 
order to justify his warlike attitude, the forgery was discovered. Yet Pack for 
some time lied so cleverly on both sides in order to get out of it, that at any 
rate the suspicion that the league might have a real existence continued to be 

1 The struggles of the 17th century in England, the result of which was 
the free churches of the Dissenters, show what had to be carried out before a 
free course could be cleared for such formations. 

2 It was probably at this time that Luther's Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott 
was written. It is certain that it was printed in 1529, probably in the spring of 
1528. Cp. Knaake in ZkW 1881, p. 39 ff. 



C4c attained for some time by Philip (and on the other hand by Luther). The 
danger of war that threatened rapidly passed over, but the evangelical cause 
was appreciably damaged, not only by the uncritical credulity which had made 
people allow themselves to be deceived by Pack, but from the fact that the 
Catholic States had now been threatened by the evangelical with armed force. 
This again led Luther personally into a stubborn and unrestrained paper-war 
with Duke George, occasioned by one of Luther's private letters having fallen 
into his hands. 1 For the first time the Landgrave had shown himself a 
politician, who had no scruple, in the interests of his religious position, about 
entering into relations with France and making use of Ferdinand's adversary, 
the Hungarian John Zapolya. He had also entertained the banished Duke 
Ulrich of Wurtemberg and secured his return to his Duchy. 

The political situation now assumed a more peaceful appearance 
in the summer and autumn of 1528 : the conclusion of peace 
between the Emperor and Pope was discussed, and this was 
bound to make its influence felt at once in dealing with the 
religious split. Accordingly, the Emperor ordered Ferdinand to 
convoke another diet at Spires for 1529, with the object of first 
rendering imperial aid against the Turkish danger, and then of 
again taking up the ecclesiastical question. 

The Pack affair had roused the Catholic States from their indo- 
lence and Ferdinand, by his zeal, succeeded in gathering round him 
a compact Catholic party at the diet. Since the termination of the 
Peasants' War, they no longer feared popular opinion, and the 
most zealous anti-Lutheran theologians were on the spot and added 
fuel to the flame. But the imperial proposition so far took the state 
of affairs into consideration, that it no longer, as hitherto, directly 
demanded the complete execution of the Edict of Worms, but was 
willing, until the Council met, for which the Pope was now prepared, 
to be content with punishing severely the further spread of the 
Reformation. It declared the Spires Recess 2 of 1526 — which had 
been hitherto egregiously misunderstood — to be annulled. The 
majority essentially agreed, at first limited the execution of the Edict 
of Worms to Catholic districts and, in regard to evangelical terri- 
tories, desired that no further innovation should be taken in hand, 
but that the Romish form of worship should here also remain un- 
molested : further, that all the sects hostile to the Sacrament of 
the Eucharist (the Zwinglians) should be rooted out, and that no 
clerical order should be deprived of its authorities, property, and 
profits. The jurisdiction of the bishops was thereby again 

1 De Wette, III 340, 397; EA 31, 1 ff. 
■ [Decree of an Imperial Diet] . 
VOL. III. 7 


secretly set up, and a one-sided legality claimed for the Cath a S . 
form of worship, without any equivalent being allowed for the 
Evangelicals on the part of the Catholic States. The evangelical 
States in vain laid stress upon this inequality : but as they were 
powerless against the majority and yet could not bring themselves 
to submit, they raised a protest on the 19th of April, appealing to 
the Spires " recess " of 1526, which would render the new resolu- 
tions " of no effect and not binding." Amongst the princes only 
John, Philip, George of Brandenburg, Ernest of Luneburg and 
Wolfgang of Anhalt gave support to it : but the fourteen Upper 
German cities, — Strasburg, Nuremberg, Ulm, Constance, Lindau, 
Memmingen, Kempten, Nordlingen, Heilbronn, Reutlingen, Isny, 
St. Gall, Weissenburg and Windsheim gave in their adherence. 
Next day the Princes handed over their protest further elaborated. 1 
The immediate result was a secret defensive league, which was 
concluded on the 22nd of April between Electoral Saxony, Hesse, 
and the cities of Strasburg, Nuremberg, and Ulm. 

On the same day, Philip wrote to Zwingli, asking him to assist 
in the promotion of a religious discussion between the representa- 
tives of the two evangelical parties who were divided upon the 
question of the Eucharist. The more sharply the Catholic policy 
now accentuated this internal evangelical dissension, and endeav- 
oured to separate the Zwinglians also politically from the Lutheran 
States, the more urgently did it appear to the far-seeing politician 
to be required by duty, that this division should be healed, and 
Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg, who had been gained over by 
Oecolampadius had not in vain inspired Philip with enthusiasm 
for the idea of an agreement between the disputants. 

Melanchthon, who was present at Spires, showed himself ready 
to accede to the plans of the Landgrave : as early as the 8th of 
April, he wrote to Oecolampadius (CR I 1050), satius esset, hac de re 
aliquot bonos vivos in colloquium una venire [it would be better that 
several good men should enter into a conference concerning this 
matter] , while at the same time he placed himself on Luther's side 
in the struggle. On the other hand, the plan met with difficulties 

1 They laid their protest in a special deputation before the Emperor, who at 
first kept them waiting a long time for an answer, and then, when the Turkish 
danger was averted, decisively rejected it, and when the deputies on the other 
hand appealed to a free Christian Council, even threatened them with im- 



at Wittenberg from Luther and the Elector who was advised by 
him, and even Melanchthon's assent yielded to anxious reserve. 
At the diet held at Rotach (June) the dislike of the Elector to 
enter into any connection with the " Sacramentarians " made itself 
manifest : it thus appeared as if the result would be separate 
combinations of the States which favoured Luther and Zwingli 
respectively. If, in the case of Luther, it was simply his strong 
courage of belief, which caused political leagues and human aid 
to appear to him unnecessary, and he was able to imagine a union 
always only on the basis of complete agreement, Melanchthon felt 
with ever-increasing clearness that fraternisation with Zwingli 
meant renunciation of the Catholic Church, to which it was 
still intended to adhere on the Lutheran side as the authorised 
party, and of the holy Roman Empire. 1 But Electoral Saxony was 
far more inclined to come to an understanding with Ferdinand 
than with the Swiss. At last (June 22nd) the importunity of the 
Landgrave gained the day, but all felt certain that they were 
going to engage in a work which would be without result. The 
Landgrave, who had hitherto carefully concealed from the Lutherans 
his plan of inviting not only Oecolampadius, but Zwingli as well, 
fixed the discussion for Michaelmas Day at Marburg. Melanchthon 
armed himself for the struggle by a collection of Sententiae veterum 
aliquot scriptorum de coma domini (CR XXIII, 727 ff.). 2 Besides 
Luther and Melanchthon, there appeared on the Lutheran side 
Jonas, Cruciger, Myconius, Menius, and (later) Osiander, Brenz, 
Steph. Agricola (Augsburg) ; on the other side, Zwingli and 
Oecolampadius, Bucer, Hedio, Jak. Sturm, head of the civil 
corporation of Strasburg, and others. 

In order to avoid more violent conflicts, Luther and Oecolampadius, 
Melanchthon and Zwingli were at first confronted by the Landgrave at a private 
discussion on the 1st of October; this first meeting on the Eucharistic question 
led to no result, but at least prejudices and misunderstandings on the part of 
the Wittenbergers in regard to other points disappeared. The Strasburg 
jurist Nic. Gerbel had already, in 1527, denounced the Zwinglians to Luther as 
persons who boldly penetrated the secretissima Trinitatis arcana, nescio quid de 

1 Universae ecclesiae ac toti imperio minatur horribilem mutationem (ista con- 
trovcrsia). CR XXIII. 749. Cingliani .... seditiosissima consilia ineunt 
opprimemii Impcratoris. II 104. An obvious invention of a later period is 
Melanchthon's pretended letter from Marburg to his brother, in Hartfelder, 
Melanchthoniana Paedagogica. Leipz., 1892, p. 37. 

1 Perhaps printed in July, 1529, as Chr. W. 1891, 126 affirms. In any case 
it was already written at that time. Bindseil, Mel. Epp. 39 ff. 



personis excogitaturi. 1 This insinuation had made an impression : Luther had 
accordingly solemnly protected his Essay against Zwingli in 1528 with a 
confession of the trinitarian creed (EA 30, 363, cp. 30, 19). Suspicion had 
continued to rest specially upon the Strasburg theologians (CR I 1099, certainly 
on account of their relations to Hetzer, see page 92). Further, amongst other 
things, Zwingli's doctrine of original sin (morbus non peccatum, Opp. III. 629) 
had given well-grounded offence and caused Luther to characterise him as a 
"new Pelagian" (EA 30, 365). Melanchthon was now able to announce 
success with satisfaction : " they have received instruction from us, and have 
given way in all these points " (CR I 1099), i.e., misunderstandings were removed, 
and partly Zwingli adapted himself as far as possible to their form of language. 
The public discussion on the following day, at which Luther disputed alone 
against the two Swiss, was devoted essentially to the Eucharistic dissension : 
Luther again laid stress upon the cogent force of the sacramental words, 
meeting with God's omnipotence, all objections to the possibility of their literal 
interpretation as they upon did John vi. and the mathematical impossibility that a 
body can be in more than one place. 2 Zwingli offered brotherly union in 
loving words : but as no one gave way from his position, Luther lacked the 
indispensable foundation for such mutual understanding. The debate was 
continued without result on the 3rd of October, and finally broken off, both 
sides begging that the bitter speeches which had been uttered might be for- 
given. The theologians of Strasburg still endeavoured to obtain Luther's 
assent to their method of teaching on the most diverse points : but Luther 
cautiously and mistrustfully refused it : he declared that his mind and theirs 
were not in harmony : did they teach in their native place in the same manner 
as Bucer now discoursed ? 3 The next day passed in individual interviews, 
from which the Strasburgers took away the impression, that their really irre- 
concilable opponent was Melanchthon, and were jmbued with the apprehension 
that any connection with the Swiss would completely destroy any chance of 
coming to an understanding with the Emperor and Ferdinand. But, in spite of 
Zwingli's acknowledgment that there were no people on earth with whom he 
would rather be in harmony than the Wittenbergers, Luther stuck to his 
opinion : " You have a different spirit from ours." 

However, the Landgrave and the Swiss, with a view of estab- 
lishing the important consensus between them, succeeded in 
inducing Luther to draw up a confession in 15 articles (The 
Marburg Articles). In 14 articles complete agreement was 
declared — the Swiss conformed to Luther's terminology, although 
certainly, if left to themselves, they would have adopted a different 
wording in several matters (original sin, baptism, private con- 
fession) ; in the 15th, they declared their agreement in reference 
to the communion in both kinds and the rejection of the mass as a 

1 Kolde, Anal. 87. 

2 It is this that Melanchthon calls the geometria, the geometricae speculations 
of the Zwinglians. CR I 1049, XXIII. 752. 

8 Jonas found in Bucer a calliditas vulpina, perverse imitata prudentiam et 
acumen, CR I 1097. 


sacrifice, and agreed in the formula that the Eucharist was " a 
sacrament of the true body and blood of Christ," that "the 
spiritual manducation is especially necessary to every Christian," 
also that " the use of the Sacrament, like the Word, was ordered 
by God, in order to move weak consciences to belief by the Holy 
Spirit." But there remained a disagreement in regard to the 
question, "whether the true body and blood of Christ was bodily 
in the bread and wine:" "however, one party should exhibit 
Christian love towards the other, so far as each man's conscience 
would allow it." Both parties signed their names to two copies. 1 
In addition, they promised to give up violently attacking each 
other in writing. An outbreak of " English sweat " in the city 
rendered an adjournment necessary. 

Luther, however, had acquired the belief in a reconciliation as a result of 
the personal meeting. His opinion was on the whole friendly, he only saw a 
dissensus still existing de fieccato originis and in regard to the bodily presence of 
Christ. Nevertheless, "the position of the matter is a hopeful one. I do not 
say that there exists a brotherly unity, but a kindly, friendly agreement," 2 yet 
he hoped that the prayer of Christians would also render it " brotherly." (EA 
36, 321 f.). In Zwingli's repeated entreaties for recognition as a brother he 
saw the admission that he really felt himself overcome and only declined to 
submit completely out of regard for his party : this was a grievous error, 
for Zwingli had rather left Marburg in the proud consciousness of having 
gained a manifest victory over Luther's " shamelessness and conceit." In 
fact, he had completely gained over the Landgrave there, although the 
latter did not yet publish the fact abroad. And he had gained him over to 
admission into his " burgher rights " (page 82). But Philip's plan of a 
strong, politico-religious league of all the Evangelicals was frustrated: its 
realisation would have made the Landgrave and Zwingli the leaders of a 
Protestantism that would have been henceforth political, and would have 
involved results that would have been incalculable, but momentous for the 
Empire as well as for the Reformation. 3 

On return from Marburg, the Wittenbergers were summoned 
by the Elector to Schleiz, 4 where he intended to meet the 
Landgrave George of Anspach. For them, Luther drew up a 
confession of faith, which the Elector desired to make the 
foundation of the political combination of the evangelically-minded 

1 Cp. Kostlin II. 2 646, CR 26, 113 ff. ["According to Osiander, three 
copies were signed at Marburg: two have been recovered and published by 
Heppe and Usteri from the archives at Cassel and Zurich." Schaff, Chr. Ch. 
x. 647]. 

2 In 1533, Luther defines the love which they here promised each other as 
the love, " which keeps peace even with enemies and prays for them." EA 
3X1 267. 

■ Cp. M. Lenz, Zw. und Landgr. Philipp in ZKG III. 

4 According to Kolde II 590, however, neither the Elector nor Luther 
actually entered Schleiz. 


States. This was the origin of the so-called Schwabach Articles 
(CR XXVI, 138 ff., EA 24 2 334 ff.). 

Thrown off in haste, they are a revision of the Marburg articles, but 
consciously couched in severer terms, especially against Zwinglianism. For the 
Elector was determined only to enter politically into connection with the 
Upper German States, "if they were of a proper Christian belief" with the 
rest, "and also, now and henceforth, held the same Baptism and Sacrament." 
Consequently, the Articles, as Luther subsequently rightly insisted, were not 
drawn up " for the sake of the Papists " (EA 24 2 337), but as a line of demarca- 
tion against Zwinglianism. Hence they sharply accentuate the christological 
assertions (Art. 2 and 3), the doctrine of original sin (Art. 4, "not only a 
simple weakness or infirmity"), of baptism (Art. 9) and especially of the 
Eucharist (Art. 10), while the presence of the body and blood of Christ is 
brought prominently forward, as against "the opposite party," and in Art. 8 
stress is laid upon the fact that God "offers and gives faith and his spirit by 
the Sacraments." At the same time, also, the antithesis of the Papacy is 
further worked out. The Church (so Luther here declares in Art. 12) "is 
nothing else but the believers in Christ, who keep, believe and teach the above- 
mentioned articles and doctrines." (EA 24 s 343). ! At this point, consequently, 
" the community of Saints " begins to change into the Lutheran denominational 
Church, which is rejected by Zwingli and his followers as non-Christian. 

The practical result of these articles was, that Strasburg and 
Ulm refused to accept them at the Schwabach convention (October 
16th). The same thing took place on the 29th of November at 
the Schmalkald convention. The league with the Upper Germans 
had become impossible. The Lutheran alliance in South Germany 
remained limited to Nuremberg, Ulm entered the burgher rights 
of Zurich. The single connecting link was formed by the person 
of the Landgrave, who kept up his intercourse with Zwingli. But 
the latter hoped, by gaining over Hesse, finally to isolate Witten- 
berg politically, and in this manner to be able to render it obedient 
to his plans. Such were the antecedents of the day of Augsburg. 

9. The Diet of Augsburg, 1530. 

Older collections of A uthorities by Chytraeus. Rostock, 1576; Coelestinus. 
Frankf. a. d. Oder, 1597; Walch XVI 542 ff. ; J. J. Muller (see above 
p. 96); E. S. Cyprian. Gotha, 1730; G. G. Weber. Frankf., 1783; 
Forstemann, Archiv. f. d. Gesch. d. kirchl. Ref. Halle 1831 ; the same, 
Urkundenbuch zur Gesch. des Reichst. zu Augsburg. 2 vols., 1833-1835; 

1 Cp. on this, EA 31, 250 (1533). where Luther assigns a central position to 
" the word of grace and forgiveness of sins as the chief article, which has 
been the source of all our doctrine." 



CR II and XXVI; de Wette IV; Kilian Leib, Annates in Dollinger, 
Bcitrdge II 538 ff, Lammkr, in ZhTh 28, 142 ff. J. Ficker, Die Confutation. 
Gotha, Leipz., 1891 ; Strobel, Beitr. z. Lit. I 413 ff. ; Rotermund, Geschichte 
des Glaubcnsbckenntnisses. Hann., 1829; Plitt (see above p. 6); Zockler, 
Die CA. Frankf., 1870. Schaff, Bibl. symb. I 225 ff. Schirrmacher, 
Brief c undActen. Gotha, 1S76. Pastor, Die kirchlichen Reunionsbestrebungen. 
Freib., 1879, pp. 17-70. For Melanchthon at Augsburg, see Spieker in 
ZhTh 15, 1, 98. Virck in ZKG IX. Brieger, Beitrdge zur Gesch. d. A.R. 
in ZKG XII 123 ff. 

On the 29th of June, 1529, peace had been happily concluded 
between the Emperor and the Pope at Barcelona, — "indissoluble 
peace, friendship, and alliance"; the Emperor was to proceed 
immediately to Italy, render obedience to the Pope, and receive 
the crown from his hands ; he and his brother bound themselves to 
check, by every means, the pestilential malady of the new opinions, 
and eventually to punish, to the utmost of their power, the insult 
offered to Christ. On the other hand, not a word was said about 
the Council. 1 The treaty of Cambray (August 5th) also brought 
about a reconciliation between the Emperor and France. Charles 
now appeared able to devote himself unreservedly to German 
affairs and to carry out his plans against the heretics. On the 
12th of August he landed at Genoa, acceded to the wishes of the 
Pope, and on the 22nd and 24th of December, 1529, for the last 
time in German history, the double coronation-ceremony, which 
represented Pope and Emperor in peaceful union as the two lights 
of the world, took place at Bologna. Not one of the German 
electors had been invited to the Emperor's coronation. Sub- 
sequently, on the 21st of January, 1530, the summons 2 to the diet 
of Augsburg was issued from Bologna. 

Its peaceful tone was surprising : the diet was to discuss the settlement of 
the differences that had arisen in the holy faith, and in such a manner that 
11 every man's judgment, view, and opinion, should be listened to in love and 
kindness, in order to compare and bring them to a united Christian truth, 
and to dispose of everything that had not been rightly explained on both 
sides." Consequently, the Emperor was desirous of negotiating with the 
Protestants and of listening to them, arid did not desire to subject them dicta- 
torially to the Edict of Worms. Nevertheless, Charles had not such strong 
confidence in his own power, the peace with France and the friendly feelings 
of the Pope, that he would not have preferred the method of negotiations, 
to which his appearance in person lent due weight, to the way of reckless 
violence. He was confident of reaching his aim in this manner more surely and 

1 Cone. -Gesch. IX 561 f. Baumgarten, Karl V. II 692 ff. 

- Forstemann, Urkundenb. I 2 ff. 


rapidly. Even the Pope agreed that an attempt should first be made by the 
" via dttlcis" i 1 other counsellors who pressed for bloodshed and violence (EA 
25 2 , 16 f.) were not listened to at the time. 

On the 15th of June, the Emperor rode into Augsburg surrounded 
by imperial pomp, after he had already sent on a prohibition against 
evangelical preaching during the diet. The Corpus Christi 
procession of the following day gave the evangelical princes the 
opportunity of at once definitely disclosing their position in the 
matter of conscience: in the matter of preaching they yielded 
to the imperial desire, in accordance with which from that time 
only preachers appointed by himself might preach. The diet was 
opened on the 20th of June. It was proposed that the Turkish 
question should be first discussed and then the question of belief, 
the States giving him their written opinion in both Latin and 
German : but the evangelicals succeeded in securing precedence 
for the question of belief. On the 24th of June they had their 
"complaints and opinion in regard to belief" ready, and asked 
for permission to read them aloud. The Emperor decided to yield 
to their importunity and to fix the following day for the reading, 
which accordingly took place on the 25th of June, in the chapel 
of the bishop's palace : Beier, Chancellor of Saxony, read loudly 
and distinctly the German copy of the Confession, in accordance 
with the desire of the Elector, that the German, not the Latin, 
copy must be read on German soil. Both copies were afterwards 
handed to the Emperor. 

This document had been drawn up before the departure for the diet. As 
early as the 14th of March, the Elector had summoned Luther, Jonas, 
Bugenhagen and Melanchthon to Torgau ; he declared that it would be 
necessary, before the diet commenced, to come to a decision upon all points, 
in regard to which there existed disagreement in matters of belief and 
ecclesiastical usages, as to whether and how far they might form the subject 
of compromise and negotiation between the contending parties. Chancellor 
Bruck had made the practical proposal, that the opinion of the evangelicals 
•'should be regularly collected together in writing, together with well-grounded 
justification of the same from Holy Scripture, since it was hardly likely that 
the preachers, but only the princes and councillors would be allowed to speak " 
(CR II 25 if.). The common efforts of the theologians in that direction may be 
seen in CR 26, 171-182, 2 a collective opinion, drawn up as an apologia against 
the reproach, that it was unfairly said of the Elector that " he did away with 

1 Baumgarten III 24 

2 Cp. especially Engelhardt in ZhTh 1865, 550 ff. and Brieger in 
Kirchengesch. Studien. Leipz., 1888. 


all service of God and set up a godless, dissolute life and disobedience." 
Against this it is set forth in ten articles, that he rather established, in all 
seriousness, a right and true service of God, and also what induced him to 
drop certain abuses. The second part of the CA is modelled upon these 
Torgau Articles (CR II 47). The theologians, who had been summoned by 
a second note from the Elector (March 21st, CR II 33), repaired with these to 
Torgau. In addition to the order of visitation (see above p. 78), they took 
with them the Marburg and Schwabach Articles. Luther, Melanchthon and 
Jonas accompanied the Elector on his journey, being joined on the way 
by Spalatin, Joh. Agricola, and Casp. Aquila. At Coburg, it was decided that 
Luther could not be taken further, since not only was Augsburg closed to the 
outlaw, but Nuremberg also, out of respect for the Emperor, refused him safe- 
conduct. 1 During a stay of several days at Coburg, Melanchthon had already 
commenced the composition of the " Saxon counsel," which he himself 
designated as an Apologia, for it was at first intended as a justification of the 
deviations, which the ecclesiastical system of the evangelicals exhibited in 
contrast to Catholic tradition and practice. But, in the further course of the 
work, Melanchthon was obliged to recast it in two directions : he was obliged 
to abbreviate, neque enim vacat Caesari audire prolixas disputationes (CR II 45), 
and he was obliged to change the Apologia into the Confessio, in order to parry 
an attack made by Eck upon the Evangelicals, which he had put into the 
Emperor's hands on the 14th of March. In 404 propositions, in which Luther, 
Zwingli, and the Anabaptists were wilfully confused, he had denounced Luther 
to the Emperor as the man to whom the Church owed the 'I Iconoclasts, 
Sacramentarians," yea, even " Anabaptistas, novos Epicureos, qui animam mortalem 
assererent .... novos item Cerinthianos, qui Christum deum negarent." 2 Now, 
the Emperor's standpoint was, that, amidst the manifold reports as to what 
was really the doctrine of the Evangelicals, he wanted above all to assure 
himself whether the doctrine of these people was in harmony with the "Twelve 
Articles of the Christian Faith " or not. Only in the first case did he consider 
an attempt at agreement or reunion possible. 3 Thus it was clearly necessary 
to touch upon omnes fere articulos fidei in the Apologia, as a remedium against 
Eck's insinuations (CR II 45). The Marburg and Schwabach Articles served 
as models in this case. On the nth of May the draft of the CA was presented 
to Luther: he gave his assent with the characteristic remark: "for I cannot 
tread so softly and gently " (de Wette IV 17). But, from this time forth, 
Melanchthon altered and revised his work unceasingly (the German text more 
than the Latin), and, the longer he worked, the more anxiously he strove 
to soften all acerbities against Rome (CR II 57, 60, 140) — and, the more he 
softened, the more he found that he had still written far too severely : " satis 
est meo iudicio vehemens (CR II 142) ; he would gladly have toned it down still 
more, but the evangelical theologians who were gathered together with him at 
Augsburg put their veto upon it (CR II 140). Chancellor Briick, who was 
familiar with the curialistic style, wrote the introduction and conclusion : Jonas 
prepared the Latin translation from these materials. It was not until shortly 
before its presentation, that the other Evangelical States, which had in part 

1 Burckhardt in ZkW X 97 f. Kolde in Kirchengesch. Stadien., p. 251 ff. 

2 Wiedemann, Eck, p. 580 ff. Plitt I 526 ff. CRII45. De Wette IV, 27. 
■ G. Kawerau, Agricola, p. 100. MAUREKBRECHER, Kctli. Reformation I 2cc. 


already prepared confessions of their own, made the "Saxon counsel" their 
collective confession. But it was of special importance that the Landgrave 
Philip, although undoubtedly under the influence of the Zwinglian doctrine of 
the Eucharist, and in spite of his earnest efforts to restore the " brotherhood " 
between the contending evangelical camps, was sufficiently politic not to isolate 
himself from Saxony. 1 Thus, in addition to the Elector John, the Confession 
was also signed by the Margrave George of Anspach, Duke Ernest of Brunswick- 
Liineburg, the Landgrave Philip, Prince Wolfgang of Anhalt [the Latin copy 
also by the Electoral Prince John Frederick and Duke Francis of Brunswick- 
Luneberg] 2 and the cities of Nuremberg and Reutlingen. During the session 
of the Diet, Weissenburg (in Franconia), Heilbronn, Kempten and Windsheim 
followed their example. The Latin original (Melanchthon's rough copy) made 
its way into the imperial archives at Brussels: King Philip II. demanded 
(in 1569) that it should be sent thence to Spain, that "so damnable a work 
might be for ever destroyed." 3 The German version was sent to the archives 
of Mainz, whence (in 1546) it was taken to the Council of Trent. Since then 
it has disappeared, although Mainz for a long time duped the Protestants 
by the pretence of possessing it, and thereby sadly confused the textual history 
of the CA. 

Melanchthon himself had almost frustrated the presentation of the CA : 
for, since the arrival of the Emperor, he had, with incredibly blind confidence, 
sought to come to an agreement with the imperial party. He had declared 
to Alf. Valdes, the imperial secretary, that reunion was possible, provided only 
the cup, the marriage of priests and the abolition of the missa privata were 
agreed to, and the settlement of other disputed points was left to the Council 
(CR II 122 f: Lammer, Monum. Vatic. 43 f.). The Emperor and the legate 
Compeggi were ready to agree, only the abolition of the private mass was 
rejected by the latter. Melanchthon received a commission, and was ready 
to formulate these conditions of arrangement in writing : but Nuremberg and 
the Princes insisted upon the presentation of their Confession. 4 

The CA claims to be estimated historically as a proof that the 
protesting States, in spite of their innovations, belonged to the 

1 His opinion must not be judged according to Kolde, Anal., p. 125 {non 
sentit cum Zwinglio) : Lambert's testimony in Fueslin, Epist. Ref. Cent. I 71 
and his own statements (CR II 97, 100), are much more important. He relies 
upon the agreement laid down in the 15th Marburg article on the doctrine 
of the Eucharist (see above p. 101) : this agreement is so close that it 
renders brotherhood and mutual tolerance possible. But, in the controversial 
question, Zwingli teaches him " in accordance with faith and the Scriptures," 
while Luther's doctrine " cannot be made certain from the plain text, without 
a gloss." He signed the CA, but at the same time declared sibi de sacramento a 
nostris non satisjieri (CR II 155). 

2 Cp. Kollner, Symbolik I 201 ff.— EA 48, 128. ZKG XI 216. 

8 Dollinger, Beitruge zur polit., kirchl. u. Culturgesch. I 648. Kollner, 
I 312. 

4 Virck in ZKG IX 92 f. 


Catholic Church. 1 They meet their opponents as a party struggling 
for its right of existence on the territory of this Church, anxious to 
show their agreement with the recognised articles of faith of the 
Church (110s nihil doccre contra uilum fidei articulum, de Wette II 190), 
to defend their special form of doctrine not only by the Scripture 
but also by the testimony of recognised Catholic authorities, and 
to prove that all their innovations were the abolition of abuses that 
had crept in, and, consequently, that there is nothing in their 
doctrine quod discrepet a Scripturis Yel ab ecclesia catholica Yel ab 
ecclesia romana, quatenus ex scriptoribus nota est . . . Tota dis- 
sensio est de paucis quibusdam abusibus (CR XXVI, 290) . 2 They 
distinguish as sharply as possible their position from that of 
the Zwinglians and Anabaptists : they accommodate their doctrine 
of the Eucharist as closely as possible to that of the Catholics, 
without expressing dissent in the matter of transubstantiation. 
The papacy is not even mentioned, " for certain reasons." Con- 
formably to this, their articles of doctrine are set forth in accordance 
with the scheme of Catholic dogmatics ; important elements of the 
Lutheran gospel (e.g., the priesthood of the faithful) are not 
mentioned. Nevertheless, Melanchthon succeeded in giving classi- 
cal expression to the reformation doctrine of salvation and in 
bringing out its importance with telling effect in crucial points 
(especially in Article 20), and, in fact, in spite of his harking back 
to ecclesiastical authorities, the normative authority of the Scriptures 
turns the scale. Formally, the preface of these articles as a whole 
offers material for negotiations for an arrangement together with 
the offer of sacrificing quae utrinque in scripturis secus tractata aut 
intellecta sunt, but, of course, materially, from the certainty that, 
if it came to such negotiations, the rights of their position would 
be clearly revealed. Luther on the one hand always joyfully 
recognised the CA (de Wette IV 71, 82 and often) ; on the other 
hand, he blamed Melanchthon's optimistic judgment of their 

1 The Evangelicals, in 1546, still advocated this view: nostri . . . affirmant 
. . . . confessionis Augustanae doctrinam .... esse consensum catholicae Ecclesiae 
Dei : hence they protest against the reproach quod ab Ecclesia defecerint. 
CR VI 35. At Wittenberg also ordination testimonials were drawn up, in 
which the doctrina catholicae ecclesiae Christi was acknowledged: e.g., de 
Wette, V 78. 

■ Such was the wording of the document as handed to the Emperor, which 
was subsequently toned down by Melanchthon in the 2nd edition of the editio 


opponents (de Wette IV 68) and his intentional silence (dissimulatio) 
upon important points in the contrary propositions (de purgatorio, 
de sanctorum cultu [he also considers Article 21 too feeble] and 
maxime de Antichristo Papa, de Wette IV no). 1 But the attempt 
to discover in the CA a specifically Melanchthonian method of 
teaching, deviating from Luther's, was distinctly perverse : 
Melanchthon himself subsequently made the striking remark that 
" he had been drawn to the Confession as a poor pupil" (of Luther) 
(CR XXII 4 6). 2 

[The CA became henceforth at first the federal charter of the Schmalkaldic 
League ; but very soon found employment as the rule of instruction for the 
Lutheran national churches, for instance, in 1530, in the Duchy of Prussia 
(Tschackert I 172) ; the Saxon Articles of Visitation of 1533 ordered that the 
CA and Apologia must be provided in all parishes (Richter, KOO I. 228): a 
vow of adherence to the CA was introduced at Wittenberg in the same year as 
necessary for theological degrees (CR XII. 6 ff) : the same obligation for pastors 
in the matter of teaching was insisted upon in the Pomeranian liturgy (Richter 
I. 248) — since that time the treatment of the CA as a symbol become more and 
more general. The diet of Schmalkalden in 1534 required of all members of 
the league who were to be newly admitted, " that they would cause instruction 
to be given and sermons to be preached in conformity with the word of God 
and the pure doctrine of our confession, and should and would firmly abide by 
this (Strassb. Pol. Corresp. II. 322) . 8 ] 

As the efforts of the Landgrave to obtain for the Upper German 
cities a union with the Lutherans failed, and the request of the 
Strasburgers to be allowed to sign the CA without Article 10, was 
refused by the Princes (CR II 155), the Strasburg deputies caused 

1 Cp. also de Wette, IV 52 : Plus satis cessum est in ista Apologia.'" Luther's 
own " Augsburg Confession " is before us in his severely worded pamphlet 
11 Vermahnung an die Geistlichen, versammelt auf dem Reichstag zu Augsburg" 
[An exhortation to the clergy assembled at the diet of Augsburg] (EA 24 2 
356 ff.) : he declares that not he, but the opposite party, is responsible for all 
the harm suffered by Germany during the last ten years. He accordingly delivers 
a singularly sharp penitential sermon to the Romanists : " We and you know, 
that you live without God's word, but we possess God's word." At the 
beginning of June the pamphlet was published : the Emperor prohibited its 
being sold at Augsburg. 

2 His later complaint is valueless : Lutherus ipse 11011 voluit scribere talent ali- 
quant confessionem, cujus tanten erat scribere, and, therefore, he himself was 
obliged to (Sachs. K.-u. Schulbl.) The letter to his brother, in which he 
exclaims, " other theologians wanted to write the book and would to God they 
had been allowed to ! " is foisted in. Hartfelder, Melanchthonian a paed. 
p. 38. 

■ Cp. K. Muller in Pr Jb LXIII 124 ff. Strobel, Beitr. zur Lit. II. 192 ff. 


a confession of the four cities Strasburg, Constance, Memmingen 
and Lindau (Tetrapolitana) 1 to be drawn up by Bucer and Capito. 
The Emperor decidedly refused to have it read aloud to him, but it 
was presented to him on the nth of July. Ulm completely 
isolated itself and refused to join the four cities. 2 More violent in 
its attack upon Romish doctrine and practice (violent also in 
its attack upon the use of images), more decided in the importance 
it attached to the authority of the Scriptures, but also broader than 
the CA, it endeavours, in the eighteenth article (on the Eucharist), 
to bring forward a middle theory, expressed in extremely Lutheran 
language, which shares Zwingli's protest against the manducatio 
oralis, but at the same time asserts something more than a com- 
memoration meal. (They consistently evaded the question sub- 
sequently put to them by the Emperor, whether they were 
Zwinglians or Lutherans, by, referring to the confession handed in 
by them). Zwingli, however, forwarded to the Emperor at 
Augsburg a confession dated July 3rd (Fidei ratio ad Caroium 
Imperatorcm : Opp. IV. I. ff., Niemeyer 16 ff., Schaff, Bibl. symb. 
I. 366 ff.) 

The reading of the CA had certainly made a favourable 
impression upon individual Catholic princes : but when the 
Emperor asked the Council of the Catholic States what he should 
do, they recommended him (June 26th) to have the document 
tested, or in other words, confuted by a body of intelligent and 
learned men, but at the same time to endeavour to find a means of 
reforming abuses. The papal legate Campeggi also zealously 
brought his influence to bear upon Charles : he declared that much 
of the real doctrine of the Protestants was concealed in the CA, that 
other parts of it, so far as they were good, were adopted from the 
Catholic doctrine, and, so far as they were false, could be shown to 
be a rechauffe of heresies long since condemned. He declared that 
a confutation of the contents ought to be composed and then read 
before the diet as the final decision of the question of belief. 3 The 
Emperor thereupon commissioned the legate to undertake the task 
of seeing to the written confutation of the CA, but was at the 
same time unwilling to lose sight of the removal of abuses. 

1 XlEMEYER, Collcct'w COllfessioniim 740 ff. SALIG I 387 fF. SCHELHORN, 

Amocnitatcs litt. VI. (1727) p. 305 ff. 
■ Cp. ZhTh 19, 445 ff. 
:i Lanz in StBlV XI 45 ff. 


Campeggi called together about twenty Catholic theologians to 
draw up the Confutation, amongst them Eck, Faber and Cochleus, 
tjie most hostile opponents of the Reformation. 

In the meantime Melanchthon at once sought reunion with the Romish 
party. He not only again entered into connection with the imperial Court 
as soon as possible, but, on the 6th of July, he took the unwarrantable step 
of writing a letter to Campeggi, which, together with the grossest flatteries, 
contained the declaration : " Dogma nullum habemus diversum ab ecclesia Romana. 
Parati sumus obedire ecclesiae Romanae, modo ilia pro sua dementia, qua semper erga 
omnes gentes usa est, pauca quaedam vel dissimulet vel relaxet, quae iam mutare ne 
quidem si velimus queamus" They would certainly be slandered by the ill- 
disposed, but " Romani pontificis auctoritatem et universam politiam ecclesiasticam 
reverenter colimus .... Nallam ob rem aliam plus odii sustinemus in Germania, 
quam quia ecclesiae Romanae ( ! ) dogmata summa constantia defendimns . . . levis 
quaedam dissimilitudo rituum est, quae videtur obsistere concordiae" (CR II 170). 
He now reduces his demands to the cup for the laity and permission for priests 
to marry : as for the mass, the learned would certainly be able to come to an 
agreement. In return he volunteers obedientiam reddere et iurlsdictionem Episcopis 
(173). The legate delayed with his answer: he hoped cunctando to gain over 
the Protestants at a smaller sacrifice. Fortunately, in the meantime, Melanch- 
thon'stoo ready attitude of concession had become suspicious to his associates: 
they informed Luther of his timidity and disposition to yield, who thereupon 
endeavoured to combat his blind confidence (de Wette IV 68). 

On the gth of July, the insidious question was put to the evange- 
lical States, whether they had any other disputed articles besides 
those put forward in the CA : they gave an evasive answer 
(CR II 181 ff.). The Catholic theologians had now on their 
side finished their confutation (Catholica et quasi extemporalis 
responsio). Eck was chiefly responsible for it ; Faber and others had 
contributed additions. It is a voluminous, violently- worded indict- 
ment, dominated by the idea that the CA persistently concealed 
and kept silence upon the real teaching of the Evangelicals and its 
pernicious results. 1 It was handed (in German and Latin) to the 
Emperor on the 12th of July. But the Emperor, who was anxious 
to bring the Protestants again into submission to the Church by 
the mildest possible measures, and at the same time to meet the 
wishes of the friends of reform on the Catholic side, could do 
nothing at all with it. He (and also the Catholic States) insisted 
upon a thorough revision. Accordingly, the confutation was again 
taken in hand ; an indictment by theologians was converted into a 
reply by the Emperor to the CA, shorter and couched in milder and 

1 It was printed for the first time in Ficker i ff. 


more dignified language (CR XXVII. 81 ff.). In it the Emperor 
speaks as the patron of the Church and advocate of the Catholic 
faith. By dint of continuous alterations and improvements, in 
which Campeggi's severity was finally obliged to yield to the milder 
attitude of the imperial policy, the confutation finally received 
the form in which, on the 3rd of August, it was read before the 
States of the Empire by the imperial secretary Alexander Schweiss; 
even then it was in many points a decidedly weak defence of 
Romish ecclesiastical policy and rather an accusation than a con- 
futation of opponents. The Emperor declared that the Protestants 
were hereby confuted. They were now required to return to their 
obedience to the Church, otherwise he would treat them as " the 
Patron and as the Protector" of the Catholic Church. They 
asked for a copy of the confutation: as their request was only 
granted on condition that they would neither reply to it nor make 
it public (ZKG XII. 158), they abandoned it, but at the same time 
firmly rejected the imperial demand. The more severely they were 
threatened, the more steadfastly the evangelical parties held up their 
heads. The Landgrave of Hesse suddenly left the diet on the 6th 
of August (probably because he had heard that Zurich had accepted 
its Hessian burgher rights), after having declared that he would rather 
lose his life, than consent to give up the Confession : the Elector 
John was equally firm in face of the alternative, "to deny God or 
the world " (ZKG IX. 103 f.) 

Only Melanchthon again deluded himself with a spes transactions (CR II. 
261). By the end of July 1 he had again offered his conditions to Campeggi, in 
which he confined himself to the demand for the cup and the marriage of 
priests, expressed the hope of a peaceful agreement in regard to the mass, and, 
for the rest, abandoned the Reformation as temerarii motus (CR II. 246 ff ). This 
attitude of Melanchthon, in such sharp contrast with the loyal adherence of the 
Princes to the Confession, only made Campeggi more confident that it would be 
possible to obtain all from Melanchthon : however, on this occasion he caused 
an ample reward to be offered him for further good services (Lammer, Mon. 
Vatic. 53) ! 

The Emperor, however, hesitated at this moment about 
employing the violent measures that had been threatened against 
the refractory princes : the Council, which he had again exhorted 
the Pope to summon, and the convocation of which would have 
been of the greatest moment for the Reformation at this stage, was 
dreaded more than anything else and hindered by Clement: it 

1 For the date cp. ZKG IX. 300. 


accordingly seemed best to take advantage of Melanchthon's 
yielding disposition, and to enter upon the path of negotiations. 

A committee of seven persons on each side commenced to hold amicable 
meetings on the question of religion. Eck and Melanchthon were the chief 
spokesmen. An actual understauding was arrived at in regard to the different 
articles of the CA (i, 3, 7, 9-11, 13, 16-19) : the sola, fide was, at least formally, 
allowed to drop. On the Catholic side, the administration of the cup to the 
laity was allowed for Protestant districts,— provided it should be ratified by 
the Pope until the matter was decided by the Council— and on condition that 
the Protestants should teach the legality also of the communw sub una: the 
sacrifice of the mass was reduced to " a memorial sacrifice, in memory of the 
death of Christ" {sacrificium repraesentativum) : they were willing to tolerate the 
married priests of the evangelical party (" in order to spare the misguided 
women"), but refused to allow further marriages to be concluded: the con- 
fiscated properties of the monasteries were at once to revert under ecclesiastical 
control. The evangelical members of the committee certainly did not agree to 
these proposals for self-annihilation, but their counter proposals (Forstemann, 
Urk.-buch, II 256 ff.) also offered most far-reaching concessions. While 
negotiations were going on, Luther's opinion was appealed to, and his replies 
of the 26th of August (de Wette IV 140 ff . ; VI 118 ff., and EA 65, 46 ff.) 
turned the scale, " as a freeing from evil enchantment." The demands of their 
Catholic opponents were refused : the Elector John requested leave of absence 
from the Emperor. 

Once more, the work of reunion originated from the imperial 
Court in the form of peace negotiations, in which the earlier 
conditions of agreement substantially reappeared. We again have 
a readiness on the part of Melanchthon to make concessions, 
accompanied, however, by increasing indignation of the Protestants 
against him ; and now, in the case of the latter, a complete change 
took place : the more obstinately they resisted the Romish allure- 
ments and threats, the more — to Melanchthon's surprise — a mutual 
understanding with the Upper Germans resulted. Bucer had 
managed things so cleverly, that the four cities had not confessed 
themselves Zwinglians, but had in all essentials declared their 
doctrine of the Eucharist to be the consensus arrived at at 
Marburg: after that, undeterred by manifestations of unfriendliness, 
he had indefatigably sought an agreement with the Wittenbergers 
at Augsburg : finally, he visited Luther himself on the 25th of 
September at Coburg, and succeeded in drawing from him the 
opinion that he regarded an agreement with the Strasburgers on 
the sacramental question as henceforth possible (de Wette IV 191). 1 

1 Cp. Bucer's account in Epp. Schwebelii, p. 148 ff. 


Although Article 10 of the CA is undoubtedly a protest against 
Zwingli, and from this point of view lays stress upon agreement with 
the Catholic Church, yet the judgment of the Upper Germans in 
regard to the same was strikingly friendly: they found it "quite 
modest in tone " and expressed the opinion that, if it had been 
brought forward at the negotiations of 1529 instead of the 10th 
Schwabach article, " we should never have separated from each 
other." 1 The Emperor, also induced by the Turkish danger and 
lack of warlike preparations to defer yet again the decision 
by force,' 2 finally proposed a " recess " of the diet, since all 
negotiations led to no result. This decree declared the CA 
confuted, but allowed the Protestants till the 15th of April of 
the following year to make up their minds to accept the articles 
in regard to which no agreement had as yet been come to : during 
that time he would consider what it would then be his duty to do. 
But also, during that time, they were strictly forbidden to introduce 
further ecclesiastical innovations. Lastly, they were to make 
common cause with the Emperor and the Catholic States against 
the Anabaptists and "those who do not keep the holy reverend 
Sacrament." The Supreme Court of Judicature would take proceed- 
ings against any violation of this " recess." The evangelical States 
replied with the protest, that their Confession was not confuted, 
that the Emperor might accept only Melanchthon's Apologia (the 
first draft, drawn up from notes taken during the reading of 
the Confutation, CR XXVII 24; ff, 275-378),— but he refused. 
In their final consultation (held on the 23rd September) they 
even summoned up courage to refuse to join in the proceedings 
against the Zwinglians, " since it was still to be hoped that they 
might yet agree herein with a common Christian Church." They 
demanded a copy of the recess and time (until the 15th of April) to 
think over whether they could accept it or not. On the same day 
the Elector John left the diet. The course of affairs at this very 
menacing diet, in spite of the friendship of Pope and Emperor, 
and in spite of Melanchthon's "timidity" (Blodigkeit)* had 

1 Dobel, Memmingen IV 32. 

2 See the description of the political situation in Winckelmann, der 
Schmalk. Bund, Strassb., 1892, p. 3 ff. 

8 Darin- the years immediately following the diet of Augsburg, the efforts 
of the Romish party were exerted to persuade Melanchthon to return to the 
Catholic Church. Cp. for 1531-1532 Lammer, Monum. Vatic, p. 85, 97, 103, 128; 
for !553. Nuntiaturberichte, I 140 and Hartfelder, Melanchthoniana paedag. 
p. 202; for 1539, Lammer, p. 230. 

vol. in 3 



had been a success for the Reformation : decision by the sword 
was again put off. "If it has not turned out for Pope and Emperor 
as they expected at Augsburg, it shall not so turn out for them in the 
future": with this result Luther was able to console himself (de 
Wette IV 203). Certainly, on the 25th of October, the violent 
confutation of the Tetrapolitana drawn up by Faber, Eck and 
Cochleus was read to the four cities, which they then in like manner 
met by an Apologia: but Strasburg, at the Schmalkald Convent 
(December 22-30, 1530) had already given its assent to the CA, 
so that the accession of the Lutheran States to the league was 
thereby introduced. 

On his return home, Melanchthon worked up his apologia to an exhaustive 
defence of the CA : it appeared in April 1531, the Latin text prepared by 
Melanchthon himself, a German version by Jonas: 1 Melanchthon's private 
answer to the theologians, who had prepared the confutation (CR 27, 420 f.), 
but in the central details so masterly a work that, especially as it was printed 
together with the CA, it very soon acquired importance as a charter of the 
Confederation (at the Schweinfurt agreement, 1532) and then, also as a symbol 
of doctrine. 

1 Dobel IV 18 ff. ; in Latin in Muller, Formula confutationis. Lips. 1808, 
p. 191-224. 

The Schmalkaldic League in its prime. 

1. Zwingli's Death and the Nuremberg Truce. 

Sources : Strassburgs politische Correspondenz II. 1887. 

Literature: Lenz in ZKG III. O. Winckelmann, der Schmalkald. Bund und 
der Number ger Rel.-Friede. Strassb. 1892. Noack in Fd Gesch. 1882 ; the 
same, Prog. d. Realsch. zu Crefeld. 1886. Baumgarten III. 38 ff. Escher, 
die Glaubensparteien in der Eidgenossenschaft. Frauenfeld, 1882. Ficker in 
ZKG XII. 613 ff. Luthi, die berner. Politik in den Kappelerkriegen. Bern 
1878. Egli, die Schlacht von Kappel. 1873. 

On the 19th of November, the Emperor had published the 
" Recess " of the diet, in which the summoning of a council was 
declared to be imperatively necessary. Not only was the decision, 
which the approaching 15th of April was to bring, menacing for the 
Evangelical party, but also the intention to take proceedings against 
them by the imperial court of judicature (strengthened as it was 
by Catholic councillors) for their confiscation of ecclesiastical proper- 
ties : in addition to this, Charles's desire to procure the election of 
his brother Ferdinand as King of Rome, in order to secure the 
succession in the Empire for his house, and to have him as his 
standing representative in Germany, had to be taken into account. 
The votes of the remaining Electors were soon (November 13th) 
won over with gold : but it was difficult to gain that of the Saxon. 
The rest of the Electors opposed the idea of excluding him from the 
election as a heretic, for which purpose the Pope was ready to 
supply a bull. Accordingly, on the 29th of December, the Emperor 
summoned him to Cologne for the election. This decided him to 
some to an understanding at Schmalkalden with the Oberland cities. 
\ T ot only did Strasburg (Bucer and Jakob Sturm), with its politi- 
cally freer view, and its tendency to unite all the evangelicals, 
hereby acquire authoritative influence, but an important change 
/as now being accomplished in the views of the Elector John as well 
is of the Wittenberg theologians in regard to the imperial power and 
•ie right of self-defence (EA 25* 2 , 12; 113 ff.). 1 Protestantism there- 

1 Cp. Winckelmann p. 36 ff. Kolde, M. Luther II. 377 ff. 



by became a political party in the Empire. (Only George of 
Brandenburg and the City of Nuremberg did not follow this course, 
and hence became isolated. On the 25th of December, the 
evangelical princes assembled at Schmalkalden protested against 
Frederick's election, and the plan of a league was drawn up. John 
did not appear at Cologne at person, and on the 5th of January, 
(Saxony protesting against the validity of the whole proceeding) 
Ferdinand was elected King. The Emperor was also asked by 
the Schmalkaldeners to suspend the proceedings of the Court 
of Judicature against the Protestants in matters of belief. 1 On 
the 27th of February, at a second meeting, the league for the 
defence of the Gospel was formally concluded. 2 In addition to 
Saxony and Hesse, the members of the league were Brunswick- 
Liineberg and Brunswick- Grubenhagen, Prince Wolfgang of Anhalt, 
the two Counts of Mansfeld, the cities of Strasburg, Ulm, Constance, 
Reutlingen, Memmingen, Lindau, Biberach, Isny, Liibeck, 3 Magde- 
burg, and Bremen. It was a league for purposes of common 
defence against anyone who should attempt to drive them or their 
subjects violently from the word of God : it was to last for six 
years at first, and new members were to be admitted with the 
knowledge and consent of all. The Emperor's hopes of the dis- 
union between Lutherans and Zwinglians were thereby destroyed : 
Upper and Lower Germany held together. The resolution to hold an 
evangelical general synod to arrange a common ritual was dropped, 
since the outbreak of differences was feared. As the effect of the 
league on the one hand was, that the appointed limit of the 15th 
of April passed without any momentous consequences for the 
evangelicals, it on the other hand paralysed Zwingli's political 
plans. The Upper Germans, under Bucer's guidance, in order 
to find support in the Empire, had also drawn near as far as 
possible to Luther. In this Zwingli was unable to follow them : 
Zurich and Berne even rejected the Tetrapolitana : the efforts of 
'Strasburg and the Landgrave to bring about their adhesion were 
now rebuffed by Switzerland, and the Landgrave's desire to enter 
into an alliance with Switzerland in preference to Saxony was 
checked by Jakob Sturm's thoughtfulness. Thus Zwingli lost the 

1 The Emperor returned an evasive answer. 

2 The charter of the league is given in the Politische Correspondenz of the 
city of Strasburg. 

The mention of this city was premature, but on the 3rd of May it formally 
declared its adherence. 


importance which he had obtained for a great part of Germany. 
This was the more significant as, under the influence of Strasburg, 
" Bucerism " had now gained the victory in Ulm, Augsburg, 
Biberach and Esslingen. But Zurich rose up so defiantly against 
the five Catholic cantons that it brought war within measurable 
distance : in addition to this, Zwingli drew up a plan involving so 
complete a political change of the confederacy that even the con- 
federate towns raised objections. Even in Zurich a strong opposi- 
tion grew up against the theological politician. The latter, on the 
26th of June, 1531, alarmed his fellow-citizens by demanding his 
discharge and thereby once more regained his authoritative position 
for a short space of time. The blockade of supplies, which Zurich 
and Berne had proclaimed over the five cantons, — a half-measure 
which Zwingli had in vain opposed, — was answered unexpectedly, 
on the 9th of October, by the latter by a declaration of war. On 
the nth, Zurich suffered a decisive defeat at Cappel : Zwingli, 
who had been ordered by the Council to accompany the troops as 
chaplain, was wounded and then struck down. His corpse was 
quartered and afterwards burned by the executioner. 1 Oecolam- 
padius also, deeply affected by Zwingli's death, succumbed to 
illness at Bale on the 24th of November. Zurich and Berne were 
obliged to abandon their league at the Peace of Cappel and to allow 
the Catholic faith scope in their district. Zwingli's " Burgrecht" 9 
was annulled, the progress of the Reformation was checked, all 
the aggressive plans of Zurich for the transformation of Switzer- 
land came to nothing. The Protestantism that endeavoured to 
carry out vast political designs was now carried to the grave with 

In individual districts a violent rehabilitation of the Catholic 
Church took place : in any case the religious split in Switzerland 
was irrevocably decided. The counter -reformation soon began 
its work. Zurich itself suffered least, as it found an excellent 
substitute in Bullinger. 

The Catholic world rejoiced. Ferdinand and the papal legate 
importuned Charles to crush the German heretics also : but he 
prudently hesitated, feeling doubtful about France and not even 
certain that he would meet with general assistance amongst the 

1 Luther could only regard his opponent's death, as also the Peace of 
Cappel, from the point of view of a divine judgment : cp. de Wette IV, 322 f., 
332 and elsewhere. On Oct. 24th, Zurich was again defeated. 

2 [See p. 82. Schaff translates the word by " Co-burg'iery."] 


Catholic princes of Germany. But the Peace of Cappel finally 
settled the disputed question of the admission or rejection of the 
Swiss : they had no longer to be reckoned with, and the Upper 
Germans had now still more reason to combine staunchly with the 
Lutherans. At the same time, the princes thereby gained pre- 
ponderance over the cities. Germany remained the country of 
the Lutheran Reformation, but still with a manifest distinction 
between a North German and a South West German type. 

Thus the organisation of the league proceeded in a highly satisfactory 
manner. On the igth of December the Elector and Landgrave were elected 
chiefs of the league at Frankfort : Goslar and Eimbeck were fresh recruits. At 
Schweinfurt (April 1532) the organisation was completed. The Upper Germans 
recognised the CA and Apology by the side of their own special confession, in 
return for which they were spared the express rejection of the " Zwinglian 'V " It 
would be contrary to brotherly love," so Strasburg declared, " to pledge our- 
selves to show no favour to anyone who acknowledges the common Christ with 
us, even though he should not be at one with us in regard to some article, more 
in the letter than in the spirit." 2 The Schmalkaldic League received peculiar 
support from the old hostility of Bavaria to the Habsburgs. On the 24th 
of October, 1531, the Dukes of Bavaria entered into a formal league at 
Saalfeld with the evangelical princes of the league against Ferdinand. Anti- 
imperial alliances were also entered into with France, England, Zapolya, King 
of Hungary, Denmark and Duke Charles of Gueldres partly through the 
Landgrave and partly through Bavaria. 

It was a melancholy necessity for the Reformation, that it needed foreign 
alliances against the Emperor, whose power rested upon vast kingdoms outside 
Germany, and particularly, that the hostility between the Emperor and France 
necessarily formed an important factor in all political calculations. Certainly 
the Schmalkaldic League as such never sought alliance with France : it 
was its individual members that did so. Thus the Reformation, which com- 
menced as a mighty national development, as it went on, at first actually proved 
a serious weakening of the nation, since it had not been able to take hold upon 
the entire nation, and had the might of the Emperor against it. It strengthened 
particularism and made Germany's fortunes dependent upon foreign countries. 
In this particularism, to which it was driven by force of circumstances, it 
suffered harm itself, inasmuch as, split up into numerous established churches, 
it was obliged to seek its unity in the sphere of rigid formularies of doctrine. 
Thus, the longer Protestantism lasted, the more it pressed forward in the 
direction of dogmatism. Cp. Baumgarten, Karl V. unci die deutsche Reformation, 

p. 05*. 

The invasion of Hungary by the Turks rendered it an imperative duty for 
the Emperor, to come to an understanding with the Protestants somehow 
or other. Very humiliating offers of peace, which Ferdinand made up his 
mind to offer, were rejected by the Sultan. Charles accordingly began to 

1 Strasburg's politische Corresponded . II 107 ff. 

2 lb., p. 112. 



negotiate with the Schmalkaldeners, first at Schweinfurt and then at Nuremberg. 
Even the Pope now advised an attempt to come to terms, in order to be able to 
resist the Turks. He even laid the CA before some Romish theologians for 
examination, who expressed themselves in favour of the possibility of an 
understanding on matters of dogma. The Evangelicals demanded the 
inclusion, not only of the present, but of all future subscribers to their 
Confession in this peace and the abandonment of the persecution of their 
fellow -believers in the Catholic provinces. (Luther himself considered these 
demands far too high-pitched : the opposite party, he declared, would never 
accept the former, for then " without a doubt all their people would soon 
be overturned "). 1 They further demanded the dropping of all suits that were 
hanging over them in the Court of Judicature and the summoning of a Council, 
at which alone a decision should be come to in accordance with God's word. 

They were finally obliged to be content with a truce, which 
assured their religious position until the time of the Council which 
would be convened by the Pope. The dropping of the religious 
suits was certainly promised them, but only at a secret by-agreement, 
which was not communicated to the Catholic States, and in such 
a manner that they were obliged to move for it in each individual 
case ; and even then it was only to hold good in the case of the 
actual associates of the league. This " truce," 2 ratified at Nurem- 
berg on the 23rd July, was not adopted into the Recess by the diet 
that was sitting at Ratisbon at the same time, 3 but was made 
public by an especial imperial mandate on the 3rd of August. If 
not much was gained by it, yet the Emperor had been driven a 
little from the attitude he had hitherto held towards the evangeli- 
cals : he had proclaimed the principle of toleration. But, in the 
autumn of 1532, Charles returned from Ratisbon and Vienna 
by way of Italy 4 to Spain, and it was only after a lapse of nine 
years that he was again able to turn his whole attention to German 

2. The Growth and Development of German Protestantism. 

Literature: Heppe, Gesch. d. ev. K. v. Cleve-Mark. Iserl. 1867. Wolters, 
Com. von Heresbach. Elberf. 1867. L. Keller in HTb 1882, 123 ff. 
Wolters, Ref. -Gesch. d. Stadt Wesel. 1868. J. Geck, die deutsche KReform. 
mit bes. Beriicksichtigung Soests. Soest, 1874. Heyd, Ulrich, Herz.z. Wiirtt. 

3 vols. Tub. 1841-1844. Kugler, Christoph, Herz. z. Wiirtt. I. Stuttg. 
1868. Von Stalin, Wurtt. Gtsch. IV. Stuttg. 1873. Hartmann,£\ Schnepff. 

1 De Wette, IV 369. 

■ Walch XVI 2210 ff.: Strassb. polit. Corr. II 168 ff. 

■ J. Ficker in Z KG XII 583 ff. 

4 See the agreement entered into between Pope and Emperor at Bologna 
(February 24th, 1533) printed in RQ V 301 ff. 


Tub. 1870. Wille, Phil. v. Hessen und die Restit. Ulrichs. Tub. 1882; 
the same, in Z. /. Gesch. d. Oberrh. 37, 263 ff. E. Schneider, Wiirtt. 
Ref.-Gesch. Stuttg. 1887. Rothenhausler, der Untergang der kath. Rel. in 
Altwiirtt. Stuttg. 1887. Wiirtt. KGesch. Calw. 1892. Wille in ZKG 
VII 50 ff. Winckelmann in ZKG XI 211 ff. Von Stetten, Gesch. der 
Reichsst. Augsb. 1743 I; Zapf, Chr. v. Stadion. Zurich 1799, p. 81 ff. 
Werke des Fiirsten Georg von Anhalt. Wittb. 1561 ; Beckmann, Hist, des 
Fiirstenthums Anhalt 1710. VI; O. Schmidt, N. Hausmann. Leipz. i860; 
Stier in Mitt. d. Ver. f. Anh. Gesch. IV 1 ff. ; Krause, Melanthoniana. 
Zerbst 1885. Von Medem, Gesch. der Einfiihrung der evg. Lehre in Pommern. 
Greifsw. 1837. Hering, Bugenhagen. Halle 1888, p. 97 ff. ; the same in 
StKr 1889, 793 ff. Bahrdt, Gesch. d. Ref. d. Stadt Hannover, 1891. Die 
Pommersche KO von 1535, edited by M. Wehrmann. Stettin 1893. 

The conclusion of the religious peace at Nuremberg had made it possible 
for a successful resistance to be offered to the invasion of the Turk. The 
Emperor also pressed the Pope hard in the matter of the desired Council. 
The Pope secretly disclosed his opinion of this Council to Ferdinand, to whom 
he represented that anything of the kind would infallibly bring about a fresh 
separation : for either it would proclaim the superiority of the Pope to the 
Council and then a split would at once arise : or it would declare the supremacy 
of the Pope, and then the Protestants would say that it had not been left free 
to act and would in like manner bring about a split. 1 Finally, a course of 
procedure was agreed to, which, with apparently good intentions, was bound, 
in fact, to make the Council unacceptable to the Protestants. Inviolable sub- 
mission to its decisions was required of them ; in addition to this, the summoning 
of the Council was made dependent upon the assent of France and England, 
which it was known beforehand would refuse it. In June, 1533, the papal 
nuncio Rangoni actually presented himself to the Elector John Frederick, who 
had succeeded his father (who had died on the 16th of August, 1532) in the 
government of Saxony, and, as was to be anticipated, was put off by him until 
a joint answer should be received from the Schmalkaldener confederates, from 
whom he got a decided refusal on the 30th of June.' 2 The question of the 
Council was difficult for the Protestants: they could not at the outset reject 
this means of coming to terms, they had desired it often enough: but they 
could not submit to every judgment of a majority of the Council, and hence 
were bound to propose such conditions in regard to it, to which again no Pope 
could assent. The cause of the Reformation had, in fact, long outgrown 
submission to a Council. Only in places where the Erasmian ideas of a 
cautious ecclesiastical reform prevailed would a Council have been of any 
service at that time. As a matter of fact, Erasmian ideas of reform asserted 
themselves in a larger German territory, in the powerful Duchy of Julich-CleYe, 
which, apart from that, had been rendered very independent ecclesiastically by 
earlier papal favour. The autocratic John III., the friend and patron of the 
Humanists — his son's education was entrusted to Conrad of Heresbach — owing 
to the influence of the latter, as early as 1525 had decreed, without taking 
episcopal advice, an " order or reformation " in church matters, after he had 

1 Buchholtz, IV 288. 

2 Walch XVI 2268 ff., 2281 ff.— For the opinions of Luther and Melanchthon 
see de Wette IV 454 ff.. CR II 655 f , also Slrassb. Pclit. Coir. II ico ff. 



just before very prudently warned his country against Luther's teaching in an 
edict. 1 Here preaching of the word of God was called for "without any 
disturbance, scandal or self-interest": masses for the soul and payment of 
money for spiritual ministrations abolished : the elevation of the spiritual order 
taken into consideration. The order afforded many a handle for the increasing 
evangelical frame of mind, without, however, being able to satisfy the latter. 
In 1532, a new ritual, which had been eagerly awaited, appeared, 2 but which 
suffered still more from incompleteness and indefiniteness, and revealed the 
incapacity of the Erasmians for understanding the religious question and for a 
productive renovation of the affairs of the Church. Even the " Declaration " of 
the 8th of April, 1533, 8 which was more evangelically coloured in some points, 
and the visitation that was held on the basis of the same were not able to keep 
the parties together as was desired : each party put its own interpretation 
upon it, and, especially in Wesel, Soest (de Wette IV 364, 376) and other towns 
the evangelical movement proceeded vigorously under its flag. But at the 
same time the incompleteness of the reforms promoted sectarian growths. 
But, impressed by the catastrophe at Miinster, the Duke soon lost the desire 
for further steps. 

Although the Emperor, in accordance with the Nuremberg truce, 
had charged his Fiscal (Attorney-General) at the imperial court of 
judicature to stop proceedings against the evangelicals, this official 
was able to render the Emperor's concession ineffectual by not 
ranking causae possessoriae and actions for restitution amongst 
"matters that concerned belief": accordingly, in January, 1534, 
the Schmalkaldic League raised a " recusation," and rejected the 
majority of the members of the Court as too " mistrustful and 
partisan " for processes in matters of religion. 4 But the restoration 
of Ulrich of Wurtemberg to his dominions was far more effectual 
than this protest. 

The Swabian league, by which the powerful duke had been driven out 
in 1519, had handed over the country on the 6th of February, 1520, to Charles 
V. as Archduke of Austria; in 1522, Ferdinand had been appointed vice-regent 
and the country had been allotted to him as his inheritance at a secret treaty 
of partition. Ulrich's attempts (1524 and 1525) to regain possession of his 
country had failed : he had been for some years the guest of the Landgrave. 
As the Hispano-Austrian government had made itself hated in the country, 
the sympathies of the population were strongly aroused in favour of the old 
lord of the land, since in his misfortune he had turned evangelical, and had 
introduced the principles of the Reformation in the county of Mompelgard. 

1 He had illegally allowed his subjects, Adolph Clarenbach and Peter 
Fleisteden, to be imprisoned for a year and a half at Cologne without interfering: 
on the 29th of September, 1529, they were executed as Gospel martyrs. 

2 Richter, KOO I 160 ff. 
■ Richter I 212 ff. 

4 Strassb. Pol. Corr. II 20^. 


His son Christopher, who had been seized by the Habsburgs, had escaped 
from his " guardians " in 1532, and asserted his own and his father's claims. With 
the assistance of money from France, the Landgrave Philip (in spite of the 
opposition of Luther, who tried to dissuade him from thus taking the offensive, 
Seckend. Ill 74) in a brief campaign defeated and routed the Austrians at 
Lauffen : after which, at the peace concluded at Kaaden (Cadan, in the north- 
west of Bohemia) on the 29th of June, 1534, he compelled Ferdinand to 
acknowledge Duke Ulrich's claim to the government of Wurtemberg, although, 
to Ulrich's disappointment, only as a rerefief of Austria, with, however, a seat 
and vote in the diet. He further extorted the promise, which was certainly 
not carried out in real earnest, that all processes against the evangelicals in the 
imperial court of judicature should be suspended : on the other hand, the 
members of the league of Schmalkald from that time dropped their opposition 
to Frederick's election. But the articles of peace also allowed Ulrich the 
right of carrying out a future ecclesiastical reformation in the country; only 
the lords and sovereign bishops settled there, who had royal prerogatives of 
their own, were assured their Catholic belief. It was due to John Frederick 
that this stipulation found acceptance. The Sacramentarians, however, were 
to be excluded. 

Thus Wurtemberg was rendered accessible to the Reformation 
it had so long desired. Ulrich appointed two men of a different 
turn of mind to assist him ; in the upper country (south of 
Stuttgart) Ambrose Blaurer of Constance, who held the same views 
as Bucer, who had recommended him to the Duke ; in the lower 
country, the zealous Lutheran Erhard Schnepf of Marburg. The 
meeting of the two tendencies of the Reformation which were 
laboriously combined in the league caused difficulties j 1 Blaurer and 
Schnepf, however, agreed upon a formula of the Sacrament (the 
Concord of Wurtemberg), " that the body and blood of Christ 
is present and is administered veritably, that is substantially and 
essentially, but not quantitatively, qualitatively, or locally." The 
disputed question of the partaking of it by the unworthy was 
left open. The reforms in the Church service bore the impress 
of Strasburg rather than Wittenberg. The Duke himself sup- 
ported neither the CA nor the Tetrapolitana. These proceedings, 
which, however, did not exclude misunderstandings, again brought 
an understanding between Wittenberg and the Oberlanders in 
the matter of questions of doctrine within measurable distance. 

The influence of John Brenz, that had for a long time been put to the test in 
Schwabisch-Hall, was secured by Ulrich for two years, to set ecclesiastical 
affairs in order in his country (Ritual, Order of Visitation, Catechism, University 
reform; cp. Richter, KOO I 265 ff . ; Pressel, Anecdote Brentiana, Tubingen, 

1 Cp. Strassb. Pol. Corr. II 219 ff. 



1868, p. 156 ff.). The efforts of the Landgrave were successful in securing the 
work of the Reformation against agitations from the opposite side (especially 
Bavaria), in getting Ulrich to join the Schmalkaldic League (1536), finally, in 
reconciling him to his son Christopher, who was still a Catholic, and converting 
the latter to the evangelical faith. Thus the evangelical character of the 
country was assured. The Swabian league was dissolved: in its place, 
Bavaria, in 1536, brought about a Catholic alliance at Donauworth with the 
Emperor and Ferdinand, the Counts of the Palatinate, Otto Henry and Philip, 
and the bishoprics of Salzburg, Augsburg, Eichstedt and Bamberg. The 
imperial cities significantly held aloof from this new league: in them the 
Reformation rather made fresh progress. Augsburg, where the contending 
parties had hitherto opposed each other, now resolved, without heeding the 
bishop or the influential house of the Fuggers, to allow no papal preaching 
and no celebration of mass, except in the churches that belonged directly 
to the bishop (1535); this powerful city also subsequently joined the Schmal- 
kaldic League. 1 Frankfort-on-the-Main acted in the same manner. 

But in the North also important victories of the Reformation were to be 
recorded. Anhalt-Kothen, under the pious prince Wolfgang, had already 
declared its adherence to the CA: in 1532 the three brothers of the Dessau line 
followed suit : under the leadership of Prince George, the provost of Magdeburg 
Cathedral, they summoned Nicolas Hausmann as minister, and, in spite of the 
counter-efforts of Duke George and Cochleus, entered into increasingly friendly 
relations with the Wittenberg reformers. In 1534, the whole country had 
become Lutheran; the princes joined the Schmalkaldic League. In Ponterania 
also, after a period of violent party spirit, after the death of the Catholic- 
minded Duke George, the Reformation was introduced by Duke Barnim (who 
had studied at Wittenberg) and George's son Philip. The diet of Treptow 
on the Rega (December, 1534), to which they had invited their countryman 
John Bugenhagen, decided that the Gospel should be preached throughout the 
land, all popish practices and ceremonies contrary to divine law abolished, and 
the service arranged in accordance with the ritual drawn up by Bugenhagen 
(Richter, KOO I 248 ff.), who himself conducted the first visitation. In Hanover, 
also, the Reformation gained a decisive victory in 1534 amidst violent con- 
stitutional struggles: Urbanus Rhegius, by literary and personal intervention, 
assisted in the ecclesiastical reorganisation : the new ritual appeared in 1536 
(Richter, I 273 ff.). In 1536, Hanover joined the League together with Hamburg.' 2 
The happy conclusion of the Concord of Wittenberg above all served to 
strengthen the league internally. 

1 Strassb. Pol. Corr. II 357. 

2 Strassb. pol. Corr. II 342. The idea spread by Ranke (IV 55) that John 
Frederick, in the summer of 1535, induced Ferdinand to extend the Peace of 
Nuremberg to new members of the league, is erroneous. Cp. Strassb. pol. 
Corr. II 316, 320 f. ZKG XI 230 ff. 


3. The Concord of Wittenberg. 

Sources and Literature: Kolde in RE XVII 222 ff . ; the same, Anal. Lath. 
200 f., 214 ff. Winckelmann in Strassb. pol. Corr. 675 ff. ; Strobel, 
Beitr. zur Lit. I. 247 ff. 

In July 1533, Bucer had already proposed to the Landgrave 
another conference, " more thorough and leisurely than that at 
Marburg." Since 1531, Melanchthon had been perplexed about 
Luther's doctrine of the Eucharist ; he now inclined towards the 
Strasburgers and eagerly desired an understanding. On the 
invitation of the Landgrave, Bucer and Melanchthon first met 
at Cassel (Christmas, 1534), where the former gave explanations, 
which satisfied even Luther. A number of Lutheran theologians 
(Brenz, Osiander, Rhegius), with whom Melanchthon negotiated 
further, also showed themselves inclined for reconciliation ; only 
Amsdorf raised difficulties. Bucer now canvassed the South, also 
Switzerland, and, after overcoming much opposition, advanced 
matters so far that it was agreed that the peace assembly should 
be held at Eisenach on the fourth Sunday after Easter, 1536. 
Representatives attended from Strasburg (Capito and Bucer), 
Augsburg (W. Musculus), Memmingen, Ulm, Esslingen, Reutlingen, 
Frankfort, and Constance. But they learned, on reaching Eisenach, 
that Luther had been detained on his journey by illness. There- 
upon, they repaired to Wittenberg, accompanied by the Lutherans, 
Menius (Eisenach) and Myconius (Gotha). After negotiations that 
lasted several days (CR III 75 ff.) it was agreed : cum pane et vino 
vere et substantialiter adesse, exhiberi et sumi corpus Christi et sanguinem : 
sacramentali unione pattern esse corpus Christi, h.e. porrecto pane simul 
esse et vere exhiberi corpus Christi. And this sacramental gift is as 
independent of the dignitas ministri as of that of the sumens : 
porrigi corpus et sanguinem Christi etiam indignis et indignos sumere, 
ubi servantur verba et institutio Christi, sed tales sumere ad iudicium. 
At the same time, those who appeared declared their assent to the 
CA and the Apology. Consequently, a thoroughly Lutheran 
formula had gained the victory in this case, only without accen- 
tuating certain points that were keenly disputed (there was no 
doctrine of ubiquity ; Bucer distinguished between infideles or impii 
and indigni; in the case of the former he denied, and only in the 
case of the latter admitted the partaking of the Sacrament). 



The Oberlanders, who had herewith completed their adhesion 
to Luther, also united with him on the question 6f infant baptism 
and the value of private confession. But Bucer was now desirous 
of extending the Concord to the Swiss, and finally presented their 
First Confessio Helvetica, 1 which had been settled in January at 
Bale, but hitherto kept secret : it was not a Zwinglian Confession, 
but one that met Lutheranism in a conciliatory spirit. It declared 
that Christ really offered his body and blood at the Lord's Supper : 
certainly, there existed neither naturalis unio nor localis inclusio nor 
carnalis praesentia, but, by virtue of its institution, the bread and 
wine are symbola, quibus ab ipso domino per ecclesiae ministerium vera 
corporis et sanguinis communicatio exhibetur, certainly not to feed the 
belly, but in aetemae vitae alimoniam. Luther expressed himself fairly 
well-disposed towards this Confession. In November, consultations 
actually took place at Bale about the Concord : but here the 
"substantial" presence, which Bucer had admitted, was rejected. 
Courteously conducted negotiations were carried on subsequently 
from time to time (cp. Hospinianus Hist. Sacr. II 150b; de Wette 
V 83 ff.) ; but the Swiss never really accepted the Concord. 
Only the acrimony of political controversy was moderated for 
several years. On the other hand, the Upper Germans also 
were drawn, from a religious point of view, into the community of 
Lutheranism, but in such a manner, that there was still left them a 
peculiar acceptation of their own of the Eucharistic doctrine. 
When hostilities broke out afresh, the conflict with the Swiss was 
certainly bound to be all the keener, as now the strong moderate 
party between the opposite camps could no longer assert itself. 

4. The Catastrophe in Baptism. 

In reference to the Sources cp. Cornelius, De fontibus, quibus in hist, seditionis 
Monasteriensis, etc. Monast. 1850; the same, Geschichtsquellen des Bisthums 
Minister. Vol. II. Miinster, 1853. Hash, Das Reich der Wiedertuufer. 
Leipz. i860, p. 150 ff. 

Literature (Jochmus, 1825. Hast, 1836. Fasser, 1852) : Cornelius, Gesch. des 
Miinst. Aufruhrs. 2 vols. Leipz., 1855, i860. Hase, I.e.; L. Keller, 

1 Niemeyer I 338 ff., Ill 211 ff. This had been preceded by the "Con- 
fession of Bale" (Hagenbach, Krit. Gesch. der I. Easier Con/., Basel, 1827), 
drawn up under the influence of Oswald Myconius, Oecolampadius's successor. 
This also was an attempt to go beyond Zwingli's ideas (confitemur, Christum 
in sua S. Coena omnibus vere credentibus praesentem esse). Niemeyer, p. 78 ff. 
Schaff I 385 ff- 


Gesch. der Wiedertiiufer und Hires Reiches. Miinster, 1880 ; the same in 
HZ 47, 429 ftv H. Kampschulte, Gesch. der Einfiihrung d. Prot. in West- 
falen. Paderborn, 1806. Steitz, Abhandlungen zu Frankf urts Ref. -Gesch. 
Frankf., 1872, p. 150 ff. Bouterwek in Ztsch. d. Berg. Gesch. -Ver. I 
280 ff. For the Battenburgers : Nippold in ZhTh, 1863, 96 ff. ; Keller in 
Westd. Z. f. Gesch. u. Kunst, 1882, 455 ff. ; Schauenburg, die Taufer- 
bewegung in der Grafsch. Oldenb. 1888. D. Joris : Arnold, K. u. K. Hist. 
Frankf., 1700, II 283 ff. (important as containing certain authorities) ; 
Mosheim, Anderw. Vers, einer Ketzergesch. Helmst., 1748, II; Nippold in 
ZhTh 1863, 1864 and 1868; Cramer in Kerkhist. Archief. XVI and XVII ; 
Riggenbach in RE VII 93. v. d. Linde, D. Joris. Bibliographic Gravenhage, 
1867. M. Simons : Werke. Amst., 1581. A. M. Cramer, MS. Amst. 1837. 
de Hoop-Scheffer in RE IX 560 ff. Nippold in ZhTh 1863, 141 ff. Chr. 
Sepp, Uit het predikantenleven van vroegere tijden. Leiden, 1890. Wullen- 
wever : Barthold in HTb VI 1 ff. : Waitz, Liibeck unter J. W. 3 vols. 
Berl., 1853, 1856. Keller, Gesch. d. Wiedert, 186 ff. ZKG XII 566 ff. 

Since the beginning of the decade, the Westphalian cities also had brought 
about the triumph of Lutheranism, although as a rule not without communal 
conflicts in co-operation with a democratic current ; this was the case e.g. in 
Minden (1529), Herford (1530), 1 Lippstadt, Lemgo, Bielefeld. In a greater or 
less degree the Gospel had at the same time been obliged to serve political aims. 
The corporations were victorious over the patricians ; but the small artisans 
and workmen soon followed suit and demanded a purely democratic constitu- 
tion. But these were the classes of society amongst which the doctrines of the 
Baptists had chiefly gained admission. Thus, the Lutheran was followed by 
a Baptist movement. Melchior Hofmann (see p. 93) had left behind him 
numerous " Melchiorite " adherents in East Friesland. Their community 
spread rapidly from Friesland over Holland ; 2 prophetic utterances on the one 
hand, and bloody persecution on the other gave the sect the fervent zeal of a 
socio-revolutionary fanaticism. In the autumn of 1533, the baker of Haarlem, 
Jan Mathys (John Matthias), appeared in Amsterdam, announced himself as 
the second witness foretold by Hofmann, the prophet Enoch, and speedily 
obtained the undisputed leadership. He sent out "Apostles" two and two, 
who in a short time overspread the Netherlands with a network of Anabaptist 
communities. This spirit was especially observable in Miinster. In this 
episcopal city, the preaching of Lutheranism by the chaplain Bernt Rothmann 
(Bernard Rottman) had (since 1531) met with great approval amongst the 
burghers. The democracy of the guilds protected him against the bishop as 
well as against the Council and the aristocratic patrician families. Driven out 
at first, he had during his flight been affected by Zwinglianism at Strasburg : 
hence, after his return to the city, the Reformation assumed a decidedly 
Zwinglian complexion in the matter of worship. The community, contrary to 
the wishes of the Council, appointed him minister of St. Lambert's Church ; 
all the churches were occupied in rapid succession by the evangelical party. 

1 Holscher, Ref. -Gesch. der Stadt Herford. Giitersloh, 1888. 

2 Frerichs (Blicke in die Ref. -Gesch. Ostfrieslands. Emden, 1883, p. 26) 
has endeavoured to dispute altogether Hofmann's influence upon the West- 
Friesian and Dutch Anabaptists; but the connecting link is found in the 
person of Tripmaker. 


At this period, Luther and Melanchthon again issued fruitless warnings against 
the encroachments of Zwinglianism (de Wette IV 424 ff. ZKG VIII 293. CR 
II 619 ff.). On Christmas Day, 1532, the burghers surprised and captured the 
cathedral chapter of Telgte and compelled the newly-elected bishop, Francis 
of Waldeck, to come to an agreement (February 14th, 1533), whereby all the 
parish churches were to be given up to the evangelicals, only the cathedral 
being left to the bishop and chapter. But, in the summer of 1532, the immigra- 
tion of a mystico-revolutionary unlicensed company of preachers from the little 
Jiilich town of Wassenberg had begun ; and these people drew Rothmann more 
and more into their practices. The Landgrave Philip, by sending two Hessian 
preachers, in vain endeavoured to clear up the position and bring about a 
consolidation of the dispassionate evangelically-minded party ; the radical 
party continually gained strength from the accession of Netherland fanatics. 

On the 4th of January, 1534, two apostles of Jan Mathys 
appeared, and rebaptised Rothmann and many others. After a 
few days, two fresh emissaries followed, one of whom was Jan 
Beuckelssen (John Bockhold), of Leyden, the youthfully beautiful 
and eloquent tailor ; shortly afterwards, the prophet Mathys 
himself appeared. The gospel of endurance and martyrdom, 
which Melchior Hofmann joyfully fulfilled in the prison of 
Strasburg, now changed into the message, to take up arms for 
the restoration of the new Jerusalem ; it was reported in the 
Netherlands that God had rejected Strasburg by reason of its 
unbelief and chosen Miinster as the new Jerusalem. Rothmann 
himself came forward as the publicist of the new kingdom : in 
October, 1534, his book appeared, entitled Restitution reenter und 
gesunder christlicher Lebre [The restoration of correct and sound 
Christian doctrine] (reprinted, Halle, 1888), in which he defended 
polygamy as a fulfilling of the divine command " Be fruitful," 
according to which "men more richly blessed by God" needed 
several wives. In December, this was followed by Van der wrake 
[concerning Revenge] , in which he successfully spread the new 
preaching of disturbance 1 ; this again by the Essay (February, 
j 535)j Von Verborgenheit der Schrift des Reiches Christi und von dem 
Tage des Herrn [Of the secret mystery of the writings of the Kingdom 
of Christ and of the day of the Lord] (reprinted, Gotha, 1857). 
In the meantime, events had followed one another in rapid suc- 
cession. The Munster cloth-maker, Bernd (Berendt) Knipperdolling 
joined the Prophets ; by a bold coup de main, the constitution of 
the city was overthrown, Knipperdolling raised to the rank of first 

1 Zeitschrift d. Berg. Gesch.-Ver. I. p. 345 ff. Keller, p. 151 f . ; see 
further, Sepp, Geschiedk. Nasporingen I 91 ff., 115 ff. 


burgomaster, and a community of goods proclaimed. The well-to-do 
abandoned the city, and Bishop Francis laid siege to it. The siege 
worked up fanaticism to theocratic frenzy. Mathys fell heroically 
and John of Leyden took his place as a "King" instead of a 
prophet, on the authority of certain predictions : twelve elders 
supported him, Knipperdoiling became the viceroy and executioner 
of the theocratic despot. Certainly, community of wives was not 
proclaimed, but as no woman was to remain without a husband, 
a compulsorily-established polygamy was established. Two violent 
assaults by the episcopal army were successfully repulsed by the 
Baptists. The bishop (in addition to the support he received 
from Catholic neighbours, Cologne and Jiilich-Cleve) was finally 
obliged to accept the aid of auxiliary troops from Hesse. Move- 
ments amongst the Netherland Baptists to relieve Miinster were put 
down with much bloodshed. 1 And when, in October, 1534, the 
Baptists sent out twenty-eight Apostles, to proclaim the new King 
of Zion to the world, they met with a pitiable end. The fanatical 
Baptists braved the terrors of hunger in the beleaguered city, and 
John of Leyden put down with an iron hand all murmuring against 
his rule. It was not until the 24th of June, 1535, that the city fell 
into the hands of the besiegers through treachery. Rothmann 
fell in the engagement, the King and others fell victims to the 
cruel vengeance of the conquerors. The city lost its independence : 
enthusiastic Anabaptism (and certainly, at the same time also the 
cause of the Reformation) was annihilated in Miinster. Catholic 
worship was restored in all the Churches, in spite of the counter- 
efforts of Hesse and the imperial cities. Although, therefore, the 
Reformation in this case also locally sustained a perceptible loss, 
yet the defeat of Anabaptism was an important event for the 
consolidation of Lutheran ecclesiasticism in North Germany. 

For, all along the line of Baptist propaganda in the North, the catastrophe 
of Miinster exercised a most momentous effect. Revolutionary Baptism sank, 
in the " Battenburg faction," to ordinary brigandage, upon which the rejection 
of infant baptism was only able to confer with great difficulty the faint light of a 
religious principle. Battenburg, for some time burgomaster of Steenwyk, 
organised the rising of "the little man" with the watchword "Extermination 
of the godless," but, in 1 537, he was imprisoned and executed in the county of Artois. 
John David Joris, a glass-painter of Delft (born at Bruges or Ghent), who, since 
1536, had for a considerable time taken upon himself the part of leader in wide 
Baptist circles, — a man who all his life was unable to master the difference 

1 Cornelius in ABA XI 51 if. 



between highly unnatural, ecstatico-mystical piety and the mazes of unbridled 
sensuality,— sent his adherents (even his own mother) to the heroic death of 
martyrs : he himself, with long-headed adroitness, preferred to disappear at the 
right moment, and withdrew to Bale, where (from 1544), under the name of 
John of Bruges, he^layed the ecclesiastically blameless Zwinglian for a year, 
but at the safne time, with the aid of numerous devotional tracts, 1 kept his 
"Jurists" or " Davidians " to the belief in his Messiahship and the opening up of 
an antinomistically sensual Kingdom of God. Corresponding to the three ages of 
the world — during the second of which Christ Jesus rules (whose kingdom is 
destroyed by the King of Babylon, the Pope), while Christ David (J oris) builds 
the eternal house in the third and last,— there are three purifications and a 
triple birth. In the Kingdom of Christ David the old laws of marriage are 
abolished, the perfect are no longer bound by these restrictions, and need only 
practise prudence and moderation, in order to avoid offence to the weak and 
their own danger. 2 Certainly Joris persistently disowned (in Arnold II 290 ff.) 
all that was charged against him in his doctrine, but the counter-proof, which 
Ubbo Emmius has produced from his letters and writings, cannot be confuted/ 
It was not until some time after his death (1556) that Bale recognised that it had 
so long had the arch-heretic in its midst, and then inflicted the punishment of a 
heretic upon his corpse. 

After the catastrophe at Munster, when Low German, Dutch, and English 
Baptism broke up into parties of the most different kind (the Munsterites and 
Battenburgers, who favoured violent and revolutionary measures, the Melchior- 
ites and Ubbonites, named after Ubbo Philips, who were opposed to violence 
as well as the establishment of polygamy), it had been Joris who, at the meet- 
ing at Bocholt (August, 1536), had brought about a kind of agreement between 
the parties, without, however, overcoming all opposition : the points of 
difference had been declared unessential in comparison with the doctrines they 
held in common. 4 But, in the meantime, a reorganiser had arisen for the 
Baptists in the person of Menno Simonis, who knew how to unite the community 
of the Saints in a simply practical Christianity, eliminated the fanatical, 
revolutionary and antinomistic elements, and thereby assured the continued 
existence of the community. Born at Witmarsum in Friesland in 1492, holding 
the office of a Catholic priest, incited by the martyrdom of an Anabaptist to 
serious study of the Scriptures, he had been (since 1532) introduced to the circle 
of the Melchiorites, but continued to hold his priestly office. 5 It was not 
until January 12th, 1536, that he resigned it ; after this, he was .chosen elder by 
the most moderate and cautious party, the Ubbonites : in this capacity, by his 

1 See a list of them in Nippold ZhTh 1863, 163 ff. ; 1864, 557 ff. ; 1868, 
475 ff- 

1 For the Adamitic practices of his adherents cp. the Confessions of 1538 in 
ZhTh 1863, p. 91 ff. 

3 Grondelike onderrichtinge van de here ende den geest des Hoofketters D. Joris. 
Middelburgh, 1599. Cp. ZhTh 1864, 649 ff. ; 1868, 580 ff. 

4 ZhTh 1863, 52 ff. 

s The polemic against John of Leyden, frequently attributed to him and 
alleged to have been composed by him in 1535, while he still held his Catholic 
office, but of which we know of no impression previous to 1627, is rightly dis- 
avowed on his behalf by Sepp. 

VOL. III. 9 


personality, his visitations, and popular ti cts? he soon obtained a decisive 
influence, 1 and especially endeavoured also to convince t h e authorities, that his 
communities had nothing in common with thosv n £ Miinster. In 1542, having 
been banished from West Friesland by an imperial t *-oclam:ation he found room 
for his organising activity in East Friesland (Emden;,±Vi en in the district ot 
Cologne, the Baltic provinces (Wismar), and lastly in Holsiu^ (Wiistenfeld by 
Oldesloe). He successfully protected his communities from the invasion of 
anti-Trinitarianism. At his death in 1559, he left behind him an organised 
community of quiet, industrious people, averse to all idea of disturbance, 
although certainly, in its attitude towards the Reformation, it was character- 
istically separated from it in its efforts to pick out a community of saints by the 
exercise of excommunication, in its avoidance of the world as shown in dress 
and manner of life, in its judgment of the state regime as something belonging 
to the world (hence, the members of the community were not allowed to serve 
in war, to hold positions of authority, nor to take the oath), as well as in the 
thoroughly medieval stamp of its doctrine of salvation. 

The bold schemes of Jiirgen Wullenwever of Liibeck have recently been 
brought into closer connection with the course of events in Miinster. Here also 
the victory of the Reformation was followed by victories of the democratic 
party over the aristocratic constitution and the rise of the triumvirate composed 
of Wullenwever, John Oldendorp and Mark Meyer, when foolhardy plans were 
formed of contesting, on behalf of Liibeck, the right of conferring the crown of 
Denmark and Sweden, and of restoring the power of the Hanseatic Union 
throughout Scandinavia. It has been affirmed that only Wullenwever's fall (1535, 
he died 1537) frustrated the victory of Baptism throughout the entire North. But 
the evidence in favour of any direct part played by Baptism in that episode in 
the history of Liibeck is decidedly weak : partly " confessions " subsequently 
extorted by the rack, partly the fact that Wullenwever sought political connec- 
tion with the democracy of Miinster. Herman Bonnus, the excellent Lutheran 
superintendent of the city, removed from office by Wullenwever, only fell a 
victim to his adherence to the old aristocratic constitution of the Council, and, 
in his bold address "to the irregular council," only referred the people of 
Liibeck to Miinster, in order to remind them of the misfortunes that the 
overthrow of the constitution brings upon a city. 2 Certainly a victory of 
democratic principles in the North would have been indirectly a decided 
advancement of the cause of the Baptists ; but it cannot be proved that a 
change " according to the views of the Anabaptists" had been planned in 
Liibeck. 3 Democratic agitations were for a long time buried in Wullenwever's 
grave; and, in like manner, the type for the development of the Lutheran 
churches in the North was for a long time fixed. 

1 Cp. Micronius's complaint about the magna vis librorum Mennonis, 
CR 45, 68. 

> In Spiegel, H. Bonnus, ed. 2, Gotting. 1892, p. 154. 
8 Janssen, III 312. 


5. The Schmalkaldic Articles and the Truce of Frankfort. 

Sources: Nuntiaturberichte, Vols. I and II. Gotha, 1892. Strassb. pol. 

Corr. II. HTbX 4 65ff. 
Literature: Kolde in RE XIII, 591 ff. Baumgarten III 287 ff. ; the same, in 

ZGW VI 281 ff. Zopffel in RE XII 321 ff. Virck in ZKG XIII 487 ff. 

In the meanwhile, Clement VII had died (in 1534) ; his successor, 
Alexander Farnese (born 1468), elevated by a combination of the 
Italian and French parties to the Holy See, after previous vain 
attempts, under the title of Paul III, had already declared in 
conclave that the summoning of a Council was necessary, and 
expressed his conviction that it would only be possible to put down 
heresy by a salutary reformation of the Church. The Emperor's 
power had been considerably enhanced by his personally conducted 
and victorious campaign against the ruler of Algiers and Tunis, 
Khaireddin Barbarossa (1535) ; his return through Italy was a 
triumphal procession, and, conscious of his power, he now energeti- 
cally demanded the Council. The Pope had already sent his 
nuncio, Peter Paul Vergerio, to Germany, to announce to the 
German States his decision to summon a Council, but in an 
Italian city (Mantua). Paul knew, however, that the Germans 
would never accept such a Council, especially as he demanded, as 
a preliminary condition, the submission in advance of the Pro- 
testants to his authority and the renunciation of their doctrines. 
This embassy met with a very different reception in the Catholic 
States : the nuncio, on his journey, had a conference with Luther 
and Bugenhagen at Wittenberg (November 1535), a t which Luther 
adopted a tone of defiant assurance, while at the same time he 
declared his readiness to appear at a Council. 1 The Elector of 
Saxony refused to give the nuncio a definite answer. But the 
Emperor's position soon changed for the worse owing to a fresh 
outbreak of hostilities with France about the Duchy of Milan : and, 
when Paul III., on June 4th, 1536, actually convoked the Council 
for the 23rd of May, 1537, at Mantua, the possibility of this resolu- 
tion being carried out was removed to the distant future by the 
general political situation. Nevertheless, Emperor and Pope sent 
their ambassadors to Germany, to induce the Protestants also to 
send representatives to the Council. Consequently, the Evangelicals 
were confronted by the question what attitude they should adopt. 

1 Nuntiaturberichte I 540 ff. Kostlin II 2 378 ff. 



While the Elector of Saxony wished from the outset to decline 
taking part in it (CR III 99 if.), the theologians and jurists advised 
him not to refuse point-blank, but to wait and see whether they 
would be summoned as heretics or invited like the other States 
(CR III 119 ff.) John Frederick's adventurous scheme of getting 
Luther "and his auxiliary bishops and ecclesiastics" to convoke 
"a common, free Christian Council" as a counter-council (CR III 
141), was dropped on the protest of the theologians (III 127) ; in 
return, the latter strengthened the Elector's conscience in the 
matter of the resistance that would be more or less necessary, in case 
the papal Council should attempt to proceed against the Evangelicals 
with unjust demands. Further, at the bidding of the Elector, 
Luther had to draw up certain articles, which were first laid before 
a meeting of Saxon theologians to sign and subsequently taken 
to Schmalkalden to the meeting of the league (the so-called 
Schmalkaldic Articles) 1 in view of their being presented to the 

The result of the Elector's commission was to make it a matter for 
reflection " on what articles and points it might be possible to yield or give 
way for the sake of peace and harmony or not." (Burkhardt, Luther's 
Brief wechsel, p. 271.) Luther, accordingly, gives prominence in the first part 
to the "high articles of the divine Majesty," which would be acknowledged 
without dispute by both parties : he then introduces the articles, which, 
according to him, are the ceterum censeo of Protestantism in contrast to Rome : 
the articles, which would cause a difference of opinion at the Council, as the 
Pope and his followers would condemn them and would not give way in the 
least in regard to them : (1) Christ alone is the Redeemer and sola fide : "it is 
impossible to give up this article or make concessions, should Heaven and 
earth fall, on this article depends all that is opposed to the Pope, the devil, 
and the world in our life and doctrine; (2) the rejection of the "dragon-tail" 
of the mass with its "filth," purgatory, pilgrimages, brotherhoods, relics, 
indulgences, invocation of saints ; (3) the abolition of convents and monasteries, 
or their conversion into schools ; (4) the rejection of the ius divinum of the 
Papacy. A third part treats of points or articles, which " we desire to discuss 
with learned and sensible men or amongst ourselves," consequently, points of 
doctrine, in regard to which the hope is firmly entertained that at least the 
sensible men of the Romish party will listen to reason ; sin, law, confession, 
sacraments, marriage of priests, and the like. It was not that Luther was 
ready to admit his doctrine to be open to dispute in these points, but he 
thought that concessions in regard to them might possibly be obtained from 
the opposite party. However, nothing would have been gained by such 
concessions, as Rome would never have given way in regard to the Articles 

1 EA 25 2 163 ff. Facsimile of the autograph copy, published by Zangemeister, 
Heidelberg, 1883; edition by Marheinecke, Berlin, 1817. Bertram-Riederer, 
Gesch. des symbolischen Anhangs der schmalkald. Art. Altdorf, 1770. Kollner, 
Symbolik, I 439 ff. Plitt, de auctoritate artic. Smal. symbolica, 1862. 


of Part II. At the beginning of 1537, the theologians subscribed these 
articles at Wittenberg. Melanchthon gave utterance to the optimistic remark 
that, if the Pope were willing to allow free course to the Gospel, his superiority 
to the Bishops iurc humano might well be admitted for the sake of peace. 
Luther had originally wished to word the article dealing with the Eucharist 
(EA 25' 2 , 197) according to the text of the Wittenberg Concord (see p. 124), but, 
persuaded by Bugenhagen, formulated it more sharply in conformity to his 
turn of doctrine. Melanchthon, who had raised no objection to this article at 
Wittenberg, then had recourse to the Landgrave at Schmalkalden and advised 
him to reject Luther's articles and to appeal to the fact that the CA and the 
Wittenberg Concord had been accepted. 1 

On the gth of February, 1537, the Convention met at Schmalkalden. 
On the 15th, the imperial vice-chancellor Held 2 addressed the 
members of the league and demanded, in his master's name, that 
they should attend the Council, for which they had always clamoured, 
in considerable numbers, declaring that no State, which had accepted 
the "recess" of the Augsburg diet, would now be justified in 
leaving the Catholic Church. After a few days the Protestants 
replied : that a council was not to be thought of in the present 
political situation ; that they felt bound to reject the idea of a 
council that was to be summoned in an Italian city, above all 
a council, at which the impenitent papacy, which still persisted 
in its abominations, was to be judge; that they were obliged to 
maintain the Peace of Nuremburg extended to all the States, which 
had since then joined them. The papal nuncio, Van der Vorst 
(Vorstius), who had in the meantime appeared at Schmalkalden, 
was treated by John Frederick with affected disregard. 5 In regard 
to the articles drawn up by Luther, Melanchthon's secret advice 
had been successful ; they were not officially discussed at all ; 
instead, those concerned testified their agreement to the CA and 
the Apology, but, while Luther was dangerously ill, Melanchthon 

1 Strassb. pol. Corresp. II 430. Cp. CR III 292, 370 ff. Kolde in StKr, 
1894, p. 157 ff. 

2 The Emperor had given him two sets of instructions to suit the condition 
of affairs : in the most extreme case, it was left to his discretion, in accordance 
with his secret instructions, to offer the Protestants an agreement with the 
Emperor and a German national assembly [Assemblee nationale] (Lanz II 
268 f.) ; his official instructions in regard to the Protestants were, however, 
quite different. Cp. Baumgarten III 284 f. G. Heide in HpBl 102, 713 ff. 
Nuntiaturberichte II 29 ff. 

8 Strassb. pol. Corr. II 424. Nuntiaturberichte II 128. Baumgarten III 298. 
Cp. Melanchthon's brief but sharp criticism : that the two ambassadors were 
treated sane <f>opTiKios. CR. Ill 297. 


composed the fractatus de potestate et primatu Papae (and de potestate 
et iurisdictione Episcoporum), under the influence of the bluntly 
anfi-papal frame of mind of the States, in a much more incisive 
style than usual. The States accepted this tractate and had it 
subscribed by the theologians present, together with the CA and 
Apology (CR III 286 f.). 

Luther's articles were then submitted to the theologians by Bugenhagen, 
but, as Bucer and his friends declined to subscribe (CR III 371), were not 
officially accepted : the greater part of them only subscribed in their private 
capacity. All the theologians gave their assent to the CA and the Wittenberg 
Concord. Luther, who subsequently (in 1538) published his articles as "articles 
which would have been delivered to the Council at Mantua," does not seem to 
have ever rightly understood how it had fared with his work during his illness : 
he says (EA 25 2 169) that they were "accepted, unanimously acknowledged 
and decided upon by our party." This (erroneous) assertion has essentially 
contributed to the fact that his articles have been reckoned (since 1544) ! 
amongst the symbols of the Lutheran Church as " Schmalkaldic." (The 
official Latin text of the Book of Concord, a version which frequently destroys 
the spirit of the original, is by Selnecker, 1579.) 

After the refusal of the imperial requests by the Protestants at 
Schmalkalden, Held did his utmost to unite the Catholic princes of 
Germany in a league against the Schmalkaldic. After numerous 
partly vain attempts he succeeded in getting a plan of alliance for 
this " defensive league" drawn up at Spires in March, 1538, which 
was subscribed at Nuremberg in the following June. Besides the 
Emperor and Ferdinand, only Bavaria, George of Saxony, the 
Dukes Eric and Henry of Brunswick, Albert of Mainz (but only for 
Madgeburg and Halberstadt) and the Archbishop of Salzburg took 
part in it — a considerable number of the Catholic princes, especially 
those on the Rhine, would have nothing to do with the league, 
which consequently could only combine to act on the "defensive," 
and could not, on its part, think of taking the offensive. The 
position of the Schmalkaldeners was certainly not improved by the 
cessation of hostilities between the Emperor and France, which 
was brought about by the mediation of the Pope at Nice on the 
17th of July, and the subsequent meeting of the two princes at 
Aigues-mortes, — the prospects of their being able to fall back on 
France thereby disappeared. But Charles knew best, how little 
reliance could be placed on the new reconciliation and what damage 
his political power had suffered in consequence of the last war with 

1 Neudecker, Urkunden, p. 689. 


France ; in addition, all his strength had to be called out against 
the Turks. He accordingly resolved to enter upon the path of 
friendly negotiations with the Protestants, in order at least to calm 
people's minds in Germany and to secure a free hand for the 
struggle against the Turks. The Elector, Joachim II. of Branden- 
burg, who still hesitated between Catholicism and Evangelicalism, 
and Louis, Count of the Palatinate, undertook the part of mediators; 
the Archbishop of Lund received extensive powers to pave the way 
for negotiations with the Schmalkaldeners. The result was that, 
on the 19th of April, 1539, a fresh "truce" 1 was agreed to at 
Frankfort, by which the Protestants obtained, not indeed a distinct 
peace and recognition, but a truce for fifteen months, — subsequently 
reduced, with the consent of both parties, to six — the suspension of 
all processes pending in the Court of Judicature and the agreement 
that representatives of both parties should assemble for a religious 
discussion on behalf of a " laudable Christian union." Charles, 
however, never ratified this truce : he regarded it only as a means 
to gain time. 

In the meantime, under pressure from the Emperor, the Council 
was actually convoked at Yicenza for the 1st of May, 1538.. in order 
once again to be postponed indefinitely by pointing to the opposition 
of the Protestants and the quarrel between the Emperor and 
France. It was not until the meeting at Lucca (1541) that Charles 
succeeded in getting the Council convoked at Trent for the 22nd of 
May, 1542 ; it was actually opened, but, in view of the war between 
Charles and Francis I., so poorly attended, that Paul again 
adjourned it (to the 6th of July, 1543). 

6. Fresh Victories of the Reformation. 

Literature : K. W. Hering, Gesch. der im Markgrafenthum Meissen .... erfolgtcn 
Reformation. Grossenhain, 1839. Hofmann, Ref. Hist, der Stadt Leipzig, 
1739. Gretschel, Kirchl. Zustdnde Leipzigs, 1839. Seifert, Ref. in 
Leipzig, 1883 ; the same, Joh. Pfeffinger, Leipz. 1888. Dibelius, Einf. der 
Ref. in Dresden, 1889. Muller, Gesch. d. Ref. in d. M. Brandenburg. Berlin, 
1839. Heidemann, die Ref. in d. M. Brandenburg. Berlin, 1889. Uhlhorn, 
A. Corvinus. Halle, 1892. O. Mejer, Zum Kirchenrecht des Ref.-Jhs. 
Hann. 1891. Schroder, Ev. Mecklenburg. I. Rost, 1788. 

At this period the evangelical party obtained considerable accessions, in the 
shape of fresh territories. In Albertine Saxony, the old, high-minded Duke 
George, who, although by no means insensible of the abuses of the Church, had 

1 Hortleder (see p. 6), I 126 ff. Strassb. pol. Corr. II 546 ff. 

i 3 6 


once and for all declared himself emphatically against the Reformation of 
Luther, the refractory monk, was fated to witness the unexpected death of the 
heir to the throne, the good Catholic John, in 1537, and the public declaration 
by his widow Elizabeth, the Landgrave's sister, of her adherence to the principles 
of the Reformation. There now only remained to him his weak-minded son 
Frederick, whom he provided with a wife (1539) in the hope of his having 
children, but he suddenly died four weeks afterwards. The Reformation was 
now only waiting for his own death, in order to invade his country. His 
brother Henry had already opened his little territory (including the town of 
Freiberg) to the new doctrines and had joined the Schmalkaldic league. George 
now vainly endeavoured to exclude him from the government or, at any rate, to 
make him abandon the league by the offer of all kinds of conditions and to 
bind him firmly to the Catholic cause : he even had the idea of handing over 
his country by will to the Habsburg Ferdinand. The idea of conciliatory 
ecclesiastical reforms was also mooted, for which the Erasmian, George Witzel, 
who had returned from the evangelical ministry to the Catholic Church, was to 
plead, and by which evangelically disposed minds were to be appeased. 1 
George died on the 17th of April, 1539 ; his brother hastened to take possession 
of the country and, supported by John Frederick and his theologians, rapidly 
spread the Reformation throughout the land by means of a visitation of 
the Churches, without paying any heed to the half-hearted reforms now offered 
by the Bishop of Meissen (Misnia). 

Immediately afterwards, the revolution was also carried out in the March 
of Brandenburg. Joachim I., one of the most influential and important princes 
of the empire, had strenuously opposed the Reformation until his death in 
1535. However, he had not been able to suppress completely the numerous 
evangelical movements in his country : one of his three established bishops, 
Matthias von Jagow, of Brandenburg (since 1526), not only discontinued the 
persecution of the Lutherans, but inclined more and more to reformatory views. 
But his wife Elizabeth, 2 sister of Christian II. of Denmark, had been early won 
over to Luther's doctrines through the influence of her relatives, and secretly 
had the Sacrament administered to her at Easter, 1527, by a Lutheran minister: 
this inflamed the wrath of her husband, who gave her a certain time to reflect, 
at the expiration of which she was to be imprisoned in one of his castles. On 
the 24th of March, 1528, she fled from Berlin to Electoral Saxony, where she 
was able to live in the castle of Lichtenberg unmolested in her belief and in 
constant intercourse with Luther. From that time Joachim regarded Luther 
as the destroyer of his conjugal happiness : and when the latter interfered with 
his relation to a lawful wife, who had been turned from tier husband by him 
with warnings of conscience, he was still more annoyed. 3 After having loyally 
supported the policy of the Habsburgs and also (at Halle, 1533) concluded an 
alliance (with George of Saxony, Albert of Mainz, and the Dukes Eric and 
Henry of Brunswick, for the purpose of upholding the old doctrine), into which 
his sons were obliged to enter, he further bound them by his will, " at all times 
to continue steadfast and unchanged in the old Christian faith, religion, 

1 Leipziger Religionsgesprach, January 2nd, 1539 ; Literature in RE XVIII 
CR IV 623 ff. Lenz, Briefw. Landg. Philipps mit Butzer, I 63 flf. 


2 Riedel in ZPGLK II. 90 ff. 


Kolde, Anal. Luth. 106 ff. 


ceremonies, and obedience to the Christian Church "; at the same time, 
contrary to the family-statute, he bestowed the New-March upon the younger, 
John, in order to bind him in this manner to the Catholic faith and the alliance 
of Halle. Nevertheless, after his father's death (June nth, 1535), he broke 
from the alliance, allowed perfect freedom to evangelical preaching, and in 
1537 became a member of the Schmalkaldic league. Joachim II., on the other 
hand, had been hesitating for four years before he came to a decision. The 
Landgrave Philip at once endeavoured to acquire an influence over him and 
advised him to allow reformatory preaching to make its own way by observing 
neutrality towards it. Joachim drew up for himself, in accordance with his 
personal inclinations, his own programme of reformation : a mean between 
Wittenberg and Rome, a combination of evangelical doctrine with an episcopal 
constitution and full Catholic ceremonial presented itself to him under an 
alluring aspect, in which partly political considerations and partly his fondness 
for show and elegance exercised their influence. In the meantime, he behaved 
as a Catholic prince, who only showed much indulgence to the de facto 
irruption of Lutheran preaching. However, in the spring of 1538, Melanchthon 
was summoned to Berlin, to give his opinion upon a plan of reformation which 
had been handed to the princes ; this scheme was again abandoned for a time, 
as Joachim offered his services as agent for the Emperor's negotiations for 
reunion which were now commencing. After his return from Frankfort (p. 135) 
he found that the Lutheran movement had grown mightily in the country ; the 
death of his father-in-law, Duke George, relieved him of burdensome obligations ; 
accordingly, in the summer of 1539, he summoned a commission of theologians 
to draw up an ecclesiastical ordinance; George Witzel (p. 136) sat by the side 
of the Lutherans Stratner and Buchholzer : Melanchthon was summoned for 
the second time, and assisted in the discussion of the ordinance and the further 
steps to be taken. On the 1st of November, Joachim — without his wife, who 
remained a Catholic 1 — received the communion sub utraque from the hand of 
the Bishop of Brandenburg at Spandau : this was the signal for the public 
conversion of the whole country : the city of Berlin followed suit on the 2nd.' 2 
The ordinance was now again laid before the Wittenberg theologians for 
examination. Luther was ready to put up with much in the matter of cere- 
monial, if only the article of justification were secured ; in March, 1540, the 
diet accepted the ritual, which occupies a position of its own amongst the 
Lutheran rituals with its preservation of the established "bishops and its 
worship inclining to Catholicism. Joachim succeeded in inducing the Emperor 
to recognise his ordinance, on condition that he would submit to any future 
resolutions of diet or council. But, in this case also, experience soon showed that 
episcopal hierarchy was not compatible with the idea of a national church 
of the Lutheran profession. Not only did the Bishops of Havelberg and 
Lebus simply reject the ordinance and thereby compel the Elector to look 
for another ecclesiastical administration, but conflicts still continued between 
the Lutheran Bishop of Brandenburg and his clergy, in the course of 
which the latter appealed from the " tyranny " of the bishop to the 
Elector. Thus, here also (1543) a consistorial hierarchy was established: 
superintendents-general appointed by the princes took over the functions 

1 She was the daughter of Sigismund, King of Poland, and his second wife 
1 The statements of Frege in ZhTh 7, 4, 149 are erroneous. 


properly reserved for the bishops, as the Elector had already (1540 appointed 
Stratner his superintendent-general for the visitation of the country and 
originally had not even provided an episcopal commissioner. Thus, the bishops 
were practically pushed aside. On the death of the Bishop of Brandenburg 
(1545), the post was again filled, but only as a sinecure; at Havelberg, the 
Elector filled the episcopal see with a prince of the house (1548) and thereby intro- 
duced Protestantism, although a Catholic party still maintained itself in the 
cathedral-chapter until 1561 ; at Lebus he was obliged to allow the election of 
a Catholic bishop again for political reasons, but when the see fell vacant for 
the second time in 1554, in this case also he secured the election of a prince; 
the chapter then gradually died out. 

In the Archbishopric of Magdeburg and the bishopric of Halberstadt, again, 
Archbishop Albert was unable in the long run to check the progress of the 
Reformation. Always in need of money, he was obliged to depend upon 
the goodwill of the States of the country and found himself obliged to make 
one concession after another. Thus, for instance, it became possible for Justus 
Jonas to introduce the Reformation at Halle (1541). Joachim's sister Elizabeth, 
on the advice of Antony Corvinus, while acting as regent during the minority of 
her son, Eric the younger, made use of the opportunity to provide the district 
of Calenberg and Gottingen with an excellent church ordinance (Richter I 362 ff.) 
and to carry out the Reformation (at least externally) by means of visitations. 

In Mecklenburg, also, Luther's doctrines made visible progress. Its rulers 
were the brothers, the evangelical Duke Henry and the Catholic Duke Albert ; 
the bishopric of Schwerin had fallen to Magnus, the son of the former, while 
he was still under age (1516), and he had entered upon its "administration" 
in 1532. With 1539 commences the calling of evangelically disposed clergy 
into the country and the de facto organisation of the church in accordance 
with the Lutheran model, although it was the death of Albert (1547) that first 
formally threw the country open to Lutheranism. 

The Reformation, just about this time, also made considerable progress in 
the most advanced outpost of the empire — in Livonia. Here, the States with 
their German population, in spite of the opposition of the Master of the Order, 
Walter of Plettenberg (died 1535) and the prelates (the Archbishop of Riga and 
the Bishops of Dorpat and Oesel), had shown themselves at an early date 
favourably disposed to the Reformation ; Riga in particular, in consequence 
of the summoning of John Brismann (1527) had attained to a settled establish- 
ment of an evangelical church system, and, as early as 1535, had sought to 
join the Schmalkaldic League. But now, Duke Albert of Prussia had succeeded 
(in 1529) in promoting his brother William to be coadjutor of the Archbishop 
of Riga; and thus (in 1539) the Roman Catholic metropolis of the East came 
into evangelical hands. Albert wanted to obtain for his brother the papal 
ratification in due form ; he consulted Luther on the matter, but he energetically 
warned him against "worshipping the devil at Rome," " come what might" 
(de Wette V 308). Notwithstanding, Albert made an attempt to get his brother 
to accept the " mummery," but without success at Rome. But anyhow, under 
the new Archbishop, the Reformation was now able to spread, unhindered 
and victorious. 


The weakening of the League and the imperial policy of 


1. The religious discussions of Worms and Ratisbon. 

Sources and Literature: Walch, XVII 389 ft .; CR IV; Roeder, de Colloquio 
Wurmatiensi. Niirnb., 1744. Bretschneider in ZhTh 2, 283 ff. Moses, 
die Religionsverhandlungen zu Hagenau und Worms. Jena, 1889. Vetter, 
die Religionsverhandlungen auf dem Reichstage zu Regensburg. Jena, 1889. 
Pastor, die kirchlichen Reunionsbestrebungen. Freib. i. Br., 1879. Brieger, 
Art. Gropper in Ersch und Gruber. Hergang, das Religionsgesprdch zu 
Regensburg. Cassel, 1858. Dittrich, Miscellanea Ratisbon. 1 541. Braunsb., 
1892. Brieger, Contarini und das Regensb. Conc.-Werk. Gotha, 1870. 
L. Pastor, die Corresp. d. Card. Contarini, 1541, in JGG I 321 ff., 473 ff. 
Dittrich, die N untiaturber . Morones, 1541, in JGG IV 395 ff., 618 ff. ; the 
same, in Quellen und Forschungen aus dem Gebiet d. Gesch., I 1. Paderb., 
1892 (add Friedensburg in GGA, 1892, No. 24. H. Baumgarten in DLZ, 
1892, No. 49); the same, Regesten und Briefe des Card. G. Contarini. 
Braunsb., 1881 f. Spiegel in ZhTh 42, 36 ff. 

Impressed by the greatly increased power of the Protestants, 
Charles attempted to come to an agreement with them by the 
path of religious discussion. 1 The meeting, which was at first 
convoked at Spires (Hortleder I 157), assembled in June, 1540, 
at Hagenau, under the presidency of Ferdinand. Melanchthon was 
obliged to be absent, since he was taken very ill on his journey at 
Weimar, having been greatly upset by the bigamy of the Landgrave 
Philip (see below) ; Cruciger was obliged to take his place. But, 
almost at the outset, the meeting was so hopelessly at variance 
as to the manner in which the negotiations should be carried on, 
that the majority of the Protestant theologians left before the 
end of the day : it was seen to be necessary to break off 
the unsatisfactory negotiations and to defer them till an 
assembly at Worms in the autumn. Eleven deputies attended 

1 He thereby fell back upon a proposal that had already been made (1538) 
by the Elector Joachim II. to Ferdinand. Cp. Nuntiaturberichte II 294 f. 
The Wittenberg theologians, in February, 1540, had formulated their position, 
as a matter of principle, in regard to all such negotiations: see de Wette V 260 ff. 


from each party, amongst them Melanchthon, Bucer and Calvin 
on the one side, and on the other Eck, Cochleus and Gropper. 1 
The president of the meeting was Granvella, the imperial councillor. 
In spite of the great courtesy with which the latter treated the 
Protestants — even going so far as to behave with striking impolite- 
ness towards Campeggi, the papal legate (CR III 1125) — here also 
the discussion was uselessly protracted by petty disputes in regard 
to formalities, since, considering the uncertainty of some Catholic 
votes, it was necessary to prevent any decision by voting. At last, 
on the 14th of January, 1541, Eck and Melanchthon commenced 
the disputation on the basis of the CA, during which the former 
at once pointed out the deviations of the edition of 1540 from the 
editio princeps (CR IV 33 ff.); after the question of original sin 
had been debated for four days, and a form of compromise devised, 
an imperial decree broke off the negotiations and ordered their 
resumption at the diet at Ratisbon, which was opened in the 
presence of the Emperor on the 5th of April, 1541. The collocutors 
nominated were Julius von Pflug, Gropper, Eck, Melanchthon, 
Bucer, and Pistorius of Hesse ; Frederick the count-palatine and 
Granvella undertook the presidency. The noble Cardinal Gasparo 
(Caspar) Contarini appeared at the diet as papal legate — a man 
who was regarded in Italy as the representative of reformed 
ecclesiastical ideas. Of the Catholic collocutors Gropper and 
Pflug were also the most moderate representatives of Catholic 
principles that could have been found. The CA was not to be 
again made the basis of discussion on this occasion, but a secretly 
prepared scheme of agreement (liber Ratisbonensis). 2 This document 
was the result of secret discussions, 3 for which Granvella and the 
Landgrave Philip had made arrangements while still at Worms, 
where Bucer and Capito had repeatedly conferred with Gropper 
and Granvella's secretary Gerard Veltwyck from December 15th, 
1540, and had discussed certain articles of compromise prepared 
by Gropper. These were then sent by the agency of the Landgrave 
to Joachim II., that he might confidentially submit the anonymous 
articles to Luther's consideration. The latter had replied, that 
certainly the authors' intention was good, but "the proposals were 
impossible," such as the Curia could not accept, and which also 

1 W. Schwarz in JGG 7, 392 ff., 594 ff. 

2 For the original draft see Lenz III 31 ff. CR IV 190 ff. 
1 CR IV 578 ff. Lenz I 271 ff. 


would fail to satisfy the evangelical party in many points (de Wette 
VI 281 f.). Without attempting to amend the articles, he had 
again presented them to the Elector. In spite of this rejection, 
an attempt was now made with this book, to Eck's indignation : 
the negotiations began on the 27th of April. 

The Catholic collocutors, before the negotiations commenced, visited 
Contarini every day to consult with him. After the first four articles {de con- 
ditionc Jiominis, de libero arbitrio, de causa peccati and de originali peccato) had 
been lightly passed over, a serious dispute began about the fifth article de 
iustificatione. Eck, and also Melanchthon, decidedly rejected the diffuse and 
ambiguous document. The fresh formularies attempted by Eck and Contarini, 
as well as Melanchthon, were also rejected ; finally, on the 2nd of May, a draft 
drawn up on the Catholic side was so greatly altered by Melanchthon that the 
evangelical party also was able to assent to it,— a draft of which certainly 
Gropper was the author, but in which the superiority of justification by faith 
and the exclusion of meritum was asserted. A distinction was made between 
iustitici imputata and iustitia inhaerens ; we obtain the former by faith, which is 
understood not only as belief in all divine doctrines, but also, evangelically, as 
fiducia propter promissionem Dei; and this justification by faith is- at the same 
time the commencement of iustitia inhaerens, as the faith that justifies is at the 
same time fides efficax per charitatem. The Christian is consequently iustus in a 
two-fold sense : iustus reputatus by faith and grace, and actually just for his just 
works. But, as the latter justice is always imperfect, the Christian's certainty of 
salvation always rests only on the former, on the iustitia Christi nobis donata. But, 
at the same time, the divine reward of the iustitia inhaerens of those who advance in. 
good is assured, both in this life and in the next. In conclusion, the doctrine 
sola fide iustificamur is approved, on the supposition that the doctrine of peni- 
tence and good works always remains closely connected with it. Granvella, 
highly pleased, himself committed to paper the article thus happily agreed 
upon : only Eck gave an unwilling assent. 

Contarini, well satisfied, sent the article to Rome, with the 
assurance that it could be interpreted in good Catholic fashion, 
but, on the 27th of May, it was rejected in the consistory: the 
omission of the idea of meritum had given special offence. On the 
other hand, John Frederick at once demanded Luther's opinion of 
it. The latter characterised the formula as a " patched up thing," 
which he could only accept, if the opposite party admitted that 
their teaching had hitherto been at variance with what was here 
intended, and would also, in the following articles, draw the right 
practical conclusions from the doctrine of justification by faith (de 
Wette V 353 f.). Thereupon, the Elector instructed Melanchthon 
that this article should only be considered as accepted on condition 

1 Cp. Dittrich in JGG XIII 196. 


of an agreement in regard to those that followed, and warned him 
against further concessions. 

Thus Rome and Wittenberg had decided against the laborious 
work of arrangement. Yet it indicates an important moment for 
the inner development of Catholicism : for it proves the existence 
of a Catholic under-current, which was able at least to approximate 
to the idea of faith and the certainty of salvation, and it was of 
momentous importance that this tendency was at once rejected 
from Rome. But Contarini's share in it and the credit due to him 
have been overrated. For neither was he the father of that formula 
of agreement, nor did he correctly reproduce it. His famous 
tractate De iustificatione (1541) certainly takes the twofold justifica- 
tion into account, but teaches that iustificatio nihil aliud est quam 
iustum fieri ac propterea etiam haberi iustum, consequently harking 
back in the main to the doctrine of St. Thomas : according to him 
the actual justification precedes the declaration that a person is 
just in the forgiveness of sins. 1 

Articles 6-8 (de ecclesia, de nota verbi, de poenitentia) were subsequently 
accepted with slight alterations, the discussion of Article 9 {de auctoritate 
ecclesiae) suspended for a time owing to serious differences: but in regard 
to 10-13 (the Sacraments, ordination, baptism, confirmation) some sort of an 
agreement was arrived at. Article 14, however (on the Eucharist) led to a 
' violent controversy, in which the Catholic party under Contarini's influence— 
Eck had fallen ill— fought for the direct attestation of transubstantiation with 
its practical consequences, while, on the other hand, Melanchthon, who was 
greatly troubled by Bucer's unlimited concessions, boldly held out against all 
allurements and intimidation : on this the laborous work of reconciliation was 
shattered. The conflict raged again round Article 15 (Absolution), 19 (de 
hierarchico ordine), 20 (Mass), 21 (the marriage of priests). On the 22nd of 
May, the discussion of the book was over, but the schemes of reunion were 
also wrecked. 

The Emperor now thought of proclaiming at least the articles as 
to which an agreement had been come to as a common doctrine 
for the Empire, and of demanding, in regard to the rest, mutual 
forbearance until the meeting of the Council (Scheme of Tolera- 
tion). Contarini, however, made a decided protest, fearing that 
Catholicism in Germany would be thereby greatly imperilled. 
Then the Emperor made the desperate attempt, to win Luther 
himself over to his scheme. Apparently in the name of the Elector 
of Brandenburg and the Margrave George, but in reality by order 

1 Against Brieger and Weizsacker (RE 3, 350) cp. Seeberg in ZkW X 
657 ff. 


of the Emperor,. princes John and George of Anhalt, accompanied 
by a councillor and the theologian Alesius, journeyed to Witten- 
berg and transmitted their proposal. Luther replied (Burkhardt, 
385 ; de Wette V 366) that he regarded the imperial attempt at 
an arrangement as entirely impracticable ; the agreement in regard 
to the first articles could not be seriously meant, otherwise 
there would also have been unanimity as to its logical 
results and practical ecclesiastical questions. However, if only 
the Emperor would provide for preachers who should preach the 
articles agreed upon in Catholic countries, then further agree- 
ment would follow of itself. Thus the scheme of toleration also 
fell through : in addition to this, the tension of parties at Worms 
itself had continually grown more acute. After protracted negotia- 
tions, the Emperor and the States agreed upon a "recess," which 
the Protestants accepted on the basis of an imperial declaration 
that was granted them : the results of the colloquy were to be laid 
before a universal or national council that was to be summoned, 
and eventually the Emperor would convoke a new diet within 
eighteen 'months : until then the Protestants were to abide by the 
articles agreed upon, while the Catholic prelates were to press on 
the reform of their clergy. The peace of Nuremberg was renewed, 
and also the Augsburg " recess " (CR IV 612 ff.). But the declara- 
tion also guaranteed the Protestants that their ecclesiastical 
possessions should be protected, that Protestant assessors should 
be admitted at the Court of Judicature, and that the " recess " of 
Augsburg should not be applied to religious matters ; the Christian 
reformation of monasteries and the maintenance of churches and 
schools from church properties was granted them (CR IV 623 ff.). 
But, however favourable this result was, and however well-disposed 
the Emperor had shown himself, he had notwithstanding prepared 
a severe blow for the cause of the Protestants : not only had he 
drawn the Elector Joachim from the common cause and secured 
his services in the interest of his policy, but he had also separated 
the Landgrave Philip (and his son-in-law, Duke Maurice) from his 
allies and bound him to himself by a pact. This had only been 
rendered possible by Philip's melancholy matrimonial affair. 


2. Weakening of the Schmalkaldic League by Philip's Bigamy. 

Literature: Heppe in ZhTh 22, 263 ff. Strobel, Beitrcige zur Lit. des 76 Jhs. 
II 395 ff. Von Rommel, Gesch. von Hessen IV 230 if. Hassenkamp, KG 
Hessens I. M. Lenz, Brief wechsel Landgr. Philipps mit Bucer I and II. 
StKr 1891, p. 564 ff. Koldewey in StKr 1884, 553 ff. Argumenta Buceri 
pro et contra : edited by L(owenstein). Kassel 1878. 

The Landgrave Philip, who had married the daughter of Duke George, by 
whom he had seven children and for whom he had little affection, was fre- 
quently overcome by his sensual nature : but the religious influences to which 
he was subjected continually caused him qualms of conscience. For fifteen 
years this inward compulsion had kept him away from the Communion ; he 
earnestly sought after a tolerable means of escape. In addition, he had long 
since formed the idea that bigamy was permitted by God. In the Old 
Testament, openly permitted to the patriarchs, nowhere forbidden in the New 
— indeed, presumably left open to all other Christians by passages like 
Timothy I, iii. 2, which indeed only prohibited two wives in the case of the 
clergy — bigamy appeared to him a perfectly lawful resource in his present 
position. He had observed carefully that Luther in his Babylonish Captivity 
(1520) had declared bigamy to be more tolerable than divorce (Opp. v. a. V ioo) 1 ; 
again, in 1524, Luther had expressed the opinion that he did not know how to 
prevent bigamy nee repugnat sacris Uteris (although the practice should be 
resisted, Enders IV 283) ; similarly, in the sermons on {Genesis delivered at the 
same time, but not printed until 1527: " I could not prevent it at the present 
day, but I would not advise it " (EA 33, 324). Certainly, when Philip, in 1526, 
had put the question directly to him, he had answered with a decided refusal, 
since there was no positive divine command in such a case : " it is not enough 
for a Christian to consider the acts of the patriarchs, he must also have the 
divine word on his side " (de Wette, VI 79 ; cp. also III 139 f.). 2 Now, in 1539, 
Philip had made the acquaintance of Margaret von der Sala, a maid of honour 
at the court of his sister, the Duchess Elizabeth von Rochlitz, and had obtained 
her mother's assent to a left-handed marriage, in case it should be publicly 
defended by him or at least concluded before princely witnesses, that is to say, 
their deputies. Philip, who had become acquainted with the declarations of 
the Reformers favourable to bigamy in the case of the matrimonial affairs of 
Henry VIII (1531), subsequently took Bucer into his confidence, whose con- 
scientious scruples were entirely outweighed by the apprehension that other- 
wise Philip might be alienated from the evangelical cause. 

Philip personally felt so certain about the matter that, when the storm 
broke out, he was able to strengthen his conscience with the maxim that " all 
God's causes shall suffer persecution" (Lenz I 365). But, in the face of 
publicity, he sought protection against attack from behind 3 at first among 
the Reformers. They assented and expressed themselves ready to take upon 
themselves his public justification : then he had a mind to defy the Emperor 
and public law; otherwise, he thought of eventually gaining his end by 
obtaining a dispensation from the Pope, by negotiating with the Emperor. 

1 Luther further defended this position, de Wette, IV 296. 

2 For a treatise in defence of bigamy, which was said to have appeared in 
1527, cp. AG deutsche Buchh. XVI 67. 

8 [Riickendeckung : a military term, Fr. and Eng " parados."] 



Even in the latter case, he certainly meant to remain true to his belief, but 
saw himself confronted by the necessity of politically " attaching himself more 
closely to the Emperor than was advantageous to this (Schmalkaldic) league " 
(Lenz I 354). On the 10th of December, 1539, Luther and Melanchthon gave 
their opinion (de Wette VI 238 ff.), which was to the following effect. There 
was not and ought not to be any law in Christendom that allowed bigamy ; for 
monogamy alone was confirmed by the order of creation and by Christ, and 
polygamy was an "importation contrary to the first rule." However, they 
recognised cases of conscience in which a person might, " not indeed to bring 
in a law but to consult his own need," choose a left-handed marriage as the lesser 
of two evils, as "a dispensation in accordance with divine permission." 
Hence, if necessity urged him to take such a step, absolute secrecy in the 
eyes of the world was an indispensable condition. They accordingly advised; 
in the first place, that the Landgrave should earnestly endeavour to purify his 
immodest life; but if that were impossible, they would have him "be in a 
better state in the sight of God and live with a good conscience" by contracting 
a left-handed marriage. The perversity of this advice is obvious, the moment 
we consider the part they thereby required the " left-handed wife " to play, 
who, according to the opinion expressed by them, was bound to be degraded 
to the position of a concubine in the eyes of the world: the theory of the 
11 lesser evil " had been elsewhere rightly limited by Luther to res corporales, but, 
on the contrary, excluded in matters affecting morality. The fact that, when the 
bigamous marriage became known, Luther could only advise "a good downright 
lie" (Lenz I 373) as a help in need, proved how inadmissible this " confessional 
advice was." 1 Further (in addition to CR III 863, 1079), Luther's statement (in 
Lauterbach's Tagebuch, p. 197), that they would have given their vote, "in order 
to anticipate" the Landgrave's decision to apply to the Emperor and the Pope, 
shows more than anything else that the reformers' advice was not without a 
political tinge. Philip also obtained his wife's assent to the step; on the 
4th of March, 1540, his court-chaplain, Dionysius Melander, performed the 
momentous ceremony at Rothenburg, in the presence of Melanchthon, Bucer 
and an envoy from the Elector of Saxony (for the nuptial address see ZhTh 22, 
272 ff.). By this act of marriage the Landgrave had gone further than Luther 
had advised, who had only had a private marriage in mind. The secret was 
speedily revealed by the Landgrave's sister at the Court of Dresden, and soon 
became public property. The ranks of the Protestants were divided ; while 
the majority saw in what had happened a stigma upon the evangelical cause 
(cp. instar omnium, Anecd. Brentiana 210, 212), Melanchthon had the courage 
to defend the act of bigamy in his writings and sermons ; but the Wittenberg 
theologians now advised that the world should be deceived by falsehood, and 
were obliged to hear from the Landgrave the following words: "I will not lie, 
for lying sounds bad ; no Apostle ever taught it to any Christian— nay, more, 
Christ most strictly forbade it." 2 (Lenz I 383.) 

1 Kolde II 488 rightly brings into prominence the after effect of the 
medieval depreciation of the wife, and the misunderstanding of the meaning 
of the public written law. 

2 Certainly, however, the Landgrave himself had repeatedly deceived his 
own sister by untruths in the course of the matter (Lenz I 332). 



Momentous political results soon showed themselves : John 
Frederick refused to make this matter a concern of the Schmal- 
kaldic League. The Landgrave, who was thereby left to face the 
Empire alone, subsequently concluded a separate pact with the 
Emperor at Ratisbon on the 13th of June, 1541 (Lenz III 91 ff.) ; 
he bound himself, not to conclude or allow any alliance for himself or 
on the part of the Schmalkaldeners with France or other foreign 
princes, not even to admit the evangelical Duke William of Cleve to 
the league, in other words, to sacrifice this neighbour of the Dutch 
possessions of the Emperor. Thus, the alliance with King Francis, 
which had been most zealously fostered, and to which Electoral 
Saxony also showed itself inclined, 1 had to be broken off; Denmark 
and Sweden were obliged to be rejected. The politician of the 
Schmalkaldic League was himself obliged to paralyse the league 
politically. " The dreaded champion of the Gospel had become an 
instrument of the imperial policy." 

3. The Respite before the Catastrophe. 

Literature: Pfalz-Neuburg : Brock, Nordl., 1848; Naumburg: Mitt. d. thiir.- 
sachs. Ver., 1835, 1863 an d 1864. Meissen : O. Richter, Ueber die Ver- 
dienste des sacks. Filrstenhauses tint die Aufhebung des Bist. Meissen. Dobeln, 
1874. Braunschweig: Koldewey, Heinz, v. Wolfenb. Halle, 1884; the 
same, in Zh Ver. Niedersachs., 1869, 243 ff. F. Bruns, Vertreibung Herz. 
Heinrichs von Br., I. Marb., 1889. Koln: Strobel, Neue Beitr. V 273 ff . ; 
Varrentrapp, Hermann v. Wied. Leipz., 1878. Chr. Meyer, Stadt und 
Stift Koln im ZA d. Re/., Hamb., 1892. C. Krafft in Arb. d. rhein.-westf. 
Pred.-Vereins., 1891, 152 ff. Merseburg: A. Fraustadt, Einf. d. Ref.im 
Hochst. Merseb. Leipz., 1843. 

Still, however, important political affairs gave the Protestants a 
fresh respite. Ferdinand was hard pressed by the Turks and the 
Emperor, in order to divert the Turk from his Austrian hereditary 
dominions, undertook an unsuccessful campaign against Algiers 
(October and November 1541) : there was a prospect of another 
war with France. At the diet of Spires in 1542 the Protestant 
States agreed to give aid against the Turks in return for the 
promise of a prolongation of the state of peace for five years. Thus, 
at first, Protestantism was again enabled to make fresh acquisitions. 

At Ratisbon the evangelical feeling of the population now asserted itself 
victoriously (Nicolas Gallus). The lower Austrian constitutional estates applied 
to Ferdinand, the Bavarian to their dukes, for leave to preach the Gospel. In 

1 P. Vetter in NA fur sachs. G. XIV 21 ff. 


Palatine Neuberg, under Otto Henry, a brother-in-law of the Dukes of Bavaria, 
who in addition solicited the co-operation of a theologian from Nuremberg 
(Andrew Osiander), the result was a real, though carefully restricted Reforma- 
tion. Here the conservative Brandenberg ritual, which the Emperor had 
allowed the Elector Joachim to use, was taken as the model. In the see of 
Naumburg-Zeitz, which was under the protectorate of Electoral Saxony, John 
Frederick successfully endeavoured to extend his right of reform to a bishopric 
and to exercise " annexion " under title of the Gospel. The cathedral chapter, 
after the death of tbe bishop (January 6th, 1541) had at once elected the 
Erasmian Julius Yon Pflug. But the Elector set aside the election, claiming a 
formal right of assent. In spite of the warnings of his chancellor and also of 
Luther, in spite of the dissuasion of the Emperor, he took upon himself the 
secular control of the see, and appointed it a bishop in the person of Nicolas 
Amsdorf. (Prince George of Anhalt, who had been proposed to him by Luther, 
in case he persisted in following this risky course, was rejected by him on various 
pretexts). Luther agreed to ordain this evangelical " bishop." A wealthy 
parish-priest became a poor bishop, who had to appear with episcopal dignity 
without corresponding means, while the secular government of the see was 
administered by an electoral " vidame." 1 A similar attempt of the Elector to 
extend his rights in the bishopric of Meissen, in which both Saxon lines exer- 
cised a protectorate in common, and to introduce evangelicalism by force, 
nearly led to a conflict with Maurice of Saxony, which the Landgrave Philip 
succeeded in averting. The disputants divided the protectorate of the see. 
But Maurice now opportunely secured for himself the disposal of the bishopric 
of Merseburg. Then the Schmalkaldeners turned against the Catholic Duke 
Henry (Heinz) of Brunswick. The free imperial city of Goslar had pulled down 
a few neighbouring monasteries, to deprive the Brunswicker of positions of attack ; 
the supreme court of judicature had laid it under an interdict, but the diet of 
Ratisbon settled the matter, and declared the sentence void. Nevertheless, 
Henry endeavoured to get it carried out upon the hated city. His scandalous 
private life, frequent acts of incendiarism, which were said to have been insti- 
gated by him, in addition to acts of violence against the city of Brunswick had 
created excessive bitterness against him in evangelical circles. 2 In July, 1542, 
Saxony and Hesse jointly occupied his dominions, declared that they would 
only restore them to his sons, and introduced the Reformation by force. In the 
episcopal city of Hildesheim also evangelical principles were victorious. 

At the same time an extremely favourable prospect presented 
itself to Protestantism in the West. Not only did the Reformation 
make gratifying progress in Metz (de Wette V 508) : a German 
archbishop, an ecclesiastical Elector, Hermann, Count of Wied, 
Archbishop of Cologne, declared his adherence to the principles 
of the Reformation. Since the Miinster riots had been put down, 
he had felt the need of ecclesiastical reforms ; and, in combination 

1 [The deputy of a bishop in temporal affairs] . 

1 It was against him that Luther wrote his treatise Wider Hans Worst., 

10 — 2 


with Duke John of CleYe, whose country belonged to his diocese, 
and who was under the influence of the Erasmian Conrad of 
Heresbach (p. 120), he had introduced negotiations for reform. 
Gropper and Heresbach had held a consultation at Neuss at the end 
of 1535 ; a provincial council in 1536 had subsequently adopted the 
summaria capita of the former, and, included in them, a reformation 
of various abuses, which however did not satisfy the Archbishop's 
intentions. At the religious discussions of Worms and Ratisbon 
he had had personal intercourse with Bucer. Relying upon the 
Ratisbon " recess," in accordance with which the prelates also 
were to take in hand " a Christian order and reformation," and 
strengthened by the entreaties of the States of his country (Bonn, 
March nth, 1542), he summoned Bucer at the end of 1542 and 
also Melanchthon in the summer of 1543. A ritual, essentially 
Bucer's work, was arranged, which, although it excited the indignation 
of Luther and Amsdorf by its indecisively Lutheran Eucharistic 
doctrine, nevertheless showed an evangelical tendency throughout. 
When laid before the diet it met with much sympathy, but, at 
the same time, violent opposition on the part of the cathedral 
chapter and the clergy of Cologne ; Gropper himself was the soul 
of the opposition, and the cathedral chapter invoked the assistance 
of the Emperor. But also Duke William of Cleve (since 1539) 
had shown himself well disposed to the new doctrine and the 
Bishop of Munster, Minden and Osnabruck, Francis of Waldeck, 
a very unspiritual lord, now desired to join the Reformation. " We 
are daily becoming fewer," was the lament of Cochleus in those 
days. In 1544, the bishopric of Merseburg also became vacant; 
Maurice handed over to his brother Augustus the secular, and to 
Prince George of Anhalt the spiritual administration of the see. 

The Overthrow of the Schmalkaldic League. 

Literature: Von Druffel, Karl V. unci die rum. Kurie 1544-1546 in ABA 1881, 
1883 and 1887. A. de Boor, Beitrdge zur Gesch. des Speierer Reichst. 1544. 
Strassburg, 1878. Maurenbrecher in HTb 6. F. V 147 ff. J. Springer, Beitr. 
zur Gesch. des Wormser Reichstags. Leipz., 1883. Maurenbrecher, Karl 
V. und die deutschen Protest., 1545-1555. Diisseld., 1865. Von Druffel in 
SBBA 1888, II 2, 279 ff. Issleib in NA fiir sachsische Gesch. N.F. II. 
P. Kannengiesser, der Reichst. zu Worms, 1545. Strassb., 1891. N. Paulus, 
Joh. Hoffmeishr. Freib., 1891. Th. Kolde, Luthers Selbstmord. Erlg., 1890 
(written against P. Majunke's 'libel, Luthers Lebensende. Mainz., 1890). 
M. Luthers letzte Streitschrift, edited by G. Buchwald. Leipz., 1893. 

1. The Approach of the Catastrophe and Luther's Death. 

All this, to some extent doubtful, extension of power was unable 
to check the momentous counteraction. In the summer of 1543, the 
Emperor made his appearance in the Empire, prepared for war. 
Philip's pact with him (p. 146) now bore bitter fruits. The duchy 
of Guelders, with the assent of the States, had been sold by the 
childless and heavily involved Duke Charles of Egmont to Duke 
William of Cleve ; the Emperor, on the other hand, claimed the 
dukedom as an imperial fee which had reverted to himself. William, 
who since 1539 had united Guelders and Cleve and was inclined to 
the principles of the Reformation (he introduced them at Wesel), 
might have been able to bring considerable reinforcements to the 
Schmalkaldic League in league with Cologne, but Philip was obliged 
to refuse his admission into it, and the Schmalkaldeners were 
obliged to leave him without support, as the EmpeFor now threw 
himself upon him, humbled him at the treaty of Venlo (September 
6th, I543)> took Guelders from him, and compelled him to put an 
end to his ecclesiastical innovations and to support the imperial 
interests. They were obliged to submit to the Reformation being 
now abolished by force by the Emperor at Metz. This at the 
same time sealed the fate of the Reformation at Cologne. Hermann 
was accused by his opponents in the chapter before Pope and 
Emperor, and the Schmalkaldic League left him in the lurch. 


Yet, at the time, the Emperor still had need of the Protestants. 

At the Diet of Spires (1544) he succeeded in securing considerable 

help from the States both for Ferdinand against the Turk and for 

himself against the ally of the Turk— the French— in return for 

which the Protestants obtained the confirmation of the promises 

made at Ratisbon, and the prospect of further amicable attempts 

at a settlement, so that they again regarded the situation with 

blind confidence, 1 while the Pope entered an angry protest (August 

24th) against the resolutions of Spires. Disillusion speedily followed. 

Charles, allied with England, victoriously made his way into France, 

and compelled Francis I. to make peace at Crespy (September 14th, 

1544) ; he sought reconciliation with France, in order to deprive the 

Protestants of this reserve, and France bound herself never to assist 

them again. The Elector-Palatine Frederick II. also commenced 

the work of reform in 1545, and even the successor of Cardinal 

Albert of Mainz, Sebastian von Heusenstamm, showed an inclination 

to follow the example of Cologne. But the Schmalkaldic League 

was seriously weakened internally; there was no lack of friction 

between the members of the league. The diplomatic Duke Maurice 

had already left it (1542) and had drawn nearer to the Emperor 

(cp. p. 143). Joachim II. persistently held aloof from the league; 

the Electoral- Palatinate refused to be gained over to it. The 

constitution of the league was unwieldly, and lacked vigorous and 

uniform leadership. In addition, just at this time Luther's suspicion 

of Bucer and his followers was again increased, and he uttered his 

protest against the Swiss, who had been annoyed by his publicly 

expressed opinions of Zwingli and their doctrine of the Eucharist. 

He harshly renounced the Swiss and their " scandalous " doctrine (de 

Wette, V 587 ; cp. Lenz, Briefwechsel II 222, 241 f.) : in Sept. 1544, 

his Kurz Bekenntnis vom heiligen Sakrament 2 (EA 32, 396 ff.) appeared, 

a definitive, abrupt renunciation of the connection. And, just at 

this time, Paul III. again convoked for the 15th of March, 1545 

(in the bull Laetare Hierusalem of the 19th of November, 1544) the 

council which had already been appointed for 1542 at Trent, but 

had not commenced proceedings in consequence of warlike alarms 

(see p. 135), in order, on his side, to hinder the independent 

arrangement of religious controversies by a German assembly, and 

also invited the European rulers to take part in the council. 

1 At Strasburg alone certain persons showed clearer political judgment. 

2 [Brief Confession or Creed of the Holy Sacrament.] 


However, in Conformity with the "recess" of the diet of Spires, 
different, plans of reform were drawn up as the basis of an 
agreement, by Bucer in several treatises (Baum, p. 604 ff.), by 
Hesse (Neudecker Urkunden, 681), and especially from Wittenberg 
by Melanchthon (Reformatio Witeberg.), January, 1545. 

Under the erroneous opinion, that the Emperor was serious about a 
peaceful arrangement, far-reaching concessions were made in the last-named 
treatise : the episcopal constitution and the secular position of the prelates was 
to be lecognised in return for full liberty of evangelical preaching. But when 
the diet was opened at Worms in March 1545, the Saxon ambassador hung 
back. The impending council filled the Protestants with grievous apprehen- 
sions : they were entirely without guarantees of impartial procedure : they 
accordingly refused to recognise it at Worms or to take any part in it. At the 
desire of the Elector, Luther had written his tractate Wider das Papstthum zu 
Rom vom Teufel gestiftet 1 (March, 1545), a reply to the arrogant brief addressed 
by the Pope to the Emperor (August 24th, 1544). This tractate, which was 
written in a very coarse style, although objectively its contents was of great 
intrinsic value, excited great anger at the diet. 2 

In the autumn of 1545, Henry of Brunswick, supported by 
French money and also by German prelates, invaded his dominions, 
of which he had been deprived, and at once" everywhere abolished 
evangelical ecclesiastical institutions: but on the nth of October, 
he was defeated by the Landgrave and taken prisoner, together 
with his eldest son. At the desire of his reigning prince, who 
wanted to exert definite influence upon Philip, Luther now took 
part in politics and recommended that the prisoner should not for 
the present be released. On this occasion, also, the special policy 
pursued by Maurice as imperial middleman was distinctly pro- 
minent and the sequestration caused differences amongst the allied 

But still the Emperor held back, proposed fresh negotiations 
and declared that he had no idea of employing force in matters of 
religion ; but at the same time he revealed to the Pope, who had 
sent his grandson Farnese to him as legate, that he contemplated 
entering upon the path of force, but was obliged to hold back until 
a suitable time : he declared that all negotiations were only 
intended to amuse the Protestants. The Pope hastened to offer 

1 [Against the Papacy founded by the devil at Rome.] 

2 " A production written in anger, which contains more thorough discussion 
of the true and false idea of ' church,' than even many evangelicals imagine." 


him (June 17th) troops and money 1 for the war against the heretics 
and was greatly disappointed, when the Emperor even now still 
hesitated, convened another meeting for religious discussion (at 
Ratisbon), and put forward the demand for the council to take in 
hand decretals of reform before decretals of doctrine. The Emperor 
sought to put pressure upon the Pope and the Protestants at the 
same time. In December, 1545, the former actually caused the 
Council to be opened and, without delay, contrary to the Emperor's 
wishes, Protestantism was excluded by important doctrinal state- 
ments : immediately afterwards, and quite independently, the 
religious conference desired by the Emperor took place at Ratisbon, 
under the presidency of the Bishop of Eichstadt : on the Catholic 
side were the Spaniard Malvenda, Cochleus, John Hoffmeister, an 
Augustinian monk of Colmar, and Billik, a Carmelite : on the 
Protestant, G. Major, Schnepf and Brenz : Malvenda and Bucer 
were especially prominent. The Catholic collocutors found them- 
selves bound by respect for the Council : there was no hope of an 
understanding, as they refused to recognise the points agreed upon 
in 1541 (see p. 142) as a basis for discussion. In March, 1546, 
the Protestant States recalled their collocutors to spare them 
further useless trouble. At the diet of Ratisbon, which was sitting 
at the same time, the Catholic States now assigned the religious 
question to the Council, while the Protestant sought to protect 
themselves by the resolutions of Spires. In these anxious times, 
Luther was called away (on the 18th of February) at Eisleben by a 
peaceful death, rejoicing in the faith : the peaceful work of recon- 
ciling the Counts of Mansfeld who were disputing about certain 
privileges had called the invalid thither at an inclement season. 
During his last years, bodily suffering, excess of work, struggles 
without and calamities in his own circle had exhausted his vital 
powers, and frequently made him bitter, irritable and pessimistic. 
He was mercifully spared from witnessing the outbreak of the 
unhappy war and the disorders that arose amongst his adherents. 

2. The Schmalkaldic War. 

Shortly afterwards a young Spaniard of evangelical views, named 
John Diaz, 2 was treacherously murdered at the instigation of his 
own brother at Neuburg : both the perpetrator and the instigator 
of the deed remained unpunished. It was the presage of the war of 

1 500 horse, 12,000- foot and 300,000 ducats. 

2 Veesenmeyer in ZhTh 7, 3, 156 ff. CR XX 515 ff. 


religion, for the Emperor now showed his intentions without any 
attempt at concealment. He soon came to an understanding with 
Ferdinand : on the 26th of June, Paul III signed the deed of 
alliance, whereby he furnished the Emperor with troops and a sum 
of ready money, and also gave him permission to dispose of the 
ecclesiastical revenues in Spain for purposes of war ; the Pope also 
summoned the Catholic powers (German and those outside 
Germany) to a holy war and prescribed prayers for the faithful to 
use for the victory of the Catholic arms. Certainly, the Emperor 
even now sought to keep up the appearance of desiring only to punish 
the political refractoriness of the princes of the Schmalkaldic League: 
it was only by disavowing the character of the war as a religious 
one that he gained over Maurice of Saxony, to whom he promised 
the electorate of Saxony, and secured the services of the evangelical 
Hans von Kustrin as colonel of cavalry. Also Eric of Brunswick 
and the Margrave Albert of Brandenburg entered his service. 
Hence, it was very awkward for him that papal indiscretion lifted 
the veil prematurely. 1 But this very thing drove the Schmal- 
kaldeners to arm hastily, so that they might be able to march 
against the Emperor, before his foreign troops were brought up. 
After an initial success gained by the Schmalkaldic princes, which 
however was not energetically followed up and was checked by the 
skilfulness of the Emperor, Maurice and Ferdinand brought about 
the crisis of the war by invading Saxony. The South German 
cities were abandoned to the Emperor and were obliged to decide 
upon a separate agreement with uncertain promises as to their 
religious position. Archbishop Hermann of Cologne was deprived 
of his office : the battle on the heath of Lochau (Miihlberg, 
April 24th, 1547) decided the fate of Saxony. At the capitulation 
of Wittenberg the Electorate, in addition to half the country, was 
surrendered to Maurice, and John Frederick became the Emperor's 
prisoner. Julius von Pflug had previously been re-instated as 
bishop of Naumburg. In spite of the victory of the Low German 
troops over the imperial at Drackenburg (May 23rd), the Land- 
grave Philip gave up all for lost, and, in misplaced hopes of the 
Emperor's mercy, surrendered at Halle on the 19th of June, where 
Alba, by command of the Emperor, took him prisoner. 2 (A regular 
breach of promise on the Emperor's part in this matter cannot be 
proved.) North Germany also submitted to the imperial conqueror; 
Magdeburg alone set him at defiance and was outlawed. 

Von Druffel in ABA XX 294. 
- For Philip's imprisonment, cp. Issleib i 1 NA liir sachs. Gesch. XI 177 ff. 


The Interim and the Religious Peace. 

1. The Interim. 

Literature: J. E. Bieck, das dreifache Interim. Leipz., 1721. Pastor, Re- 
unionsbestrebungen. Freib., 1879. G. Kawerau, /. Agricola. Berlin, 1881 ; 
the same, in ZPGLK XVII 398 ff. Von Druffel, Brief e und Akten, Vols. 
I. and III. Beutel, iiber den Ursprung des Augsb. Interim. Dresden, 1888. 
Von Druffel, die Sendung des Card. Sfondrato an den Hof Karls V., 1547 bis 
1548 in ABA XX, II, 293 ff. Spieker, Beitrdge zur Gesch. d. Augsb. Int. in 
ZhTh 21, 345 ff. Issleib in NA fur sachs. Gesch. XIII 207 ff. Witter, 
Beziehungen und Verkehr des Kurfiirsten Moritz mit Ferdinand. Neustadt 
a.d. H. 1886. W. Kawerau in Magd. GBlatter, 1893 ; Alberus in Magd. 

The attitude of the Pope in regard to the Emperor was again 
destined to prevent the Catholic cause from reaping the full fruits 
of victory. The Pope had already greatly annoyed Charles by 
having ordered doctrinal decretals to be at once drawn up at the 
Council, so that the Emperor, in May, 1546, had entered a formal 
protest against its conduct ; again, when the war went in favour 
of the imperial arms, the Pope, feeling some anxiety as to the 
Emperor's influence upon the Council, had transferred it to Bologna, 
for he did not, like Charles, desire to make entrance to it possible 
for the Protestants. In January, during the course of the campaign, 
he had recalled his auxiliary troops and thereby greatly irritated 
the Emperor ; and, vice versa, he had not hesitated to charge the 
Emperor with the murder of his son Pierluigi (September). 1 Charles, 
however, caused a protest against the sins of the Curia to be read 
at Bologna (January 18th, 1548), which reminds us of the period of 
his violent conflict with Clement VII (p. 70). Thus the Emperor, 
at the " armed " 2 Diet of Augsburg (since September 1st, 1547) set to 
work to settle the affairs of Germany by himself without the 
assistance of the Pope. Here the Emperor also compelled the 
Protestant princes to submit to the Council, holding out the 

1 Cp. Spicilegio Vaticano I 1. Roma, 1890. 

2 [So called because his troops were stationed in the neighbourhood.] 



promise of safe-conduct and its retransference to Trent. But, as 
he himself was afraid that the Pope might delay its meeting for 
years, he now earnestly set to work to "settle " ecclesiastical affairs 
in Germany provisionally {interim). 

He had already (in January, 1547) entered into negotiations with Ferdinand 
in regard to this : 1 Pflug was commissioned to draw up a scheme (Formula 
sacrorum anendandurum, ed. Chr. G. Miiller, Leipzig, 1803). After a religious 
committee, chosen from both Catholic and Protestant States, had sat without 
result, an imperial commission that had long since been secretly formed, 
consisting of Pflug, Michael Helding, and (as Protestant member) John Agricola, 
Joachim's vain court-preacher, set to work. All their efforts to obtain the 
co-operation of Bucer were fruitless; but the Spaniards Malvenda and Soto 
joined it. Owing to the differences that arose between Agricola and the 
Spaniards, Pflug's copy was abridged and revised. Thus a work was com- 
pleted, the doctrines of which were in the main points Catholic. (Justification 
= making just : distinction between the works commanded by God and the 
consilia evangelical the Church, under control of the bishops, legitimised by 
apostolic succession, equipped with power to interpret the Scriptures and 
propagate binding traditions, laying down the law at councils, placed under the 
successors of Peter for the sake of the necessary unity : however, every bishop 
in his diocese, by virtue of divine right, is a true bishop [a rejection of the 
curialistic theory] ; the seven sacraments : the sacrifice of the mass as an 
imputation and commemoration of the merit of the sacrifice of Christ upon 
the cross : intercession and merits of the Saints : intercession for the dead at 
the sacrifice of the mass, as we do not know whether they are already 
sufficiently " purified " ; daily masses in the towns, at which participation 
by communicants would certainly be "useful": arrangement of fasts : Corpus 
Christi day : allowance of the marriage of priests and the toleration of com- 
munion in both kinds until the final decision of the Council). It was cleverly 
so arranged, that two Protestant princes (of Brandenburg and the Palatinate) 
delivered the work to the Emperor when completed, and it thereby came before 
the States as if it corresponded to the wishes of the Protestants. The 
evangelical States were led to the mistaken idea, that the Interim was to 
be valid also for the Catholic States of the Empire, — at least, this seems the only 
possible explanation of Agricola's infatuation, and exhaustive negotiations were 
carried on with the Elector Maurice on this basis. Nevertheless, the latter 
insisted on making his acceptance dependent upon the advice of his learned 
men and the assent of his Estates. He showed the Interim to his theologians 
without delay and asked their opinion. In April, 1548, Melanchthon, Major, 
Cruciger and Pfefnnger held a consultation at Altzella. The doctrines of 
justification, the saints, masses for the dead and private masses were decisively 
rejected. In regard to the doctrine of the Church and the sacraments they 
were ready to make concessions. At this critical period, when Melanchthon 
was alarmed by the report of the Emperor's wrath against him as well as by 
the general condition of affairs, he wrote the melancholy letter to Christopher 
von Carlowitz (CR VI 879 ff.), in which he threw the responsibility for the 

1 Buchholtz, Gesch. Ferdinands V 553 ff. 



reformation of the Church upon Luther and lamented the servitude which he 
had so long been obliged to endure at Luther's side. Meanwhile, the Catholic 
States at Augsburg declared to the Emperor, that the Interim could naturally 
have no application to them. Thus, on the 15th of May, the Interim (liber 
Augustanus, the Augsburg book) was officially laid before the States as binding 
upon the Protestants : a consultation followed, at which Maurice expressed his 
reservation and indignation at the restriction of the Interim to the Protestant 
States; lastly, the Archbishop of Mainz proclaimed the obedience of the 
Empire. On the 18th Maurice handed his protest to the Emperor. 

On the 30th of June the Interim, by virtue of the "recess" of 
the diet, became a law of the Empire, together with a Formula 
reformationis (originally Part III. of Pflug's draft) 1 for the Catholic 
States, dealing with the removal of certain abuses. The bishops 
made this Formula of Reformation known at numerous diocesan 
synods during this and the following year, but no important 
improvements were arrived at. 

The majority of the Protestant States at heart opposed the 
Interim that had been forced upon them, recognising that it meant 
the death of Protestantism ; but only a few (as Hans of Kustrin 
and the Count Palatine Wolfgang of Zweibrucken) ventured to 
protest openly. 2 

In South Germany, the Emperor, by his superior power, was able to compel 
the free imperial cities, and also Wurtemburg, formally to accept the Interim. 
His threat, " You shall still learn Spanish," was terribly fulfilled in the case 
of the cities. Constance lost its freedom, became Austrian and was forced to 
return to Catholicism. 3 Spanish soldiers obtained votes by force; numerous 
evangelical ministers wandered about the country as exsules Christi, others, 
like those of Ulm (Frecht), were imprisoned by the Emperor; only a few of 
the leading personalities submitted. The evangelical population for the most 
part offered a passive resistance to the hated Interim-service, for which in 
many cases there was a complete lack of clergy. Where it was possible, recourse 
was had to formal submission without consequent performance (e.g. in Nuremberg, 
Brandenburg- Anspach, Strasburg). 

The situation was more favourable in North Germany. The 
Elector Maurice desired on the one hand to satisfy the Emperor, 
and on the other to respect the feelings of his country. He 
accordingly caused discussions to be held at numerous diets and 
conventions of theologians throughout the year (at Meissen, Pegau, 

1 In Goldast, Constitutt. imper. II 325 ff. 

2 For what follows cp. especially Von Druffel, Brief e und Akten III 109 ff. ; 
Hirsch, Geschichte des Interim in Nurnberg. Leipz., 1750; Wilrtt. KG. Calw., 
1893, p. 367 ff. ; Frecht's Briefe aus der Gefangenschaft in Wurtt. Vierteljahrshefte 
IV and V. 

8 HpBl 67, 659 ff. 


Torgau, Zelle ; at the Jiiterbogk convention an understanding was 
arrived at with Brandenburg) ; and finally, on the 24th of December, 
the so-called Leipzig Interim was decided upon by the States at 
Leipzig. On this occasion Melanchthon succeeded in restoring the 
evangelical doctrine of justification, although without any keen 
opposition, and in persuading the Bishops of Meissen and Naum- 
burg to approve this pretended transcription of the section in 
question of the Augsburg Interim. Subordination to episcopal 
jurisdiction and much Catholic ceremonial was retained, but accom- 
panied by (dogmatically) less offensive arguments (fasting on Friday 
was to be observed as a regulation of the secular authorities : mass 
was only to be celebrated when a sufficient number of persons was 
present) ; the canon of the mass was done away with, other objec- 
tionable practices (e.g., Corpus Christi procession, and the offertory) 
were nominally retained, but in the Agenda 1 drawn up in 1549 
practically rendered harmless. Melanchthon saw in this Interim 
an act of " compulsion " ; but he regarded even this as more toler- 
able than the complete abandonment and subversion of the commun- 
ities. In other places (East Friesland) only a modified Interim was 
introduced. At Brandenburg the Elector behaved like the serf who 
says Yes and then does not carry out his master's bidding : he soon 
allowed himself to be persuaded by his theologians to deceive the 
Emperor with the mere appearance of an introduction of the 
Interim. Nor could anything serious be done in Hesse, although 
the imprisoned Landgrave tried to persuade his sons. But the 
North German cities resisted bluntly. 2 Hamburg, Ltibeck, Bremen, 
Luneburg, Brunswick, Hanover, Hildesheim, Gottingen, and 
Eimbeck, after common consultation, rejected it : the princes of 
Anhalt did the same : others desired to abide by it " as far as 
possible." The imprisoned John Frederick could not be induced to 
accept it, either by threats or harsh treatment : his sons at Weimar 
rejected it, by agreement with their theologians. But Magdeburg 
("the chancery of our Lord God ") became the meeting-place of 
the fugitive opponents of the Interim, and, under the leadership of 
Amsdorf, Matthias Flacius (Flacich) of Illyria, Erasmus Alberus, 

1 On the Interim-ritual see Friedberg in ZhTh 41, 36 ff. ; the same 
Agenda, wie es in des Kurf. zu Sachsen Landcn geltalten wird. Halle, 1869. 

2 Aepinus of Hamburg drew up the exhaustive vote of the Hanse towns 
against the Interim ; for the hesitation of the Pomeranian theologians, see ZhTh 
13, 4, 36 ff. 



Nicolas Gallus, and others, the starting-point of a fresh, uncom- 
promising polemic against the Interim and its authors (especially 
Agricola), and even still more against Melanchthon and others who, 
like him, were ready to make concessions (Major, Eber, Cruciger, 
Bugenhagen). 1 The evangelicals listened with joy to the voice 
of these unyielding opponents : numerous pamphlets and satirical 
poems kept Luther's spirit alive amongst the people during these 
critical times : the " Interimists " and " Adiaphorists " had a diffi- 
cult task to defend their undecided attitude in face of this popular 
Lutheranism. For the first time, the gnesio-Lutheran party 
separated distinctly from the Philippist: in the person of Flacius, 
a pupil of Melanchthon suddenly grew up a weighty, but also 
irreverent opponent, who now rendered never to be forgotten 
services to evangelical Germany. 

The progress of the introduction of the Interim was impeded by the fact 
that the Pope, 2 and with him the strictly Catholic party, contested not only the 
trifling imperial concessions to the Protestants in the Interim, but the inter- 
ference generally of the secular authority in the ecclesiastical question. It 
was only after lengthy negotiations that Paul III. found himself prepared to 
send legates to reincorporate with the Church the Protestants who submitted, 
and to promise very carefully restricted dispensations in the matter of the 
marriage of priests, the administering of the cup to the laity, fasts and feast 
days. Charles indignantly declared that no one had done more than the Pope 
to prevent the perfect remedying of evils in Germany : he threatened him with 
an appeal to the Council, and, eventually, with a schism: but Paul did not 
hesitate to advise Henry II. of France to unite with the German Protestants in 
an attack upon the Emperor. 3 It was not until shortly before his death that 
he yielded to the imperial will and broke up the Council at Bologna, which, 
supported by France, he had desired to transfer to Rome itself (Sept. 1549-) His 
successor, Julius III. (John Maria Giocci), although elevated to the pontificate by 
the party of the Farnese to alarm the imperialists, immediately took up a different 
position and declared his readiness to acquiesce in the imperial intentions. 
Thus, in spite of the counter-efforts of France, the Council of Trent was able to 
be reopened again in May, 1551. The Emperor expressly required the Pro- 
testants to send representatives. Joachim II., who desired the episcopal sees 
of Madgeburg and Halberstadt for his son Frederick, declared his willingness 
to send representatives. Other evangelical States were obliged to prepare to 
do so whether they liked it or not. Melanchthon drew up as the basis of 
negotiations for Saxony the carefully-written Confessio Saxonica (Repetitio Con- 
fessions A ugustanae, CR XXVIII 339 ff.), 4 and Brenz for Wurtemberg the Con- 

1 Gotze, die Magd.Presse zur Zeit der Reichsacht in Magd. Blatter f. Handel, 
etc., 1876, no. 21 ; further, Magd. GBlatter VI 61 ff. ; XV 29 ff. ; XVII. 

2 G. de Leva in Rivista stor. ital. V 251 ff. VI 40 ff. 

3 Von Druffel, Briefe und Akten I 211. 

4 Schaff., Bibl. Symb. I 340 ff. Heppe, Bekenntnissschriften der altpro- 
testantischen Kirche. Kassel, 1885, p. 407 ff. 


fessio Virtcmbcrgensis. 1 The secular delegates of Wurtemberg and Strasburg, 
and also of Saxony actually appeared at Trent, and obtained a hearing, but not 
at a solemn sitting, but at a congregation (January 24th, 1552) at which the 
Wurtembergers handed over their confession, and together with the Saxon 
delegates formulated their demands : that the arrival of their theologians who 
were on the way ought to be awaited : that the previous resolutions of the Council 
should be taken up again and the bishops released from the oath administered 
to them by the Pope as long as the negotiations lasted. This proceeding made 
an impression on part of the assembly: but in this manner only inadequate 
results could have been obtained. Then the position of affairs was on a 
sudden totally altered by Maurice of Saxony. 

2. The Treaty of Passau and the Religious Peace of Augsburg. 

Sources : Lehmann, de pace religionis acta publica. Francf., 1707. Lanz 
Corresp. Karls V., Vol. III. 

Literature : J. Voigt, der Fiirstenbund gegen Karl V. in HTb 3, F. 8, 3 if. 
Maukenbrecher, Studien und Skizzen. Leipz., 1884. Von Langenn, 
Moritz von S.; 2 vols. 1841. Cornelius in ABA 3, CI. X.; the same, 
in Miinchn. HJb, 1866. Wenck in FdGesch. XII. Schonherr, der 
Einfall des Kurf. v. S. in Tirol. 1868. J. Trefftz, Kursachs. und Frankr., 
1522-1557. Leipz., 1891. G. Fischer, die pers. Stellung und politische 
Lage K. Ferdinands, 1552. Konigsb., 1891. Issleib in NA f. sachs. 
Gesch. VI 210; VII 1; VIII 41. M. Ritter, der Augsb. Rel.Friede in 
HTb 6, F. 1. L. Schwabe, Kursachsen und d. Augsb. Rel.Friede in NA f. 
sachs. G. X. G. Wolff, Der Augsb. Rel.Friede. Stuttg., 1890. K. Kohler, 
der Augsb. Rel.Friede in JdTh 23, 376 ff. J. Griesdorf, der Zug Karls V. 
gegen Metz, 1552. Halle, 1891. Heppe, der Convent der evg. Reichsstdnde zu 
Naumburg. Marburg, 1877. Voigt, Albrecht Alcibiades; 2 vols. Berlin, 

Maurice felt that he had been deceived by the Emperor in regard 
to his father-in-law Philip of Hesse, whose release became the more 
a point of honour with him, the more disgracefully Philip was 
ill-treated in prison. The indignation of evangelical Germany 
weighed heavily upon him, as it deservedly held him responsible 
for the unfortunate issue of the Schmalkaldic War. In March, 
155 1, Charles had induced his brother Ferdinand to agree that, 
after the death of the latter, he should be succeeded also in Germany 
by his (Charles's) son Philip, not by Ferdinand's son Maximilian, 
who had shown a leaning towards evangelicalism. Thus Charles 
thought he had secured his life work, the recovery of the Protestants 
for the Catholic church. But his autocratic behaviour in the height 
of his power displeased even Catholic princes and made them by no 
means disinclined to join a coalition against him. Henry II. of 

1 Schaff. I 343 ff. Heppe, p. 491 ff. 


France, although he had far stronger Catholic sympathies than 
Francis I. had had, was jealous of Charles's growing power, and 
was ready to enter into a league against him, although now, in 
face of the politically humiliated Germans, only at the price 
of the Lothringian bishoprics of Metz, Tull and Verdun. Maurice 
employed the time, during which he was carrying out the sentence 
of outlawry upon defiant Magdeburg by command of the Emperor, 
in getting up a coalition against him. After the capitulation of 
the city (November 4th, 1551) he suddenly came forward with the 
most serious accusations against the Emperor, marched against 
him while he lingered in a state of unpreparedness at Innsbruck 
with a rapidly increasing army, while France at the same time 
attacked the Netherlands. The imperial power was broken at a 
single blow ; neither Ferdinand, who had become estranged from 
his brother in consequence of his plans of succession, nor the 
Catholic States helped him ; indeed, the former left the passes of 
the Tyrol open to the enemy. On the basis of negotiations that 
took place between Maurice and Ferdinand at Linz, at which the 
Emperor showed himself very tenacious on the religious question, 
the victors now obtained, at the diet at Passau, in which Charles 
took no part in person, and lastly, in the camp before Frankfort, 
the so-called Treaty of Passau (August 2nd, 1552). True to his 
convictions and his Catholic conscience, Charles attempted to keep 
back negotiations and to cling tenaciously to the leading idea of 
his church policy, the ecclesiastical unity of the Empire. Hence, a 
definitive recognition of equality of privileges and mutual toleration 
on the part of both religious parties was not yet attained, but, in 
the first instance, only an amnesty and truce until the next diet, 
which was to decide in what way (whether by council, a resolution 
of the Empire, or a colloquy) the difference should be removed. 
A supplementary treaty (not signed by the Emperor) settled that, 
even if no agreement should be come to, the state of peace should 
notwithstanding continue. The captive princes were to be released. 
But the definitive settlement which was held out was long in 

Warlike troubles intervened, in which religious interests were on all sides 
ousted by political and the parties were completely upset (the Emperor's cam- 
paign against France and the futile siege of Metz ; the wild Margrave Albert of 
Brandenburg, who at first continued the war on his own responsibility, 
ravaging Nuremberg, Bamberg and Wiirzburg, then fighting on the Rhine in 
the interests of France, then suddenly turning round and taking service with 



the Emperor, and finally (July gth, 1553) defeated at Sievershausen by Maurice 
who however paid for the victory with his life : subsequently, the efforts of the 
Ernestines to recover electoral dignity and electoral dominions ; it was not 
until a year later that Albert, the wild disturber of peace, was driven to France). 

The more urgent the desire of a peaceful arrangement on all sides 
throughout the Empire, the more Charles abandoned German 
affairs. In the summer of 1554, he empowered Ferdinand to bring 
matters to an end on his own responsibility. He himself refused to 
have anything to do with this conclusion of peace, which went 
against his conscience. 1 

In February, 1555, the diet of Augsburg assembled under 
Ferdinand's presidency. At a by-assembly at Naumburg sixteen 
evangelical princes had agreed at all events to abide firmly by the 
CA : the offer of another religious discussion, as well as the 
idea of having recourse to the Interim, was thereby set aside : 
firmly combined, they now obtained a " permanent, abiding, and 
unconditional " peace,' recognition of their rights of possession, 
suspension of episcopal jurisdiction over their territories, security in 
regard to their confiscation of ecclesiastical property, so far as 
" immediates" 2 had not by law the right of control over it. But 
now they also demanded an assured legal foundation for the 
further progress of the Reformation : to this the Catholic party 
would not and could not agree. Negotiations nearly came to a 
standstill on this point ; but finally, Ferdinand induced the 
Protestants to allow him to insert in the " recess " the reservatum 
ecclesiasticum (i.e., the proviso whereby prelates who joined the 
evangelical church were to renounce their secular authority) 8 and 
to leave the settlement of it to his own conscientiousness, but their 
counter-demand — free practice of religion for evangelical subjects 
under spiritual authorities — did not find a place in the " recess," 
but was only guaranteed them by a royal declaration, which was 
not presented to the Imperial Chamber. The right for the moment 
of holding both faiths was assured to the free imperial cities in the 
interest of the Catholic minorities. Thus the religious peace was 
made public on the 25th of September, 1555. It essentially 
surrendered the future of the church to the territorial power (cuius 
regio, eius religio) ; 4 heterodox subjects obtained the right of emi- 

1 Lanz III, 622 ff. 

2 [Persons subject only to the imperial government.] 

3 On this point, cp. Melanchthon's hesitation, CR VIII 477 ff. 

4 " Nam ubi unus Dominus, ibi sit una religio." Lehmann p. 49 ff. 

VOL. Ill II 

. \ 

\ V 

l62 CHL^H HIS*m?Y 

grating without loss of honour or property— a considerable mitiga- 
tion of the medieval proceedings against heretics ; it assured to the 
Catholic Church the continued existence of the ecclesiastical 
States : it created ambiguities, which contained the germ of fresh 
struggles ; but it sealed the disruption of Germany in matters of 
belief and gave the "adherents of the Augsburg Confession," 1 
subject to certain limitations, a recognition in the Empire on a 
footing of equality. 2 Continued disputes, which however seldom 
led to open war, as to the interpretation of the conditions of peace 
were the unavoidable result. Paul IV., passionately excited at the 
concessions, which the heretics had obtained, exclaimed : " Had 
Ferdinand been already Emperor, he must have been deposed." The 
Romish ecclesiastical historian Raynaldus declares that, by this 
peace Satanas Germaniae imperium ex aequo cum Christo divisit. 3 
"This recess is somewhat milder than the recesses of former diets 
since 1521 " was the cautious verdict of Wittenberg upon the 
achievement of the Religious Peace (CR VIII 652). No party was 

1 No declaration was made as to which recension ot the CA was intended, 
although an attempt had been made on the Catholic side to get the CA of 1530 
expressly mentioned. 

2 Extension of religious freedom to the " subjects " was also discussed, 
especially owing to the efforts of the States, but decidedly rejected by Ferdinand. 
Maurenbrecher, Karl V und die Protest, p. 171 f. 

3 In Baronii Annates XXI 133. Raynaldus's words are to be found in the 
edition of Mansi, Vol. XXXIII, 570. 


The Reformation outside Germany. 


The Foundation of Lutheran established Churches in the 
Scandinavian North. 

The conquests which Lutheranism made in the North were 

intimately connected with the efforts of the royal authority to 

break the too powerful influence of the bishops: the Reformation 

served to strengthen the royal power and hence, from the outset, 

bore a conservative character in regard to the State Church, was a 

reform from above, without a deeper stirring up of the soul of the 

people. But still, Lutheranism proved itself a power, which here 

gradually took firm root and penetrated deeply into the life of the 


1. Denmark. 

Sources : A. Schumacher, Gel. Manner Briefe an die Kunige in Danemark (1522- 
1663). 3 vols. Kopenh. u. Leipz., 1758, 1759. Danische Bibliothek, 
Kopenh. u. Leipz., 1738-1743. A arsberetninger fra det kongelige Geheime- 
archiv. 1852 ff. I 215 fF. . 

Literature: E. Pontoppidan, Kurzgefasste Ref.-Hist. der dan. Kirche. 
Liibeck, 1734; the same, Annates ecclesiae Danicae. Vols. II. and III. 
Kopenh., 1744 and 1747. F. Munter, KGeich. von Diinern. u. Norw. III. 
Leipz., 1833. Ch. Th. Engelstoft, Reformantes et Catholici in Dania con- 
certantes. Hauniae, 1836. F. C. Dahlmann, Gesch. von. Dan. III. Hamb., 
1843. Considerable information may also be found in Kirkehistoriske 
Samlinger. Kjobenh. 1849 ff. For H. Tausen see Biography by P. Ron. 
Hafn., 1757. J. S. B. Suhr, Ribe, 1836. ROrdam in Kirkehist. Saml. 
V and VI. For Bugenhagen in Denmark see B. Munter, Symbolae ad 
illustr. Bugenhagii in Dania commorationem. Hauniae. 1836. Hering, 
Bugenh., Halle, 1888. C. H. Clauss, Christian III. Dessau, 1859. For 
the Reformation in Iceland, see L. Chr. Muller in ZhTh 20, 384 ff. 
(Schleswig-Holstein : G. J. Th. Lau, Gesch. der Einfiihrung it. Verbr. der 
Ref. in Schlesw. -Hoist. Hamb. 1867. Jensen-Michelsen, Schl.-H. 
KGesch. III. Kiel, 1877. L. Schmitt, der Carmeliter Paulus Heliae. 
Freib., 1893. 

Queen Margaret's Union of Calmar (1397), in accordance with which the 
three northern kingdoms were to have only one king, had not, however, been 

II — 2 


able to bring about lasting tranquillity. In 1448 it was broken up Sweden 
separated under Karl Knudson, without accepting as king Count Christian ot 
Oldenburg, who had been chosen by the Danes and, after some hesitation, 
recognised by the Norwegians. However, Christian I. (1448-1481) after defeat- 
ing the rival king (1457), succeeded in reuniting the kingdoms; in 1460 
Schleswig-Holstein also fell to his share (after 1490, divided between his sons 
Hans (John) [Segeburg] and Frederick [Gottorp] . But John, as ruler of the 
northern kingdoms, did not succeed in holding his ground in Sweden against 
the two powerful Swedish vice-regents the Sten Stures. But as the Archbishop 
Gustavus Trolle actively supported the interests of Denmark, John's energetic, 
brutal and bloodthirsty son Christian II., 1 relying on his party, ventured to 
reclaim the Swedish crown: repulsed in 1518, he again landed m 1520, being 
now further assisted by the papal sentence of excommunication pronounced 
against those who proved refractory. Sten Sture the younger fell in battle, 
Trolle was reinstated in his office, from which he had been ousted and had fled 
to Denmark, and Christian was crowned at Stockholm: but the fearful 
massacre, by which he now thought to establish the union permanently, became 
the prelude to the revolt of Sweden under Gustavus Vasa. 

Immediately after his victory, Christian wrote to his uncle 
Frederick the Wise and asked him to send a theologian of the 
school of Luther and Carlstadt to Copenhagen. The Reformation 
was intended to aid him in weakening the power of the bishops and 
securing by force the possession of their landed property for the 
State. Martin Reinhard (Rhynhart) arrived at the end of the year 
1520 and preached, his sermons being interpreted by the Carmelite 
prior, Paul Elia, who soon, however, turned against the foreigner ; 
the King sent Reinhard back, in order, if possible, to get Luther 
himself for Copenhagen. TThe latter did not come, but Carlstadt 
did, 2 although he in like manner returned after a brief stay. 

In the meanwhile, Christian was occupied with the scheme of 
reforming his people by legislative measures. All appeals to 
Rome were to cease, the clergy were to be allowed to marry, 
the secular power of the bishops, who were to be kept to the 
religious administration of their office, was to be curtailed, and 
the monasteries reformed. He certainly abandoned this bold 
scheme as impracticable ; but, by an order which had in view the 
amelioration of the state of affairs in the city (1522) , he introduced many 
reforms in ecclesiastical matters. But the Jutes, dissatisfied with 
his rule, rose against him and, in 1523, offered the throne to his 
uncle Frederick von Gottorp from Denmark ; Christian, at variance 
with himself, deserted his cause, in order to seek help from his 

1 [1513-1523]- 

a H. Gram in Kiubenh. Seldkabs Skrifter, 1747. Ill 1 ff. D. Schafer in 
ZKG XIII 311 ff. (against VIII 283 ff.). 


father-in-law, Charles V., and his German relatives. His code 
was burnt, and Frederick recognised as King by Denmark and 
Norway. At heart attached to the Reformation, he nevertheless 
swore that he would resist Luther's heretical pupils and punish 
them in person and property ; in reality, he rendered no assistance 
to the Reformation, but neither did he violently check it in its 
irresistible progress from the duchies to the North. At the diet 
of Odensee (1527), he succeeded in carrying a law of toleration, 
which allowed free scope to the preaching of the new doctrines by 
the side of the old until a general council had given its decision ; 
he declared that he had only sworn to protect the Catholic church, 
not its errors. The nobility saw in the abolition of the excessive 
power of the bishops a strengthening of their own position, and 
accordingly supported Frederick. The clergy were allowed to 
marry, and the bishops, instead of fetching the pallium from Rome, 
had to get it from the King. Protected by this law, the Reformation 
made rapid progress. 

Hans Tausen (Tausanus, the "Danish Luther") occupied a prominent 
position as its spiritual promoter. The son of a peasant of Fiihnen (born 1494), 
a monk of the Order of St. John at Antvorskov, he studied from 1 516 at Rostock, 
where he gave philosophical lectures; he afterwards became (in 1523) a pupil 
of the German reformers at Wittenberg (Alb. acad. Viteb., p. 118); imprisoned 
in his native country as a Lutheran and subsequently released, he repaired 
to Wiborg in Jutland, which he made the starting-point of the evangelical 
movement, until he was again imprisoned. The King now took him under his 
protection and appointed him his chaplain, which enabled him to carry on 
his work unhindered. Numerous writings, amongst them two translations of 
the New Testament into Danish (by Michelsen, 1524, and a better one by 
Petersen, 1529), Tausen's version of the baptismal service, hymns original and 
translated from the German — all these carried the movement into wider circles ; 
on the other side, Paul Elia came more prominently into notice as the literary 
defender of the old order of things. Evangelical communities were formed, 
which in a few instances succeeded in gaining possession of certain churches 
with the co-operation of the magistrates. At the diet of 1530, held at Copenhagen, 
the King requested the bishops and prelates on the one side, and the Lutheran 
preachers, Tausen and his followers on the other, to present their confession 
and to discuss the question how one Christian religion might be established 
in the kingdom. Tausen handed in a confession consisting of forty-three 
articles; 1 the bishops opposed to it a confutation in the form of a bill of 
indictment ; the preachers replied with an Apologia. 2 The intended disputation 
did not take place, since it was found impossible to come to an agreement as to 

1 In Munter III 308 ff. 

2 Apologia Concionatorum Evangelicorum .... edita cum ipsa accusatione 
a M. Woldike. Hafniae 1739 ff. Engelstoft, de confutation* latina, quae 
apologia* Evangelicorum .... 1530 oppostta est. Havniae, 1847. 


the language in which matters should be discussed or the choice of judges 
whose decision would be accepted. The King thereupon decided that the 
Protestants should be allowed to remain unmolested until the meeting of 
the Council. In 1531, there was an outburst of iconoclasm, at Copenhagen, 
which however Tausen decidedly opposed. 

In 1533 Frederick died, after Christian II., relying upon the discontent of 
the prelates and the Catholic party and having made his peace witn the Pope, 
had in vain attempted to reconquer the kingdoms, and was subsequently 
rendered harmless by being kept in strict confinement. The States, at the new 
election, now hesitated between Frederick's son, Christian III., who had made 
Luther's acquaintance as a youth at the diet of Worms, and as vice-regent of 
the duchies 1 had already accepted Luther's doctrines, and the youthful John, 
who was decidedly favoured by the bishops; the claims of other German 
princes were also considered. The ambitious and far-reaching schemes of 
Wullenwever and Mark Meyer for the extension of the Hanseatic League, a 
democratic constitution and the introduction of the Reformation at the same 
time (p. 130) had a disturbing influence upon affairs ; but it was just the revolu- 
tionary character of this movement that caused the conservative elements of 
the population to look to Christian III. for support. The Knights of Jutland 
and the islands did homage to him, he conquered Fiihnen, and afterwards 
proceeded to besiege Copenhagen. Wullenwever's influence collapsed in 
Liibeck itself: the peace, which Christian concluded with Liibeck in February, 
1536, was followed by the submission of Malmos, and (in July) by that of 

Hereby the kingdom and also the victory of a conservative 
Reformation, regulated from high quarters, was made safe. All the 
Danish bishops were imprisoned, their chapter-properties con- 
fiscated, and subsequently, at a council of the kingdom, in which 
nobles, burgesses, and peasants were represented, the reorganisation 
of the Church in the State was decided upon. The power of the 
bishops was broken, their properties became crown-lands, a third 
of the tithes was appropriated to the advancement of learning and 

1 Hermann Tast had worked since 1522 at Husum in the spirit of Luther: 
the prelates, in 1526, had further attempted to check the progress of the move- 
ment by large supplies of money, but in the same year the Reformation already 
proved victorious in the majority of the towns. In the north of Schleswig its 
victory was decided in the year 1528. The Flensburg disputation between 
Tast (and others) and Melchior Hofmann (under the presidency of Bugenhagen) 
about the Eucharist and Baptism (1529, see p. 93) decided the rejection of the 
Zwinglian doctrine of the Eucharist and of mystic enthusiasm. During the 
reign of Christian III. Bugenhagen (in 1541) introduced the first Lutheran 
"bishop" in Schleswig, and in 1542 the modified Danish ritual also came into 
force in the duchies. The bishopric of Schleswig, after the precedent of affairs 
in Germany, till 1624 further served as a maintenance for the princes of the 
house. The monasteries were allowed to die out and their estates assigned 
to the crown, the four nunneries of St. John, Schleswig, Preetz, Jtzehoe and 
Uetersen were handed over to the Knights as aristocratic ladies' seminaries. 


science. Bugenhagen, who had been summoned to Copenhagen in 
1537, crowned the King, consecrated seven superintendents, 1 who 
still, however, retained the title of bishop, and assisted in com- 
pleting a very conservative ecclesiastical order which had been 
drawn up by certain Danish theologians. 2 The monasteries were 
secularised, the owners of property received important rights of 
patronage. Attention was paid to the improvement of the university 
and educational affairs. Christian entered into relations with the 
leaders of the Schmalkaldic league, but then drew back again. 

In Norway, the independence of which was to be abolished, Christian III. 
was only recognised in its southern part in 1536; in the North, opposition 
threatened in favour of the imprisoned Christian II. under the leadership of the 
Archbishop of Drontheim, Oluf Engelbrechtson. But, on the King's approach, 
the latter fled with his treasures to the Netherlands. Thus, here also, the old 
Church fell, the church-property was confiscated by the crown, the archi- 
episcopal office done away with and the church reorganised on the Danish 
model: nevertheless, the disinclination of the population to submit caused 
difficulties for a considerable time. It was found even more difficult to make 
Iceland bow to the will of the King. Certainly Luther's New Testament had 
been secretly circulated in an Icelandic translation, 3 and Bishop Gisser Einarsen 
of Skalholt, who had been educated in Germany, had begun (in 1539) to reform 
the Church after the Danish model. But, in 1548, a violent Catholic reaction 
followed under Bishop Aresen,who refused obedience to Copenhagen. He was 
executed as a traitor in 1550; however, his adherents rose in revolt and were 
not put down till 1554. The Lutheran ecclesiastical order was now introduced, 
in many instances by force. 

But danger still threatened the Lutheran Danish royal throne from the 
German Empire, the Habsburgs supporting the claims of Christian II. until the 
peace of Spires (1544) brought about an amicable understanding, after which 
the prisoner was allowed greater liberty. 

The Lutheran Church in Denmark and Norway now essentially developed 
itself in the forms and tendencies of German Lutheranism. After the fall of 
the bishops, the great superiority of the nobles, whereby the servitude of the 
peasants was now for the first time introduced, was dangerous to church 
matters. This authority exerted itself ecclesiastically in the case of rights of 
patrons. However, Christian was obliged to establish a law in 1551, that 
the children of ministers should not be treated as serfs of their patrons. The 
CA was also accepted as the basis of confession for Denmark and Norway; 
Tausen's confession of 1530, on the other hand, was ousted. The Formula of 
Concord, on the other hand, was rejected (see below). 

1 The Danish Church boasts of an uninterrupted episcopal succession. 
Peter Palladius, a disciple of the Wittenbergers, became bishop of Roeskilde, 
Tausen received an appointment at the newly-organised university. 

2 In this the prohibition of any formula of administering the Sacrament 
is peculiar. 

8 Printed in 1540, cp. Dan. Bibl., 8 Stuck, p. 20 ff. 


2. Sweden. 

Sources and Literature : Skrifter och Handlingar, til Uplysning i Swenska Kyrko 
och Reformations Historien ; 5 parts. Ups. 1790, 1791. Joh. Baazius, 
Inventarium Eccles. Sveogothorum. Lincopiae, 1642. Thyselius, Handlingar 
till Sverges Reformations och Kyrkohistoria undar Konung Gustaf I. Stockh., 
1841-1845. For more important information, see also ZhTh 17, 183 ff. ; 
the same, in ZhTh 16, 238 ff. J. Weidling, Schwed. Gesch. im ZA der Ref. 
Gotha, 1882. E. G. Geijer, Gesch. Schwedens II. Hamb., 1834. A. Fryxell, 
Leben Gustavs I. Wasa. Neustadt a.d.O. 1831. Aug. Theiner, Schweden 
und seine Stellung zum hi. Stuhle ; 2 parts. Augsburg, 1838 (as far as the 
text is concerned one of the worst productions of Ultramontane history- 
making, but it contains valuable additions from the archives). 

In consequence of the massacre of Stockholm (p. 164), Gustavus 
Yasa, a young connection of the family of the Stures, was elected 
regent in 1521; and, when Christian II. retired from Denmark, 
whither he was followed by Frederick I., who now claimed 
recognition in Sweden on the basis of the Union of Calmar, the 
diet of Strengness elected Gustavus King (1523). The overthrow 
of the too wealthy and powerful bishops was here also of vital 
importance to the new monarchy which, being without means, 
had to rely upon the support of the people. 

At the diet of Strengness, an eloquent and undaunted adherent of Luther 
had already arisen in the person of Olaus Petri (Olaf, or Olave Peterson). In 
15 16 he had gone to study at Leipzig, but had soon migrated to Wittenberg 
to hear Luther; in 1519 he returned home and, as deacon of Strengness, had 
found an intelligent superior in Archdeacon Laurence Andrea (Anderson), so 
that the cathedral pulpit as well as the cathedral school was opened to the new 
doctrines. But, just at this moment, the legate of Adrian VI., John Magni, 
appeared at the diet, and demanded the suppression of the Lutheran heresy ; 
he even for the moment obtained a promise from the cathedral chapter, that it 
would abstain from the new doctrines. At the moment, the King's chief 
anxiety was to prevent the Pope again forcing upon him Archbishop Trolle, 
who had Danish leanings, and to get him to approve his expulsion ; he was 
clever enough to interest the legate on his behalf, and caused him to be elected 
Trolle's successor himself. A papal brief arrived, demanding the re-acceptance 
of the latter. Then Gustavus (certainly influenced by the course of events in 
Germany, e.g., the Diet of Nuremberg) presented a kind of ultimatum to the, 
Curia ; that if he should be opposed there, nos per liberam et regiam nostram 
auctoritatem ita de ecclesiis et Christiana religione in terris nostris disponemus, 
secundum quod Deo et omnibus Christianis principibus placere credamus ; i if patience 
and friendliness should prove of no avail, ad iustitiae rigorem procedemus, non 
sinentes populum nostrum sub alienor urn intolerabili iugo servire. Shortly after 
this, Adrian died, and Clement VII. at first conceded that Magni should act 
as archbishop until Trolle's affair should be decided. In the meantime 

1 Theiner II Urkunden, p. 13. 


Gustavus had afforded effective support to the evangelicals; he summoned 
Laurence Anderson to Court as his chancellor and took care that Olave Peterson 
should be appointed not only a preacher at Stockholm itself, but at the same 
time town-clerk. Evangelical preaching now resounded unchecked through 
the capital. Luther's writings wer« allowed to be publicly offered for sale ; 
and when the leader of the old church party, Bishop Brask of Linkoping, 
endeavoured to obtain the prohibition of these writings, the King replied that 
hitherto these writings had not been condemned by unbiassed persons, but 
only by opponents. Thus protected, Olave Peterson in 1525 was able to marry; 
the King himself caused the Bible to be translated into Swedish, and cleverly 
paralysed any counter-action on the part of the episcopate by inviting the vain 
Magni to render a service to Sweden by undertaking the work. While this 
work of Magni's was in preparation, a translation of the New Testament 
prepared by the evangelicals (Laurence Anderson and others) appeared in 
1526, 1 and became an important factor in the spread of Lutheranism. Melchior 
Hofmann, who was now also stirring up men's minds in Stockholm, was driven 
out of the country (p. 93). Gustavus continued his ecclesiastical policy with 
heavy taxation of the large property of the church, and, while preparing the 
decisive blow, got John Magni out of the way by sending him as ambassador 
to Russia and Poland. 2 Charles's struggle with Clement (p. 70), and the 
scandalous union of the latter with the Turk created for him the favourable 
moment to strike the first blow. 

He planned a disputation at a church synod of the kingdom, for 
which twelve articles were drawn up, which were discussed by 
Peter Galle on the Romish, and by Olave Peterson on the evan- 
gelical side. 8 He then summoned (at Whitsuntide, 1527) a diet at 
Westerns, and laid certain proposals before it, which were at first 
indignantly rejected by the bishops and nobles: Gustavus then 
suddenly declared his intention of solemnly laying down his 
authority, whereupon, in the greatest confusion and thoroughly 
disheartened, they begged him to resume his authority, and humbly 
conceded all his demands : the surrender of the episcopal castles 
and strongholds to the King, the latter to have free liberty of 
disposal of their revenues: the right of the nobles to withdraw 
their donations which had been given to the Church since 1454 : 
free preaching of the ''pure word of God and the Gospel." The 
episcopal power was broken by the King's well-directed policy; 
Bishop Brask, the leader of those who held by the old doctrines, 
resigned his office and secretly left the country. Gustavus sum- 
moned a number of new bishops, having divided the large dioceses 

1 Reprinted by Acksel Andersson. Upsala, 1893. 

1 On his journey, Magni importuned the Pope to confirm his appointment 
as archbishop and to furnish him with the fullest powers ; he would then, he 
said, oppose the apostasy of Sweden, but without the archiepiscopal pallium 
he would not venture to return there. Theiner II., Urkunden, p. 21 ff. 

1 Skrifter och Handlingar I., 1 ff. Baazius, p. 165 ff. 


and thus increased their number, who were consecrated by the old 
bishop, Peter Magni of Westeras, as the only holder of the Catholic 
episcopal consecration, although he earnestly resisted. Surrounded 
by these new bishops, Gustavus caused himself to be crowned in 
1528, and Olave Peterson preached the sermon at the ceremony. 

Peterson worked indefatigably, by means of pamphlets and tractates 
written in Swedish, 1 to spread the ideas of the German reformation ; he was a 
disciple of Luther, who, in the matter of the Eucharist, steadfastly adhered 
to Luther's older, dogmatically undeveloped method of teaching. By trans- 
lations and poetry of his own, he also began to furnish the Swedes with an 
evangelical hymnology (the first hymn-book was published in 1530), and in 
1529 composed the first liturgy in the Swedish language 2 on Lutheran lines; in 
1531 followed the " Swedish mass" 3 quite after the model of the conservative 
Lutheran services. Numerous young men repaired to Wittenberg for 
purposes of study. Under the presidency of Laurence Anderson (now arch- 
deacon of Upsala) a synod was held at Oerebro in 1528, which allowed evangelical 
preaching, but at the same time instituted only very sparingly reforms in 
ecclesiastical practices, and showed itself especially conservative in the matter 
of ritual. Although the episcopal title was retained, the control of ecclesiastical 
matters was still in the hands of the ruling prince, to whom the control of the 
Church was made over. The twelve bishops (of whom, the Bishop of Upsala 
bore the title of Archbishop) formed no union: the Archbishop was only 
primus inter pares, upon whom devolved the coronation of the Kings, the actus 
ministeriales in the royal house and the office of spokesman of the ecclesiastical 
order at the diet, but he possessed no jurisdiction over his colleagues. Olave 
Peterson's younger brother, Laurence, was the first Archbishop of Upsala 
(1531). 4 As the majority of the old clergy remained in office, while the younger 
were eager for innovations and reforms, disputes were unavoidable. At first 
no violent changes were made, even the monasteries being allowed to continue : 
further steps were only taken gradually as the result of several synods. The 
" Gustavus" Bible, prepared by the brothers Peterson, did not appear till 1541. 
In the succeeding year, discontent with the alterations forced upon the Church 
led to a revolt. 

In supporting Gustavus, the people had at first only intended to 
aid the victory of the national monarchy, not that of the new 
doctrines. In the end, his inconsiderate interference with church 
property and church government was bound to evoke opposition 
and resistance in the country even on the part of the Protestants. 
At the time Sweden was but little affected by the spirit of the 
Reformation and only in limited circles. 

1 See specimens in Skrifter och Handl. I — V. 

2 Een Handbook paa Swensko. Skrifter III 41 ff. 

3 Skrifter III 147 ff. (Formula of administration : May the body [blood] of 
our Lord Jesus Christ preserve thy soul to everlasting life). 

4 Clement now first appointed in opposition John Magni Archbishop and 
Primate of Sweden. Dantzig became the meeting place of the northern 
Catholic fugitives. 

(French) Switzerland and Calvin. 

1. German and French Switzerland after the death of Zwingli. 

Literature: Bullinger : Biography by Pestalozzi. Elberf., 1858. MOrikofer 
in ADB 3, 513 ff. J. Heer in RE II 779 ff. K. Krafft, Aufzeichnungen 
des schweiz. Ref. H. B. Elberf., 1870. Usteri, Vertiefung der Zwingli' schen 
Sakramentslehre bei Bull, in StKr 1883, 730 ff. O. Myconius : Biography by 
Kirchhofer. Zurich, 1813. Hagenbach. Elberf., 1859. B. Riggenbach 
in RE X 403 ff. Farel: Biography by Kirchhofer; 2 vols. Zurich, 1831 
(the same, in StKr 1831, 282 ff.). Farel and Viret : C. Schmidt. 
Elberf., i860. P. Godet, Viret. Lausanne, 1892. In addition : F. W. 
Kampschulte, /. Calvin, seine Kirche und sein Staat. I. Leipz., 1869. 
Roget, Hist, du peuple de Geneve; 7 vols. Genf., 1870 to 1883. K. 
Pietschker, die luth. Reform, in Genf. Cothen, 1875. Callet, Ph. 
Berthelier, fondateur de la republ. de Gen. Paris, 1892. Ruchat, Hist, de la 
ref. de la Suisse. Gen., 1728. Fleury, Hist, de V'egl. de Gen.; 2 vols. 
Gen., 1880. M. Philippson, Westeuropa im ZA Philipps II. Berlin, 1882. 
Hundeshagen, die Conflicte .... in der Berner Landeskirche. Bern, 1842. 

After the unhappy issue of the War of Cappel, the excellent Henry Bullinger 
had taken Zwingli's place. He was the son of a minister and dean of the 
chapter of Bremgarten, born in 1504 as the result of a marriage which was 
tolerated by the Church, although it was not legitimate, and for which his 
father subsequently received the blessing of the Church (in 1529). Educated 
at Emmerich, at the school of the " Brethren of the Common Life," he 
commenced the study of theology at Cologne, where, by a steady process 
of development, he first turned from Scholasticism to the older fathers of the 
church, and then, by secret perusal of the writings of Luther and Melanchthon, 
to the study of the Scriptures. When the youthful magister returned to his 
native place (1522) and obtained a post at the Cistercian school at Cappel, he 
independently and decidedly took his stand on the side of the Reformation. 
He took an active part in the establishment of the principles of the Reformation in 
the city and monastery of Cappel, and accompanied Zwingli to the disputation 
at Berne. In 1529, he married a former nun, succeeded his father at Bremgarten, 
but, after the unlucky war of 1531, was obliged to leave his native place and 
repair to Zurich, where he was appointed preacher at the great cathedral. 
Here, where under pressure of events those who showed decidedly evangelical 
tendencies were driven back and the secret or political friends of the old state 
of things made more and more headway, in spite of a resolution of the Council 
whereby preachers were forbidden to say a word about political matters, he 
succeeded in preserving for them the right of free speech, and at the same 


time, by careful reserve, brought about better relations between the clergy 
and the authorities. During the tension that existed between the orthodox and 
reformed cantons in consequence of the counter - reformatory current, his 
declaration at Zurich to abide " stoutly and steadfastly " by the Gospel, since 
it contained some cutting remarks against the Romish mass, was interpreted 
as a breach of the peace ; too weak to defend himself, he was again obliged to 
acquiesce in a humiliating agreement (Einsiedeln, 1533). But the prosperous 
development of the reformed church at Zurich quietly proceeded, and Bullinger 
above all worked indefatigably as a fascinating popular preacher and as a 
spiritual guide, in his solicitude for higher and lower school education, by 
founding and carrying on the arrangements for preachers and synods, and in 
his devoted care for banished co-religionists. At the same time, he exerted 
himself to continue to teach Zwingli's Eucharistic doctrines by bringing into 
prominence the mystery of the divine effect of grace upon believers in the 
direction in which an agreement with Calvin's interpretation subsequently 
became possible. (For the First Confession of Bale and the Helvetic Confession, 
see above, p. 125.) 

In 1534, the maintenance of the Reformation was confirmed by oath at 
Berne by the whole district. At Bale, the place of Oecolampadius was taken 
by Oswald Myconius, the friend of Zwingli, but less abrupt and more temperate, 
who had previously held a post as schoolmaster at Zurich. 

Now, however, French Switzerland came equally into prominence 
with German Switzerland. In the French-speaking districts of the 
modern cantons of Berne and Biel, the fiery, turbulent Frenchman, 
William Farel, had been preaching since 1526 (for his disputation 
at Bale, see p. 57). Born in Dauphine, a pupil of Faber Stapulensis, 
he had at first lived with Bishop Briconnet, of Meaux, and then, 
when the latter was no longer able to protect him, had sought 
refuge at Bale, which he was obliged to leave after the disputation. 
After a short stay at Strasburg, where he became intimate with 
Bucer and Capito, he commenced his stirring campaign in the 
French districts of Switzerland. After breaking the images at 
the hospital chapel, he gained Neuchatel over to the Reformation. 
In the course of his wandering life as a preacher he reached Geneva 
in 1532. 

This city, which originally fell to the German Empire together with New 
Burgundy, had lost many liberties and rights to the bishop, who relied upon 
the support of the Dukes of Savoy ; the dukes, as lord-protectors, occupied the 
castle. Since the beginning of the 14th century, Geneva had been regarded 
as a city of Savoy, and still more so in the 15th, since the bishops had been 
for the most part princes of Savoy. At the beginning of the 16th century, 
luxury and immorality had become very prevalent at the episcopal court and 
also amongst the clergy. In 1526, the political situation was altered; an 
attempt of the duke and his episcopal relative to annihilate the republican 
order of things and simply to incorporate Geneva with the duchy, was repulsed 
with the aid of Berne and Freiburg; the ducal troops were driven out, and 


a decidedly republican constitution introduced ; the bishop was limited to his 
ecclesiastical rights. Philip Berthelier had been the leader of the "Con- 
federates." Years of stormy movements and struggles with Savoy followed : 
but at the same time also the new religious ideas, exercising their effect from 
Berne, began to make themselves plainly heard. 

While matters were in this state of ferment, Farel made his 

appearance in 1532, with a defiant demeanour ; he was soon obliged 

to withdraw, but sent the young Antony Froment to Geneva in 

his place. At the end of 1533, he returned to Geneva under the 

protection of Berne, accompanied by Peter Yiret. A religious 

discussion, held in January, 1534, in the presence of delegates 

from the town council of Berne, which was followed by a second, 

assisted progress ; the populace was carried away by Farel's 

stirring words ; in several of the city churches the service of the 

mass was forcibly abolished by him. The majority of the Great 

Council took his side and, after the autumn of 1535, Geneva 

became an evangelical city : by a resolution of the assembly of 

the citizens (May 21st, 1536) the papal religion was abolished 

and the new church elevated to the dignity of the state church : 

the reformed ideas had won the victory. Charles of Savoy still 

attempted to take measures against the rebellious city, but Berne 

liberated Geneva and conquered Vaud for itself. The bishop 

transferred his see to Annecy. A resolution of the Council 

established a simple service, daily early sermons in place of the mass, 

celebration of the Eucharist with ordinary bread, and introduced 

strict moral discipline. The way was entered upon, which would 

inevitably lead to a state church police as in the evangelical 

cantons of German Switzerland. On Farel alone fell nearly all 

the work of the re-organisation of the church— Viret was now 

working in Lausanne— and that amongst a deeply roused population, 

intoxicated by its young political and ecclesiastical freedom, only 

slightly penetrated by deeper evangelical conviction, and still less 

inclined to strict moral discipline. Then the man appeared in 

Geneva, whom Farel immediately endeavoured to secure for the 

accomplishment of the great task : John Calvin. 


2. Calvin until the time of his arrival at Geneva. 

Sources: Opera Calvini in CR (edited by Baum, Cunitz, Reuss and others) 
Vols. '29-73 (1-45). Braunschweig. 1863-1892 (containing in 38b — 49[ = iob 
— 21] the highly important Thesaurus Epistolarum, consisting of 4,271 letters ; 
Calvin's Biography by Beza 1564 and Annates Calviniani ; Indices in 50 
[22] ; from 51 [23] onwards the opera exegetica and homiletica). Herminjard, 
Corresp. des reformateurs dans les pays de langue frangaise. VIII vols. Gen. 
and Paris 1866- 1893. 

Literature : See above p. 171 ; add Biographies by H. Henry. 3 vols. Hamb. 
1835; Herzog, Basel 1843 ; E. Stahelin, 2 vols. Elberf. 1861. Lefranc, 
la jeunesse de C. Paris 1888 ; M'Crie. The early years of John Calvin, 
Edin. 1880; A. Lang, die attest, theol. Arbeiten C.'s, in NJdTh II 273 ff. 
Berthault, Mat. Cordier. Paris 1876. Pierson, Studien over J. Kalvijn. 
Aust. 1881. Usteri, Calvins Sakr. u. Tauflehre in StKr 1884, 417 ff. On 
the Institutio, see J. Kostlin in StKr 1868, 7 ff., 410 ff. On his stay at 
Ferrara : Schelcher in ZkW 1885, 498 ff. : Sandonnini in Rivista storia 
Italiana 1887, 531 ff. and Ancora del soggiomo di C. a F. Modena 1889; 
Fontana in Arch, della soc. Rom. di storia patria, 8, 101 ff. F. Kattenbusch ; 
J. C. in JdTh 23, 353 ff. E. Marcks, Coligny : I. I. Stuttgart, 1892, 
p. 281 ff. For Calvin's Theology see Loofs 3 426 ff. I regret that the 
valuable Essays of H. Lecoultre (in the Revue de Theologie et de Phil- 
osophie) on Calvin did not come into my hands until it was too late for 
me to make use of them in the text. On Calvin's conversion (XXIII 
1 ff.), he says that it was ni une conversion de V intelligence, ni une conversion 
du sentiment, mais une conversion de la volonte (p. 28) ; for the Commentary on 
Seneca, see XXIV. 51 ff. ; for Ferrara, XIX 168 ff. and XXIV 225 ff. ; for 
Calvin's banishment from Geneva, XIX 522 ff. My doubts of the Calvinistic 
authorship of the speech of Cop (see page 175) are founded, apart from con- 
siderations of style and material, upon the striking phenomenon that the 
French edition of Beza's Vita Calvini (Geneva, 1663, P- l6 ) omits the 
statement of the Latin suggessit earn Calvinus and makes the latter withdraw 
from Paris only in consequence of his j 'am iliarite with Cop (Copus). But the 
expression "probably spurious " is somewhat too strong. Dalton, Calvin's 
Bekehrung in Dev Bl 1893, 529 ff. 

John Calvin (Jean Cauvin or Caulvin) was born on the 10th of July, 1509, at 
Noyon in Picardy. His father was procurator-fiscal and the bishop's secretary ; 
he was not a wealthy man, but favoured by position and connections. The son, 
from early youth, exhibited not only zeal in all ecclesiastical exercises, but also 
seriousness and strictness in his views of morality ; it is said of him who lost 
his mother early, that he never played as a boy; the weaker sides of senti- 
mentality remained unfostered. Destined from an early age to an ecclesiastical 
career, he was brought up and educated in the house of a noble patron, to 
whom he was indebted for the aristocratic traits in his character, and from whom 
when only twelve years old he received a prebend. At the age of fourteen, he 
repaired to Paris, where Maturin Cordier became his tutor; at eighteen he 
intended to begin his theological studies at the Sorbonne and had already 
received the tonsure as usufructuary of a prebend that had been procured for 
him, when the ambitious desires of his father led him to the study of law, to 
which he applied himself with energy and success at Orleans and Bourges. In 



addition, he had already been fascinated by the study of the Bible, with a 
translation of which his kinsman Robert Olivetanus was occupied. At Bourges 
he also received instruction in Greek from the German Melch. Wolmar of Rottweil, 
a man who had been seized by the Lutheran movement, and in whose house he 
first came into contact with Theodore de Beze (Beza). His studies, which had 
become more and more humanistic since the death of his father (1531), 
who had died under the ban in strife with the clergy, led him back again to 
Paris ; his first attempt at authorship was a Commentary on Seneca's treatise 
de dementia (1532). Even at that early date, when a band of persons interested 
in the study of the Bible gathered round Faber Stapulensis, and the Court, espe- 
cially under the influence of Margaret, sister of Francis I., had not shown itself 
inaccessible to the evangelical trend of ideas, Paris had already witnessed 
severe persecution of the " Lutherans " and the martyrdom of many a heretic. 
But just at the time of Calvin's presence, remarkable fluctuations took place. 
Under the protection of Margaret, several pulpits were thrown open to different 
professors of the new doctrines, in spite of the determined opposition of the old 
orthodox party. To this stay at Paris (interrupted by a second course of study 
at Orleans) 1 belongs the sudden conversion of Calvin : Deus animum meum 
subita conversione ad docilitatem egit (CR 59, 21). 2 The hand stretched out by a 
burning heart became his symbol. Convinced that salvation depended alone 
upon God's mercy in Christ, he felt equally convinced of his own election ; 8 on 
the other hand, he was henceforth dominated by the fundamental idea that he 
was the absolute property of God and at his disposal alone. By inclination a 
man of learning, he now thought to serve the Reformation as an author. At 
first, restless years of wandering followed. When King Francis, on his return 
from his meeting with Pope Clement at Marseilles, was on the point of taking 
decided steps against the heretics, on All Saints' Day, 1533 (according to the 
old statement of Calvin's biographers), the rector of the University and student 
of medicine, Nicolas Cop, delivered a speech which Calvin is said to have assisted 
him to compose, and which, with slight concealment, set forth the principles 
of the Reformation as the task of the century (CR 38, 2, 30 ff.). It is said that 
Cop and Calvin had to flee from the wrath of the monks. However, in regard 
to this incident all is uncertain; the traditional report is probably spurious; 
neither Calvin's share in it nor his flight occasioned by it can be clearly proved. 
Under the name of Charles d'Espeville he stayed with the Canon Du Tillet at 
Angouleme, where he diligently applied himself to his studies. On the 
occasion of a visit to his native town, oh the 4th of May, 1534, he formally laid 
down his ecclesiastical dignity and was imprisoned as a heretic ; he then 
repaired to the residence of Margaret of Navarre, the refuge of the evangelicals, 
Nerac in Beam, where Faber (Le Fevre), Roussel and others were staying at 
the time; in the autumn of 1534 he returned to Paris once more, just at the 
time when the embittered evangelicals, during the night of the I3th-i4th of 
October, posted up violent placards attacking the mass and the like 4 on the 

1 Bulletin litter, et historique 1877, p. 177. CR 49, 191. 

1 This event, however, cannot have taken place as early as 1532 (as is. 
usually assumed), but not until the spring of 1534. 

8 " He is a stranger alike to Luther's exultation and his inward struggles." 

4 Printed in Crespin, Hist, des martyrs 1619, ma. 



church doors and walls, even on the door of the royal bedchamber, and thereby 
afforded opportunity for fresh persecution. A friend of Calvin, Stephen de la 
Forge, was at that time burnt with others on the Place de Greve. Calvin left 
Paris, and, not without trouble and adventures, reached Metz, accompanied by 
Du Tillet : he then proceeded by way of Strasburg, where he made Bucer's 
acquaintance, to Bale, where he was friendly received by Simon Grynaeus. 

The persecution of the "Lutherans" in France, which Francis I. 
represented to the German princes as being merely directed 
against political agitators, violators of the Sacrament and Ana- 
baptists, caused Calvin 1 to come forward with his Institutio religionis 
christianae (Institutes of the Christian Religion) as a testimony 
of the belief of the evangelicals, to which he prefixed a letter to 
the King (August ist, 1535), of which he says (CR 59, 23) : 
Silentium meum non posse a perftdia excusari censui, nisi me pro virili 
opponerem. In addition to its primary apologetic purpose, the 
Institutio is at the same time intended to satisfy the need of a 
concise representation of evangelical doctrine — which, in the first 
edition, it was. It first appeared in Latin (March, 1536) ; 2 in a 
number of the later editions it increased in bulk, but contained 
no important alteration in its dogmatic views ; for it was the 
work of a man, whose views were fixed. 3 

While Calvin, in this work, from a theological point of view appears 
mainly as a pupil of the Lutheran Reformation, in regard to the doctrine of 
the Eucharist in particular, certain modifications of his own were introduced. 
He is at one with Zwingli in the symbolic interpretation of the words hoc est, 
in the rejection of the ubiquity of the glorified body of Christ, and in laying 
stress upon the celebration of the Holy Communion as a communio for mutual 
love ; but he goes far beyond Zwingli in the attempt to maintain a " real " 
communication of the body of Christ as the cibus vitae nostrae spiritualis, not 
indeed a communication of the substance of the body of Christ, but of all the 
beneficia, quae in suo corpore nobis Christus praestitit, the effect of which is 
the certainty of eternal life and hope of resurrection ; in this the bread and 
wine do not act as a material vehicle, but as signs whereby belief is elevated 
to that which they signify. 

1 Similarly, Zwingli, shortly before his death, had composed a vindication 
of the Reformation, addressed to Francis I. ; Christianae fidei expositio (Niemeyer, 
p. 36 ff. Schaff I 368 £.). 

2 Not, as originally assumed, in French: cp. Prolegomena in CR 29, 
XXIII ff. For the editio princeps see CR 29, 1-248. 

■ For the editions of i539- I 554 see CR 29, 253 ff.; that of 1559, in CR 30; 
the French edition of 1560 in CR 31 and 32. On the Institutio compare, besides 
Kostlin, Gass, Gesch. der prot. Dogm. I 100 ff. Kampschulte I 251 ff. Separate 
edition of the Institutio (1559) by Tholuck. Berl., 1834, *835. German 
translation of the edition of 1536 by B. Spiess. Wiesb., 1887. 


At the same time Calvin was now collaborating in a French translation of 
the Bible. After Faber's earlier attempt, Calvin's uncle, Robert Olivetanus had 
undertaken an improved version. The Waldenses of the mountain valleys of 
Piedmont gave the first impulse towards defraying the cost of printing. They 
had already entered into relations with Zwingli, Bucer and Oecolampadius ; 
on the 12th of September, 1532, they had already, at a meeting at Angrogne, 
declared their adhesion to the churches of the Reformation, discussed the 
subject of the publication of the French Bible, and in spite of their poverty 
had sent five hundred gold thalers for this purpose to Neuchatel. Olivetanus's 
first edition of the New Testament appeared in 1534. Calvin had already rendered 
assistance, though not of an important nature, in the work ; he rendered far 
greater service in the complete edition (Old and New Testament) of 1535, 
for which he wrote the introduction "to all Emperors, Kings, Princes, and 
peoples, who live under Christ's government" (CR 37, 787 ff.). 1 

We strongly hold, with Kampschulte, that, in the spring of 1536, Calvin, 
accompanied by Du Tillet, left Bale and repaired to Italy to the court of 
the Duchess Renee of Ferrara (daughter of Louis XII. and wife of the Duke 
of Ferrara of the house of Este), a princess, who had already been connected 
in France with the Faberian circle and was under the influence of Margaret. 
At Ferrara, a large number of highly educated ^persons of evangelical leanings 
had assembled, amongst them some who had been obliged to leave France 
for the sake of their religious convictions. Soon, however, Calvin was again 
obliged to retire before the inquisition, however without any disturbance of 
his relations with Renee, with whom he kept up a continuous correspondence. 2 
He returned once again to France to settle his family affairs, converted two 
of his brothers and sisters to his own religious views and, accompanied by 
them, left his native country. " If truth does not deserve to dwell in France, 
neither may I dwell there ; I will submit to her lot." The war between Charles 
and Francis blocked the way through Lorraine, so he proposed to travel by way 
of Geneva to Bale, but was detained at the former place by Farel (July, 1536). 
He endeavoured to excuse himself on the plea that he needed quiet to pursue 
his studies, and that he knew that his natural shyness made him useless for 
such work, and so forth. But Farel declared to him in the name of God that, 
if he refused his help, when the Church was in such sore need, God would 
curse his studies and his rest. Calvin accordingly remained, at first as a 
teacher of theology. 

1 In the edition of 1540 (Lyons) Calvin's name alone appeared; a later 
edition was revised by Calvin, assisted by Beza and others (Geneva, 1551, 
Robert Stephanus); a translation, which, together with the "Institution 
chretienne" attained great importance for the development of French prose. 

2 More recent enquiries have tended to make even the meagre fragments of 
this Italian journey, which Kampschulte considered the historical germ of all 
kinds of fabulous travelling adventures, uncertain. Opinions are especially at 
variance in regard to the date of the journey : Sandonnini transfers it to the 
autumn of 1535, makes the Institutio appear anonymously in August, 1535, and 
Calvin withdraw to Italy, in order to oonceal his authorship ; Philippson places 
the journey at the end of 1535; Fontana fixes the stay at Ferrara between 
March 23rd and April 14th, 1536. Special notice is also due to Rilliet's 
treatise which for the first time unmasks the legend : Lettre ci M. Merle d'Aubigne. 
Geneve, 1864. Add C. A. Cornelius in DZGW IX 203 ft. 

VOL. III. 12 



3. Calvin's early activity in Geneva, his Expulsion and Recall. 

Literature: Continued from p. 174. Rilliet and Dufour, le Catech. frangais 
de C. en 1537 reimprim'e. Gen. 1878. C. A. Cornelius, die Verbannung 
C. s aus Genf in ABA XVII ; the same, Die Rilckkehr C. s nach Genf. J, 
in ABA XVIII; Viguie, C. a Strasbourg. Paris, 1880; Strecker, J. C. 
als erster Pfarrh. d. ref. Gem. in Str. Strassb., 1890. Hundeshagen, 
Conflicte, etc., p. 109 ff. 

The citizens soon appointed Calvin preacher. In October, 1536, 
he accompanied Farel to the weighty religious disputation at 
Lausanne, where, together with Viret, they championed evangelical 
principles. The activity of his preaching soon became noticeable ; 
above all, his work was directed towards ecclesiastical legislation, 
in view of realising the ecclesiastical ideal set forth by him in the 
Institutio. The establishment of an organised supervision of all 
the members of the Church conducted by the elders of the laity, 
with excommunication as*the last ecclesiastical corrective, preceded, 
however, by the constituting of the community by means of a 
confession of faith to be rendered by each individual, is the object 
. for which he strives. The Council accepted his proposal in 
January, 1537. He composed a "Catechism," not only intended 
for the instruction of youth, but also as an epitome of the doctrine 
that demanded acceptance at Geneva, which accordingly was also 
communicated abroad as an authentic expression of the same : 
Instruction et confession de foy dont on use en Veglise de Geneve, I537- 1 
He demanded and obtained from the Council the binding of the 
whole body of the citizens by oath to a confession of faith, which 
is an abstract of the Catechism, composed by Calvin or Farel. 2 
The Council had to tender the oath of belief first, then the citizens 
by tens : future recalcitrants were liable to punishments, both civil 
and ecclesiastical ; those who refused to take this oath were to lose 
their rights as citizens, a measure which could not, however, be 

1 In this treatise, the doctrine of predestination is expressed more definitely 
than in the Institutio : the seed of the word of God only takes root and l^ears 
fruit in those who are predestined for God's children by eternal election. " A 
tous les au.tres qui par mesme conseil de Dieu devant la constitution du monde 
sont r6prouvez, la . . . predication . . . ne peult estre aultre chose sinon odeur 
de mort en mort." This doctrine has set its stamp on Calvinism, — the courage 
bold in death, the invincible tenacity of its professors, but also the abrupt 
contrast and harshness to the crowds of the " rejected." Calvin's Catechismus 
Genevensis, not composed till 1545, is different from this. Niemeyer. p. 123 ff. 

2 Rilliet et Dufour, p. 101 ff. 


completely carried out and met with increasing opposition. Calvin 
and Farel further demanded the introduction of an ordinance, 1 
which handed over the maintenance of strict ecclesiastical discipline 
to certain pious men to be chosen from the body of the citizens, 
who were to keep watch over morals, to offer admonition in common 
with the clergy, and to threaten the refractory before the assembled 
congregation with eventual exclusion from the Communion. 
Further, a fitting order of divine service (inclusive of congrega- 
tional singing), precepts for the instruction of youth and matri- 
monial statutes were provided. But the Council only partly agreed 
to these measures, and refused to permit the monthly Communion 
Service and the naming of the excluded in the presence of the 
congregation : it recognised in the proposals accepted in January a 
limitation of its magisterial rights : it made the proposal in regard 
to ecclesiastical discipline rather a State ecclesiastical police 

It prescribed the observance of the Sabbath, forbade games and 
ribald songs, and took measures against parents who did not send 
their children to school. The strict execution of the moral regula- 
tions appeared to have good results. But a reaction soon set in, 
which had its origin in the elements that were unfavourable to such 
rigorism, and opposed the rule of the clergy. As early as September, 
*537> it was seen that no small portion of the citizens had refused 
to take the oath, while others went back from their word. The 
inhabitants of an entire street declared that they would neither 
leave the city nor acquiesce in the new moral constraint : they had 
bought their freedom dearly enough. The preachers now demanded 
the right of excluding from communion, together with naming of 
the offender, which was not allowed them for fear of disturbance. 
In February, 1538, the people elected the most pronounced enemies 
of the preachers to the city offices and as its representatives ; the 
moral regulations which were again promulgated were derided: 
disorder and immorality increased. In addition, difficulties origi- 
nated from Berne. There a more Lutheranising tendency (repre- 
sented by Kunz) had obtained the superiority over the Zwinglian 
(Megander) and now claimed the adherence of the Genevese in 
ecclesiastical observances (the keeping of certain feasts besides 
Sundays, the baptismal font, and the holy wafers). The Council of 
Geneva took advantage of this against the preachers, but here also met 

1 Gaberel, Histoire de Veglise de Geneve I, piece justific. 102. 

12 — 2 


with resistance, as they first sought a synodal agreement-for which 
in fact the basis was found almost entirely at the meeting at 
Lausanne (which was dependent upon Berne) between Calvin and 
Farel and the Bernese. But Calvin desired that ecclesiastical 
matters should be left not to magisterial but to ecclesiastical decision 
and hence demanded an adjournment of the innovations, until a 
synod should have decided. The old blind preacher Couraud was 
forbidden by the Council to enter the pulpit, owing to his invectives 
a-ainst the authorities, and, when he refused to obey the order, 
was imprisoned. At the Easter festival, the Council wanted to 
force Calvin and Farel to celebrate the Communion according to 
the Bernese ritual : on their refusal to do so, another preacher was 
substituted for them. Then they continued to preach in spite of the 
prohibition of the authorities, but at the same time declared to the 
whole congregation that it was unworthy to receive the Communion. 
The day after, they were deposed from office by the Council for 
contempt of the authorities. The general body of citizens, as a 
final court, increased the severity of this resolution : they were 
commanded to leave the precincts of Geneva within seventy-two 
hours. Eagerness to see the Church independent of the State, and 
also the lack of moderation and consideration exhibited by the 
twenty-nine year old Calvin had conjured up the conflict. 

Calvin and Farel proceeded respectively to Berne and Zurich : attempts at 
mediation set on foot by these places proved useless; Geneva declined to 
resume them. Calvin went on to Grynaeus at Bale, whence Bucer summoned 
him to Strasburg, while Farel found a post at Neuchatel. It was of far-reaching 
importance to Calvin that he now came more closely into contact with the 
German reformers and that Strasburg's wide political horizon extended his 
own view. Here he received a commission from the authorities to collect and 
manage the congregation of French refugees, in whose case he attempted to 
realise his ideals of Church discipline. At the same time, he delivered lectures 
at the Academy, and also, in the name of the Church of Strasburg, took part 
in the German religious negotiations (the Frankfort Convent, the religious 
discussions at Hagenau, Worms and Ratisbon), feeling himself at one with the 
position of the Strasburgers and drawing near to Melanchthon, as he accepted 
the CA in the sense of its author. Here, in 1539, he thoroughly recast his 
Institutio, being decided by a mechanical idea of the revealed nature of the 
Bible, and in particular he carried out to a much greater extent the doctrine of 
predestination and his theocratic ecclesiastical constitution. 

But, in Geneva, the continued and increasing party-struggles 
soon rendered a firm hand necessary again. The members of the 
congregation who were ecclesiastically most zealous regarded as 
intruders the successors in office of those who had been banished ; 


the fact that Calvin himself exhorted them to recognise the latter, 
after a sort of reconciliation had been brought about by the 
mediation of Berne, created a good impression in Geneva. Calvin's 
previous opponents partly agreed to a compromise: the sensible 
elements shrank from the consequences of undisciplined liberty ; 
his energetic reply 1 to the humanistically superficial letter of 
Cardinal James Sadolet, Bishop of Carpentras, to the Genevese, in 
which he exhorted them to seek salvation in a return to Catholicism, 2 
successfully assisted in changing men's minds. On the 20th of 
October, 1540, he was recalled by a resolution of the Council: in 
September, 1541, he actually returned. 

5. Geneva and Switzerland under the Influence of the Spirit of 


Literature: (continued). Cornelius, die Griindung d. Calv. KVerfassung in ABA 
XX 251 ff. Elster, C. als Staatsmann, Gesetzgeber und Nationalukonom in 
Jb. f. Nationalokon. 1878, p. 163 ff. ; G. Galli, die luth. u. calvin. Kirchen- 
strafen im Ref.-ZA. Bresl. 1878, 149 ff. J. Heitz, C.s kirchenrechtl. Ziele. I. 
ThZ aus d. Schweiz 1893, P- IO ff») Castellio, Biogr. by J. Mahly. 
Basel 1862 ; F. Buisson. 2 vols. Paris 1892. Bolsec's libellous work De 
la vie, moeurs, actes, doctrine, Constance et mort de J. C, printed amongst 
others in Archives curieuses de Vhistoire de France, V. Paris 1835 p. 301 ff. ; 
add La France prot. 2 II 745 ff. and die Controverse zwischen Galiffe und 
Bordier 1880-1881 ; Galiffe, Quelques pages dliistoire exacte. Genf and 
Basel 1868 (written in a party spirit against Calvin). Beza : Biography by 
Schlosser. Heidelb. 1809; Baum, 2 vols. Leipzig 1843. 1851 (not com- 
pleted) ; Heppe. Elberf. 1861, also RE II 356 ff. ; Viguie in Lichtenberger's 
Encyclopaedia II 255 ff . ; literature dealing with the Waldenses in Divi- 
sion 7, 1 ; with Servetus, Division 7, 4. A. Hollander in HZ 69, 385 ff. 

With the Ordonnances ecclesiastiques 1541 3 (drawn up by Calvin, 
altered by the Council and accepted by the community on the 
20th of November 1541), the radical transformation of Geneva from 
theocratic points of view began. 

Certainly, Calvin theoretically desires the complete separation of Church 
and State as two different spheres. For Church administration he teaches the 
divine institution of four ordres d'office, the pastors (for worship and the care of 
souls), the doctors (for searching and interpreting the Scriptures), the elders 
(for moral discipline), and the deacons (for the tending of the poor). But, above 
all, together with pure doctrine and the administration of the Sacrament, he 
demands, to ensure the stability of the Church, strict ecclesiastical discipline, 

1 Responsio ad Sadoleti epistolam, CR 33, 385 ff. 

2 Sadoleti epistola ad senatum populumque Genevensem. Lugd., 1539. 
CR 33, 368 ff. 

3 Richter, KOO I 342 ff. CR 38a. 15 ff. 


which he regarded as the sinew and substance of the Church. To carry this 
out, is the task of the " Consistory " or " Court of the Elders," in which clergy 
together with lay-elders exercised their moral and corrective office, which is to 
be extended rigorously to the entire civil and family life, and which has control 
over the primitive measures of censure, reprimand, church penance, a humble 
apology on one's knees before the community and excommunication. But, at 
the same time, this presbyterian constitution was not thoroughly developed in 
Geneva, where the church was not divided into communities and hence there 
were no communal presbyteries. The " Consistory," composed of the six city 
clergy and the twelve lay deputies of the Council, appeared to secure the 
preponderance of the latter. The choice of pastors was vested in the clergy, 
but the Council had the right of confirming the appointment. In this, the 
influence, which the state churchship of German Switzerland exercised upon 
Geneva became evident. But, as a matter of fact, the influence of the pastors 
was dominant in Geneva. "The ecclesiastical moral discipline, which else- 
where continued, in the main, theory, might be put into practice at Geneva, but 
theory had never gone so far elsewhere as practice at Geneva." But further, 
Calvin demanded from the State not only express recognition of the Church and 
its order of discipline, but the citizen community, at the demand of the con- 
sistory, is also to follow up the censure of the Church with further civil 
punishment inflicted by its instruments. Also, for the State God's word is to be 
the highest authority and is to carry out its requirements (which are partly 
drawn up under the influence of Old Testament ^points of view). As now the 
holders of the spiritual office are the summoned ministri verbi divini, it follows 
that their voice must be heard and respected by the State : as in fact Calvin 
himself demanded the most deep-searching influence on civil and state life and 
also knew how to maintain it — although certainly with severe struggles. Only 
the one true faith is to be tolerated in Geneva ; suspected and convicted heretics 
are to be punished and coerced by the authorities ; falling away from the 
true faith is a crime against the state. Not only did the libels of the " libertine " 
Jacques Gru'et upon the clergy and his insults against the person and history of 
Jesus bring about his execution in 1547; Dut a ^ so Michael SerYetus's (Servede) 
distinctly theological, although fierce attack upon the church doctrine of the 
Trinity fell under the point of view of the crime of blasphemy, and Calvin 
considered it entirely in order that he ended his life at the stake in 1553. (See 
more in detail in Division 7, chapter 4.) Elsewhere, also, the state authority 
placed itself at the service of the demands of the Consistory : for instance, when 
it deprived of office the excellent humanist Sebastian Castellio, rector of the 
School of Geneva, who fell out with the dogmatically abrupt and legal spirit of 
Geneva; in 1544, further measures taken against him obliged him to flee to 
Bale : again, in punishing the physician Jerome Bolsec for his opposition to the 
strict doctrine of predestination with imprisonment and subsequently (only 
ag ainst Calvin's will) with banishment. Calvin in the main pressed for the 
sev erest penal laws possible and the merciless execution of the same : pious 
authorities must be strict. In fact, he obtained a purely Draconic justice. 
W ithin five years, 58 death sentences and 76 banishments were carried out 
amongst the inhabitants of Geneva, who numbered about 20,000. The old 
G eneva, not only the so-called "libertines," who elevated licentiousness to a 
p rinciple by an appeal to the old liberties, but the party of the old community 

in general, which desired to maintain the sovereignty of the Council, kicked 

gainst this theocratic severity. 


From 1546 to 1555 Calvin, supported by numerous evangelical 
refugees from France, was obliged to contend, in many instances 
with terrible harshness, against the attempts to shake off the iron 
yoke of his discipline. In the year 1555 the ''revolt " of the city 
commandant (captain-general of the republic), Ami Perrin, which 
was exaggerated into a long prepared revolt and, at Calvin's desire, 
punished with cruel severity, marks Calvin's final victory. From 
that time resistance is broken, Calvin is master of Church and 
State ; the latter accustoms' itself to ask his opinion even in most 
trifling questions ; and Calvin asserts his influence unbendingly, 
harshly, and not without imperiousness. The enemy of all recrea- 
tion and amusement, he abolished popular festivals, theatres, card- 
playing and dancing, caused strict supervision to be kept over the 
few houses of entertainment which were still tolerated, and regu- 
lated private life by rules for food and clothing. The Consistory 
performed the functions of a keen police board of morals, exercising 
a strict watch and acting on Calvin's principle that it is better that 
many innocent persons should be punished, than that one guilty 
person should remain unpunished. During those struggles a new 
race, brought up by Calvin, had grown up, in which the immigrant 
French exercised an authoritative influence. The strict moral com- 
mands changed into morality : Geneva became the model of a well- 
ordered, honourable and pious community, in which prosperity 
flourished without luxury and crime was unknown. 

But Calvin's universal genius extended beyond his local task. 
He keenly felt the need of first bringing into living connection the 
different reformed districts of Switzerland. In his struggles (e.g., 
with Bolsec and Servetus) intercourse with the neighbouring com- 
munities had served him more than once as a point of support : 
but the decisiveness with which he asserted his standpoint in oppo- 
sition to the Zwinglian conception, and his intellectual superiority 
again aroused the opposition of the various locally conditioned 
Swiss churches. In contrast to Zwinglianism, dogmatically inde- 
pendent and capable of better appreciating Luther's spirit and the 
advantages of Lutheran views, he recognised the need of going 
beyond the specifically Zwinglian institutions. He thereby created 
mistrust, especially as he had declared his unconditional adherence 
at Strasburg to the church of that place, and had subscribed to the 
CA (variata) at Worms (in 1540). 

Zealous Zwinglians, e.g. in Zurich, where people had been full of mistrust 
since the Concord negotiations, regarded Calvin as a Lutheran. In Bale, 


offence was taken at the moral and doctrinal rigorism of the Genevese ; in 
Berne, political reasons also worked in the direction of an attitude of rejection; 
for the pieces of French Vaud and Savoy that had fallen to the share of Berne 
gravitated, after the fashion of the Romance nations and under the influence of 
Farel and Viret, rather in the direction of Geneva than Berne, and resisted the 
State churchship of Berne that opposed the theocracy of Geneva, so that 
jealousy of the peculiar development of Geneva was excited in Berne, especially 
as people saw in Calvin the origin of the diminution of their own influence upon 
Geneva. Certainly, the Lutheranising Bernese party had drawn nearer and 
nearer to Calvin, but it was driven back in 1548 by the Zwinglian : the Vaud 
clergy who adhered to Calvin were obliged to submit to inconsiderate treatment 
from Berne. 

In spite of these hindrances, Calvin, in company with Farel, 
first succeeded (in 1549) in coming to an agreement with Zurich 
(Bullinger) in regard to the doctrine of the Eucharist (Consensus 
Tigurinus). 1 This consensus certainly accentuated the divergence 
from Luther, 2 and brought into prominence the points of contact 
with Zwingli, 3 but in reality did not assert Zwingli's view, but 
represented a compromise between Bullinger and Calvin ; the latter 
renounced the full development of his ideas of the effect of the 
flesh of Christ upon believers brought about by the mediation of 
the Holy Spirit, while Bullinger vigorously expressed with Calvin 
the stress laid upon a real effect of grace in the Eucharist, which 
had always been opposed by him {Christum spivitualiter cum 
spiritualibus eius donis recipere ; Christus nos in coena facit sui par- 
ticipes). Although Berne did not accept the Consensus, to which 
several Swiss churches soon gave their adherence, it was, notwith- 
standing, hailed extensively, inside and outside Switzerland (by 
Bucer, Lasco and others) as a joyful event. 

Calvin was less successful in another point. Jerome Bolsec had, as already 
mentioned, publicly declared (in 1551) against his strict doctrine of predestination, 
which possessed fundamental importance for him, first at Geneva, then at 
Vevey, then, goaded on by the "libertines," at a so-called congregation, a 
devotional gathering, at which everyone present might make some remarks. 
He was at once overwhelmingly refuted by Calvin, and almost immediately 
imprisoned by one of the authorities. This gave occasion to the symbolic 
establishment of this doctrine in the Consensus pastorum GeneYensis ecclesiae, 
1552 (CR 36, 249 ff. Niemeyer, p. 218 ff.). 4 But the German cantons (Zurich, 

1 In Niemeyer, p. 191 ff. ; CR 35, 689 ff. Schaff., Bibl. symb. I 471 ff. 

2 Tollenda est quaelibet localis praesentiae imaginatio . . . perversa et impia 
superstitio est ipsum (Christum quatenus homo est) sub elementis hiiius mundi 

3 Per metonymiam ad signum transfertur rei figuratae nomen. 

4 Schaff, Bibl. Symb. I 474 ff. This confession contains only one detailed 
tract : de aetema Dei praedestinatione et de providentia. 


Berne, Bale) recommended reserve in regard to this divine secret, and in 
Geneva itself there was no lack of opposition. Bolsec, banished from Geneva, 
directed abuse from the Bernese Vaud country against Calvin ; l in Berne 
also he was violently attacked. The Bernese Council prohibited all useless 
disputations, also in regard to predestination, and forbade the Vaud clergy, 
who took offence at the lack of ecclesiastical discipline in the Bernese church, 
to communicate in Geneva (1555). A Genevese deputation, conducted by 
Calvin , vainly endeavoured to obtain satisfaction for the accusations and behaviour 
of the Vaud church. (From 1549, Viret had had the assistance of the highly 
educated, humanistically trained Theodore Beza, teacher of Greek at the 
school of Lausanne. He was French, like Calvin, and had advanced from 
humanism to evangelical views ; he had already entered into personal relations 
with Calvin.) 

French Switzerland took a lively interest in the fortunes of the 
Evangelicals throughout France, especially in the suffering of 
the Waldenses, 2 who were seized and driven on by the reformation 
movement. As the French Government, after 1556, threatened the 
Piedmontese Waldenses with violent measures, a resolution was 
come to at Geneva (in 1557) to beg the prominent Swiss cantons 
and evangelical princes in Germany to intercede for them with the 
French crown. Beza and Farel were entrusted with the commission 
who, after having pressed on the matter in Berne, Bale, Zurich and 
Schaffhausen, repaired to Strasburg to Otto Henry of the Palatinate 
and Duke Christopher of Wurtemberg. Here it was a matter of 
overcoming the mistrust shown by the Lutherans (Marbach at 
Strasburg, Tilemann Hesshusen at Heidelberg, Duke Christopher) 
towards the Swiss doctrine. 

In Germany men's minds had begun to be again stirred up by the opposition 
between the Gnesio-lutherans and Philippists in the matter of the doctrine of 
the Eucharist. In 1552, Joachim Westphal at Hamburg had attacked the 
Consensus Tigurinus, Calvin and Peter Martyr, certainly with the intention of 
reaching the German Philippists. The Calvinistically inclined John a Lasco, 
driven by bloody Mary from London (1553) with his Franco- Belgian reformed 
community, had been unable to find a welcome either in Denmark or North 
Germany. Calvin and Bullinger had come forward in defence of their confes- 
sion thus attacked; a lively and embittered war of the pen went on. Calvin 
avowed his adherence to the CA, as it had been laid down at Worms (see 
above, p. 140), and laid stress upon his agreement with Melanchthon. The 
zealots all the more regarded the Philippists as Crypto-Calvinists, especially as 
Melanchthon was silent. 3 In addition, the embittered dispute had broken out 

1 His libellous tractate Be la vie, moeurs, actes, doctrine, Constance et mort de 
J. Calvin (see p. 181) appeared in 1577. 

2 See Division VII, chap. I. 

■ Nihil me peius habet, quam quod ille (Calvinus) audeat scribere, Philip- 
pum secum consentire et quod Philippus publice se non purget, writes Henry 
SlBER 1558 (in Hummel, Epistolarum Scmiccntuvia, p. 50). 


in Bremen between Timann and Hardenberg in consequence of the reformatory 
tendencies of the latter. 

Beza now put forward a declaration 1 in regard to the doctrine of 
the Eucharist, which he represented as the doctrine of the Swiss 
and Waldenses ; in this, so far as this is possible from Calvin's 
standpoint, the doctrine was approximated to the Lutheran concep- 
tion, the points of difference were concealed, and an essential advance 
was made upon the Consensus Tigurinus. While people in 
Germany were inclined to regard this as a conversion of the Swiss, 
Beza's conduct, being regarded as unauthorised, aroused great dis- 
content in German Switzerland in Bullinger, Martyr, and Haller, 
which Calvin could only allay with difficulty. The deputation of 
the Swiss and German princes on behalf of the Waldenses which 
was successfully carried through would have had no result, had not 
the complications in the interior of France drawn people's thoughts 
away from the poor dalesmen. They kept quiet for a time. 

Calvin and his party soon afterwards displayed the same sympathy for the 
sorely persecuted evangelicals in Paris. Intercession with Henry II. was again 
desired. Beza again went as ambassador to Germany to the theologians who 
had assembled at Worms for a religious discussion with the Catholics. But 
Melanchthon and his friends found themselves compelled by the mistrust of 
the party of Flacius to act with the greatest caution in regard to Beza and the 
French Protestants. They demanded an explanation of their doctrine, in order 
to be able to show the princes, that they were not being employed on behalf of 
sectarians, but of co-religionists. Beza and Farel accordingly drew up a 
" Confession of the French Church," as they did not venture to propose again 
the disavowed " declaration." In this, they declared their adherence to the 
CA of 1530 with the exception of Art. 10, in regard to which there were doubts, 
but an understanding seemed possible. They declared that the Communion 
was not only a sign to them, but that Christ is present, who makes us his 
members through faith. 2 The Germans found this explanation " somewhat 
obscurely set forth," but subsequently declared that they could recommend the 
French Protestants to their princes as Christian brethren. Beza returned home 
with hopes of reconciliation, but the sensitiveness of the inhabitants of Zurich 
and all the non-Calvinistic ( = French) Swiss broke out afresh, especially in 
Berne. After Beza had visited Frankfort for the third time (1558) in the 
interest of the Huguenots, he was summoned by Calvin from the discomfort 
caused him by the condition of the Bernese state-church and the conflicts that 
grew out of it to the newly-founded Academy of Geneya. Soon afterwards, 
Berne expelled the majority of the Vaudois clergy who resisted the Council. 
These internal strained relations between the representatives of the two 
tendencies of thought in the Swiss Reformation continued, but were unable to 
check the mental superiority and universal importance of Calvinistic Geneva. 

1 In Baum, Th. Beza, I 405. 

2 CR IX 332. Baum I 409. 


The Academy of Geneva, under the direction of Calvin and Beza, 
became the seminary of a higher, especially theological education, 
to which foreigners crowded ; Calvin's mind here obtained power 
over them. He set his impress upon the whole of West European 
Protestantism. In the struggle for existence, under the counter- 
pressure of hostile executive authorities, the latter needed the strict 
organisation and harsh discipline, which Calvin taught, in order 
that, under all pressure and entirely self-governing, it might be 
able to keep itself pure and remain capable of resistance. Geneva 
became the refuge of those who were persecuted for belief's sake, 
first the French, soon also the Italians, Dutch, English and Scotch, 
and therewith the model of the Christian community of far-reaching 
influence. Calvin, harsh in his ecclesiastical discipline, blunt in 
his teaching, nevertheless developed a great, truly oecumenical 
capacity, in that he on all sides maintained and promoted, by his 
correspondence, advice and intervention, the great interests of 
European Protestantism, so far as the latter did not shut the door 
against him. After Calvin's death (May 27th, 1564), Beza, who 
shared his opinion, continued his life's work. 

But even now the strained relations were happily adjusted, which 
had existed between the two branches of the Swiss Reformation 
since the badly-received negotiations of Farel and Beza with the 
German Protestants in German Switzerland. When the reformed 
Elector Frederick III. who sided with the Reformation was in 
danger of being excluded from the religious peace at the Diet of 
Augsburg (1566), Bullinger came to his assistance with a Confession at 
first drawn up by him in 1564 as his private testimony. The approval 
which this document met with from Frederick, encouraged the 
people of Zurich to propose it to all the Swiss churches as a 
common Confession ; Geneva and Berne assented at once ; the 
others (and, last of all Bale) gave in their adherence. The Scotch, 
Hungarians, French and Poles soon also joined, so that in this 
second Helvetic Confession, 1 the reformed churches found a strong 
bond of union. 

It teaches the doctrine of predestination to eternal happiness, but with 
avoidance of all practically dangerous consequences, without scientific solution 
of the problems, in biblically edifying detail. The Lord's Supper is a recol- 
lection of Christ's Redeemer's-death with effects mighty for salvation but at the 
same time a renewing of the latter, a spiritual reception (through the mediation 
of belief) of the body and bood of Christ. 

1 NlEMEYER, p. 462 ff. SCHAFF. I 39O flf. \ III 233 ff - ed - FRITZSCHE, 

Turici, 1839; E. Bohl, Vindob., 1866. 


5. The Reformation in the Grisons. 

Literature: Ulrich Campelli, Hist. Raetica (bis 1582) ed. Plattner. 2 vols. 
Bale, 1877, 1890. An abstract in German in the Archiv f. G. d. Rep. 
Graubiinden. Vol. II., Chur 1853. De Porta, Hist. ref. eccl. Rhaeticarum. 
3 vols. Chur, 1771 to 1786. Chr. J. Kind, Die Ref. in den Bist. Chur tend 
Como. Chur, 1858. M. Valaer, Joh. v. Planta. Zurich, 1888. Archiv f. 
Gesch. d. Rep. Graub. Part 25-27. Chur, 1857. F - Meyer, die erg. 
Gem. von Locarno. 2 vols. Zurich, 1836. Ph. Schaff, History of the 
Christian Church, VII 130 ff. 

The Reformation had also penetrated into the Grisons allied to 
Switzerland, with its three languages and three republican leagues, 
the league of the house of God (since 1396, in the neighbourhood 
of Coire), the grey league (since 1424, Disentis) and the league of 
the ten jurisdictions (1436, Davos). Zwingli, and later Bullinger, 
had devoted themselves to the old Rhaetian land, and had prepared 
for them messengers of faith. 

The Reformation first stirred itself in the German district 
(see p. 82). Since 1524 Comander (d. 1557) had preached 
evangelical doctrines in Coire : the disputation at Ilanz (January, 
1526), which the diet had arranged on the ground of a complaint 
of the Cathedral chapter about the innovator and in which Sebastian 
Hofmeister of Schaffhausen took part, proved a victory for the 
Reformation, 1 so that now the diet proclaimed religious freedom 
also for the adherents of the new doctrines, on the other hand 
excluded the Anabaptists and generally prohibited persecution of 
any kind for the sake of religion (Archiv. II 309 f.) ; in 1526, the 
right was bestowed upon the congregations of appointing and 
dismissing their own ministers, and the episcopal jurisdiction was 
thereby paralysed. After the disputations at Sus (1537 an d I 53^) 2 
the evangelical doctrine was extended by Philip Gallicius through the 
valleys of the Engadine; he also looked after the first evangelical 
literature in the Rhaetio-romance language. Ulrich Campell, the 
meritorious historian (d. 1582), further continued this work. A 
resolution of the majority in the individual communities decided 
the character of their confession of faith, and two-thirds of them 
were soon allotted to the Reformation. Here, on the soil of 
political freedom and self-government, both churches found a 
peaceful existence side by side. Since 1537, the evangelical 

1 Comander's Disputationsthesen im Archiv. f. Graub. II., 290 f. Herold in 
ThZ aus der Schweiz, 1891 ; p. 129 ff. 

2 Archiv. II 342 ff. 


churchship was managed by a synod that sat daily, at which the 
clergy came together with representatives of the government ; a 
special theological educational establishment at Coire looked after 
the preliminary education of the clergy. The acceptance of the 
Confessio Helvetica posterior testified its spiritual adhesion to the 
Swiss Churches. From the Engadine the Reformation also 
advanced into the Italian portions of the Grisons and into the 
districts won from Milan at the commencement of the sixteenth 
century on the South side of the Alps (Veltlin, 1 Bormio, Chiavenna). 
Refugees from Northern Italy found protection here, but at the 
same time brought antitrinitarian and anabaptist leanings with 
them. Vergerio (see below) worked here from i549" I 553- 

But here also the fanaticism that was awakened in the counter-reformation 
and fostered by Carlo Borromeo in Milanese territory threateningly asserted 
itself. The Catholic family of Planta entered into rivalry with the 
evangelical family of Salis. In 1570, a papal bull empowered John of 
Planta to retake from the evangelicals all the ecclesiastical benefices, which 
had been seized by them from the Catholic church. But when he endeavoured 
to carry out this bull, the evangelical preachers called upon the people, and 
Planta was executed in 1572 as a traitor to his country. But, as early as 1583, 
the Catholic party planned the entire annihilation of their evangelical fellow- 
citizens. The Protestant " Strafgericht " 2 at Thusis (1618), to which some 
Catholic clergy fell victims for conspiracy with Spain, was followed in July, 1620, 
by the Yeltlin Massacre, in which political discontent at the strict rule of the 
Grisons was combined with religious fanaticism. After the Protestants were 
slaughtered, Veltlin declared its independence; Austrians and Spaniards 
occupied the little country, but France did not permit the Habsburgers to 
enjoy their booty ; the Due de Rohan drove them out and conquered the 
district in 1635, whereupon the Grisons regained their possession, but under 
condition that they only allowed the Catholic faith to be Jaught. 

We must also mention the community of Locarno on Lago Maggiore. In 
this city, which at that time belonged to the Swiss Confederation, an evangelical 
community began to flourish ; a disputation, which its leaders carried on in 
1549 with the Romish party, was however decided against them by the president. 
Thus they were faced by the alternative of emigration or submission; in 1556, 
they chose the former : part of them chose the Grisons, part Zurich as their 
new home. This Italian community in Zurich then became the rendezvous for 
numbers of their fellow-countrymen, who had been driven from their native 
land by the Inquisition. 

1 Valtellina. 

2 A sort of tribunal of inquisition. 


The Reformation Movements in France. 

Literature : General. Hist, des eglises ref. de France. Genf, 1580 (ed. Baum 
and Cunitz), Paris, 1883-1889; Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du Protest, fr. 
Paris, 1853-1865 ; Bullet, hist, et lifter. 1866 ff. ; Eug. and Em. Haag, 
la France prot. Paris, 1846- 1859. 10 vols. F. Puaux, Hist, de la ref. 
frang. Paris, 1859-1863. 7 vols. De Felice, Hist, des Protest, de Fr. 
4 Paris, 1861; in German, Leipzig, 1855; the same, Histoire des synodes 
nationaux. Paris, 1864. A. Crottet, Petite chronique protest, de France. 
XVI e siecle. Paris, 1846. E. Arnaud, Hist, des Protestants du Dauphine. 
Paris, 1875-1876. 3 vols ; the same, Hist, des Prot. de Provence. Paris, 1884. 
2 vols. Sold an, Gesch.d. Protestantismus in Frankreich bis Karl IX. Leipz., 
1855. L. v. Ranke, Franz. Gesch. im 16 und 17 Jh. 6 vols. (Works 
VIII-XIII) ; G. von Polenz, Gesch. d. franz. Calvinism. 5 vols. Gotha, 
1857-1869. (Vol. I. up to 1560). C. Schmidt, Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Ref. in 
Fr. in ZhTh 20, 3 ff. Faber Stapulensis : Biography by Graf ; Strassb. 
1842 (ZhTh 1852) ; Roussel : Biography by C. Schmidt. Strassb., 1845. 
E. Marcks, Coligny I, 1, p. 256 ff. 

1. The Beginnings of Lutheranism under Francis I. 

In France also, movements in the direction of a purer biblical Christianity 
started from humanistic studies, and at the same time from mysticism. The 
humanist Le Fevre d'Etaple (Faber Stapulensis see Vol. II. p. 536) proceeded from 
the study of the Bible to the composition of biblical commentaries (after 1512), 
and collected a number of pupils round him, amongst them Farel and Gerard 
Roussel. Himself a mystic, who edited a work by Ruysbroek, the pseudo- 
Dionysius and Richard of St. Victor which was regarded by him as genuine and 
considered one of the purest sources of the Christian religion, he never separated 
from the old church, but could only lament the split that was beginning ; but 
some of his pupils, going beyond their teacher, decidedly gave in their adherence 
to the Reformation. The preaching of the Bible found a protector in his pupil 
and patron, Bishop Briconnet of Meaux ; but the latter, more deeply involved 
than Faber in a mysticism which was in conformity with ecclesiastical tradition, 
was only able, in face of the commencing struggle, to retire into the tranquil 
sphere of mystic contemplation. This mystic quietism, during the times of 
persecution that followed, offered itself to many (especially among persons of 
distinction, e.g., at the Court of Navarre) as a welcome rest. People were con- 
tent with internal piety and quietly performed mass, etc. ; these forms indeed 
possessed no importance. Hence, further developments brought about the 
hatred of the decided Protestants against these who were neither one thing nor 
the other, " Nicodemites." Faber at first enjoyed the favour and protection of 
King Francis and his sister Margaret. The news of Luther's appearance on the 
scene had the effect of a "trumpet-blast." Many circumstances appeared 


favourable to the reformatory movement. At the royal court free humanistic 
culture prevailed, Francis himself was looked upon as its patron; in this 
direction he was strengthened by his highly intelligent sister (who had been 
since 1525 the wife of Henry II. of Navarre). The French Church had at all 
times been the centre of opposition to papal pretensions, the promoter of 
reforming tendencies and episcopalism ; even at the beginning of the century, 
the French crown, during the political struggles in Italy, had declared itself on 
the side of the national church and episcopalian tendencies (Vol. II. p. 528). 
French royalty, already far advanced in the concentration of the monarchical 
authority, had shown itself capable of connecting the national church closely 
with the latter. Francis I. (1515-1547) had concluded his peace with Leo X. 
(The Concordat, see Vol. II. p. 530), whereby the latter theoretically gained the 
victory, while the actual advantage rested with the King, since he was to enjoy 
a considerable portion of the ecclesiastical revenues and a practically unlimited 
right of nominating the prelates. The hierarchical organism was de facto placed 
in his hands, strengthened his power and served him as a support. 
Hence it was his interest to maintain it intact : a French, and at the 
same time a royal church, the higher clergy of which were deeply involved 
in the worldly life of the Court. The Pope's privileges met with only lukewarm 
support ; but people were far more enthusiastic for the rights and power of the 
existing church, against all inconvenient reforms, and hence also, for the 
ecclesiastical doctrine and against all religious innovation. The Sorbonne, the 
representative of French theology, which had somewhat deteriorated but lived 
upon hereditary fame, had already (1521) declared itself against Luther 
(WA VIII p. 258 ff.). The personally free-thinking attitude of the King and 
the influence of his sister, who sought to interest him on behalf of .the New 
Testament, was the less able to resist his politico-ecclesiastical interests as he 
lacked all deeper religious and moral earnestness, being " a man of pleasure of 
true Gallic fickleness and iron constitution." Faber, having been condemned by 
the Paris theologians on the occasion of an exegetical dispute (1521) concerning 
the number of the Marys in the New Testament, withdrew to Meaux, whither 
he was followed by his friends and pupils and an evangelical movement began. 
But Briconnet strictly forbade them to preach or read Lutheran writings. 
Nevertheless, the pamphlets of the German Reformation oarried on an effective 
propaganda. Farel worked here and there; some repaired to Germany, to 
make the personal acquaintance of the chiefs of the Reformation, a small band 
of fugitives collected in Bale, whence they worked upon their native land by 
means of pamphlets and translations. Soon (1525), Lutherans were persecuted 
and put to death in France. The disaster of Pavia was attributed to the 
indulgence which had been shown to the Lutherans, 1 and a commission to 
deal with the heretics was immediately appointed by the Parliament. From 
that time the blood of heretics was shed in abundance. But the movement 
grew, especially amongst the nobility and educated citizens,— in the South 
more than in the North. Timid friends were struck dumb and retired. Yet 
this unfavourable attitude towards the Reformation in his own land did 
not prevent Francis from seeking political connections with the German 
Protestants, who opposed the Emperor Charles; in connection therewith, in 
the middle of the thirties, remarkable negotiations were carried on with the 

1 Balam, Monum. saec. XVI. p. 344. 



German princes, in which Francis represented his persecution of the French 
Protestants as a legitimate campaign against fanatical and sectarian revolu- 
tionists,! but at the same time declared his readiness to agree to a compromise 
on the religious question, to a purification of the doctrines taught without a 
violent subversion of the ordinances of the Church. 2 

In 1533, he caused negotiations to be begun with Bucer at Strasburg 
by his councillor Guillaume du Bellay, and, in 1534, had a judg- 
ment {consilium) laid before him by Melanchthon (CR II 741 ff.) 3 ; 
in 1535 he even invited the latter and Bucer to further conver- 
sations and negotiations with the theologians of the Sorbonne. 
Melanchthon was inclined to go, in the hope that the French 
crown might be won for the cause of carefully considered eccle- 
siastical reforms without any break with Rome being necessary. 
However, in spite of Luther's intercession, John Frederick refused 
his permission (chiefly owing to political reasons), and so Bucer 
also stayed away. Just about this time embittered persecutions 
again took place in France (see above, p. 176), and again in 1545 
the Waldenses were cruelly persecuted. Hitherto, French Pro- 
testantism had mainly borne the character of the German Reforma- 
tion, without politically aggressive tendencies. 

2. The Propaganda of Calvinism. 

When Henry II. (1547-1559) ascended the throne, the number of 
the Evangelicals in France was notwithstanding considerable and 
continually increasing, against whom persecution was soon directed 
with increased severity. The evangelical movement now naturally 
received its stamp more and more strongly from Geneva (Farel and 
Calvin). Calvin's envoys and letters were continually arriving in 
France, hosts of exiles took refuge at Geneva, and large numbers of 
preachers again set out for France in contempt of death. 

Henry had married a niece of Clement VII., Catherine de' Medici: although 
she subsequently played a most important role, her influence now and again 
gave way before that of the notorious Diana of Poitiers, Duchess of Valentinois, 
whose influence was supreme at Court. Just like her, the Constable de Mont- 
morency, Henry's all-powerful minister and chief general, was a fanatical 

1 Cp. his letter of Feb. 1st, 1535, in Freherus Script, rer. Germ. ed. 

Struve III 354. 

2 C. Schmidt, die Unionsversuche Franz' I. in ZhTh 20, 25 ff. 

3 Cp. Strobel, Von Mel.s Ruf nach Frankreich. Niirnb. 1794. Danz in 
ZhTh 11, 2, 80 ff. C. Schmidt, Melanchthon, p. 268 ff. Bucers Gutachten in 
der Centuria epp. ad Schwebelium, p. 258 ff. For the reply of the Sorbonne see 
Strobel, p. 178 ff. 


opponent of the Protestants. His side was now taken by the Guises, i.e., the 
sons of the wealthy large land-owner, Duke Claude of Guise, especially Charles, 
Archbishop of Rheims, the " Cardinal of Lorraine," and Francis, Count of 
Aumale. Their sister Mary, the wife of King James V. of Scotland, was the 
mother of the unfortunate Mary Stuart, who was at the time being brought up 
at the frivolous French Court as the intended wife of the Dauphin Francis II. 
On the other hand, Margaret of Navarre and Beam (died 1549), in correspond- 
ence with Calvin and Beza, favoured and protected the Protestant movement 
in her district. Her daughter, the highly gifted heiress Jeanne d'Albret, 
decidedly pronounced herself in favour of the Reformation ; Prince Antony of 
Bourbon (to whom she had been married since 1548), together with his brother 
Duke Louis of Conde, took the same side. Consequently, it was in Navarre 
(i.e., the part of the kingdom of Navarre that still remained on the northern 
slope of the Pyrenees), in Beam (the possession of the house of Albret), and in 
the different Bourbon possessions, which were now incorporated with it, that 
the Reformation had its point of support. Amongst the most prominent repre- 
sentatives of Protestant convictions was Gaspard de Coligny, who belonged to the 
oldest nobility of France, elevated to the rank of Admiral of France in 1552, 
the purest representative of the Huguenot 1 piety, so full of character, and of its 
strictness of morals in the midst of a frivolous, dissipated, distinguished Court 
society, a nephew of Montmorency through his mother and an intimate friend 
of youth of Francis of Guise. (He had previously declared himself opposed to 
the oppression of the Protestants, and with full personal conviction he became a 
Huguenot after 1556 in exile). In 1549, numerous executions of Protestants 
again took place ; the King was present in person as a spectator during a burning 
at the stake. Certainly, his alliance with German Protestant princes (Maurice) 
against Charles V., which unfortunately cost the Empire Metz, Toul and 
Verdun, appeared to be favourable to the French Protestants, — in the French 
army a large number of nobles who had embraced the Reformation fought 
under the leadership of Francis de Coligny, the Seigneur d'Andelot, the 
admiral's brother. But, after the Passau Treaty, Henry again approached 
Pope Paul IV. (Treaty of December 16th, 1555). 

Nevertheless, it was just now that the first organisation of the 
numerous Protestants into congregations, the transition from private 
family - devotion to regular services with administration of the 
Sacrament and a presbyterial communal constitution, first began 
in Paris itself (1555); other places soon followed the example. 
But a stringent royal edict of 1557 ordered the secular courts to 
pass sentence of death whenever any religion but the Catholic was 
practised either privately or publicly. 

1 The name, started by their opponents, first appears in 1560. It has been 
proposed to derive it from Hugo Capet, that is to say from a gate named 
after him at Tours, from a hobgoblin at Tours roi Huguet (from their nightly 
gatherings). But the most probable derivation still seems to be from " Eid- 
genossen ": Eignots had been, since 1518, the name of a party in Geneva, where 
it was already mutilated into Huguenots. Cp. Soldan I 608 ff. Marcks I, 
1 P. 37i- 

VOL. Ill 13 


The blood of martyrs now flowed in streams ; but the " Lutheriens," 
as they were still called, so increased in numbers, that in 1558 they 
were estimated at 400,000— some years later 2,150 congregations 
were counted. In fanatically - excited Paris (May, 1559) the 
preachers of numerous reformed communities of the country 
(spreto certae necis metu) assembled at the suburb of St. Germain at 
a first national or general Synod, under the presidency of the 
preacher Francis de Morel. They agreed upon a confession of 
faith (Confessio Gallica in Niemeyer 311 ff.) and an ecclesiastical 
ordinance (discipline ecclesiastique) both composed entirely under 
the spirit and influence of Calvin, probably by the Parisian preacher 
Antoine de Chandieu. 

The constitution 1 is erected upon a democratic foundation ; every congregation 
creates for itself, by direct choice on the part of the " people " acting on the 
advice of the preachers, a consistoire, composed of lay and clerical elders (for 
preaching and strict moral discipline); 2 there were also deacons (to attend to 
the sick and poor). But, though the congregation is thus constituted at first, the 
consistoire supplies its lay fellow-members further by co-optation (only a veto 
remaining to the congregation), the preachers are nominated by the provincial 
synod (consequently, a transition to oligarchy). The political situation naturally 
of itself brought it about that this self-governing church remained completely 
independent of the State authority and had no positive relation to the State. 
The further organisation of the congregations into a church takes place through 
the steps of consistoire, colloque, synode provinciate, synode nationale. Moral 
strictness and sharp, even harsh rejection of everything papistical became 
the principles of French Calvinism : they are " ceux de la religion " in contrast 
to the worldly, secular nature and the combination of the ecclesiastical 
with the monarchical court interest of the opposite side. The peculiar 
situation of things soon drove these Calvinists into the position of an opposition 
that was also political, as on the other side, royal absolutism identified itself 
with ecclesiastical interests. 

Henry, who had proposed to Philip II. a campaign for the destruction 
of Geneva, died in the year of the first French national synod. The Guises at 
first gained possession of power under the rule of Francis II. still a minor, 
( — 1560), the husband of Mary Stuart. Frequent burning of heretics at the 
stake betokened the spirit of the governing powers. In the Conspiracy of 
Amboise (February, 1560) malcontents from Catholic and Evangelical ranks 
united to overthrow the power of the Guises under the secret leadership of the 
Prince de Conde, to whom the reformed clung as their patron, who considered 
that the leadership of a prince of the blood legitimised armed resistance to the 
"tyrannis" of two foreigners. 3 The Guises, to whom the plot was betrayed, 

1 Ebrard in ZhTh 19, 280 ff. 

2 This was exercised without respect of person ; even men like the Prince 
de Conde, Henry of Navarre, and Du Plessis-Mornay were obliged to bow 
to it on occasion. 

8 Cp. on the other hand Calvin's more cautious judgment CR 46, 38; 
further 46, 21. 70. 425 ff. Henry, Calvin III, Beil. 14, p. 153 ft". 


were victorious. In view of the threatening situation, the upright and tolerant 
L' Hospital was appointed Chancellor, who in the Edict of Romorantin en- 
deavoured to secure some protection for the Protestants, and an assembly of 
notables resolved (March 31st, 1560) to hold a national Council of the Gallican 
church with a view of reforms, but the Pope at once raised an objection to it. 
Immediately afterwards, fresh measures of punishment were taken against the 
heretics. It was thought that the execution of the ringleaders would deal 
Protestantism its death-blow. Antoine of Navarre and his brother Louis of 
Cond6 were imprisoned : the latter was only saved by the sudden decease of 
Francis II. from the death which was already hanging over him, and the 
Huguenots from destruction. 1 

1 Beza to Bullinger, Jan. 22nd, 1561 : quum nullum iam humanum 
auxilium superesset et infiniti omnium aetatum et ordinum mortales gladium 
iam haberent intra iugulum, ecce Dominus Deus noster evigilavit et miserabilem 
ilium puerum [Francis II.] non minus foedo quam inexspectato mortis genere 
sustulit. (In Baum, Beza II, App. p. 18.) " The King is dead : this tells us to 
live." Coligny (in Marcks I 1, 422). 


The Reformation Movements in the Netherlands. 

Literature : G. Brandt, Hist. d. Reformatio Amst. 1671 ff. 4 vols. H. L. 
Benthem, Holl. Kirch- und Schulen-Staat. Frankf. 1698. D. Gerdesius, 
Origines eccl. in Belgio reformatarum. Gron. 1749; G. de Hoop-Scheffer, 
G. d. Ref. in den Niederl. (bis 1531), 1870 (in Dutch) : in German by Gerlach, 
Leipz. 1886 ; K. Th. Wenzelburger, G. d. Niederlande. 2 vols. Gotha. 
1879. 1886. J. Reitsma, 100 Jaren nit d. Gesch. d. Hervorming in Friesl. 
Leeuwarden, 1876; the same, Gesch. van de Hervorm. en de Hervormde Kerk 
d. Nederlanden. Gron. 1893 ; Hofstede de Groot, 100 Jaren uit d. G. d. 
Hervorm. in de Nederl. (1518-1619). Leiden 1884, in German by Greven, 
Giitersloh, 1893 ; C. Hille Ris Lambers, De Kerkhervorming op de 
Veluwe. Barneveld 1890. J. Reitsma, Gesch. van de Hervorming I. 
Gron. 1892. Chr. Sepp, Bibliogr. Mededeelingen. Leiden 1883; the same, 
Bibl. van Nederl. Kerkgeschiedschryvers. Leiden 1886. Monumenta ref. 
Belg. I. Leiden 1882 (Reprint of the " Summa der. gottlichen Schrift " by 
Toorenenbergen) ; Benrath, Die Summa d. hi. Schr. Leipz. 1880 ; the 
same, in JprTh 1882, 681 ff. ; the same, in Thjahresbericht VI 196 ; 
J. Frederichs, De Secte der Loisten. Gent 1891 : C. A. Cornelius, Die 
niederl. Wiedertdufer wdhrend der Belagerung Ministers in ABA XI. Prohibited 
Books: Reusch, Index I. 98 ff. 

In the wealthy, nourishing Burgundian heritage of Charles V., — the Nether- 
ands (the union of which was greatly desired by him, although their connection 
with the German empire might thereby be loosened or broken) Luther's ideas 
found approval and circulation in the towns with their developed spirit of inde- 
pendence and attitude of mind (fostered by the activity of Erasmus) already 
to a considerable extent anticlerical, and in the already awakened desire for the 
Scriptures in the language of the country. Certainly, the University of Louvain 
was a tenacious representative of the old school, and, in February, 1520^ had 
already published its doctrinalis condemnatio of the teaching of Luther and Pro- 
fessor Jacobus Latomus (see p. 34) had continued the dispute, in order to attack 
in Luther the hated opponent of Scholasticism and spokesman of a new educa- 
tion, Erasmus (WA VI 170 ff. VIII 36 ff.). But, in the flourishing towns of 
Flanders and Brabant, as well as in the northern Low-German, Dutch commu- 
nities, Luther's writings in the original (soon also in numerous Dutch transla- 
tions) l found active circulation : the Augustinian monasteries were the natural 
starting-point for an evangelical movement. In addition, in 1523 the Summa der 
godliker Scrifturen, the author of which was certainly the Utrecht priest Henry 
Bomelius, opened the list of native testimony on behalf of the Gospel, with 
especial stress upon its ethical side. But Charles here also sought to carry out 
what had met with so much opposition in Germany : he caused the Edict of 
Worms to be promulgated without delay, which was followed by a second 

1 Cp. DE HOOP-SCHEFFER, p. 112 ff. 361 ff. 


(April 29th, 1522) for the "complete extirpation of the heresy": his councillor, 
Francis van der Hulst, was appointed heretical inquisitor. Here (in 1523) the 
first stakes for Lutherans were set up; on the 1st of July, 1523, Henry Voes and 
John von Essen (Esch), both of Antwerp, were the first victims of the Inquisi- 
tion at Brussels (see p. 46), whereupon Luther, in a circular letter "to the 
Christians in the Netherlands," and in his hymn, " Ein neues Lied wir heben 
an," praised God, who through the blood of martyrs gave testimony of the 
genuineness of the Gospel preached by him (WA XII 73 ff.). Other Augus- 
tinians, as James Propst, Melchior Myritsch, and Henry of Zutphen had 
already been previously exposed to this danger : Propst had recanted Luther's 
doctrines in prison, then regained courage to testify anew, but escaped 
a martyr's death by flight ; Myritsch had saved himself by ambiguous 
declarations; a rising of the people had freed Zutphen from prison and 
assisted him to flee. The Emperor issued one edict after another, 
against the printing and circulation of heretical books as well as against 
the heretics themselves. In like manner, in Guelders, Charles of Egmont 
persecuted reformatory agitations with fierce hatred. In 1524, the Pope 
established a clerical inquisitional council for the Netherlands, on which 
great powers were conferred ; but the execution of the measures still 
depended upon the good will of the provincial and city officials, who often 
were little inclined to support this foreign jurisdiction, watched jealously over 
their privileges, frequently applied the edicts as leniently as possible, and even 
to a certain extent actually favoured reform. Thus, in spite of the Emperor's 
zeal, the Protestant movement was able to spread in many places, although it 
could only carry on its work in secret. In addition, the Stadtholderess 
Margaret of Savoy, Charles's aunt, was moderately inclined ; after her death 
(1530) she was succeeded by Charles's sister, Maria, the widowed queen of 
Hungary, who was not altogether ill disposed towards the Reformation. While 
ecclesiastical reform made way amongst the people, the nobles (who were for the 
most part worldly minded) showed themselves indifferent. Luther's influence 
here soon partially ceased, since Hoen and Rode had come to an agreement 
with Zwingli on the question of the Eucharist (see p. 83) ; from these 
" Sacramentarians " the movement soon proceeded further to the Anabaptists, 
especially in the lower ranks of the people, here pressing on to martyrdom and 
for a time threatening the order of society. In 1525, Luther had warned the 
Christians of Antwerp in a " circular letter " (EA 53,, 341 ff.) against the fanatical 
bluster 1 of the slater Eloy Pruystinck, who had visited him at Wittenberg, 
and afterwards called into being a sect in Antwerp (the Loists), according to 
whose doctrine all men, according to the flesh, revert to the judgment of God, 
but also, according to the spirit, eternal happiness is prepared for all; this 
produced libertinist practical consequences (cp. also JprTh 1877, 2 ^6 f.)- I* 
was just here that the fanatical baptist efforts found a soil already prepared. 
Melchior Hofmann (see p. 93) had reached Emden, and, having been expelled 
from thence, remained some time in the Netherlands, like others who had been 
driven away from Germany. Tripmaker collected a community in Amsterdam ; 
his execution (1531) only brought accessions to it. It was from here that the 
Minister Anabaptist Kingdom was principally reinforced. Friesland fell to the 
share of Anabaptism; the number of adherents increased with the number 
of martyrs. David J oris (see p. 128) also found adherents here. A 
violent outburst of the new social ideas was not lacking; tlius we read 
of an attempt to seize Amsterdam, and elsewhere at least of attacks on 

1 [Rumpelgeist : lit. a noisy hobgoblin.] 


monasteries. Other manifestations, partly fanatical, partly foolishly extrava- 
gant, partly libertinist, followed. It was only the fall of Munster that 
cooled the glowing heat. Thus it came about that the adherents of the 
Reformation were thrown together with fanatical anarchists and ana- 
baptist fanatics— the latter had been rendered sober and disciplined since 
1536 by Menno Simonis' salutary organisation (see p. 129). Judgments against 
heretics continued to be enforced : thousands fell victims to them, chiefly the 
aggressive Anabaptists. However, the mass of the people were not yet 
attacked by the movement. The situation was growing worse, when Philip II. 
received the Netherlands from his father and took up his residence there 
himself (1555-1559)- 

But, in spite of all persecution (assisted by informers), the 
number of the Protestants increased, amongst whom the Lutheran 
influence now completely gave way before that of French Calvinism. 
The latter first found the way to the heart of the people ; it at 
first gained a firm footing in the South Walloon provinces, and 
from there gained an ever-increasing hold upon the German North 
through the agency of theologians and statesmen. During the 
rule of Mary Tudor (1553-1558) English refugees also strengthened 
this tendency. By it the people were rendered capable of the 
resolute death - defying struggle for freedom of belief against 
"idolatry." In 1559 ( tne year of the Confessio Gallica, p. 194) a 
Walloon minister, Guido de Bres, drew up a scheme of confession 
of faith in French, which was communicated to several other 
persons, including foreign theologians, for examination, revised in 
1561 according to the judgment of the Genevese, and in 1562 
sent to Philip II. for authorisation. 1 The apologetic preface gives 
the number of the Netherland co-religionists as 100,000. In its 
doctrine of the Lord's Supper and predestination the Confession 
follows Calvin. The co-religionists had already met at synods ; the 
Antwerpers solemnly accepted the Confession as the Confessio 
Belgica (abridged). But, in the case of Philip, no impression 
could be looked for. In 1559 he had left the Netherlands never 
to return. Here the struggle for life and death was now to begin. 

1 BENTHEM, p. I46 ff. NlEMEYER, p. 360 ff. SCHAFF I 502 ff . ; III 383 ff. 

Cp. Sepp, Geschiedkundige Nasporingen III 191 f., according to whom there had 
already been an imprint of 156 1. 


The Ecclesiastical Revolution in England. 

Sources : Calendar of State Papers, Lond. (Papers of the reign of Henry VIII. 
[ — 1538], of the reign of Edw. VI.), Wilkins, Concilia Britanniae vols. Ill 
and IV. London 1737. 

Literature : G. Burnet, The history of the Reformation. 3 vols. Lond. 1679. 
1681. 171s. J. Lingard, A history of England. Vol. VI. 4 Paris 1826; 
Froude, History of England from the Fall of Wolsey. I. Lond. 1856 (accord- 
ing to the national legend) ; J. R. Green, History of the English People. II. 
Lond. 1890. J. J. Blunt, Sketch of the Reformation in England (German 
translation by H. Fick. Frankf. 1863 ; L. v. Ranke, Englische Geschichte, 
, I and II. Berlin 1859; Weber, Gesch. d. akath. Kirchen and Secten in Gross- 
brit. 2 vols. Leipz. 1845; W. Maurenbrecher, England im Ref.ZA. 
Diisseld. 1866; M. Brosch, Gesch. v. Engl. VI. Gotha 1890. 

1. Henry's Breach with Rome. 

Literature: E. Noldechen, Lutherthum und Lutheraner unter Heinrich VIII. 
Magdbg. 1870; W. Boree, Heinrich VIII. und die Curie, 1528-29. Gott. 
1885 ; Hergenrother, Conc.-G. IX. Seebohm, The Oxford Reformers, J. 
Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More. 2 Lond. 1869; R. Pauli in Aufs. zur engl. 
G. Leipz. 1869, p. 98 ff. On the divorce : Pocock, Records of the Reforma- 
tion. The Divorce 1527-1533. Oxf. 1870; P. Friedmann, A. Boleyn. Lond. 
1884; J. A. Froude, The Divorce of Catharine of Aragon. Lond. 1891 (an 
apology for Henry); Bender in ZkTh VII 401 ff . ; Ehses in JGG XII 
24 ff. 209 ff. 607 ff. XIII 470 ff. ; the same, in RQ VII 180 ff. ; the same, 
Rom. Dokum. z. G. d. Ehescheid. Heinr. VIII. Paderb. 1893. W. Busch in 
HTb 6. F. 8, 273 ff., 9, 39 ff. For Cranmer : Strype, Memorials of Arch- 
bishop Cranmer, London, 1693 ; H. J. Todd, The Life of Archbishop Cranmer, 
London, 1831 ; J. Gairdner in Dictionary of National Biography XIII 19 ff. 
For More: Biography by Rudhart, Niirnb. 1829; by Bridgett, Lond. 
1891. For Fisher : Life in Annal. Bollandiana X 121 ff. ; Biography by M. 
Kerker, Tubing, i860; by Bridgett, Lond. 1888 ; cp. also Bellesheim in 
Kath. 1890, 2, 71 ff. 

Wiclif s ideas had maintained themselves in the conventicles of 
the Lollards up to the time of the Reformation, where the Bible 
circulated in copies and many had also committed it to memory to a 
considerable extent. At the beginning of the 16th century measures 
of persecution became more frequent against them. To this was 
added a deep-seated political and social discontent with the 
powerful and independent clergy, whose ignorance, immorality, 



greed and ambition gave offence here, as elsewhere. Discontent 
was equally directed towards the coarseness of the monks. Here 
also a humanistic culture spread (William Grocyn, John Colet and 
others), which fostered the study of Greek, the worship of Erasmus 1 
and a desire for religious reform, which certainly need not have 
led to a breach with the Church. But now Luther's appearance 
on the scene also exercised its effect across the Channel. The 
old Wicliffian current of thought (that preponderated in the lower 
strata of society) flowed side by side with the now more powerful 
Lutheran stream (helped on its course by the educated). The despotic 
Henry VIII. of the house of Tudor, who was certainly unusually 
well educated in the circle of the humanists (Colet, Thomas More), 
a devoted admirer of Erasmus, but also familiar with Scholasticism, 
since as a second son he had originally been destined for an 
ecclesiastical career, sharply opposed the religious innovations 
(see p. 58). The younger generation at Oxford and Cambridge 
devoted itself energetically to reformatory ideas. Luther's writings 
were prohibited in 1521 ; 2 the celibacy of the priests was enforced 
anew. John Frith and William Tyndale, driven from Oxford, 
worked from outside by circulating evangelical writings, 8 Tyndale 
also by his translation of the Bible (New Testament, first published 
at Antwerp, 1526, followed by the Pentateuch; completed by 
Coverdale (1535) who made special use of the Zurich Bible). 

Entirely different reasons brought Henry, defensor fidei, into a conflict with 
the Pope, which ended in a breach. The immediate cause was the matter of 
his divorce. By a dispensation from Julius II., he had married Catharine of 
Aragon, the widow of his brother Arthur (who died in 1502) and the Emperor's 
aunt. She was older than Henry, but bore him five children, of which only one 
daughter Mary (born 1516) grew up. Catharine fostered her husband's leaning 
towards Charles V., and hence exercised a political influence, although quietly 
and unobtrusively. But, in 1525, England's policy wavered between a Spanish 
and French alliance. The desire for a male heir to the throne and his passion 
for Anne Boleyn (which showed itself in 1526), whose sister was already one of 

1 He stayed in Oxford from 1498 to 1500, and received from Colet the 
impulse to lead theological study back to the Scriptures ; he also revisited 
that city (1509-1514), when at the height of his fame and influence, where he 
wrote the satirical Encomion Morias, or " Praise of Folly." 

2 Wilkins III 689. 

8 For a list of the evangelical literature that made its way to England see 
Wilkins III 707, 719 ff., 739. Cp. also Reusch, Index I 87 ff. Dictionary 
of National Biography, XX 277 f . ; XII 363 ff. 


his mistresses, suddenly caused him to feel scruples of conscience 1 as to the 
legality of his marriage (Leviticus, XVIII, 16. XX, 21 ; but also Deuteronomy, 
XXV, 5) and the validity of the papal dispensation ; 2 these were fostered by his 
ambitious minister Cardinal Wolsey for political reasons (in order to bring 
about a political alliance with France in opposition to Charles V.) and also 
from a desire to secure his own position. Clement VII. was at the same time 
(in 1527) to empower Wolsey to pronounce judgment upon the existing marriage 
and to grant Henry a dispensation from any objection to marriage with a 
sister-in-law, in order that he might be able to marry Anne, the sister of his 
concubine. Clement at once (Dec. 17th, Wilkins III 707) bestowed the latter 
dispensation, but in regard to the former he only bestowed insufficient powers, so 
that Wolsey could not by virtue of it dissolve the marriage. 8 In 1528, Henry asked 
for a decretal bull, which should declare the dispensation granted by Julius II. 
to be invalid. The politic Pope thereupon empowered Wolsey and Archbishop 
Warham to examine the case of the marriage and eventually to pronounce in 
favour of divorce, while at the same time he reserved the right of ratifying their 
judgment. But, as Wolsey recognised that even this bull would be no security 
against the Queen's appealing to Rome, he asked the Pope for a decretal bull, 
which was to be kept strictly secret, and requested that Campeggi might be 
sent to investigate the divorce process with him. Clement yielded, drew up the 
bull, 4 and sent Campeggi — one of the bright lights of his quarrel with Charles V. 
But, as his hopes, which were at this moment placed in the French, were not 
fufilled (owing to the disaster to the French arms before Naples), he could not 
venture to fall out with the Emperor, who at once protested against the papal 
decision in the case of Henry; he accordingly sent orders to Campeggi, to 
keep back the matter, until he should have received fresh powers. Campeggi 
appeared in England in October, 1528, but delayed instituting the process : 
Wolsey could not make a beginning alone, and was accordingly suspected by 
Henry of not looking after his interests sufficiently. An attempt on the part ot 
Campeggi to induce Catharine to agree to a divorce and take the veil was 

1 But " what he wanted was not the salving of his conscience, but a 
divorce," as Busch (HTb 6, F. 8, 285) justly observes in opposition to English 
attempts at palliation. 

2 The Anglicans even now are of opinion that the King's marriage was 
illegal from the outset. Archbishop Parker established it as a law of the 
Church in the reign of Elizabeth, that no one might marry his brother's 

8 The advice, which Clement gave the English ambassador Casale was 
peculiar : that Henry might speedily enter into the second marriage, as it would 
be easier for him to confirm the complete marriage subsequently. (Ehses 
would understand this only of the legitimation of children who might be 
born of the marriage concluded in bona fide, but which remained invalid.) But 
Wolsey took care not to relieve the Pope of the responsibility for the divorce. 

4 Its purport remained unknown, as, although it was read to Henry and 
Wolsey, it was immediately burnt by Campeggi. It is dated April 13th, 1528, 
was not despatched till the 8th of June, now published by Gairdner in the 
English historical Review, 1890, July, 544 ff. from the rough draught at Rome. 
It gives as a reason : The prohibition of marriage in the first degree of affinity 
is an element of divine law and therefore indispensable. 


unsuccessful; 1 she produced the copy of a brief of Julius II. preserved by 
Charles, which formerly declared unmistakably the legitimacy of her marriage 
with Henry (in spite of the consummation of the first marriage, which she, 
however, solemnly contested). Wolsey in vain endeavoured to prove this brief 
a forgery : but Charles would only show the original in Rome itself, whither 
Henry did not wish his case to be transferred. Clement, who had entered into 
an alliance with the Emperor, at the treaty of Barcelona (June 29th, 1529), 
caused a resolution to be carried in the Consistory, that the marriage-contro- 
versy should be transferred to Rome : he now considered himself strong 
enough to face Henry's anger. Thus, the process v/hich was now at last 
instituted by Campeggi, but spun out, was broken off without being settled and 
transferred to Rome. The failure of Wolsey's scheme of divorce, and Henry's 
hankering after the property of the Church, that was now beginning to show 
itself, led to the fall of Wolsey, who had ascended to a giddy height and already 
coveted the papal tiara : he died as a prisoner while being conveyed to London. 
The noble Thomas More took his place as Chancellor ; but in the matter of the 
divorce tl\e King, acting on the advice of Thomas Cranmer (at that time professor 
at Oxford) consulted the universities of Christendom, but their opinions were 
only partly such as Henry desired. The attempt to dissuade Charles V. from 
defending his aunt's marriage by the offer of a large sum of money was unsuc- 
cessful. The Parliament now (July, 1530) applied to the Pope with a threateniug 
remonstrance : therewith began the struggle of England against Rome, — a policy 
which attacked Rome and hence introduced an ecclesiastical reforma- 
tion, in which the King might venture to look with confidence for the 
support of the pliable Parliament. He raked up against the clergy (as 
he had already done against Wolsey) the old Statute of Praemunire of 
the year 1353 (see Vol. II. p. 490) which forbade the recognition 
of a foreign jurisdiction and all appeal to the same, the penalty for transgressing 
which was confiscation of property. The clergy were said to have violated it 
by recognising Wolsey as papal legate, while Henry himself had notwith- 
standing recognised him as such. The Convocation 2 of the clergy of York and 
Canterbury was obliged to confess itself guilty, to purchase pardon by a large 
sum of. money and at the same time to acknowledge the King as " protector 
and lord and {quantum per legem Christi licet) 3 sole supreme head of the Church 
and clergy," and, consequently, to transfer to him the papal prerogatives 
(February, 1531). Catharine was banished from the Court. Clement again 
issued a warning in a brief, which was sent to England by the agency of the 
Emperor. The Parliament thereupon resolved to discontinue the payment of 
the annates to the Pope. Thomas More, as a pious Catholic, now resigned his 
office. All power of independent action in the matter of ecclesiastical legisla- 
tion was subsequently withdrawn from Convocation, and it was made dependent 
upon the royal pleasure. Meanwhile, Luther and Melanchthon also were 
applied to for their advice in the matter of divorce. Luther had decisively 

1 The legate hence complained of the " obstinatione " of the Queen, who 
refused to follow this " sano consiglio," to help Rome and England out of all 
embarrassment. Lammer, Monum. Vaticana, p. 28. 

2 Cp. Schoell, Die Convocation der englischen Kirche in ZhTh 23, 85 ff. 

3 This clause was inserted to calm people's minds. See the Acts in 
Wilkins III 742 ff. 


rejected the proposed divorce, and eventually expressed his preference for 
bigamy (de Wette, IV 294 ff.), after Melanchthon had recommended the latter 
proposal as tutissimum propter niagnam utilitatem regni (CR II 520 ff. Cp. ZKG 
XIII 576). At the end of January, 1533, Henry was secretly married to Anne 
Boleyn : x it was not until afterwards that a decree of the Parliament forbade 
cases connected with marriage being transferred to Rome ; Cranmer, who had 
been elevated to the Archbishopric of Canterbury and Primacy of all England, 
now pronounced sentence of divorce, 2 and the Parliament added the resolution, 
that Mary, as being the fruit of a marriage that was null and void, was 
illegitimate and forfeited all right of succession to the throne. The Pope 
answered (July 4th, 1533) with a declaration that the new marriage was null 
and void, demanded the dismissal of Anne Boleyn, and threatened Henry with 
the ban. ;! 

There now followed a succession of measures on the part of the 
King and the Parliament, whereby the English church was to be 
definitively torn away from the Romish primacy. The " Bishop 
of Rome " was denied all jurisdiction in England, and was declared 
to possess no more authority than any other foreign bishop. 4 All 
the ecclesiastical ordinances, which did not run counter to the 
rights of the crown, were to remain valid for a time ; an appeal 
from the archbishop to the King was to take the place of the 
appeal to Rome ; the annates were to fall to the King, Peter's pence 
was to be abolished. The King is to settle the bishops to be elected 
by the chapters, and they are to take the oath to him alone. 5 Any 
attack upon these enactments, the divorce or the royal supremacy, 
is to be regarded as high treason. Finally, it was decided by the 
Act of Supremacy (November 3rd, 1534) that the bishops should 
renounce the Pope, forswear all recognition of his authority, and 
take the oath of supremacy to the King unconditionally. But, 
notwithstanding this abrupt breach with the Romish system, at 
the same time, by the King's wish, the scholastic orthodoxy was 
firmly adhered to, on both sides with tyrannical persecution of 
every deviation as high treason, with due legal formalities, but 
with despotic pressure. Hence victims fell on both sides. After 

1 For this date cp. Brosch VI 253 f. Elizabeth was born on the 7th of 
September, 1533 ; hence the subsequent eagerness to antedate the day of the 

2 Wilkins III 759. Three years later, the same Cranmer declared, also 
at Henry's request, that his marriage with Anne was invalid. Ill 803 f. 

■ On the 23rd of March, 1534, the Pope again threatened the employment 
of all ecclesiastical legal remedies. 

4 Wilkins III 772 ff. 

5 See the forms of oath in Wilkins III 780 ff. 


John Frith, amongst the reformers, had been burnt in London in 
i 533j on the papal side, Thomas More, an honourable character, 
formerly so dear to Henry, fell a victim — the Reformation appeared 
to him over-hastiness on the part of the youthful generation. In 
April, 1534, he was imprisoned because he refused to recognise 
the King as head of the Church ; in the summer of 1535, he was 
" granted the favour " of having his head cut off. For refusing 
to take the oath of supremacy, Bishop Fisher of Rochester lost 
his head shortly before ; he had formerly assisted Henry in his 
literary feud with Luther, but had now asked the Emperor to 
take armed measures against the King. The Pope had injudi- 
ciously promoted him to be Cardinal when a prisoner. The Pope 
now (August 30th, 1535) in vain fulminated all the dire results of 
excommunication, interdict and release of Henry's subjects from 
their obedience to him, and called upon Christendom to rise 
against him. 1 

2. Henry's Established Church Government. 

Literature (continued) : Gasquett, Henry VIII. and the English monasteries ; 
2 vols. Lond., 1888, 1889 (in German, Mainz, 1890, 1891). For Cromwell: 
A. Pauli, A ufs. zur engl. Gesch. N. F. Leipzig, 1883, 293 ff. Ch. Hardwick, 
A history of the Articles of Religion (1536-1615) 2 . Cambridge, 1859. 

The King, who up to 1540 had left his absolutist church government in the 
hands of the violent and irreligious Thomas Cromwell 2 (formerly Wolsey's 
secretary), met with only slight opposition amongst the clergy, but considerably 
more amongst the monks (mendicant friars and Carthusians), where it amounted 
to fanaticism. In 1534, measures began to be taken against the monasteries ; in 
1536, a visitation of the same took place, in consequence of which more than 
300 monasteries were confiscated by the Crown, on the convenient pretext that 
they had been found greatly neglected, 3 a measure which has certainly proved 
very beneficial to the welfare of England. The natural consequence of the con- 
fusion which these revolutionary measures brought about was that part of the 
nation broke through Henry's ambiguous and untenable position between the 
two parties and, by shaking off the authority of Rome, was driven into Pro- 

1 Cp. Friedensburg, Nuntiaturberichte I 463, 466 f. However, at the 
desire of France, the Pope suspended this ban and did not issue it until 1538. 
Wilkins III 792 ft .; 840 f. 

2 Cromwell was " the instrument which made the Church of England so 
securely a part of the State, that it could not not release itself from its embrace." 
For his appointment as Vicarius generalis in ecclesiasticis see Wilkins III 784 f. 

3 Wolsey had been beforehand in this, acting on the basis of a papal bull 
(1524-1529) in the interest of the endowing of colleges. Wilkins III 704 ff., 
7i5 ff- 


testantism. The one party (Cranmer, Cromwell, Latimer, Fox and others) 1 
consciously carried on not only a royal, but also a Protestant opposition to the 
papacy : the other desired to hold fast by Catholicism (but without the Pope) 
together with the King. The resistance of the papal party, which found its 
support chiefly in the North (York) and the monasteries, and proceeded to 
serious disturbances (at first in Lincolnshire), was the cause of measures of 
increased severity being taken, and of the suppression of all the monasteries 
( I 539)- The Articles of Reformation, drawn up by the King in 1536 and 
accepted by Convocation (Wilkins III 817 ff.) certainly exhibit as yet 
only a feeble approximation to an evangelical reformation of doctrine 
and worship. They uphold transubstantiation, auricular confession, inter- 
cession and mass for the dead, but declare the Scriptures to be the founda- 
tion of faith together with the old symbols, reduce the number of the 
Sacraments to three, and speak in very modified language of images and 
saints. Of greater importance was the issue, at Cranmer's instigation, and 
by royal permission, of an English bible (Matthews' [really Rogers'] , a 
new edition of the Tyndale-Coverdale version, with prefaces and notes), 
followed in 1539 by Coverdale's own revised translation without notes (the 
edition of 1540 contained a preface by Cranmer, and is therefore commonly 
known as "Cranmer's," or "The Great Bible"). To this period also belong 
various attempts at an approach to German Protestantism. In 1535 Henry pro- 
posed an alliance and union of doctrine and invited. Melanchthon to England, 2 
an invitation which he no more accepted than a similar one to France. In 1538, 
the Saxon councillors Burkhard and Boyneburg, together with the theologian 
F. Myconius, negotiated without success in England. 3 At this time the 
downright anti-evangelical party opposed these tendencies. The Articles of 
Reformation of 1536 were further enlarged in 1537, and worked up into " The 
godly and pious institution of a Christian Man " drawn up at Lambeth (cp. Wilkins 
III 830 ff.). It was written in essentially the same spirit, but it was not 
sufficient for the King's increasing need of defending the Catholic orthodoxy 
against the successes of the reformatory party. Under the pressure of his 
personal authority and his " superior argumentation and theological learning " 
the Act of Parliament "for the suppression of diversity of opinion in certain 
articles of religion" was passed in 1539, the "bloody statute" (Wilkins III 
845 f.), which proclaimed (1) Transubstantiation ; (2) The non-necessity of 
Communion in both kinds ; (3) The prohibition of the marriage of priests ; 4 
(4) The obligation of vows of chastity ; (5) The retention of private masses ; 
(6) The expediency and necessity of auricular confession. Contravention of 
these articles was in most cases punished by death and confiscation of property. 
This harsh procedure was due to the fact that the Catholic (secretly papal) 
party (the Duke of Norfolk and Gardiner Bishop of Winchester) obtained 
increased influence over Henry by cleverly taking advantage of the circum- 

1 Queen Anne, who favoured this party, had been obliged (1536) to make 
room for the King's new flame, Jane Seymour. Melanchthon rightly observes 
(CR III 89) that Anne was magis accusata quam convicta adulterii. 

1 Henry's letter of invitation, CR II 947 f. 

8 Letters and papers XIII 480 ff. Todd I 241 ff. Hardwick, History of the 
Articles. Appendix II. p. 261 ff. 

4 Cranmer himself was already secretly married to a niece of A. Osiander. 


stance that Anabaptists had made their appearance in England (Wilkins III 
836) and a certain preacher named Lambert had endeavoured to propagate 
Zwingli's Eucharistic doctrine. Cranmer's position now became dangerous. 
He took part in the refutation of the Anabaptists and the condemnation of 
the obstinate, who were handed over to the secular arm and burnt ; also in the 
theological struggle against Lambert, in which the theologians contended with 
the crowned theologian and in his royal presence, in this case united with 
Gardiner, although Cranmer himself had given up the belief in transubstantia- 
tion ; he was obliged to assent to Henry's death sentence upon the heretic. 1 
Intimidated by the despotic King, he was even obliged, after some resistance, 
to agree to the Articles of Blood (which attacked himself). He sent his wife 
temporarily to Germany. The prisons became full, although, until the fall of 
Cromwell (1540) no executions were carried out in accordance with the Statute. 
Many persons now quitted their native land, the evangelical party was greatly 
intimidated. Cromwell 2 was executed in the summer of 1540, on the pretext 
that he had corresponded with the German princes without the knowledge of 
the King, but in reality because the marriage with Anne of Cleves, which he 
had brought about after the death in childbed of Jane Seymour (mother of 
Edward VI), 8 did not meet the King's taste. Immediately afterwards, he was 
captivated by the charms of Catharine Howard, who was introduced to him by 
the Catholic party. 

In ecclesiastical matters, this hybrid condition of things lasted 
until Henry's death ; on the one hand, a preponderance of Catholic 
tendencies in the persecution of those who held evangelical views 
(Bonner, Bishop of London, hitherto Cromwell's greatest flatterer, 
especially distinguished himself 4 ), in the restoration of a number of 
Romish ceremonies that had already disappeared, also in Gardiner's 
attempt to overthrow Cranmer, which was frustrated by the King's 
favour; 5 further, in stricter measures in regard to the censorship 
of books and in limiting the reading of the Bible to the houses of 
persons of distinction. The revised edition of the Institution of Man 
(1543, in which certainly no mention is made of purgatory) as 
well as the Book of Ceremonies, which made very little alteration 
in their Romish character, show how little evangelical principles 
were able to make their way here and how little Cranmer's very 

1 Todd I 257 ff. 

2 R. Barnes who had been employed by him in diplomatic missions had 
already been executed as "a heretic." 

8 Cromwell's idea in this had certainly been to bring the King into closer 
relations with the German princes. This marriage was declared null and void 
by convocation on the ground of an earlier betrothal of Anne. 

4 The torture and execution of Anne Askew (1546) for refusing to believe 
the doctrine of transubstantiation caused a great sensation. 

5 Cranmer confessed his secret marriage, but also pointed to the fact that 
he had sent his wife away. 


modest attempts succeeded in effecting. To this must be added, 
that Henry had been drawing closer to the Emperor since 1543 
(against France), in connection with which he declared his daughter 
Mary (she came after Edward and before Elizabeth) capable 
of succeeding to the throne, promised to take measures against 
heretical writings and to abstain from all further innovation, in 
return for which Charles was to promise not to allow any resolution 
to be passed against him in the coming Council. On the other 
hand, the Reform party at length found a patroness in Catharine 
Parr (the widow of Lord Latimer), when she was elevated to the 
dignity of wife of the King after the execution of Catharine Howard 
(1542). During Henry's last years, it was a fact of the greatest 
importance that Bishop Gardiner, who had hitherto been the most 
influential man of the Romish party, fell into disgrace, and the 
Seymours, the nearest maternal relatives of Edward the heir to 
the throne, became the rising stars at Court, while the Howards 
(at their head the Duke of Norfolk and his son Count Surrey) 
excited the King's suspicion. Both having become implicated in 
a trial for high treason, Surrey was executed and Norfolk only saved 
from a like fate by the King's death (January 28th, 1547). 

3. Evangelical Reforms under Edward YI. 

Sources (cont.) : Edited by the Parker Society. N. Ridley, Works. Cambridge, 
1841. J. Hooper, Early Writings. Cambridge, 1843. Original letters relating to 
the English Reformation. Cambridge, 1846. Cranmer, Miscellaneous Writings. 
Cambridge, 1846. The two Liturgies, 1549 and 1542, edited by Ketley. 
Cambridge, 1845. King Edward VI. on the Supremacy, edited by R. Potts. 
Cambridge, 1874. M. Bucer, Scripta Anglicana. Basil, 1577. 

Literature : Gasquett and Bishop, Edward VI. and the Book of Common Prayer. 
London, 1890. Bellesheim in Kath. 1891, Jan. Dalton, John a Lasco. 
Gotha, 1881. Benrath, Ochino. 2 Braunschw. 1892; the same, in DevBl 
XVIII 306 ff. (Ochinos Tragodie). F. Pijper, Jan Utenhove. Leiden, 1882. 

As Edward VI. (1547-1553), who was brought up under Cranmer's 
guidance, was only ten years old, the affairs of the kingdom were 
managed by a council of regency, the head of which was the 
King's uncle, the evangelically-disposed Duke of Somerset (Earl 
of Hertford), and from which the Duke of Norfolk and Gardiner 
were excluded. Under the Protector's leadership, the Reform 
party immediately succeeded in obtaining the ascendency. Cranmer 
now commenced the work of Reformation as he understood it, 


i.e., the purification of the existing order of things in the name 
of 'the royal ecclesiastical power, without breaking through the 
connection with the past. 

Even at the Coronation, he reminded the young King of the example of 
the youthful Josiah, who freed the land from the worship of images and 
fostered the true adoration of God. Erasmus's paraphrases of the New 
Testament were translated; Cranmer, with Ridley, Latimer and others, 
produced a Book of Homilies, in which the principles of Scripture and Justification 
by Faith found expression ; passages from this were to be regularly read in 
all the churches. Only those who received special permission were to be 
allowed to preach. A visitation administered the oath of supremacy everywhere 
to a number of householders in addition to the clergy. 1 Images were done 
away with, processions were discontinued, the Litany was to be read in the 
English language ; a resolution of Parliament then introduced the Communion 
in both kinds, and soon afterwards also allowed priests to marry, although 
celibacy was still indicated as the more suitable practice. 

The laws against heretics, which had been in force since the time of the 
Lollards, were repealed, ecclesiastical bequests, especially those for private 
masses, were confiscated, in which case, to Cranmer's indignation, the greater 
part of the property (as in the case of the monasteries) fell into the pockets of 
the hangers on of the Court. Bishops Bonner (of London) and Gardiner 
opposed all this. The former, however, submitted as soon as he had been 
imprisoned; Gardiner, in spite of incarceration and threats, continued 
refractory,— inconsistently, since he had himself previously (1535) during the 
reign of Henry, preached unconditional obedience to the royal commands. 2 
Cranmer also immediately set to work on a reorganisation of the Liturgy: an 
Order of the Communion* (March 8th, 1548) formed the commencement: the 
Book of the Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments followed in 
March, 1549. While adhering as closely as possible to traditional Catholic 
forms (in the Morning and Evening Prayer [Matins and Vespers] in which the 
Breviarium nuper reformatum of the Spanish Franciscan Quignon (1535) was 
used) it shows an appreciation of the mass arrangements of the Lutheran 
Reformation (especially the liturgy of the Cologne Reformation: see p. 148). 

But, by the side of the influence of the Lutheran Reformation, 
which had hitherto by preference affected the evangelically-minded 

1 " I from henceforth shall utterly renounce, refuse, relinquish and forsake 
the Bishop of Rome and his authority, power and jurisdiction. And I shall 
never consent nor agree that the Bishop of Rome shall practise, exercise or 
have any manner of authority, jurisdiction or power within this realm or 
any other of the King's dominions, etc." — Ketley, Two Liturgies, p. 338. 
Edward VI. in 1549 himself tried his hand as a writer against the primacy 
of the Pope. 

2 De vera obedientia, in E. Brown, Fasciculus rerum expetendarum : London, 
1690, II. 800 ff. Cp. Dictionary of National Biography, XX. 420 f. 424. 

3 Wilkins IV 11 ff. 


circles, 1 that of the Swiss began to make itself felt : after the year 
I 547> writings of Zwingli, Bullinger and Calvin appeared in English 
translations by the side of numerous writings by Lutherans. But, 
above all, there soon appeared in person (chiefly in consequence of 
pressing invitations), 2 numerous heralds of the Swiss Reformation: 
Peter Martyr and Ochino, Tremellius, Dryander, John a Lasco 
from Emden, and soon Bucer and Fagius from Strasburg. Calvin 
gave his advice by letter. s 

With the co-operation of Calvin and Bucer, who took offence at the papal 
ceremonial, 4 a revised edition of the Common Prayer-book was brought out in 
1552. In this the consecrated oil, exorcism, signing the cross, prayer for the 
dead, auricular confession, dedication of the baptismal water, and several other 
things were done away with ; in the case of the Lord's Supper, it was expressly 
observed that kneeling indicated no adoration of the elements — this would be 
idolatry, as the latter preserve their true natural substance, but Christ's body 
and blood are not here, but in Heaven. In like manner, the holy wafers, which 
were still preserved in the first edition (only larger and thicker, such as could 
be divided between two communicants) were replaced by ordinary wheaten 
bread ("such as is usual to be eaten at the table with other meats"). These 
alterations show the increasing influence of the Swiss views, which change 
Cranmer's original programme and drive him beyond it. Englishmen like 
Coverdale, J. Rogers, and J. Hooper, who had fled from the country, returned 
and strengthened this tendency. Cranmer summoned Martyr to Oxford, Bucer 
(died 1 55 1) and Fagius (died 1549) to Cambridge, to train a new theological 
generation and to be the theological representatives of the evangelical 
doctrine. Ochino, who was actively engaged as minister of the Italians 
in London, here composed his furious controversial treatise : A Tragedie 
or Dialogue of the unjuste usurped primacie of the Bishop of Rome (1549). 
But now men also appeared on the scene, who desired to deal more 
seriously with Calvinism in constitution and ritual. The Scotch champion 
of Swiss Reformation, John Knox, who had been kept a prisoner in France 
on a galley since 1547, but liberated in 1549 (probably in consequence of 

1 In 1548, Cranmer had caused the children's sermons, which had been 
subjoined to the Brandenburg- Nuremberg church order of 1533 and explain 
Luther's small Catechism, to be translated into English from the Latin edition 
by Justus Jonas and thereby circulated Luther's doctrine of the Eucharist. {A 
Short Instruction into the Christian Religion). This is the " Catechism of Jonas,' 
for which Dalton, p. 328, has in vain instituted enquiries. Those who favoured 
the Swiss views took this p ublication as a proof that Cranmer had given 
way. Original letters, p. 381. 

2 Melanchthon, who was also invited, was obliged to refuse his co-operation 
in consequence of the needs of the Saxon churches. 

■ Calvin to Cranmer CR 41, 682 ; 42, 312 ; to Edward 41, 669; 42, 30. ^- 
341. 494 ; to Somerset 41, 16. 18. 77. 528; 42, 155. 

4 Ex corruptelis papatus audio rclictam esse congeriem, quae non obscuret modo, 
sedpropemodum obruat purum et genuinum Dei cultum. Calvin CR 41, 683. 
VOL. III. 14 


English intercession), had at once been appointed preacher in England, and, 
in combination with J. Hooper who had returned from Zurich, fought for the 
biblical purism of the Swiss and the purifying of the service of God from all 
" idolatry." (It was at his earnest request that the remark about kneeling had 
been inserted in the revised edition of the Prayer-book, 1552). In 1550, a com- 
munity of refugees (Germans, French, Walloons, Netherlanders, Italians) was 
established under John a Lasco, Micronius, and Utenhove, which adopted a 
strictly Presbyterian ritual, with Calvinistic ecclesiastical discipline, doctrine, 
and form of worship. 1 

All the same, the English Church upheld the episcopal constitu- 
tion under royal supremacy, just as, in spite of all purifications, it 
adhered to the Catholic tradition of worship. But, at the same 
time, a confession of Faith 2 was drawn up in 1552 in the 42 Articles 
(by Cranmer and Ridley, Bishop of Rochester). This confession 
proclaimed with decision the exclusiveness of the principles of 
Scripture, justification by faith alone, and the Calvinistic doctrine 
of the Eucharist — consequently deviating from the Catechism of 
1548, and also not in. complete agreement with the liturgy. This 
was the origin of a new Catechism (1553, drawn up by Poinet, 
Bishop of Winchester) : the Lord's supper is a " thankful remem- 
brance of the death of Christ": the bread and wine "represent," 
"stand in place of" the body and blood: as bread and wine 
nourish the natural body, so the flesh and blood of Christ nourish 
the soul through faith : faith is the mouth of the soul. 3 

But the carrying out of this Reformation met with great difficulties. Oppo- 
sition sprang up amongst the people and clergy. The Catholic minded were 
supported by Mary, who steadfastly continued her resistance to the innovations, 
and by Bishops Gardiner and Bonner, so that the government again deposed 
and imprisoned both of them. The peasantry, oppressed by the nobility and suf- 
fering from severe economical distress, 4 laid all its social need to the account 

1 See the Works of John a Lasco ed. Kuyper II. Amst. 1866, p. 1 ff. The 
ritual p. 285 ff. The Compendium doctrinae 1551, p. 341 ff. Catechism 1551. 
Also, Richter, Kirchenordnungen II 99 ff. ; Wilkins IV, 64. 

■ Two Liturgies, p. 572 ff. Niemeyer, p. 592 ff. We find predestination 
without any accentuation of its harshnesses in Art. 17; Art. 29: Christi corpus 
in milltis et diversis locis eodem tempore praesens esse non potest .... non debet 
quisquam fidelium camis eius et sanguinis realem et corporalem praesentiam in 
Euchar. vel credere vel profiteri. The 42 Articles at the same time make use of the 
14 Articles, which the German deputation had drawn up (1538) in consultation 
with the English theologians (p. 205), and, indirectly through them, frequently of 
the CA word for word, and also of the Wurtemberg Confession (p. 159). Cp. 

SCHAFF I 623 ff. 

3 Two Liturgies, p. 485 ff. 

4 Cp. Philippson, Westeuropa, p. 46 ff. 


of the ecclesiastical innovations and grumbled at the abolition of the monas- 
teries. Deeds of violence and disturbances resulted, the restoration of the mass 
was demanded and the recall of Cardinal Pole, a relative of the royal house, 
who had been out of the country since 1532 and had worked against Henry in 
the attempt to win back England to the Pope. Peace had to be maintained by 
force of arms, especially in Devonshire and Norfolk (1549). Yet the measures 
of reform were not hereby checked, not even by Somerset's fall in 1549 (he was 
executed in 1552), who was succeeded by the Earl of Warwick (Duke of 
Northumberland). For the latter also found himself compelled to follow 
Edward's wishes in this respect. In order to confirm the new state of things, 
the ecclesiastical law and constitution had already been reorganised (Reformatio 
legum ecclesiasticarum), in order to suppress all resistance to the Reformation by 
the power of the authorities, when the death of Edward (when only 15 years of 
age) brought about a complete change in affairs. It now became evident that 
the Reformation had not as yet become a national matter. 

14 — 2 


The Reformation in Poland, Hungary, Transylvania, and 
amongst the South Slays. 

1. In Poland. 

Sources: A. Theiner, Vetera Documenta Poloniae et Lithuania* II and III. 
Rom, 1861, 1863. Fantes rer. Austr. 2, XIX. Wien, 1859. 

Literature : Count Val. Krasinski, Gesch. d. Ref. in Polen (German translation 
by W. A. Lindau. Leipz., 1841). Fischer, Gesch. d. Ref. in Polen ; 2 vols. 
Gratz, 1856. Chr. Hartknoch, Alt- und Neues Preussen. Frankf., 1684. 
H. Dalton (see above, p. 207). 

Since 1386, Poland under the Jagellons, by the marriage of the Lithuanian 
prince Wladislav Jagello (who was at the time still a heathen and was only now 
baptised) with Hedwig (Vol. II, p. 521), which brought it into personal union with 
Lithuania, represented a republic of nobles with a royal head. The nobility 
had attained to great power during the struggles of the fifteenth century, the 
most distinguished families of which, as Palatines and greater and lesser 
castellans, together with the two archbishops (of Gresen and Lemberg, who 
themselves belonged to the nobility) and thirteen bishops formed the senate 
of the kingdom, on whom, the peasant serfs were entirely dependent. By the 
side of the nobles the German population of the towns had gained for them- 
selves a privileged position with German rights. Owing to the fact that a 
considerable number of the Lithuanian subjects were Greek Catholics, that 
the Jews, expelled from Germany, had found an asylum in Poland, and 
that the Hussites also (in spite of the strict prohibition of 1424) had obtained 
shelter there, the ground was already prepared for a tolerant treatment of various 
forms of worship existing side by side. Under King Sigismund I. 1 reformatory 
ideas rapidly forced their way in; the towns from Danzig (Jac. Knothe 
[Knade] , cp. Tschackert I 135) to Cracow, as well as the nobles who were 
jealous of the authority of the bishops, lent a willing ear to them. Certainly, 
in 1523, Sigismund decided upon an unusually harsh prohibition of Lutheran 
writings and threatened with death all who possessed copies or circulated them ; 
the synod of Leczic (October, 1523) condemned all heresies, especially those of 
Luther and Huss, and one of the bishops, Krzycki, attacked Luther in a bitterly 
abusive lampoon. But such measures were unable to check a movement, 
which, in consequence of events in Prussia, the land of the Order, the inter- 
course of the towns with Germany, and the students at Wittenberg received 
continual support from the young nobles. When the city authority fell, 
Danzig led the way in the introduction of the Reformation ; in the other towns 
its friends made their appearance more courageously, and even the peasants 
became restless and began to imitate the example of the Germans by violence. 

1 1506-48. 


Then Sigismund roused himself; the diet of Petrikau (1526) voted for measures 
of force, and Danzig was cruelly punished for its disturbance ; 1 the progress of 
the Reformation was thereby checked for some years, but not with lasting 
success. The prohibition to attend heretical universities was disregarded by 
the nobles (cp. Theiner II 527); Wittenberg and Strasburg, then Zurich and 
Geneva exercised their power of attraction ; the writings of the reformers 
were read in the towns as well as at the residences of the nobles. The King 
himself certainly desired to be a true son of the Roman Church, but could 
not make up his mind to consistent severity against the innovators ; even in 
different episcopal sees leanings towards the Reformation were shown. Calvin 
obtained ever-increasing influence amongst the Polish nobles, as the greater 
sharpness of the antagonism to Rome was agreeable to the passionate character 
of the Poles, and French teaching was more congenial to their sensitive national 
feeling than that which had its origin in Germany, while the burgesses sided 
with Luther. Many of the Lutheran preachers were ignorant of the language, 
and hence renounced from the outset the idea of a propaganda amongst the 
Poles. In addition, even Italian refugees (Blandrata and others) visited the 
country, who propagated anti-trinitarian doctrines amongst the nobility, and, 
on the other hand, in 1548, some of the Bohemian Brethren who had been 
driven from Bohemia, who were settled by the families of Gorka and Ostrorog 
upon their estates. 

Sigismund 's son Sigismund II. Augustus, who was related through 
his first wife to the evangelical prince Radziwill and corresponded 
with Calvin and Melanchthon, allowed the Reformation freer scope, 
the power of Catholicism visibly disappeared, the towns and the 
nobility openly declared their adherence to the Gospel. 2 In 1555, 
there took place, on the one hand, a gathering of the different 
branches of the evangelicals at Kozminek, at which the zealous 
Bohemian "Brethren" with their firmly established ecclesiastical 
institutions induced the others to decide to join them and to 
accept their ritual: on the other hand, the evangelical nobility, 
at the diet of Petrikau, demanded a national Council under the 
presidency of the King, to which also Calvin, Beza, Melanchthon, 
and their countryman John a Lasco (p. 210) were invited, in 
order that a confession of faith for Poland might be decided 
upon : this would have been a severe defeat for Catholicism. 
The diet, at any rate, gave each nobleman the right of arranging 
divine service in his house as he thought fit. The King granted 
various towns (Danzig, Elbing and others) free exercise of religion. 

1 Duke Albert of Prussia and the excellent John of Schwarzenburg inter- 
vened vigorously in favour of the evagelicals. Cp. Strobel, Verm. Beitrdge, 
P. 3 ff. 

a In the whole of Samogitia there were hardly six or seven Catholic 
clergy : Lithuania had become almost entirely Protestant. 


Thus the Reformation seemed destined to find a home and legal 
recognition in Poland. 


2. In Hungary and Transylvania. 

Sources and Literature: G. D. Teutsch, Urkundenb. der erg. Landesk. A. B. in 
Siebenb. I. Hermannst. 1862. Various older historical works collected in 
Fabo Andras, Monumenta Evangelicorum A. C. in Hungaria. 4 vols. Pest, 
1861-1873. F. A. Lampe, Hist. eccl. ref. in Hung, et Transylv. Traj. ad 
Rh., 1728. Bauhofer, Gesch. d. erg. K. in Ungarn. Berl., 1854. Joh. 
Graf Mailath, Gesch. der Magvaren, III. Regensb., 1853. J. Borbis, die 
erg.-luth. K. Ungarns. Nordl., 1861. St. Linberger, Gesch. des Erg. in 
Ungarn sammt Siebenb. Budapest, 1880. Litterae hungaricae ad Bullingerum 
datae in E. B6hl, Confess. Helv. post. Vindob., 1866, p. 97 ff. Szlavik in 
ZKG XIV 202 ff. 

The feeble Louis II., the husband of Mary, sister of Charles V., 1 was on the 
throne of Hungary. Students, especially from the comitat of Zips (a German 
settlement), who attended the University of Wittenberg, and merchants, who 
attended Leipzig Fair, introduced Luther's doctrines and writings into the 
country at an early date. Louis issued impotent prohibitions, and preachers 
of the Gospel soon appeared openly in Hungary and also in Transylvania. In 

1524, Campeggi visited Hungary and advised severer measures ; bloody 
regulations of persecution had already been issued in 1523, and, in particular in 

1525, at the diet of Rakosch ; 2 only one victim, however, was sacrificed, a book- 
seller in Buda, who had offered reformatory writings for sale. Suppressed in 
one place, the movement blazed up again in others. A rising of the miners 
and wood-cutters (1526), which combined the demand for evangelical freedom 
with amelioration of their social position, led to much more bloodshed and to 
more serious imperilling of the fortunes of the party of reformation. 

Soon afterwards, however, the fatal battle of Mohacz (August 
29th, 1526) at one blow altered the condition of affairs in favour of 
the Protestants. Seven bishops had fallen in battle with the King ; 
East Hungary with Transylvania swore allegiance to John Zapolya 
(1526-1540), the South-West to Ferdinand (1526-1564). The former 
vigorously opposed the Reformation, but was soon obliged to retire 
to Poland ; then the victory of the Reformation was rapidly 
accomplished, especially owing to the noiseless, but well-directed 
activity of the learned and pious John Honter, who (in 1542) 
openly introduced Cronstadt and the whole of Bursenland to the 
Reformation, composed a ritual and promoted public education. 

1 When Luther (November 1st, 1526) dedicated his exposition of the four 
consolatory Psalms (EA 38, 369 ff.) to this queen as a woman who "was 
favourably disposed to the Gospel and yet was greatly let and hindered by the 
godless bishops," he mistook her religious attitude. 

2 " Lutherani omnes...capiantur et comburantur." 


Hermannstadt followed in 1543, and, in 1545, the evangelical Saxons 
at a synod at Mediasch entered into a church association. Honter 
now wrote (1547) the Reformatio ecclesiaritm Saxonicarum in Tran- 
silvania, 1 and the Saxon diet, in 1550, bestowed its legal sanction 
upon this ordinance. When Zapolya's widow Isabella returned 
with her son John Sigismund to the land of Transylvania, she found 
the Reformation so firmly established, that violent opposition 
appeared fruitless. John Sigismund himself accepted the evangelical 
confession, and in 1556 the Catholic bishop was driven out of the 
country. The evangelical established church 2 was organised ; an 
attempt was also made to gain over the Greek-Catholic Wallachians 
in the country, although it proved unsuccessful. 

In Hungary, the irresolution of the government at the same time 
enabled the Reformation to establish itself with increasing firmness. 
The towns of Zips and the mountain towns led the way, but also 
many magnates accepted its doctrines. Matthias Biro Devay, 
Hungary's most prominent reformer, had studied at Wittenberg 
since I52(), and afterwards (1531) worked in Buda and Kaschau on 
behalf of the Reformation, both by preaching and writing : he had 
then been taken as a prisoner to Vienna, where Faber had had him 
examined ; 3 subsequently released, he had resumed his preaching in 
Zapolya's province, until here also he was condemned to silence by 
a three years' imprisonment. He now put himself under the pro- 
tection of one of the evangelically minded magnates (Nadasdy) and 
continued the fight with his pen, but in 1536 he again visited 
Germany, where he became friendly with Melanchthon, and after- 
wards, in Bale, with Grynaeus. On his return home, he resumed 
work partly as an itinerant-preacher, partly as head of a school, but 
especially with his pen — now employing the language of the country ; 
his friend John Sylvester translated the New Testament into 
Hungarian. Again expelled, he proceeded to Wittenberg and on to 
Switzerland (where, to Luther's indignation [de Wette, V 644] , he 
definitely joined the Swiss), in order finally to devote himself once 
more in his home (at Debreczin) to the building up of the evan- 
gelical church — but now, as it was understood by the Helvetic 
reformers. Here, evangelical preaching had in the meantime 
advanced irresistibly : the provost of Zips, Joseph Hervat, and even 

1 In Latin and German in Teutsch, Urkundenb. I 6ff M 36 ff. 

2 The first German- Lutheran hymn-book (by Val. Wagner) appeared 
about 1554. Cp. Archiv fur siebenb. Landeskunde N. F. 22, 26 ff. 

8 See the proceedings of the examination in Lampe p. 80 ff. 


the bishops of Neitra and Weszprim gave up their dignities and 
professed adherence to evangelical doctrines. In 1545, the evan- 
gelical Hungarians assembled at a synod at Erdod and, in 1546, at 
Eperies 1 . Defenceless and discouraged, Catholicism was here con- 
fronted by its decline. In 1547, Ferdinand demanded a confession : 
the Upper Hungarians thereupon handed over an extract from the 
CA in the Confessio Pentapolitana (already accepted at Eperies), 
whereupon the King left them in peace. 

But the germ of discord was already growing up amongst them. 
The splitting of Protestantism in Germany and Switzerland 
exercised an injurious effect over the border. On the whole the 
Hungarians followed the Helvetic, the Germans (and Slavs) the 
Lutheran trend of doctrine. 2 Hitherto, however, the CA had been 
accepted by all the synods, but the connection of a number of 
clergy with Switzerland (Bullinger) produced the result that at first 
a dispute arose about doing away with the altars, then (1557) part 
of the Magyars accepted a reformed confession of faith {Confessio 
Csengerina) 3 at Zenger, whom the mountain-towns (Kremnitz and 
others) confronted in 1558 with their Lutheran confession (printed 
in Borbis p. 22 ff.). Melanchthon, who was solicited by the Tran- 
sylvanians for his judgment, sent an opinion, which although 
cautiously worded was Lutheran in tenor, upon the manifold points 
of difference (CR IX 429 ff.), in consequence of which the synod 
at Mediasch (1560) excluded certain persons who spoke against 
the Lutheran doctrine of the Eucharist, but subsequently, in 1564 
at Enyed, the division of the Transylvanians into a Saxon church 
which accepted the Confession of Augsburg and a Magyar, which 
accepted the Helvetic Confession, was openly accomplished. The 
same division took place in Hungary, where Calvinism made 
increasing progress, after a prolonged struggle at the synod of 
Debreczin (1567), at which the Magyars accepted the second Helvetic 
Confession (see p. 187) and the Lutherans separated from them. 

But Unitarianism also had already obtained a firm footing, especially in 
Transylvania, under the patronage of John Sigismund. Even Anabaptists made 

1 The Synod's tenets of confession are lost ; hence it is disputed whether 
their tenor was entirely Lutheran or whether the Swiss type was already 
prominent. At Eperies, the CA and Melanchthon's Loci were agreed to. 

2 Hence we find, even at the present day, the " Magyar" and '• German " 
beliefs distinguished in the mouth of the people. The Hungarians at the 
University of Wittenberg (Schola Hungarica) had been greatly influenced by 
Melanchthon's writings. 

3 NlEMEYER 539 ff. SCHAFF I 589 ff. 


their appearance, and the many-sided theological quarrel in Germany, which 
threw out its shoots as far as Hungary (the adherents of Osiander ; his antipodes 
Stancaro, who propagated in person, in Poland and Hungary, his doctrine that 
our justification is to be attributed to the human nature of Christ alone ; the 
followers of Flacius) checked the development of the life of the youthful 
evangelical communities and paved the way for the Catholic reaction which 
was also preparing here. 

3. The Gospel amongst the South Slavs. 

Literature: W. Sillem, Primus Truber, Erl., 1861. Th. Elze, P. Wiener in Jb 
d. Gesellsch. f. G. d. Prot. in Oesterr., 1882, 1 ff. ; the same in RE XVI 56 ff. 

Luther's Gospel also penetrated to the Slav peoples, at first into Carniola, 
Carinthia and Styria. Its first traces appear at Laibach (in 1530), where the 
house of the clerk of the court, Khlobner, was the centre of a small circle of 
evangelicals ; in the following year the young priest Primus Truber of Carniola 
was called to the Cathedral of Laibach, where he preached the doctrines of 
Luther, and, when this was forbidden him, in another church : he also soon 
found a man of the same views as himself in Paul Wiener, a canon of the 

Notwithstanding many perils, both managed to remain here until 1547. 
Truber had also been appointed canon in 1542, and was specially entrusted 
with preaching in the Wendish popular language ; then, during the Schmalkaldic 
War, the bishop took proceedings against both. Truber fled ; Wiener was 
taken, transported to Vienna, and finally allowed to emigrate to Transylvania, 
where he found a rich field of work at Hermannstadt, and in 1553 became 
the first superintendent of the evangelical church of Transylvania. In 1548, 
Truber repaired to Germany and found a post at Rothenburg on the Tauber 
(and then at Kempten). He now applied himself to the task of his life, 
that of rendering the Gospel accessible in print to his Wendish countrymen, 
whose dialect was as yet altogether without literature. Working indefatigably, 
partly in connection with Vergerio, but especially supported by the Styrian 
nobleman, Baron Hans Ungnad, who had emigrated to Wurtemberg, he provided 
them with the Catechism, the New Testament, 1 the Psalms, Confessions of 
Faith, a book of homilies, hymns, etc., in the form of translations, in part 
freely adapted from German writings. Most of these works were printed at 
Tubingen. A younger friend of Truber, Stephen Consul, in his turn transported 
many of them to Croatia and Illyria. Meanwhile, the evangelical movement 
made such progress in his native land, that the estates of Carniola were 
able to summon Truber to be provincial preacher; from 1561-1565 he organised 
the affairs of the evangelical church (the Slovenian ritual, 1564; an evangelical 
provincial college). Although he was again expelled in 1565 by the Archduke 
Charles, he left behind him an organised evangelical church as his work, until, 
under the Jesuit's pupil, Ferdinand, the counter-reformation (1599) here also 
destroyed what evangelical belief had created. But, in the meantime, the 
whole of the Scriptures had been presented to the Slovenians in their own 
language by Dalmatin (1581); Styria, Carinthia and Carniola had defrayed 
the cost of printing in common. 

Cp. Schelhorn, Ergvtzlichkcitcn, III 806 ff. 


The Restoration of Catholicism. 

Preliminary Remarks. 

The cry for ecclesiastical reform had made itself heard, loudly 
and frequently, since the fearful times of the papal schism at the 
end of the Middle Ages : many attempts were made (councils of 
Reform, reforms in the monasteries) ; but the secularisation of the 
Curia, the predominance of worldly interests over those of the 
Church had paralysed all reforms. At the end of the Middle Ages 
a Catholic reform was commenced in the Spanish Church (Vol. II. 
p. 546), which aimed at Thomism in the teaching, improvement 
and discipline of the clergy and the monasteries, and at the same 
time offered satisfaction to more ardent religious longings in the 
means of devotion provided by mysticism. Had this reform 
become effective earlier and already advanced further, when Luther 
appeared upon the scene, the ground would have been cut from 
under the feet of many most effective accusations and many a need 
would have been satisfied ; Rome would then have been spared the 
sight of the fearful defection which the early years of the Reforma- 
tion brought upon her. But this reform came too late: the 
blindness of the Curia had done everything to assist the Reforma- 
tion to its first great and victorious campaign. It was not until the 
year 1540 that, in consequence of the crisis at the Court of Rome 
and the foundation of the Order of the Jesuits (Spain's gift to the 
Church), a sudden change took place, from which date the Roman 
Church opposed the evangelical Reformation with its reforms and 
organised resistance. It was too late for an understanding with 
Protestantism (a reunion) — too late to allow the voices to be heard 
which recommended a rapprochement and agreement with the reli- 
gious ideas of the Reformation, but still early enough to bring the 
Reformation to a standstill and to deprive it again of considerable 
portions of its sphere and influence. Naturally, this Catholic 


restoration, as it only met with an abrupt rejection in face of 
the Reformation, was bound also to suppress the elements in 
its own midst, which in any way exhibited features akin to the 
Reformation— such as Augustinianism and the desire for a national 
church : this Catholicism was bound to ripen into Romanism. 


The Catholic Reaction and the Extinction of the Reformation 

in Italy. 

1. Evangelical movements and Catholic Reforms. 

Sources and Literature : Bibliot. della riforma Ital., 1883 ff. Dan. Gerdesius, 
Specimen Ital. Ref. Lugd. Bat. 1765; a literary historical account in 
Schelhorn, Amoenitates und Ergutzlichkeiten ; M'Crie, History of the progress 
and suppression of the Reformation in Italy. Edinb., 1827 (in German, Leipz., 
1829); C. Gantu, Gli Eretici dltalia, 3 vols. Turin, 1865-1867. Comba, 
Storia della riforma in Italia, I. Firenze, i8«i ; F. Dittrich in JGG V 
319 ff. ; VII t ff. ; the same, Gasp. Contarmi. Braunsb., 1885 ; M. Philipp- 
son, Gesch. Westeuropas im ZA von Philipp II. Berl., 1882, 1883; W. 
Maurenbrecher, Kath. Reformation I. For Renata of Ferrara see Henke 
in HZ 25 ; Bonnet in Revue chret., 1875 ; B. Fontana, Renata di Ferrara. 
I. Roma, 1889. For J. Valdes cp. the literature in RE 16, 276 ff . ; add 
Wilkens, Gesch. d. span. Protest. Gutersl., 1888, p. 86 ff. ; his Mercur und 
Charon in Reformistas antig. espari. IV and in E. Bohmer, Roman. Stud. 
19; his Considerazioni in Bibl. Wiffeniana I 63 ff. (in German by Bohmer. 
Halle, 1870) ; add Moller in StKr 1866. For the entire Neapolitan circle, 
see L. Amabili, // S. Officio della Inquisiz. in Napoli I. Citta di Castello, 
1892. For Gaetano di Tiene see W. Luben. Regb., 1883; for Caraffa, 
Benrath in RE XI 332 ff. ; Campeggi's opinion in Friedensburg, 
Nuntiaturberichte II. Benrath: Ueber die Quellen der ital. Ref.-Gesch. 
Bonn., 1876; the same, Theatinerorden in RE XV 377 ff. Consil. de 
emendanda eccl. in Le Plat, Monum. Trid. II 596 ff. Schelhorn, De 
consilio de emend, eccl. auspic. Pauh III. conscripto Tiguri, 1748. On the 
establishment of the Inquisition at Rome, see Reusch, Index I 169; 
Benrath in HZ 44, 460 ff. 

The stream of reformatory ideas that flowed through all the 
countries of Europe showed how violently the power of Rome 
over men's minds had been shaken in spite of the official victory 
of the papal system over all previous reformatory tendencies, as 
celebrated by the Lateran Council (Vol. II, p. 530). For a long 
time the powers of the Church seemed as it were paralysed* in 
the presence of the new movement, and, above all, through the 
fault of the Popes themselves. Instead of devoting their most 


serious attention to the enormous falling away in Germany, they 
directed it first and foremost to the preservation of their political 
power in Italy. The papacy missed the chance of saving Catholicism 
that was threatened on all sides. Even on the soil of Italy, which 
was connected with Rome by manifold interests, its authority over 
men's minds was tottering. 

In Italy also deeper religious emotions of an evangelical character showed 
themselves by the side of critical and illuminating tendencies. From a literary, 
aesthetic and artistic point of view, Italy stood at the head of the secular 
culture of the age ; it sheltered the most accomplished members of high 
society, whom humanism had elevated with its revival of the antique, its formal 
emancipation and extension of its sphere of view, and its aesthetic refinement. 
Art, freed from fixed ecclesiastical traditions, received a powerful impulse, 
opening its arms to Nature and at the same time to the influences of antiquity. 
A strongly developed political, life with entirely secular, regardlessly egoistical 
maxims was added to this. This culture of the Renaissance, emancipated 
internally from ecclesiastical hypotheses, frequently leading to heathenish ideals 
and conceptions of life, not infrequently combined with moral frivolousness, 
nevertheless knew how to get on well with the existing churchship on the 
whole. At the Court of Leo X. irreligion was the open secret of the upper 
circles ; but here, as in Venice and Florence, people had to reckon with the 
Church and its claim to sovereignty, as with every other given secular power. 
The authority of the Pope over the whole Church here appears as the interest 
of Italy. The splendour of the Church, for numbers a matter of pecuniary 
advantage, is popular and a delight to the people, who approve of just the 
secular and heathen traits as exhibited in Rome, which set their impress 
upon their piety. 

But, even amongst the educated and nobility of the nation, there is no lack 
of persons, whose highly-developed culture at the same time longs for deeper 
religious feeling and renewal. Men, who were subsequently driven in opposite 
directions by the development of things, still stood side by side in the two first 
decades of the Reformation, connected by the desire for the resuscitation 
of extinct religious life. Such was that club consisting of some fifty to sixty 
clerical members, which was organised at Rome in 1523 under the title of 
" The Oratory of Divine Loye " for the' purposes of common practices of piety 
and devotion. Here also, by the side of the tendencies of sincere Catholic 
devotion and the endeavour to regenerate the clergy morally, biblical-evan- 
gelical views showed themselves prominently, without any intention, — without 
even any idea of the possibility of a conflict with the official church. Sadoleti, 
Giberti, Caraffa and others belonged to the union, the activity of which 
extended to Vicenza, Verona, and Venice. 1 The storm of the year 1527 
dispersed the confraternity. But active literary intercourse also brought fresh 
ideas into the country from Germany and Switzerland. The writings of 
Luther and others were circulated in an Italian translation (partly under 

1 Kerker in ThQ 1859, p. 9, has proved that Contarini did not belong to 
this oratory, as has frequently been asserted. 


fictitious names): thus Luther's An den Chvistlichcn Adel 1 appeared (in 1533) as 
Libro de la emendatione et corrections dil stato Christiano (probably translated by 
Bartolomeo Fonzio WA VI 400 f. 632) and Melanchthon's Loci 2 as J principii de 
la Theologia di Ippofiloda Terra Nigra (about 1534, CR XXII 654 ff.). The strained 
relations and struggles between the Emperor Charles and Clement VII., which 
led to the conquest of Rome in 1527 (p. 71), and political complications in 
general, extensively promoted criticism of the secular power of the papacy and 
the secularised church. In Venice, the political feeling of independence in 
the powerful commercial republic favoured freer impulses, at least to such an 
extent that there was no inclination to be at the service of Roman demands 
Here, in 1530, the Italian translation of the New Testament by Brucioli was 
printed and, in 1532, the whole Bible. Distinguished Venetians followed with 
lively interest the course of the German reform-negotiations and entered into 
correspondence with Melanchthon. Renata (Renee) , Duchess of Ferrara, a French 
princess, who had married Ercole d'Este in 1527, made the little court of 
Ferrara the rendezvous of the most distinguished intellects (p. 177) : men who 
had evangelical leanings as well as those who were interested in a Catholic 
reform entered into friendly intercourse with her — a Calvin as well as a 
Contarini. In Modena a community of zealous adherents of the evangelical 
doctrine of grace 3 was formed at an early date : it was supported (after 1536) 
by Bishop Giovanni de Morone, a friend of Contarini, even after the Augustinian 
Fra Serafino had attacked it vigorously in controversial sermons. It was the 
doctrine of justification by faith in God's mercy and Christ's merit that was 
here fostered. Even Morone's espousal of papal interests as nuncio in Germany 
( I 53 6 " I 538) and then again at the discussion at Worms (1540) did not hinder 
him from allowing the doctrine perfect liberty: he was of opinion that the 
authority and system of the Church were compatible with such an evangelical 
conception. During the thirties one of the chief meeting-places for the evan- 
gelically minded of all ranks in the country, who thought to fill up the forms of 
ecclesiastical life with evangelical matter, was Naples. The most important 
religious personality here was Juan Yaldes, a Spaniard by birth, brother of the 
imperial secretary Alfonso, who died in 1532 (p. 71). Juan, a man also of 
humanistic merits (Dialogo de las lenguas) wrote (in 1528) the keenly satirical 
dialogue "Mercury and Charon," similar to the dialogue "Lactantius" 
composed by his brother, only richer in theological reflections. In 1 531, he 
left Spain for Rome, where he was promoted by the Pope to the office of 
Chamberlain after the former had made peace with the Emperor : but, for the 
most part, he lived in Naples as the spiritual and intellectual centre of a circle 
of religiously awakened persons, which at one time reckoned three thousand 
supporters, who, " without actually attacking the State Church, sought to lay 
independently the firm foundation of a free Kingdom of God." He translated 
the Psalms for the widowed Duchess of Trajetto, Julia Gonzaga, whose spiritual 
director he was, and wrote devotional elucidations of the books of the New 
Testament in particular : he described the evangelical way of salvation in the 
Alfabeto Christiano and, in the Cento e died divine considerazioni gave directions 
for the life of the spiritual man in God. He died in 1541, shortly before the 

1 [See p. 25] . 

2 [Seep. 38]. 

3 Cp. Sommario della s. Scrittura ; add ThLZ 1877, 671 ff. and above p. 196. 


outbreak of the persecution. The best known and most famous work of 
evangelical Italy, Del Benefizio di Cristo, proceeded from the circle which 
gathered round Valdes ; the author of this .treatise, which was for a long time 
attributed to Aonio Paleario, is now known to be Benedetto da MantoYa, an 
Augustinian monk of San Severino (Benrath in Z KG I 575 ff.)- Amongst other 
members of the circle may be mentioned Pietro Martire Vermigli, Marcantonio 
Flaminio, the Franciscan Ochino, and also ecclesiastical dignitaries, such as 
Cardinal Pole, who had fled from England (p. 211). 

Meanwhile the idea of a Catholic Reformation had gained wider 
support and fresh development. The "Oratory" might indeed 
provide individuals with edification and strengthening of religious 
feeling, but the accidental, purely private character of the union, 
the irregularity with which the associates took part in the common 
efforts prevented its having any far-reaching effects. Then the idea 
sprang up amongst the members of the Oratory of giving a more 
permanent form to its objects by the foundation of an Order and of 
exercising a higher influence in the direction of the reform of the 
Church. Count Gaetano di Tiene, with Caraffa and some other 
members of the Oratory, founded (in 1524) the Order of the 
Theatins (the name was borrowed from Caraffa's see, Theate 
[Chieti in the Abruzzi]), — an order which, outbidding the men- 
dicant orders in strictness as to lack of personal property, set itself 
the task of forming a religiously earnest, ecclesiastically trained 
clerical family, whose duty it should be to enliven the interest of 
the Catholic people in its worship (more frequent communions, 
better methods of preaching), to devote itself to tending the sick 
with regardless self-sacrifice, to combat heresy in every form. The 
Order spread rapidly over the whole of Italy, and with it its watch- 
word : Ecclesiastical Reform and war against heretics ! In Gio- 
vanni Pietro Caraffa the personality in whom these two ideas were 
most intimately combined here comes into prominence. 

A sojourn of several years in Spain had made him acquainted with that 
strong Catholic current of reform which, while it at the same time harked 
back to Thomas Aquinas and also to the ecclesiastical normal theologian, strove 
energetically for improvement of discipline and morals and also for the 
reconquest of the power and dignity of the Church, such as it had possessed 
in the brilliant times of the Middle Ages. Under Adrian VI. he had devoted 
his attention to a scheme of reform for the administration of the Church ; 
under Clement also he had worked zealously for ecclesiastical reforms. After 
the sack of Rome in 1527, the desire for an unsparing search for and persecution 
of heretics became more prominently manifested in him. When Paul III. was 
obliged to approach the question of the summoning of the Council, in order 
not to lose the Catholic Church in Germany completely, it was a question 
in Rome of coming to an understanding as to the means which could be 


adopted to heal the abuses of the Church, even of the Roman Curia itself. 
In 1536, the Pope nominated a commission, which was to make a list of the 
abuses ot the Church and lay it before himself: Caraffa, Pole, Sadoleti, 
Contarini, and others belonged to it and worked zealously and sincerely, 
without sparing the sins of the head. A Consilium de emendanda ecclesia 
( I 537)> which was also published in 1538 by Luther in German without any 
idea that in this case a zeal for reform was actually aroused, was the 
fruit of its work. About the same time, Cardinal Campeggi in combination 
with his brother handed over a detailed reply to the gravamina of the German 
nation, in which he was obliged to recognise many grievances as well founded 
and to speak in favour of a reform of the ecclesiastical system. But Paul III. 
met with opposition in those immediately around him and put off the necessary 
reform of the Church together with the projected council. 

Henceforth, Caraffa appeared at the head of the reactionary 
party, helped to repress the reform party (Contarini) which was 
inclined for compromise — the Ratisbon colloquy is the last unsuc- 
cessful attempt at a peaceful arrangement with the Protestants — and 
succeeded in getting Paul III. to reorganise the Inquisition after 
the Spanish model in the bull "Licet ab initio" (July 21st, 1542) 
and to establish the " Sant' Uffizio " at Rome under his presidency. 
(Ignatius Loyola had also co-operated in this.) The principle was, 
above all, to punish those in high position amongst the evangelically 
minded ; " for thereupon depends the salvation of the lower classes." 

That religious movement within Romish circles becomes a strictly 
ecclesiastical reaction against every innovation, an obstinate ad- 
herence to the foundations of the ecclesiastical system connected 
with a struggle for life and death against the innovators. 

2. The Annihilation of the Italian Reformation Circles. 

Literature (continued) : For Peter Martyr, see C. Schmidt. Elberfeld 1858 ; RE 
XVI 356 ff. ; for Ochino, Benrath. 2 Braunschweig 1893 ; for Paleario, M. 
. Young, 2 vols. Lond. i860; J. Bonnet, German by Merschmann. Hamb. 
1862. Benrath in Gelzer's Monatsbl. 1867. Oct.; RE XI 164 ff. ; R. 
Stahelin, Brief e aus der Ref.-Zeit. Basel. 1887, p. 27 ff. : Coelius Secundus 
Curio, in ZhTh 30, 571 ff.,42,411 ff. ; RE III 396 ff. ; Olympia Morata, Opp. 
Basil. 1570; RE X 269 f. ; Vitt. Colonna, E. Ferrero and Gius. Muller, 
V. C. Carteggio. Torino 1889 ; Biography by Reumont. Freib. 1881 ; add 
Benrath in Augsb. Allg. Ztg. 4. Jan. 1882 ; Campori, Modena 1878 ; Ver- 
gerius : C. H. Sixt, P. P. Verg. Braunschweig 1855 ; Briefwechsel zwischen 
Herz. Christoph und P. P. V. (StBlV 124). Tub. 1875 ; Nuntiaturberichte 
I ; Ferrai in Archivio stor. Ital. XV and XVI ; F. Hubert, V.s publicist. 
Thatigkeit. Gott. 1893; Spiera : CR XX 613 ff . ; RSnneke in ZhTh 44, 
71 ff . ; Carnesecchi : Manzoni in Miscell. di stor. patr. X. Turin 1870; 
Benrath in HTb 6. F. 4, 168 ff. ; the same, Gesch. d. Ref. in Venedig. Halle 
1887; the same, Art. Caraccioli in RE III 142 ff. 

Thus began the bloody war of extermination against the evan- 




gelical party of Reform in Italy. Many victims fell i 1 many, driven 
out of the country, found a refuge outside their native land ; but we 
cannot be surprised that, during this war of persecution, in the case 
of many who were persecuted a thoughtful and quiet development 
of evangelical ideas was checked and a radicalism of anti-trinitarian 
or sceptical stamp, but especially, baptist enthusiasm was aroused. 
Indeed, the pronounced opposition to the old heathen form of 
popular Catholicism there prevalent, which was obvious to the 
evangelicals of Romance origin, already gave an impulse in the 
direction of Radicalism. 

The circle of Valdes was dispersed. Peter Martyr Yerraigli, the Augustinian 
canon, a Florentine of noble birth, born in 1500, prior of a monastery at 
Naples, and then at Lucca (1541), was obliged to abandon all active preach- 
ing of the Gospel and to flee from the Inquisition in 1542. He found refuge in 
Zurich, Bale, Strasburg, and entered the ranks of the reformatory theologians 
as an active co-operator, whom we have already met on page 209. Bernardino 
Ochino of Siena, at first a Franciscan Observant,' 2 then joined the stricter 
Capuchins, amongst whom he became a famous itinerant preacher of the 
Order; appointed "apostolical missionary" by the Pope, introduced to 
evangelical doctrines by his own study of the Bible and personal contact with 
Valdes, he was again (in 1541) chosen a second time general of the Order, in 
spite of the charge that was already hanging over him, but, in the following 
year, summoned by the Inquisition and warned by Contarini, he was obliged to 
take to flight like Vermigli ; at Geneva, he became minister of a community of 
refugees that had assembled there, later,, in the reign of Edward VI., of a similar 
community in London. On his return to Switzerland, where he was for some 
time minister of the evangelical Italians who had been expelled from Locarno 
(p. 189), he gave himself up more and more to scepticism and subtle inves- 
tigation of matters of belief and Christian ethics (? polygamy), thereby bringing 
upon himself a melancholy, restless life (he died in 1565). 3 Incited by Valdes 
and Vermigli, a nephew of Caraffa, the Marquis Galeazzo Caraccioli, also gave 
up his court-office and brilliant social position in 1551 and repaired to Geneva; 
in the courage of his belief, he resisted all the efforts of his family, even the pro- 
mises of his uncle, who had become Pope, to induce him to return home ; he 
vainly endeavoured to persuade his wife to share his exile with him. He died 
in 1586, a highly esteemed support of the Italian community of refugees. The 

1 A list of those who were executed in Rome itself has been put together by 
Dollinger-Reusch, Die Selbstbiogr. Bellarmins, p. 235 ff. Cp. further the Com- 
pendium processuum in Arch, della Soc. Rom. di Stor. Patr. Ill 268 ff., 449 ff. 

2 See Vol. II, p. 540. 

* He is the characteristic representative of youthful Evangelism in Italy in 
the haste with which he took up problems with which Protestantism, ecclesias- 
tically consolidated and purified, had long finished. Remembering the discredit 
which the bigamy of Landgrave Philip and its theological defenders had brought 
upon the evangelical cause, we can understand the harshness with which Zurich 
treated Ochino. Cp. Bossert in ThLZ 1893, 212. 


humanist Aonio Paleario of Siena, who was indicted in 1542 for a work upon 
the expiatory death of Christ, was enabled to secure his liberty on this occasion 
by his masterly self-defence ; but after working cautiously in Lucca and then 
in Milan, he Was accused for the second time in 1567 ; after three years' im- 
prisonment he died the death of a heretic. The humanist Coelius Secundus 
Curio, who had been won over to evangelicalism by the writings of the reformers, 
was at first seized by the Inquisition at Turin, and only escaped from prison by 
stratagem ; after staying at the Court of Renata, Duchess of Ferrara, where he 
won over the noble Olympia Morata to evangelical principles, he attempted, as 
he had done before in Pa via, to influence the University of Lucca in favour of 
the Reformation, until he arrived in Switzerland as a refugee in the year 1542 ; 
there, first at Lausanne and then at Bale, he actively devoted his services to 
humanism and a Protestantism understood by him in a latitudinarian spirit, 
neither sharply Calvinistic nor Lutheran, which accordingly brought upon him 
the reproach of Pelagianism and even of anti-Trinitarianism. In his Pasquilli 
(1544) he covered the papacy with abundant ridicule. 

Even Renata was unable to prevent the Inquisition being introduced into 
Ferrara in 1545 ; the evangelical community that had gathered together there 
was dispersed, individual steadfast professors of the new doctrines were put to 
death ; she herself was imprisoned in 1554 as a suspected person, but submitted, 
although outwardly only : after her husband's death she returned to France in 
1560, where she devoted her energies, until her death in 1575, to protecting the 
Protestants during the terrible times of the religious wars. The much admired 
Olympia Morata, the classically educated lady companion of Renata's daughter, 
who first became acquainted with evangelical doctrines through Curio and, after 
1548, exchanged frivolous court-life for evangelical earnestness, followed her 
husband, the German physician Grunthler, to Germany, where she found the 
protection which her native land refused her (died in 1555). The noble poetess 
Yitt. Colonna, Margravine of Pescara, the friend of Cardinal Reginald Pole and, 
like him, inclined to an evangelically framed doctrine of justification, did not, 
however, take the decisive step, which would have severed her from the Romish 
Church. In Yenice, to which the Inquisition was at first unable to extend its arm, 
the connection of the little, evangelically minded community with Germany was 
kept up in particular by Balthasar Altieri, a Neapolitan in the service of the 
English ambassador. Together with Luther's and Melanchthon's writings, 
those of the Swiss and Strasburgers were read, as well as the writings of 
Servetus. .The sudden denunciation of Pietro Paolo Yergerio, Bishop of Capo- 
distria, as a " Lutheran," must have caused great excitement. Formerly a law 
lecturer at Padua, then an advocate at Venice, he had turned his attention to 
the Church in 1530, having lost his wife after a short but happy married life : 
he became papal secretary, and was very soon appointed papal plenipotentiary 
in diplomatic missions; in 1533, he was sent by Clement VII as nuncio to 
Ferdinand's court; in 1535, Paul III. bestowed a similar post upon him. He 
had fulfilled his office energetically, certainly not without ambition, but also 
with an incorruptible sense of justice: an enemy of the heretics, but also an 
outspoken censor of ecclesiastical abuses, undauntedly pressing for ecclesiastical 
reforms, and, above all, the summoning of the Council. Rewarded with the 
bishopric of Modrusch in Croatia, then with that of his native town, he 
returned home in 1536 ; he made his appearance once again in Germany at the 
religious discussion at Worms (1540) and worked in promoting the general 
VOL. Ill 15 


Council, by order of Francis I. It is uncertain whether he had a secret mission 
from the Pope ; l in any case he was regarded with distrust by the official deputies of 
the Curia, in his attitude here also a representative of the Catholic reform party. 
After his return home, while engaged upon an essay " Against the Apostates in 
Germany " he underwent a profound alteration of mind. At the end of 1544, 
the monks of Capodistria, enraged at the strict discipline which he maintained 
amongst the clergy, secretly accused him of sowing the seeds of Lutheran 
heresy. The trial that subsequently took place before the inquisition tribunal 
of Venice was a protracted one ; still, the suspect was refused a seat at the 
Council of Trent. This had a decisive influence upon his inner development 
(Hubert, p. 244 ff.). In 1548, proceedings were again taken against him ; on the 
3rd of July, 1549, the Pope deprived him of his office and also of his priestly 
dignity as a heretic ; he escaped imprisonment by flight to the Grisons, removed 
in 1553 as " Councillor " of Duke Christopher to Tubingen, from that time forth 
leading a restless, wandering life,a and only serving the evangelical cause in 
Italy by numerous, for the most part polemical pamphlets 3 and correspondence 
with his countrymen. In the year of his flight he published 4 the tragic story of 
Francisco Spiera, an advocate of Cittadella, who, when Venice after the victories 
of the Emperor could no longer escape the work of the Inquisition, solemnly 
renounced the evangelical belief in 1548 after repeated examination. Six 
months later, however, he died in despair, dreadfully tormented by qualms 
of conscience, feeling guilty of having committed the sin against the Holy 
Ghost. Vergerio's experiences at his sick bed entirely converted him. 
Persecutions became still more violent, when the seventy-nine years old Caraffa 
mounted the papal chair in 1555. " He covered the whole of Italy with a 
network of inquisitional offices connected with the Holy Office at Rome." 
Even the worldly-minded, jovial, clever, but personally by no means zealous 
Pius IY (1560-1565) was unable to alter the system. Caraffa's old, gloomy, and 
fanatical associate, Ghislieri, as Pius Y completed the work of crushing Italian 
Protestantism. While he was Pope, the noble Pietro Carnesecchi, formerly 
secretary and protonotary under Clement VII, associate of the Oratory and of 
the Valdesian circle of friends, afterwards the secret supporter of quiet evan- 
gelically-minded circles in Padua, and finally Councillor of Duke Cosimo II. 
of Florence, also fell a victim to the Inquisition (1567), after it had already 
twice before vainly stretched out its bloodthirsty hand against him. 

The reckless employment of force was able to carry out its 
horrible work here the sooner, as the reformatory movement found 
no support either in the princes or in the community. The sup- 
porters of the movement continued for the most part to be confined 
to the limited circles of educated persons : the Romance tempera- 
ment chiefly clung to the sensual worship offered by Rome. 
Strong national indignation at Romish oppression was lacking ; on 

1 Cp. Dittrich in Braunsb. Index lectionum 1879. R. Moses, Die Reli- 
gionsverh. zu Hagenauu. Worms. Jena 1889, p. 91 ff. Hubert, p. 7 ff. 243 ff. 
a He died in 1565. 

8 Biblioth. della riforma ital. I and II. 
4 Bibl. della ref. it. II 112 ff. Hubert p. 264 ff. 



the other hand, a thousand various interests were connected with 
Romish churchdom. To these were soon added strongly divergent 
views and ecclesiastical ideals,— by the side of an orthodox Pro- 
testantism, for the most part of a Swiss complexion, a sober-minded 
Anabaptism, but also a radically anti-Trinitarian Anabaptist party, 
which in 1550 was secretly organised at a Council in Venice (see 
below). Rome owed a considerable portion of her successes to this 
internal disruption. Switzerland, first and foremost, became the 
home of those who had fled from the Inquisition in time. 



The Order of the Jesuits. 

St. Ignatius. 

Sources and Literature : S. Ignacio de Loyola, Cartas. 4 vols. Madrid, 1874- 
1887; also some letters in ZkTh IX 310 ff . ; [Tollenarius] Imago prtmt 
seculi Soc. J. Antw., 1640. N. Orlandino, Hist. S. J. Rom., 1614; 

> Cretinau-Joly (the official panegyrist of the Order), Hist, de la comp. de J. 
6 vols. Paris, 1844-1846 (in German. Wien, 1845 ff.) ; J. Huber, der 
Jes.-O. Berlin, 1873; V. Frins (S. J.) in KL VI 1374 ff. On Ignatius: 
Consalvi (Acta ex ore Ignatii excepta) in ASB, July, VII 634 ff. ; Ribadeneira 
Neap., 1572; (Joh. Pien) in ASB, July; VII 409 ff . ; Genelli, Innsbr., 
1847 ; E. Gothein. Halle, 1885 ; F. Gess in HTb 6 F. 12, 265 ff. ; M. 
Ritter in HZ 34, 305 ff. ; H. Baumgarten. Strassb., 1880 ; Von Druffel, 
I. v. L. an der romischen Kurie. Munchen, 1879. Bartoli, Histoire de St. 
Ignace : 2 vols. Lille, 1893. For the Camaldolites, see Helyot, Hist, des 
ordres monastiques. V. 236 ff., 263 ff. ; for the Capuchins, Boverius, Annates 
Ord. Capuc. (about 1630) ; Helyot VII 164 ff. 

The old Orders, in spite of the reforms, which the 15th century 
had brought them, had not shown themselves able to withstand the 
onset of the Reformation. The mendicant Orders, in spite of those 
attempts at reform, owing to their mental torpor and moral 
depravity had been one of the chief objects of attack for Protestant 
polemics: on the other hand, good and bad elements from the 
ranks of the monks had supported the Reformation in large 
numbers, although quite a number of literary opponents of the 
latter had arisen from the same circles. The existing orders had 
been all together sympathetically affected by the great religious 
movement. The principle was now generally laid down by papal 
resolutions, that, considering the abundance of already existing 
orders, the question of new foundations should not be mooted : 
but the epoch of the Reformation is also characterised as a new 
epoch of the Church, by the fact that in it the nature of the Order 
also brings forward new formations. It was certainly of less im- 
portance, that in the Order of the Camaldolites, 1 owing to the 

[See Vol. II., p. 192. 



efforts of Paul Giustiniani, a separate congregation was formed 
which bound itself to the strictest observance of severely ascetic 
rules ; that further, in the Order of the Franciscans, Matteo de Bassi 
brought about the separation of the Capuchins in 1528, in the 
intent to restore the the original rule and manner of life of St. 
Francis (a pointed hood 1 and long beard) and to revive his spirit. 
The latter was only the continuation of a movement which had 
been long in active v existence in the Order, — a movement which 
was regarded by the older parties of the Order with disfavour and 
by the Curia with a certain amount of anxiety and was checked in 
its development, while persons like the noble Vittoria Colonna gave 
it her lively sympathy and support. But, while devoting them- 
selves zealously to popular preaching, they gained a large number 
of adherents and reconquered for the Order a part of the influence 
over the Catholic people, which it had possessed in earlier times. 
It was not until 1619 that they became an independent Order. 
The importance of the Order of Theatins for the education of 
a capable and earnest band of clergy has been already mentioned 
(p. 220). The Order of Barnabites founded in Milan in 1530, 
together with the Angelicae sorores under its direction, sought its 
mission without, in reclaiming those who had become estranged 
from the Church, but did not meet with widely-extended success. 
The characteristic production of the period of the Reformation 
is the Society of Jesus. 

Don Inigo (Ignatius) Lopez de Recalde of the house of Loyola, the younger 
son of a noble and .distinguished Basque family, was born in 1491. He was 
brought up at the Court of Ferdinand, reared on the ideals of chivalry and 
in knightly reverence for the Church. Having been wounded at the defence of 
Pampeluna against the French (i52i),he occupied his glowing imagination with 
the heroic deeds of the Saints 2 during his lengthy confinement to a bed of sick- 
ness, and asked himself, " What if I did as St. Francis or St. Dominic ? " In 
an ecstasy of enthusiasm, he tore himself aloof from his earlier life and devoted 
himself as a Knight of the immaculate virgin — at Montserrat he hung up his 
arms on the altar of Mary and kept vigil over the standard. In the garb of a 
hermit he entered the Dominican monastery of Manresa and commenced the 
strict life of an ascetic in prayer and scourging. Here he subjected himself, by 
a conscious act of volition, to the despairing horror of self-examination, and 
again soared into the blessed ecstasies of the visionary, " a conscious fanatic," 
" the most temperate administrator in the province of his extravagances," who 
made that which was the absolute aim of others before him the means of spiritual 


Vita de los satitos en romance (i.e., in the Spanish language) 



discipline. Here, in his own experience, those exercitia spiritualia 1 were per- 
formed, which he subsequently required from each of his pupils, "the drill 
regulations of the warlike order." After that, living on charity, he entered (1523) 
upon his pilgrimage to Jerusalem, whence, however, he was compelled to return 
by the official representatives of the Christians, the Franciscans. Looking at 
the matter as a practical man, he at once became convinced that, considering 
the neglected condition of the Christians there, it was not the time for him as 
an individual to look for his life's task in those parts. He returned home, 
where it soon became evident to him that, in order to be able to labour 
effectively he must first thoroughly master the culture of the period. 
Accordingly, the thirty year old pupil took his seat upon the school-bench at 
Barcelona; two years later, he went to the University of Alcala, and then to 
Salamanca, where he studied scholastic philosophy, and at the same time 
gathered together the early companions with whom he practised the exercitia 
spiritualia. This, however, made him an object of suspicion to the Inquisition, 
and several times brought him into great danger and into prison. He prudently 
transferred the place of his studies to Paris in 1528 (he took his Master of Arts in 
1534), supported by many gifts received from both male and female friends. Here, 
exhibiting great cleverness in dealing with and gaining the affections of men, he 
had already gathered round him a small body of followers, consisting of the poor 
Savoyard Peter Faber (Le Fevre), the noble Biscayan Francis Xavier, the 
Castilians Diego Lainez and Alonzo Salmeron, besides Bobadilla, Rodriguez, 
and a few others. In 1534, the little band took a vow in the church of Mary at 
Montmartre to work in Palestine on behalf of the Church and for the benefit of 
their fellow-men ; or, if this should not be practicable, to place themselves at the 
disposal of the Pope to be employed in whatever manner he thought fit. 
In 1536, the members, who had in the meantime been ordained priests or were 
consecrated at this time, again assembled in Venice, in order to proceed 
together to Palestine. There Ignatius and Caraffa met : the refusal of the 
former to incorporate his associates with the order of Theatins, and the 
national opposition between Spaniard and Neapolitan laid the foundations of 
Caraffa's deep dislike for Ignatius. In 1537, the members presented themselves 
before Paul III at Rome and disclosed to him their plans respecting the Holy 
Land. Having returned to Venice abundantly equipped for their proposed 
journey, they took the vow of poverty to the papal nuncio, but found their 
scheme wrecked by the naval war between Turkey and Venice ; they accordingly 
decided to remain in Europe and devote themselves to the care of the sick, but 
especially to preaching (in the streets) and the instruction of the young in the 
catechism. Ignatius again took a journey to Rome, to put himself at the dis- 

1 Exercitia spiritualia S. Ignatii, first printed in 1548; Dill. 1583; Paris, 
1865 ; cp. HZ 34, 321 ff. ; Huber, p. 14 ff. Janssen, IV 375 ff. They are 
spiritual exercises of four weeks duration, whereby the ascetic is to discipline 
his spiritual life, under the supervision and at the command of his master of 
exercises, by meditations upon prescribed subjects which amounted to hallucina- 
tions, and by prayers and examination of conscience. For his treatise Ignatius 
made use of the mystico-ascetic exercitatorium spirituals of the Abbe Garcia 
Cisnero at Manresa (1500: reprinted Regensb. 1856). Every Jesuit had to 
perform the full course of exercises at least twice in his life : they were 
shortened every year to 8 or 10 days. Cp. also ASB, July, VII 423 ff. 


posal of the Pope ; he had by this time also discovered the proper name for the 
Society, — Compania de Jesus (Company of Jesus). Paul III received him in a 
friendly manner ; his excnitia spiritimlia continually gained him new friends in 
the higher circles in State and Church. Having been at length (November 18th, 
1538) finally cleared of the suspicion of heresy by a court appointed by the Pope, 
he proceeded, together with his friends, to discuss the constitution, for which it 
was desired to obtain the ratification of the Pope. 

The most characteristic feature of this Constitution vv a s that, 
while the members of the Order were to be unconditionally at f the 
disposal of the Pope, they were on the other hand to be bound 
by military obedience to the general who was elected for life. In 
spite of the advantage which such a body must have offered the 
Papacy, the decision in regard to the papal confirmation was for 
a considerable time in abeyance, as there was no inclination to 
increase the number of Orders. The request of the King of 
Portugal, that some of the members should be sent as missionaries 
to the colonies over seas, accelerated the decision to bestow 
the papal confirmation. The bull Regimini militantis ecclesiae of 
September 27th, 1540, at length uttered the decisive word, although 
at first the number of members was limited to sixty; three years 
later this limitation was abandoned. Preaching and religious 
instruction (especially of the young) are here indicated as their 
chief task, together with absolute obedience to the orders of the 
Pope in the cause of the mission. 1 Ignatius was elected first 
general on April 4th, 1541. The vow of poverty was only binding 
upon the persons of the " professed " monks ; the Society itself was 
allowed to possess property in the interests of their common aims. 
Specifically monastic asceticism retired into the background ; the 
Order was unacquainted with common meeting for prayer. The 
prevailing aim of the Order was now activity outside — no longer, 
as originally, monasticism, mortification and contemplation. 2 

1 Still, what Clement XIV. wrote of the Order in 1773 is substantially 
correct : Compertum habuimus, cum . ... ad haereticorum ct maxime infidclium 
conversionem .... fuissc institutum. Aquaviva had already appointed as a 
stock subject of discussion for novices : " Concerning heretics and unbelievers, 
in order to encourage the mind to battle with the sword of the Spirit " 
[Institutum Soc. Jesu, Pragae, 1757, II 329). 

- " Ignatius desired absolute renunciation, and yet rejected asceticism ; he 
cleverly turned fanaticism to good account and at the same time excluded 
it from all activity; he put forward the complete servitude of thought and 
will as an inviolable duty and as imperatively required the most perfect 
development of every capacity and quality of the soul ; he put himself forward, 



2. The Society of Jesus. 

Sources and Literature (continued): Constitutiones S. J. Romae, 1583. Regulae. 
Dilingae, 1583. Corpus Institutorum S. J. Antw., 1702. Institutum S. J.; 
2 vols. Prag., 1757; Rom., 1869. Pachtler, Ratio studiorum (in Mon. 
Germ, paed.); 3 vols. Berlin, 1887-1890. Instructions pour le noviciat in 
Gelzer's Prot. Monatsbl. XXIII, 45 ff. and 129 ff. J. Friedrich, Beitriige 
zur Gesch. d. Jes.-O. in ABA XVI, 87 ff. B. Duhr, Jesuitenfabeln. Freiburg, 
1891. {Ivionita Secreta. Krakau (?) 161 2, and in frequent later editions 
e.g. Romae (?) 1782.) P. Drews, P. Canisius. Halle, 1892. For the 
school-system of the Jesuits, see the Literature in Schmidt, Gesch. d. 
Erizehung III, 1 (by G. Muller); Pachtler I, p. xlv ff. ; A. Kluckhohn 
in ABA XII, 3. 

The Order was destined soon to enjoy special patronage from 
the Popes. Paul III. had already bestowed upon it the unusual 
privilege of giving itself further constitutions and altering preceding 
ones, as circumstances required, and therewith a mobility which 
had not hitherto been granted to any Order; in 1545 it received 
the general right to preach everywhere, to cause confessions to be 
heard everywhere by its priests (even to absolve in a number of 
reserved cases, and to commute vows) ; other privileges established 
the free right of the general to control the members ; great liberties 
and prerogatives soon gave it the position of a State in the spiritual 
State of the Church. In order to tighten the reins of the discipline 
of the Order, Ignatius transferred the entire development of the 
members to their own colleges. 

While Ignatius was still alive, the Order established itself in Spain, where 
the Dominican Melchior Canus indeed issued warnings against him as the 
precursor of Antichrist, but, in the person of the Viceroy of Catalonia, Francis 
Borja, Duke of Gandia, a member and an influential patron of the Order was 
secured. Soon, the Universities and the whole of Spain were in its occupation. 
In Italy the Order extended itself rapidly, but, in Venice, it was the subject of 
serious accusations as early as 1560. Its success was even more rapid in 
Portugal (a college at the University of Coimbra), as well as in the Portuguese 
possessions in Brazil and the East Indies (the rapidly thriving college at 
Goa, founded by Xavier in 1542). In the Netherlands, it gained a firm foothold 
in 1562 : it was admitted into France in 1550 by Henry II., but in 1554 con- 
more decidedly than anyone else, as an upholder of the inviolable system of 
the medieval Church, and drew the entire modern humanistic culture into the 
range of the pursuits of the Order ; he indifferently abandoned all the rules, 
whereby the other religious societies endeavoured to extort an outward 
similarity, and yet gave it a constitution, the expressed object of which was 
to make the Jesuits in all countries and peoples a harmonious corporation, 
carrying out the same exercises. Thus, he methodically and successfully 
executed one of the highest works of art, which the human mind ever thought 
of." — Gothein. 



demned by the Sorbonne as " dangerous to faith, calculated to d»-, eans Q f 
peace of the Church, to overthrow the monastic orders, and better a«~ t 
to pull down than to build up"; it was not until 1562 that it obtained c 
ditional admittance. Ignatius himself founded in Rome (1551) the Collegium 
Romanum as a principal educational institution, and (1552) the Collegium 
German icum for the training of capable German clergy for the struggle against 
the heretics. 1 In 1540, Peter Faber set foot on German soil and, in 1543, gained 
over in the person of Peter Canisius (Peter Kanis of Nimwegen) the first German 
who exercised a lasting influence upon Catholic popular instruction by means 
of his Catechisms. Duke William IV. summoned the Jesuits to Bavaria, where 
they first gained a footing in Ingolstadt (Salmeron and Canisius) : they entered 
Austria in 1551. At his death (July 31st, 1556), Ignatius left his Order a society 
consisting of more than 1,000 members (amongst them, it must be admitted, 
only 35 "professed" proper, the officers of this army), about 100 colonies, dis- 
tributed amongst 12 provinces, and extending as far as Brazil, Abyssinia and 
the East Indies. But the comprehensive correspondence of Ignatius (which 
has recently become accessible) also shows how the sincere fervour of his piety 
involuntarily changed into a cunning, tenacious and supple spiritual diplomacy, 
which was by no means particular in its choice of means.' 2 For where, as in 
this case, the Church and its authority is identified with the Kingdom of God, 
the advancement of the Order, of its influence, of its unhindered progress, as 
the means which is to serve the Church, becomes the one thing to which all 
other considerations must yield. 

The Constitution of the Order 3 is a combination of a military dictatorship 
with an aristocratic element. At the head is the General, who not only requires 
the obedience of his subordinates, but also their sincere assent to his will, the 
sacrifice of their own understanding to the understanding of him who is set over 
them. 4 Every member of the Order has to see in him Christ himself. The 

1 For the Collegium Germanicum cp. Ignatius's letter of the 30th of July, 
1552, in Friedlander, Beitr. zur Ref.-Gesch. Berlin, 1837, P- 2 75 *• 

2 How Ignatius himself trifled with the oath and, by means of a reservatio 
mentalis, was able to swear the opposite of what he meant, is shown by his 
letter (Cartas I 142) ; cp. v. Druffel, p. 12, 38. 

3 The Monita privata Soc. J. which appeared in 1612 (also called Monita 
secreta in a later recension), is a satire upon the Order, written by the ex- Jesuit 
Hieron. Zaorowski (Reusch, Index II 281), an exaggerated attempt to throw the 
blame of the evil practices resorted to by many Jesuits, in order to obtain repu- 
tation and wealth, upon secret instructions. The only thing worth noticing in 
regard to it is, that the first MS. copy was found in 161 1 in the Jesuit college at 
Prague, and that MSS. of it existed in other Jesuit colleges. Mariana's treatise 
de regimine societatis, which was very embarrassing to the Order, and was printed 
after his death in 1625, brought grave charges against the regulations of the 
Order and essentially contains the document, which was laid before Cle- 
ment VIII in 1593. It was in vain declared by the Jesuits to be spurious. 
(Friedrich 98 ff. ; Reusch, II 281 f.) 

4 Qui se totum penitus immolare vult Deo, practer voluntatcm intelligcntiam 
quoque (qui tcrtius et summits gradus obedientiae) offerat necesse est; ut non solum 
idem velit, sed etiam idem sentiat quod superior eiusque iudicio subiciat suum, quoad 
potest devota voluntas intelligentiam inflectere (Epist. Ignatii de obedientia. Re- 
gulae 1583, p. 64 f.). Intelligcntia, nc fallatuv. ad Superioris intelligentiam con/or- 
manda est (p. 67). 


>ns demand obedience from the subject perinde ac si cadaver esset, quod 
. . ~rsus ferri et quacunque ratione tractari se sinit, vel similiter ac senis bacillus. 1 
Sour general congregation elects the General for life, but may depose him from 
.nee in the case of his offending against the doctrines or manner of life or 
prejudicing the interests of the Order: he has to reside permanently in Rome; 
a father-confessor, appointed by the Order, an Admonitor and Assistants (assis- 
tentes) stand by his side, to watch over and advise him. Provincials are set over 
the provinces of the Order, who, like the rectors of the educational institutions 
and the superiors of the houses of the " professed " were as a rule only 
appointed for three years by the General. In the Order itself different classes 
and orders are distinguished. First comes the noyiciate (lasting as a rule two 
years) which commencing with the exercitia spiritualia, is devoted to ascetic 
exercises and low and burdensome services, and the practice of humility and 
obedience, to test the novices and detach them from all relations with the outer 
world. 2 By taking the three (simple) vows, the novices become members of the 
Order, and those who are to be prepared for the priesthood are promoted to be 
scholastici approbatt ; amongst these are also reckoned the lay-brethren, who 
have taken the same vows, but are not yet promoted to be coadjutors. The 
former now enter a Jesuit college, where they first complete the course of 
humanistic studies : then, after they have as a rule filled the office of teachers 
at a Jesuit educational institution, they commence a several years' study of 
theology, after which they may be consecrated priests. Next follows the taking 
of the three public vows, whereby they become regular coadjutors. They are 
now at the disposal of the General to make use of them as he pleases. If they 
stand the test, they advance to the rank of Professed of the three vows (by a 
votum solemne). Only a small number of them (who must be at least 45 years of 
age) are finally promoted to the ranks of the Professed of the four vows, and 
thereby gain admission to the inmost circles of the Society. The fourth vow 
has reference to obedience to the Pope for missionary purposes amongst the 
heathen and heretics. They live, when their services are not required, in the 
houses of the '• Professed." No one can leave the Order of his own authority, 
but the Order can eject members at every stage. The General rules the Order 
on the basis of a highly-developed report-system : every month, every pro- 
vincial ; every three months, each superior and master of novices ; every six 
months, each consultor (an adviser appointed for the provincials by the General) 
sends in an accurate report of the members, the houses, &c. By means of a 
perfect system of observation, surveillance, and information, each member 
remains under the eyes of his superior, and finally, of the General, who is thus 
in a position to lay his hands upon the man who is best adapted for each post. 

1 The attempt to elicit from the Constitutions VI 5 that the Superior can 
bind his subordinates to that which is a sin, was a misunderstanding of Catholic 
terminology. Rather, their obedience is limited to things in quibus nullum mani- 
festum est peccatum (Constit. VI. I. 1). Certainly, the subordinate who also 
sacrifices his understanding to his Superior, when confronted by a command 
involving a sinful act, would be in a difficult position: he has to "convince 
himself" that all commands that are given him " are right." 

2 Et ita curandum ei est, ut omnem carnis affectum erga sanguine iunctos exuat. 
Sanctum est consilium, ut assuescant non dicere, quod parentes velfratres habeant, sed 
quod habebant. (Exam, gener. 4, 7.) 


The efficacy of the Order was maintained above all by means of 
the Confessional, the system of Teaching, and the Mission. In 
order to reconquer the districts endangered or lost in consequence 
of the Reformation, it was of supreme importance to re-catholicise 
the higher orders of the Catholic people and render them service- 
able for Church purposes. The people were stimulated to a 
frequent and regular use of the Confessional, after having been 
accustomed to confession only once, or at most twice a year ; it was 
only through the efforts of the Jesuits that it attained to its present 
eminent importance. In like manner the Jesuits (and similarly 
Philip Neri) permanently introduced more frequent communions in 
place of the practice of communicating only once a year (at Easter) 
and dispelled the mistrust existing against laymen who desired the 
Sacrament several times in the course of the year (cp. KL III 
730 ff.). They were very successful in their endeavours to become 
father-confessors of the princes, the nobility, and the upper and 
more influential social circles. By these means they naturally 
obtained an influence also upon politics, the course of which they 
endeavoured to direct in the interests of Rome and to the struggle 
against the heretics. The Order worked everywhere with a view 
to the centralisation of the ecclesiastical constitution, regarding 
heretics as beyond the pale of the laws and upholding the subordi- 
nation of the authority of the State to that of the Church. (For 
their doctrine of State see below). The counter- Reformations, 
subsequent to the second half of the 16th century, with their deeds 
of violence, everywhere exhibit a secret or open influence of Jesuitic 
suggestion. Activity in the Confessional gradually exercised a 
momentous influence upon the moral teaching of the Order, since, 
in order to maintain their position, the confessors were impelled to 
court popularity by indolence and indulgence. (On this point, see 
further below). While popular education was greatly neglected 
where they obtained influence, they gained over the youth of the 
upper classes by their much-famed and much-abused system of 
instruction and education. In its merits it shares those of the 
better humanistic institutions, — indeed, the oldest Jesuit teachers 
were themselves the disciples of humanists — and yet it was enough 
to paralyse the working of the Protestant humanistic schools and 
universities : but, by constantly changing its teachers and by the 
preponderating employment of a young and inexperienced staff, it 
endangered the soundness of its performances ; by turning ambition 
and denunciation to the best account it injured moral culture ; by 





making a parade of the performances of the pupils it \ ^omoted 
merely a show of learning. The Jesuits themselves have always 
laid special stress upon their brilliant missionary successes (see 
below). The attempt of an Englishwoman, Mary Ward, at the 
commencement of the 17th century, to found a female Order 
modelled upon that of the Jesuits, led to very unsatisfactory results : 
life without confinement led to so many scandals that the Order 
was done away with by a brief of Urban VIII (1631). 1 Some of 
them, however, devoted themselves under the name of " English 
Nuns " to the instruction of young women and, in this new form, 
their society was finally approved by the Pope (1703). 

1 Bulla Urbam VIII. de Jesuitissis, ed. Hoornbeek. Ultraj. 1653. 


The Council of Trent. 

1. Its External Course. 

Sources: J. le Plat, Monumentorum ad hist. C. T. sped, amplissima collectio ; 
7 vols. Lovan, 1781, ff. (Vols. I -VI, a collection of the older authorities; 
Vol. VII also contains fresh material). Mendham, Memoirs of the Council 
of Trent (from an Oxford MS.). London, 1834; the same, Acta C. Tr. 
anno 1562 et 1563, a Card. Paleotto descripta. Lond., 1842. Sickel, Zur 
Gesch. d. C. v. Tr., Actenstiicke von 1559-1563. Wien, 1872. A. Theiner, 
Acta genuiha Cone. Tr. (Reports of Massarelli, who drew up the minutes 
of the proceedings) ; 2 vols. Agram, 1874. (For the history of this edition 
see C. Hase, Reformation und Gegenreformation, p. 363 f.). Dollinger, 
Beitruge I and III; the same, Samml. von Urkunden z. Gesch. d. C. v, t Tr. ; 
2 vols. Nordl., 1876. Planck, Anecdota ad hist. C. Tr. pertin. Gott., 
1791-1818. Jac Lainez, Disputationes Trid. ed. Grisar ; 2 vols. Innsbruck 
and Regensb., 1886. Von Druffel, Monum. Trid. in ABA 1884 ff. ; the 
same, Die Sendung des Card. Sfondrato an den Hof Karls V. ABA XX. 
Calenzio, Documenti inediti. Roma, 1874. Canones et decreta C. Tr. 
Romae, 1564; edited by Aem. L. Richter. Lips., 1853, an d many other 
editions ; see also Denzinger, G p. 178 ff., for the Dogmatic Decrees. 

Literature: P. Sarpi (died 1623), Istoria del cone. Tr. Lond., 1619; in Latin, 
London, 1620; in French, by Le Courayer, Amst., 1736; in German, 
by Rambach, Halle, 1761 ff. ; on the other side, the Jesuit Cardinal Sforza 
Pallavicino (died 1667), 1st. del C. di Trento. Roma, 1656-1657; revised 
edition, 1666; in Latin, 1672; in German, Augsb., 1835. (For the value 
of both works, see Ranke, Pdpste, G III Appendix; Von Dollinger, 
Sammlung I, p. vi ff.). Salig, Vollst. Hist. d. Tr. C. Halle, 1741. Ranke, 
Pdpste, I ; Deutsche Gesch. im ZA d. Ref, V. Von Wessenberg, die grossen 
KVersamml.', Vols. Ill and IV. Constanz, 1840. Pastor, Reunionsbestr. 
Freib., 1879. Maurenbrecher in HTb 6, F. V, VII, IX. Tschackert 
in RE XVI 4 ff. Dollinger (and Von Druffel), Kleinere Schriften. 
Stuttg., 1890, p. 228 ff. Preuss, das C. v. Tr. Berl., 1862. M. Ritter, 
Deutsche Gesch. im ZA der Gegenref., I. Stuttg., 1889, p. 141 ff. For the 
influence of the Jesuits on the Council, see Grisar in ZkTh VIII 453 ff. 
Die Geschdftsordnung des C. von Tr. Wien, 1871/ (Theiner, Acta I 1 ff.) 
Vermeulen, die Verlegung des Cone. v. Tr. Regensb., 1890 (written from 
an ultramontane standpoint far in advance of Janssen's). Schmid in 
JGG VI 1 ff. Th. Muller, Das Conclave Pins' IV., 1559. Gotha, 1890. 
R. Hinojosa, Felipe II. y el concl. de 1559. Madrid, 1859 (R ev - nis *- 4 6 > I 53)- 
W. Voss, die Verhandlungcn Pius' IV mit den katholischen Mdchten iiber die 
Neuberufung des Tr. C. Leipz., 1887. B. Dembinski, Rom und Euxopa 
vor d. 3. Abschn. d. Tr. C. (Polish). Krakau, 1890 (cp. HpBl 107, 631). 
Sickel in AOG 45. Reimann in FdG VIII 177 ff. H. Lowe, Die Stellung 
Ferd. I. zum Tr. C. Bonn, 1887. 


First Period. (Cp. p. 150 f.). At the end of May, 1545, twenty 
bishops at last made their appearance in Trent. The Italian 
episcopal city, situated on the frontier of Germany and belonging to 
the Empire, had been the utmost concession the Pope would make 
to the demand for a Council on German soil. He had now nothing 
to fear from the Germans, neither from the Protestant section, 
which did not appear but rejected the Council at the Diet of Worms 
as not being a free one, nor from the Catholic. Three tasks were 
marked out for the Council in the bull of convocation : the removal 
of religious discord by doctrinal decisions, the reform of ecclesiastical 
abuses, and the discussion of a crusade against the unfaithful. 
The legates Del Monte, Cervino, and Reginald Pole at first delayed 
the opening of the Council, and thereby prevented all resolutions 
on matters of dogma, out of consideration for the Emperor, and 
resolutions of reform, out of consideration for the Pope. According 
to Charles's categorically expressed desire, in consideration of the 
still imminent reckoning with the Schmalkaldic League for which 
he needed the assistance of the evangelical princes, only decrees of 
reform were to be passed, — such as concerned matters of dogma, 
not until he should have compelled the Protestants to take part in 
the Council. The Pope, on the other hand, desired a speedy 
reckoning with Protestant doctrines and then, the execution of 
these anathemas in war. But now, as the "recess" of the Diet of 
Worms had announced a religious discussion and a fresh diet to deal 
with the German religious question, those assembled demanded 
with ever increasing impatience the opening of the Council ; 
several again took their departure, and as the Emperor rejected 
the Pope's proposal for a transference of locality, the latter now 
decided to proceed vigorously. At last, on the 13th of December, 
the Council was opened by twenty-five bishops, one of whom was a 

Now for the first time attention was paid to the question, how de- 
liberations should be carried on. The voting " by nations " employed 
at Constance was not even proposed by any party : this rendered 
the preponderance of the Italians easier. Besides, the bishops who 
were only represented by procurators were in most cases deprived 
of the right of voting by the legates. The poorer Italian bishops 
received special allowances from the Pope, in order to be able to 
make their appearance at Trent. Nevertheless, the Pope had not 
at first a sufficient number of safe votes at his disposal ; hence, the 
further calling up of Italian bishops was regarded as a specially 


pressing matter. It was agreed that dogmatic and reformatory 
decrees should be discussed at the same time, a resolution, which 
the Pope at first (January 21st, 1546) rejected, but subsequently 
allowed to be carried. The sittings themselves were only used for 
the formal acceptance and announcement of the resolutions ; the 
real work was in the hands of the three congregations of the 
Council which sat at the same time under the control of the legates, 
and amongst which all the members were distributed, in accordance 
with the sound principle of divide et impera. 1 At the same time, the 
legates reserved for themselves the exclusive right of putting forward 
proposals for deliberation. 

To all resolutions directed against ecclesiastical abuses was added, " under 
reserve of the authority of the Pope" : consequently, their execution was left to 
the discretion of the Curia. The question of the legal position of the Council 
towards the Pope was carefully kept out of sight by the legates : hence also, the 
designation of the Council as sy nodus universam ecclcsiam repraesentans was 
rejected as reminiscent of Constance; 2 any attempt to lay stress on the ideas 
of the episcopal system as put forward by the bishops was vehemently censured 
by the legates. 

At last, on the nth of February, 1546, the discussion of the first 
dogmatic subject commenced. In order to render the Council still 
more pliable and afterwards to set it aside altogether, after eight 
sittings it was, under pretence of an epidemic, contrary to the 
Emperor's wish, transferred by a majority of the Italian votes to 
Bologna on the nth of March, 1547, but some of the bishops (the 
Spanish) by the Emperor's instructions remained at Trent. The 
fathers of the Council who had repaired to Bologna resolved to 
put off further work ; the Emperor demanded their return to Trent, 
and finally threatened to summon a new Council to carry out 
healthy reforms. But the Pope, extremely irritated against the 
Emperor by the murder of his son Pierluigi (September 20th, 1547), 
refused to retransfer the Council. Charles then proceeded in- 
dependently by means of the Interim to the arrangement of eccle- 
siastical matters for the subject Protestants, and also issued 
reformatory regulations for the Catholic districts (see above, p. 154). 
The Pope, who was eager to obtain the duchy of Piacenza for 
his grandchildren, above all desired that the Emperor should not 
become too powerful. On the 17th of September, 1549, he dis- 

1 The separate deliberations were then all put together at a general con- 
gregation and promoted to the dignity of resolutions. 

2 Cp. Dollinger, Beitragc I 392. 


missed the bishops who were still assembled at Bologna and now 
endeavoured to escape the continuation of the Council by re- 
formatory conferences in Rome. But the imperial episcopal party 
still assembled at Trent refused to attend : the French clergy also 
declined to take part in the proceedings, as reform of the Church 
was now only to be looked for from the Church itself. But the 
bishops at Trent, in conformity with the Emperor's will, had 
abstained from all activity in the Council, in order to avoid a 
schism. While affairs were in this state of confusion, Paul III. 
died on the ioth of November, 1549 5 the Cardinals recognised 
how greatly he had injured the Church, and pledged themselves 
in conclave that whoever should be elected should hold the Council 
as soon as possible and reform the Curia. 

Second Period. Julius III. (Cardinal del Monte, p. 158) imme- 
diately entered upon a policy friendly to the Emperor and recalled 
the Council to Trent, where it was opened in May, 1551, under 
Cardinal Crescentio with two " assistants " Lipomani and Pighino : 
it commenced its proceedings in the autumn. Its composition was 
almost entirely new ; the Jesuits Lainez and Salmeron appeared as 
the Pope's theologians : Spain had sent, amongst others, Melchior 
Cano. France, now arming for a fresh war against Charles, was 
not represented at all and refused in advance to admit the binding 
power of the resolutions of the Council. The Emperor had 
promised the German Protestants, in addition to safe-conduct, that 
they should be heard on all disputed points, — consequently, also in 
regard to those already decided. It was evident that his plans were 
bound to fail in this point (see above p. 159). The evangelical 
deputies could not recognise the resolutions that had already been 
taken and were only able to protest against a Council which was so 
fettered that it was obliged to allow itself to be treated by Crescentio 
like a number of school-boys. But, as the Emperor found that 
neither the reunion of the evangelicals nor a satisfactory reformation 
of the Roman Church resulted, he himself lost the desire for the 
continuation of the sitting of the Council. The Pope had already 
drawn up the bull of suspension, when, on the news of the advance 
of the Elector Maurice, on the 28th of April, 1552, the Council was 
adjourned for two years. . 

The two years became ten. In the meanwhile, Germany, by the treaty of 
Passau and the religious peace of Augsburg, had procured a settlement of eccle- 
siastical affairs, and consequently no longer had need of the Council. The 
imperious and passionate Paul IY (iSSS-^oO regarded the Inquisition as far 


more effective than a Council and desired that reforms should proceed only 
from Rome without the co-operation of a Council ; his war with Philip II. com- 
pletely held back the plans of a Council. To this was added his enmity to 
the Emperor Ferdinand, which was partly based on personal grounds and was 
partly fostered by the fact that he could not forgive him for concluding the 
religious peace and tolerating Protestant leanings in his son Maximilian. 
Defiant in his resentment, he refused to recognise the successor of Charles V. 
who had been agreed upo»i by the Electors before his sanction was solicited for 
the abdication of the former and the succession of the latter. The Pope 
regarded the Protestant Electors as heretics who had forfeited all rights, while 
Ferdinand was resolved to keep the religious peace honourably. Paul found 
himself abandoned in this conflict even by France and Spain, but drove the 
Emperor's counsellors by his behaviour to a theory of constitutional law, which 
freed the German imperial dignity from ratification by Rome, and to theories in 
regard to the Church, which remind one of the days of the Council of Bale. 

In the conclave that was held after Paul's death, the Cardinals themselves 
demanded reconciliation with the Emperor and the summoning of the Council 
from the future Pope. The former was soon brought about, after some difficulty, 
by the diplomatic Pius IY., to Ferdinand's very great joy ; he recognised Maxi- 
milian's succession, and, in the knotty question of the administration of the cup 
to the laity, in a secret brief (December 10th, 1561) empowered Ferdinand, the 
layman, to grant the cup in his name to the son at discretion (JGG XIV. 31 f.). 1 
The summoning of the Council was certainly not in accordance with the Pope's 
ideas, but he yielded to the pressure of circumstances. On the 25th of March, 
1560, he announced his willingness and opened negotiations with the powers. 
He decided upon this step not. first and foremost, for the sake of Germany, but 
particularly for the sake of France, which thought seriously of a national 

Third Period. On the 29th of November, 1560, Pius announced 
the Council ; on the 18th of January, 1562, it was reopened under 
the presidency of Gonzaga, Seripando, Hosius, Simonetta and 
Altemps : the episcopate had a much greater part in it (as many as 
270 bishops were present for a time), but there was again a pre- 
ponderating majority of Italians. At the desire of France and 
Ferdinand, the Protestants were invited by the nuncios Delfino and 
Commendone on the occasion of the Naumburg diet of princes, but 
naturally did not appear; thus, it was at the same time admitted 
that the Council could only be an assembly for the Catholic world, 
no longer for Western Christianity. It might be questioned 
whether the Council was to be regarded as a new one or only as a 
continuation of the earlier one. 

Still, even the earlier resolutions had not been recognised in due 
form. Hence the Emperor and France insisted upon now treating 

1 At first Pius IV. also had refused to recognise Maximilian and wanted to 
deny the evangelical Flectors the right of voting ; Dollinger, Beitrcige I 339. 
VOL. Ill j5 


the Council as a new one, but the Pope, in agreement with Philip 
II., decided in favour of styling it a continuation of the earlier one; 
thus, the assembly entered upon the full inheritance of the earlier 
resolutions. Ferdinand had caused proposals of reform to be 
zealously worked at, 1 which certainly brought forward many 
salutary ideas for the improvement of the clergy and the removal 
of abuses in monastic affairs and demanded ttie marriage of priests, 
the cup for the laity, the alleviation of the commands relating to 
fasting with regard for public feeling, but in reference to the 
position of the Pope in regard to the. Church and in reference to 
the reform of the Curia, in view of Ferdinand's horror of conflicts 
and his minister Seld's sudden change of mind, every demand 
was evaded with feeble words. While France and Frederick now 
especially demanded reformation decrees, those connected with 
dogma were given the preference as likely to cause fewer conflicts 
between the parties concerned, but also the opposition to Pro- 
testantism was thereby intensified. In reference to the reforms, 
the Pope pursued the clever plan of allowing himself to be pressed 
and then at least conceding something. Ferdinand's "Reformation 
pamphlet" was handed to the legates instead of the Council and 
rendered harmless by them and the Curia. Amongst the bishops 
the question of the importance of the episcopal system was again 
especially discussed (in particular by the Spaniards, and then also 
by the French), and raised to the practical demand for the obliga- 
tion upon every bishop to reside; on this point the Italians upheld 
the interests of the Curia against nearly all the non-Italians, by 
hindering every formal decision of the question of principle in 
regard to the divine right of the episcopate. (Pius conceded that 
residence was certainly a matter of divine right, but was of opinion 
that to declare it would amount to the destruction of the Romish 
Court.) The influence of the powers on the Council was paralysed 
by the conflicting tendencies of Ferdinand and Philip II. The 
former (supported by Bavaria) was in favour of Concessions (ad- 
ministering the cup to the laity and allowing priests to marry) 
to check apostasy in Germany and to win over again at least a 
part of the Protestants: Philip on the contrary looked with 
abhorrence upon every step, which met the wishes of the heretics : 
he desired the simple extermination of the latter. Rome also was 
at one with Philip on this point. No sitting was held between 

1 Cp. Sickel, p. 69 ff. 252 ff. Schelhorn, Amoen. hist. cccl. II 501. 


September, 1562 and July, 1563 ; disputes of the most varied kind 
(in particular disputes as to the status of the envoys) and faction 
amongst the bishops, which caused the legates to apprehend a 
schism, threatened to stop the continuance of the Council. But 
then Philip broke the serried ranks of the episcopally-minded 
opposition, since even the power of the princes felt itself cramped 
by the episcopal system. Still, it seemed as if the appearance of a 
large number of French bishops (November, 1562) would again 
start the demand for reform and the Curia now actually agreed to 
concessions, but also threatened the governments with a searching 
reform of the rights exercised by them over the church of their 
districts, and won over the imperial theologians by bribes ; the 
conflicting interests of the States put an end to further hopes. 
Lastly Ferdinand (and also France), whom the behaviour of the 
Curia filled with displeasure, but whose hands were at the same 
time tied owing to his desire to see his son Maximilian recognised 
as King of Rome by the Pope, were anxious to see the last of 
a Council which did not correspond to their wishes. The "reform 
decrees," which were still being drawn up, were submitted to the 
Pope for confirmation. The final negotiations were hurried over, 
and important matters that were left uncompleted were left to the 
Pope to settle. On the 4th of December, 1563, the last session 
was opened. The Pope confirmed the decrees, although many in 
Rome were heard to declare that his authority was not adequately 
preserved by the Council. 

2. The Theological and Ecclesiastical Results of the Council. 

Literature (continued) : M. Chemnitz, Examen cone. Tr., 1566. Bed., 1861, 1862. 
Kollner, Symbolik der hath. K. Hamb., 1844. A. Harnack, DG III 588 ff. 
Seeberg in ZkW XI 546 ff. Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bticher ; 
2 vols. Bonn, 1883, 1885. Diendorfer in KL VI 650. Breviary : Schmid 
in ThQ 66, 451 ff. Vulgata: Fritsche in RE VIII 455 ff. Dollinger- 
Reusch, Die Selbstbiographie Bellarmins. Bonn, 1887, p. in ff. Courayer, 
Discours historique sur la reception du cone, de Tr. Amst. (Appendix to 
Vol. II. of his translation of Sarpi's work (p. 237), p. 772 ff.) 

The dogmatic decrees of the Council are under the influence of 
the Reformation ; in them Catholicism, compelled by the opposing 
attitude of Protestantism, is driven to declare its own principles. 
But, at the same time, numerous questions, which were disputed 
even amongst the fathers of the Council themselves, were 
unavoidably left unsettled, for it was an established principle 

16 — 2 


not to decide such differences, but to pass them over in silence, 
and important concessions had to be made to the Augustinian- 
Thomistic theology, of which the Spaniards were the chief repre- 
sentatives. Hence, the dogmatic decrees of the Council of Trent 
are no more an adequate picture of the spiritual character of the 
newer Catholicism than its reform decrees are a just representation 
of the actual ordinances and organisation of the Church. 

The 3rd session (February 4th, 1546) had commenced with the repetition 
of the Symbolum Nicaenum ; the momentous 4th session (April 8th, 1546) was 
devoted to the question of the sources of the faith of the Church. Under the 
influence of the Reformation the Tridentine fathers avow it to be their aim ut 
puritas ipsa evangelii in ecclesia conservetur ; but they turn against Protestantism, 
preferring the Canon ecclesiae, i.e., the Alexandrine canon, to the Canon Hebraeorum, 
and consequently canonise the Apocrypha as a concession to custom, while 
further placing by the side of the Scriptures as a second source of revelation 
the sine scripto traditiones (unwritten traditions), quae ab ipsius Christi ore ab 
apostolis acceptae aut ab ipsis apostolis, spiritu sancto dictante, quasi per manus 
traditae, ad nos usque pervenerunt : which these were was not stated (Bishop Bertano 
frankly declared: "We accept those we approve, but decisively reject those 
which do not meet with our approval"). The Vulgate, the corruptions in the 
text of which are to be removed by the Pope, is declared to be the authentic 
Bible recension, and the right is assigned to the Church of being the only 
authentic interpreter of the Scriptures. The 5th and 6th sessions (June 17th, 
1546, and January 13th, 1547) issued decrees concerning original sin and 
justification ; herewith they also broke away from the tenets of the Reformation 
in regard to the doctrine of Salvation, however noticeable the influence of 
these upon the character of their own doctrine may be. At the same time, the 
opposition in their own camp between Pelagianising Nominalists and adherents 
of Thomism compelled compromises of all kinds and a formulating of doctrine 
couched in the most diplomatic language possible, which might leave room 
for the most diverse interpretations. It is characteristic, that free will is 
regarded as only weakened by sin, the process of salvation is consequently 
treated as a product of divine workings of grace and human performance 
(even the meritum de congruo can be thus interpreted) ; that the concupiscence 
that remains behind in one who is baptised is not judged as a sin ; that faith 
is treated essentially as an assent to the divine revelation and, according to 
this, only as initium iustificationis ; in like manner, the evangelical conception 
of the faith that justifies as confidence in the grace that forgives sins, of 
grace as the divine feeling of love, and of justification as the forgiveness 
of sins, is expressly rejected ; certainty of salvation is denied. Justification is 
an act of God, which takes place at baptism and then, after each deadly sin, 
is renewed at the penitential sacrament, and brings about forgiveness of sins 
and salvation at the same time by means of the inpouring of grace, conditional 
upon the man showing himself willing to meet it. Faith, i.e., assent in 
principle to the doctrine of the Church as preached, is the condition. In this 
justification the man receives spes and caritas in addition to fides, and thus 
justification goes on as a process usque ad mortem, in which the man earns 
eternal life for himself by good works ; yet these merita must in like manner 


be regarded as dona Dei. But the pith of the Tridentine resolutions does 
not lie in this doctrine of justification with its hesitating and ambiguous 
formulas ; the only thing of practical importance in them is, that room is 
left for meritorious good works. The subsequent sessions are far more 
important for the tendency which dominates Tridentine Catholicism. Of 
these, the 7th and 8th belong to the first period of the Council ; the 
9th and 10th to the time of transference to Bologna; the nth to the 16th 
session were held during the second period at Trent, 1551-1552; the 17th to 
the 25th at the time of the third assembly at Trent, 1562-1563. The Church 
is a sacramental institution ; the seven sacraments instituted by Christ, 1 
the intentio of the minister sacramenti—faciendi quod Ecclesia facit — being 
assumed, act ex opere operato as a vehicle of grace in all those non ponentibus 
obi con. 

In reference to the Lord's Supper, transubstantiation and concomitance, 
and the presence of Christ substantially in the transformed elements ante vel post 
usum are maintained, and hence the adoration of the host and Corpus Christi 
Day are insisted upon ; the right of refusing the cup to the laity is dogmatically 
established ; but a condemnation of the practice of administering it to them was 
omitted out of politic respect for certain princes and public opinion in Ger- 
many ; finally (at the 21st session) it was decided that the Pope should be at 
liberty to administer it in special circumstances. The declarations concerning 
the mass (22nd session) are dogmatically uncertain and full of contradiction ; 
but the practical tendency to preserve the evil practice of the mass in its 
entirety is clear (for the living — pro peccatis, poenis, satisfactionibus et aliis neces 
sitatibus — and dead, in honorem sanctorum; the use of the language of the 
country is excluded : the canon missae entirely approved. 

In reference to the doctrine of penitence, a step in advance is recognisable : 
those who defended attritio, as being sufficient for the reception of the Sacra- 
mental grace, submitted and contritio was required. But, while attritio was still 
conceded to the " attritionists " as contritio imperfecta and a salutary preparation, 
the new " attritionism " of the Jesuits was able, under the protection of these 
principles, to claim the rights of citizenship in the Romish Church (see below). 
In the sacrament of penitence the priests perform the functions of indices, ad 
quos omnia mortalia crimina deferantur : they not only pronounce, but also 
administer absolution. As, after forgiveness, the poena peccati still remains, 
room is left for the satisfacliones' 1 of the sinner; room is thereby also left for 
indulgences, as to which, while no dogmatic theory is developed, it is readily 
admitted that they have been greatly misused, but at the same time, they 
are defended as a salutary ecclesiastical institution in the face of all opposition. 
Purgatory and the adoration of the saints (25th . session) and the worship of 
images and relics are upheld in carefully expressed language without any dog- 
matically exact statements ; the existence of abuses is also admitted in this 
case, and orders are issued against such. The marriage of priests is anathema. 

In its dogmatic aspect, the Council denotes the exclusion of the Reformation, 

1 The number seven had been firmly established as the doctrine of the 
Romish Church since the Council of Florence, 1439 ; Mansi, Cone. XXXI 1054. 
Raynaldi Ann. 1439 XV. 

2 [Penalties for sin imposed on the offender by himself or by the priest in 
order to avert its temporal consequence] . 


and, conformably to this, of the endeavour to come to an understanding with 
Protestantism ; henceforth, it was only a question of the attempt to subject the 
Protestants to these canons. 

The reform decrees of the Council introduce a number of organising regula- 
tions dealing with the superintendence and theological training of the clergy, 
the institution of clerical seminaries, the election of bishops, reform of the visita- 
tions of the cathedral chapter, synods ; in short, for the training of the clergy 
and people from a moral and intellectual point of view. The duty of episcopal 
residence was proclaimed, but at the same time, a back-door was opened for 
the Pope, so that he could make exceptions when he thought fit. The eccle- 
siastical form of the celebration of marriage was also regulated : declaration of 
consent before the parish priest and two or three witnesses. 

To assist this concise epitome of the powers of the Church from 
the letter of the law to actual life, was henceforth the conscious aim 
of the Order of the Jesuits. A new period of mighty development 
dates from the Council of Trent. A lofty enthusiasm for the 
Catholic cause revives : a propaganda is carried on in its behalf, 
which is carried out, often with harshness and cruelty, but still also 
from a strong conviction. The principle of freedom from human 
authorities and the individual religious conscience were confronted 
by the principle of vigorous ecclesiastical authority with fresh 
power, which also, together with much external attachment to the 
Church, brings into prominence numerous personalities, ready to 
risk and sacrifice everything for it. From this time, Protestantism 
was no longer able to wrest greater successes from this regenerated 
Catholicism, but was obliged to restore a considerable part of its 

The Pope ratified the Council on the 26th of January, 1564 
(Benedictus Deus) and declared himself the authentic interpreter of 
its decrees 1 ; he subsequently asserted the legal obligation of the 
reform decrees as valid from the 1st of May of the current year, and 
established a college of Cardinals, to superintend their execution. 
But only Italy (with Venice), Poland and Portugal willingly 
accepted the new laws of the Church at once. In Spain, Philip II. 
certainly accepted the decrees, but reserved to himself the right of 
modifying their execution in accordance with the law of the State ; 
the same declaration was made for the Netherlands and Naples. 
In France, assent was indeed given to the dogmas of the Council, 
but the reform decrees were looked upon as a curtailing of the 
liberties of the Gallican Church and the royal rights ; hence that 

1 Nos difficulties et controversias, si quae ex eis decretis ortae fuerint, nobis 
declarandas et decidendas .... reservamus. 


country refused to publish the resolutions, although clerical synods 
accepted the decrees. In Germany, the Pope prevailed upon 
Ferdinand and Maximilian to accept the Council, by conceding the 
cup to the laity, but it never became a law of the Empire ; matters 
stopped short at a tacit acceptance, the right of modifications by 
the legislation of the country being reserved. The same was the 
case in Hungary. 

To complete the restoration of the Church, certain important works were 
added to those of the Council, — works which were partly from the outset left by 
the Council for settlement by the Pope, and partly were obliged to be finally 
left over to him owing to the termination of the sessions. In 1563, the plan had 
been conceived, of causing a confession of faith to be proclaimed by the Council, 
which should be sworn to not only by the clergy but also by all civil officials ; 
but the deputies of the States protested against this interference with the rights 
of the princes. Accordingly, such obligation of confession was decided (24th 
session) to be necessary only for those who were to be promoted to clerical 
offices and for teachers in the University, and Pius IV. interpreted this resolu- 
tion by proclaiming, through the bulls of November 13th, 1564 (In sacrosancta 
and Iniunctum nobis) in the so-called Professio fidei Tridentinae the formula for 
this religious oath as Forma professions fidei Catholicae ; this contains the 
Nicaea-Constance symbol, a summary of the Tridentine decrees of belief, and 
an additional article upon the primacy of the Pope (e.g., Romanam ecclesiam 
omnium ecclesiarum matrem et magistram agnosco.) 1 As the Pope in this case, in 
the interest of the papal system, went beyond what had been left unfinished by 
the Council, so also did he in the Catechismus Romanus, which had been pre- 
pared by the Council, but finally left to the Pope for completion. (25th session.) 
In January, 1562, the Council had arranged for a committee for this work, but 
it had never been formed. Subsequently, Pius IV. handed over the work to 
the Bishops Marini, Foscarari, Calini, and the Portuguese theologian Fureiro, 
(three of these were Dominicans). But Pius died before the revision of the 
language was completed ; Pius V. did not take the step ot publication until 
1566, after repeated revision. The Catechismus Romanus is a collection of 
pastoral instructions for pastors and catechists : a popular, practical system ol 
dogma, treating continuously of the Apostles' Creed, the Sacraments, the Ten 
Commandments and Lord's Prayer, something essentially different from what 
had been planned at Trent. In this the Pope is designated not only caput 
universi fidelium generis, but also universal Pastor. On the other hand, owing to 
the influence of the Dominicans Thomism was able to express itself more freely 
and clearly than at Trent ; hence, the symbolic reputation of the Catechismus 
Romanus was contested in the later dispute concerning the doctrine of grace, as 
being a private work and written in a party spirit. 

Other important works decided upon by the Council and carried out at 
Rome were : the drawing up of the Index librorum prohibitorum (after 1562 ; cp. 
sessions 18 and 25),' 2 for the continuation of which under Pius V. 1571 the 

1 From that time also frequently used as an oath by converts. 

2 The Index drawn up at Trent was published by Pius IV. in 1564. Bible 
reading in the language of the people is only allowed to those who receive 
written permission from the bishop and inquisitor on the advice of the confessor. 


congregatio indicis was appointed : further, the regulating of public worship and 
rendering it uniform by the issue of the Breyiarium Romanum 1568 f., of the 
Missale 1570 etc., whereby the usus of the Roman Church was maintained 
against the traditions of individual countries and provinces which were fre- 
quently divergent. Lastly, we may mention the restoration of the authentic 
recension of the Yulgate which had been left by the Council (4th session) to 
Rome. It was Sixtus V. who first started this work : a congregation appointed 
by him commenced its preliminary labours in the criticism of the text in 1588, 
and in 1590, the authentic edition (omitting the third and fourth books of Esdras, 
the third book of the Maccabees, and the Prayer of Manasseh) appeared under 
the personal, less fortunate co-operation of the Pope; but after his death 
(which took place in the same year) this version was so violently attacked 
by the Jesuit Bellarmine, who had a personal grudge against the Pope, — and 
certainly errata afforded a convenient handle for criticism — that Gregory XIV. 
instituted a fresh commission, and Clement VIII. bought up the copies. This 
commission caused the edition of Sixtus to disappear almost completely, 1 and, 
in 1592, issued a new edition (the Editio Clementina) : in this the third and 
fourth books of Esdras and the Prayer of Manasseh are added. The weighty 
claim to authenticity also in this case contrasted singularly with the quantity of 
errata ; and as, in a very large number of passages,' 2 it varied from the Sixtine 
edition, the adversaries of Rome had a welcome opportunity of throwing light 
upon the concordia discors of the two papal editions. But the most instructive 
thing was, that a later Pope immediately corrected, with so unsparing a hand, 
a work which had been issued with an appeal to the infallibility promised by 
God to the successor of Peter. This edition of the Vulgate is founded upon the 
form of text circulated in the Middle Ages by the Paris theologians (Denifle 
ALKM IV 284). 

1 Reprinted at Antwerp, 1630. 

2 James (Bellum papale, Lond., 1600) enumerates 1207 passages. 

The Popes of the restored Catholicism. 

Literature: Ranke, Die romischen Pdpste in der letzten 4 Jahrh. "Werke 37-39. 
M. Brosch, Gesch. des Kirchenstaates. I. Gotha 1880. B. Hilliger, Die 
Wahl Pius V. zum Papste. Leipz. 1891. Lorentz, Sixtus V.und seine Zeit. 
Mainz, 1852. Nuntiaturberichte. Dritte Abtheilung. I. Berlin. 1892. 
Dreringer, Der heilige Carl Borromdus. Coin 1846. For the dispute 
about the Calendar see F. Stieve in ABA XV 3 ; Kaltenbrunner in 
SDWA 82, 289 ff.; 87, 485 ff. ; J. Schmid in JGG III and' V ; MIOG XII 
639. Sarpi: Opere, Venez. 1677, Helmst. 1761 ff. Fulg. Micanzio Vita 
del Padre Paolo. Leyden 1646. E. Munch, Fra P. Sarpi. Karlsr. 1838. 
G. Capasso, Fra P.S. e V Interdettodi Ven. Firenze 1880; Nurnberger in 
JGG IV 188 ff. ; the same, in RQ II 64 ff. ; 248 ff. ; Reusch, Index II 
319 ff. ; Galilei : K. v. Gebler, Gal. Galilei und die rum. Kurie. Stuttg. 1876; 
Reusch, Der Process Gal.s und diejesuiten. Bonn 1879; Grisar, Gal.-Studien. 
Regensb. 1882; Funk in ThQ 1883, 405; Schanz in JGG III 163 ff. ; the 
same, in KL V 18 ff. 

The crisis, which had been consummated by Caraffa, also exer- 
cised its influence upon the Curia and the occupants of Peter's 
chair. This, first and foremost, remained a matter that concerned 
Italy, and its high offices were posts for the support of the Italian 
nobles. But the frivolity and profane ideas of the Renaissance 
were forced to yield, though tardily, to a new religiosity; the 
restoration of Catholic sympathies exhibited itself in many respects 
also as a reform of morals. The morals of the Popes were in part 
austerely strict, dynastic interests gave way to ecclesiastical con- 
siderations. Nevertheless, nepotism does not disappear, and the 
Curia still remains the arena of the intrigues of ambitious Cardinals. 
It is, however significant that it was just at this time that a 
Palestrina (died 1594) brought polyphonous vocal music to its 
purest and loftiest perfection, and thereby not only protected 
this music from the interdiction threatened by the commission 
appointed by the Council of Trent, but also formed a school and 
introduced a classical period of Catholic church music (Orlandus 
Lassus at Munich, died 1595 ; Vittoria Allegri, died 1652). Caraffa, 
elevated to the papal chair (1 555-1559) in his 79th year as Paul IY., 


harsh and passionate, hated by the people, injured the cause which 
he so zealously represented by his hostility to. the Habsburgs and 
his French policy, which involved him in a war (which turned out 
unluckily for him) with Philip II. about Naples; 1 he did equal harm 
by his nepotism, which he employed in the case of persons so 
unworthy that he himself was obliged to pronounce sentence of 
deprivation of office and banishment upon them. The Consilium 
de emendanda ecclesia (see above, p. 223) which he himself had 
formerly drawn up as Cardinal was placed by him on the index, 
when Pope, in 1559 ( see Reusch, Der Index I 396 ff.). What 
Protestantism had to expect from the restored papacy, he showed 
in the bull Cum ex apostolatus officio (1559) m which, by virtue of his 
plenitudo potestatis super gentes et regna, he declared all apostates, 
whether clerical or lay, princes or subjects, deprived of all dignities 
and rights, and gave every Catholic full powers to levy execution 
on their possessions. Heretic princes are eo ipso regnis et imperio 
penitus et in totum perpetuo privati et ad ilia de cetero inhabiles et 
incapaces (BM VI 551 if.). Pius IY. (Cardinal Medici, 2 1559-1565) 
completed the work which had been broken off by the Council (see 
above, p. 240), and by clever diplomacy in his dealings with the 
secular powers gained more than Paul IV. by his harshness. His 
nepotism elevated his young nephew, Carlo Borromeo, 3 who was in 
the hands of the Jesuits, to the highest dignities, and also gave him 
authority and opportunity, both as Cardinal and Archbishop of 
Milan, to employ his stringent zeal upon the reform of priests and 
monasteries as well as the extermination of evangelical movements. 
A dark stain upon his administration is his bloody persecution of 
the house of Caraffa, to which, however, he owed his election, and 
he again carried on a profitable business with the high offices 
of the Church. Pius Y. (1565-1572), the Dominican Ghislieri, 
honourable in his monastic holiness, carried on the works (see 
above, p. 247) which had been left unsettled by the Council, 
renewed Paul IV's. bull of deposition, revived with greater 
stringency the old bull of Maundy Thursday In coena Domini 
(Vol II., p. 312) against the errors of the Reformation, pronounced 

1 For the bull of deposition and excommunication issued against Philip see 
Dollinger, Beitrdge I 218 ff. 

2 An upstart, who gave himself out a connexion of the Florentine princely 

3 See Hilliger, p. 33 ff. 


sentence of deposition upon Elizabeth of England (BM VII 810 ff.), 1 
and celebrated the naval victory of the Spanish, Venetian, and 
papal arms over the Turks at Lepanto (1571) as a triumph of the 
prayers of the rosary. He enjoined upon all Catholic physicians 
as a duty, that they should above all admonish their patients to 
call in a Catholic confessor, and to refuse to attend upon them, 
if this demand were not fulfilled within three days (BM VII 430). 
Gregory XIII. (1 572-1585), who made his son and nephew Cardinals, 
is of the highest importance in consequence of the energy, conscious 
of its aim, with which he placed every means at the service of the 
counter- Reformation and, in particular, endeavoured to bring about 
the reconquest of Germany. By the side of the already existing 
nunciature of Vienna he established a similar one at Munich in 
1573 for South Germany, in 1580 another for Styria, and, above all, 
in 1584, one for North-west Germany and the Netherlands at 
Cologne. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew was his delight. The 
existence of the Collegium Germanicum was assured by him, the 
Collegium Romanum was considerably enlarged. He hoped, with 
the aid of his revision of the Calendar in 1582 (the bull Inter 
gravissimas), to prove himself the de facto head of Christendom 
by means of the expected adhesion of the East and the Protestants. 
But the Patriarch of Constantinople could not be persuaded to 
accept it, and the Protestants treated the matter from the point 
of view of their confessions of faith ; in places, where there was 
a mixed population (such as Vienna and Augsburg) violent conflicts 
ensued, and it was only gradually (in the 18th century, in Germany 
in 1700, in England in 1752, in Sweden in 1753) that the Evangeli- 
cals, in recognition of the real improvements effected by the new 
arrangement of the Calendar, abandoned their attitude of refusal. 
With Gregory XIII. the so-called lesser nepotism commences at 
the Curia : it is no longer a question of installing members of the 
family in the possession of Italian principalities : it is deemed 
enough to endow the family abundantly and to place it on a par 
with the most distinguished patricians by elevation of rank. Up 
to the death of Alexander VIII. (1691) nepotism carries on its 
existence in this altered form. 2 

1 " Flagitiorum serva Elizabeth, praetensa Angliae regina." " Praecipimus et 
interdicimus universis et singulis proceribus, subditis, populis . . . ne illi eiusvc 
monitis, mandatis et legibus audeant obedire. Qui secus egerint, eos simili anathe- 
matis sententia innodamus" 

2 Dollinger, Kirclte und Kitchen. Miinchen, 1861, p. 528. 


The Franciscan Sixtus Y. (1585-1590), a man with high endow- 
ments for his office, but at the same time a visionary, proceeded 
with bloodthirsty severity against the nuisance of banditti in the 
States of the Church, and materially contributed to the improve- 
ment of the condition of affairs at Rome and in the country. By 
no means favourably disposed towards the Jesuits, unfortunate in 
his league with Spain against England, hesitating in his anti-French 
policy between Catholic interests and the fear of Spanish superior 
force, he attained little ; the Roman people thanked him for the 
strictness of his rule with the legend that the devil finally carried 
off his soul in a storm. The succeeding Popes (Gregory XIV., 
Innocent IX., Clement VIII.) were especially engaged by the dis- 
turbances in France : they took the side of the league and thereby 
lent their sanction to the revolt against Henry IV. It was not 
until the latter went over to the Catholic Church that Clement VIII. 
gradually gave in and was now enabled, with the assistance of 
France, to acquire Ferrara in 1597 as a papal fief. Paul Y. (1605- 
1621) became involved in a dispute with the republic of Venice, in 
which the interdict was employed for the last time by the medieval 
method of exerting pressure. 

Under the doge Marino Grimani Venice had issued laws which set limits to 
the acquisition of property by the clergy, and made the founding of new churches 
and monasteries dependent upon the permission of the State. In this lay the 
real cause of the conflict. The occasion, however, was afforded by the imprison- 
ment of two clerics for great offences, such as indecent assault: the Pope 
demanded their surrender together with the revocation of the laws : but the 
public refused both. The dispute reached a crisis on the question of the 
superiority of ecclesiastical or clerical authority ; this accounts for the interest 
taken in its course by all the secular powers, and Venice also did not hesitate 
to accentuate this important point of principle. Paolo Sarpi, the provincial of 
the Servites, wielded his pen as a keen opponent of the Jesuits and of a papacy 
that was led by them and also in a spirit of vigorous patriotism, in order to 
defend the good cause of the Republic against the Curia. The Republic treated 
the papal interdict (1606) with contempt : the Jesuits, Capuchins, and Theatins 
were obliged to give way ; the clergy were induced to continue divine worship. 
Only Philip III. of Spain took the side of the Pope, Henry IV., formally neutral, 
stood by Venice, Rudolph II. endeavoured to intervene, England offered the 
Republic an armed defensive alliance. At last, through the intervention of 
France and Spain, an agreement was arrived at : Venice delivered up the cap- 
tives to the ecclesiastical court and promised not to put the offensive laws into 
operation : but, on the other hand, neither sought absolution from the interdict, 
nor recalled the Jesuits. The political state of affairs compelled both parties 
not to push matters to extremes. " Any idea of a real victory of the Pope is out 
of the question " (Funk). Sarpi experienced the deadly hatred of his adver- 
saries in a murderous attempt which has made the " stilus " Romanac curiae 


After the brief rule of Gregory XY. (1621-1623), to whom the 
Church is indebted for the canonisation of the first Saints of the 
Jesuit Order, Ignatius and Francis Xavier, Cardinal Barberini 
succeeded as Urban YIII. (1623- 1644). He created the Congre- 
gation of Immunities for the special purpose of keeping a 
watchful eye upon all attacks by the princes upon the rights of the 
Church. The great religious war strengthened the feeling of the 
community of interests of the Catholic States and the Papacy. 
Nevertheless, this solidarity of interests in favour of Urban was 
thwarted by the opposition to the Spanish-Austrian power, so that 
he was able to pose, in his hesitating policy, as a friend of the 
Franco-Swedish alliance against the Habsburgs, and it was said of 
him, as was bound to be the case, that he rejoiced at the victories 
of the Swedes. His reign has obtained a melancholy notoriety in 
consequence of the issue of the process against Galileo and the 
condemnation of the Copernican system. 

Galileo's letter of December 21st, 1613, is theologically interesting. He 
expressed his willingness to render his unconditional submission to the Bible in 
the matter of salvation, but in the matter of the knowledge of nature he wanted 
the Bible, which adheres to the popular method of expression, explained in 
accordance with the results of certain scientific demonstrations. In order to put 
an end to a continuance of suspicions, he himself pressed for an ecclesiastical 
decision. The Holy Office, called upon by the Dominicans, in 1616 declared 
the Copernican propositions r 1 that the sun is the centre of the world and con- 
sequently without local motion ; and that the earth is not the centre and moves, 
as philosophically absurd and theologically heretical: after this, Galileo was 
ordered to abandon these opinions under pain of incarceration. He sub- 
mitted, and on the 5th of March, 1616, the Copernican theory was formally 
forbidden. In 1630, Galileo again ventured to discuss the arguments for and 
against the different systems in the interest of the Copernican, received per- 
mission to print his work at Rome and published it in 1632. In regard to this, a 
new process was entered upon at the request of the Congregation of the Index, 
aided by the efforts of the Jesuits as Aristotelians. The accused, who was nearly 
70 years of age, took refuge in several feeble evasions : even under threat of 
torture* 2 he persisted that, since 1616, he had ceased to share the view of 
Copernicus and had only countenanced this theory from ambition and heedless- 
ness : he subsequently solemnly abjured it and was condemned to imprisonment : 
the sentence, however, was commuted for banishment by the Pope. He died 
in 1642 a Catholic Christian. It was not until 1820 that the Curia abandoned 

1 These had already been expressed in 1543 in the treatise De revolutionibus 
orbium coelestium but remained without censure, since, according to A. Osiander's 
preface, thej' were only put forward as hypotheses in order to facilitate the 
calculation of the course of the stars. 

■ This appears to have been only a territio verbalis, which did not proceed to 
the rack itself. 


its attitude towards the Copernican system: it was not until 1835 that the 
prohibition of the writings of Copernicus disappeared from the Roman Index 

The enlargement of the Papal States by Urban (he acquired 
Urbino, but fought unsuccessfully against Parma), and the exorbitant 
enrichment of his relatives (Barberini) show how Urban under- 
stood his papacy. During his rule, in 1627, tne bu ^ dealing with 
the Eucharist received its definitive form as Rome's curse upon 
the Reformation : Excommunicamus et anathematizamus qudscunque 
Hussitas, Wichlephitas, Lutheranos, Zwinglianos, Calvinistas, Ugonottos, 
Anabaptistas. Trinitarios .... eorumque receptatores, fautores, et 
generaliter quoslibet illorum defensores, ac eorundem libros haeresim 
continentes . . . ., a sentence, from which only the Pope himself 
may grant absolution (BM XIII 530 ff.). 

With the conclusion of peace at Osnabruck and Munster which 
took place under Innocent X. (1644-1655), who vainly protested 
against it, the interest of the Catholic princes in and their union 
with the Curia disappeared: all the States strove after internal 
solidity and independence; the tendency to withdraw from papal 
interference also increased. The time of the medieval aspirations 
of the Papacy was past. And Innocent himself, who lived in 
unworthy dependence upon the avaricious, heartless Donna Olympia 
Maidalchini, who regarded all matters of administration from the 
point of view of money-getting, forsaken by all on his deathbed, 
so that no one was found willing to pay the expense of his burial, 
presents an inglorious final tableau at this period of papal history. 


The Intellectual Currents and Forces in post Tridentine 

1. Catholic Learning in the Service of the Counter-Reformation. 

Literature: A. Hurter, Nomenclator liter, recent, theol. cath. I (1564-1663). 2 
Innsbruck, 1892. H. Lammer, Die vortrident. kath. Theologie, Berlin, 1858; 
K. Werner, G. d. apol. u. polem. Lit. IV. For Melchior Canus see 
Hundhausen in KL II 1804 ff. (after F. Caballero, Vida, Madrid, 1871) ; 
for Baronius, Niceron, Nachr. XXI 328 ff. ; R. Bauer in KL I 2038 if. ; 
Bellarmine : Autobiography, edited by Dollinger and Reusch, Bonn, 
1887; J. B. Couderc, Le Venerable Card. Bell., 2 vols., Paris, 1893 (ThLZ, 
1893, 380 ff.) ; Hefele in KL II 285 ff. J. F. Mayer, De fide Baronii et 
Bellarmini, Amst., 1697. Cajetan : Jager in ZhTh 28, 431 ff. Petavius : 
Niceron, Nachr. I. 139-264 ; Wagenmann in RE XI 496 ff. Maldonatus : 
Niceron, Nachr. XXI 188 ff. ; Mangold in RE IX 170 ff. ; Raich in KL 
VIII 547 ff. Estius: Maier in KL IV 930 f. ; C. a Lapide : Alzog in KL 
VII 1428 f. Bolland : KL II 986 ff. 

In the first decades of the Reformation Catholic theology clearly showed 
traces of the shock, which had fallen upon the Church. The younger and 
more vigorous forces had been appropriated by Luther's preaching, the older 
saw the wisdom, which the Middle Ages had consolidated in Scholasticism, 
suddenly abandoned to contempt. The new methods of formulating questions 
and the triumphant tone, with which the new teaching made its appearance, 
caused bewilderment. The first defenders of the old system, who ventured 
to show themselves, were for the most part rudely rebuffed by Luther himself 
or his associates ; the most zealous and capable of them laboured under the 
disadvantage that their writings were rarely purchased, and their efforts met 
with insufficient support and recognition from the prelates of the Church. 
Strength was wasted in the petty war of polemical writings, the tone of 
which on both sides was coarse and insulting. John Eck's Enchiridion locorum 
communium (1525) fell flat before the youthfully exuberant treatise of Melanchthon. 
Others, such as the well-read and active G. Witzel, were so completely under 
the influence of the charges made by the Reformation, that they could only 
support a reformed Catholicism which abandoned Scholasticism and the 
Protean superstition of the Church and in positive ideas placed its reliance 
upon Erasmus. Others, again, such as H. Emser and J. Dietenberger, 
borrowed what was best in them directly from Luther's work ; they copied 
his translation of the Bible, the latter also his catechetical works. Cardinal 
Cajetan, who had experienced the superiority of the evangelicals in treating of 
the Holy Scriptures, resolutely applied himself to exegesis that had been long 
neglected ; but, while choosing partly Erasmus and partly Jerome for his 


guides, he himself became involved in various conflicts with the prevailing 
views (the Epistle to the Hebrews is not by Paul; divorce for the purpose 
of adultery is permissible, etc.), and drew upon himself the censure of the 
Sorbonne. 1 

But the gathering together of the forces of Catholicism was 
accompanied by a renovation of its theology. The first important 
work was composed by the Spanish Dominican Melchior Cano (died 
1560). HisLte locis theologicis libri XII 2 is an energetic attempt to 
re-establish, in the face of Protestantism, the theological theory of 
authorities and knowledge as understood by Scholasticism. 
Theology is distinguished from all other sciences by the fact that it 
is built up upon authority. Auctoritas primus in theologiu purtes 
obtinet, rutio postremas. Where these authorities are to be found is 
the main subject of his controversy with Lutheranism. The 
authority of the Scriptures depends upon the upprobutio Ecclesiue, 
which alone distinguishes canonical from non-canonical writings : 
ud summum Pontiftcem de libris cunonicis indicium pertinet. The 
preaching of Paul would have had no validity in the Church, nisi 
Petri uuctoritute fuisset roborutum. The Vulgate is accepted by the 
Latin Church, and is therefore authoritative in fide et moribus : non 
est nunc ud Hebrueos Gruecosve recurrendum. But, as not nearly all 
that pertains to Christian doctrine is revealed in the Canonical 
Scriptures, as a necessary supplement there was need of 
the further unfolding of the truth by means of the tradi- 
tions of the Church. Every scientific controversy with the 
Lutherans is further vunu et futilis dispututio, since such con- 
troversies omniu theologiue principiu tollunt. 3 What Cano did 
towards laying the foundations of Catholic dogmatic theology as 
opposed to Protestantism, was continued by the Jesuit Cardinal 
Robert Bellarmine (1542-1621) in his Dispututiones de controversiis 
Christiunue fidei udversus huius temporis huereticos,* delivered (1576- 
1589) in the Roman Jesuit college and frequently printed ; in these 
he supports, learnedly and acutely, the whole dogmatic system of 
teaching in combating Protestantism and defending the Tridentine 
dogmatics, so that the evangelical dogmatists of the next decade 

1 Opera. Lugduni, 1639. 

2 Opera. Paris 1668 p. 1 if. 

■ Considering Cano's hostility to the Jesuit Order (cp. Opera, p. 185) and 
his occasional polemics against the excrescences of Scholasticism, we cannot 
regard him as a liberal-minded theologian ; he is the characteristic representa- 
tive of the dogmatic theology of the Restoration. 

4 Ingolst., 1581-1592, in 3 Fol. 


(especially Joh. Gerhard) were forced to answer him uninterruptedly 
and meet his reasonings. But Flacius had also forced Catholicism, 
by his Magdeburg Centuries (see Vol. I, p. g) to defend itself from 
attack in the province of history. The learned member of the 
Oratory, Caesar Baronius (1538-1607), took part in this struggle; 
from 1 588-1607 twelve volumes of his Annates ecclesiastici appeared, 
extending to the year 1198, in which, although they exhibit much 
uncritical credulity and reliance upon false documents, and, especially 
in the history of the East, are open to the reproach of many 
chronological blunders, a wealth of MS. material has nevertheless 
been brought to light. 1 A masterpiece of learned industry in the 
collection of materials and critical thoroughness was commenced 
by the Antwerp Jesuits (John Bolland and others) in the Acta 
Sanctorum (1643-1770, 50 vols.; up to 1794, 2 vols., continued 
since 1837). In the same manner, Flacius also specially forced 
them to undertake liturgical investigations (cp. RE XIV 215), 
in order to be able to prove the antiquity of the Roman mass. 
The archaeologist A. Bosio in his Roma Sotterranea opened up 
an entirely new field of enquiry, in which Rome thought she had 
found the testimony of the martyrs of the first centuries in favour 
of the antiquity of her dogmas and rites. It was of still greater 
importance that the learned French Jesuit Dionysius Petavius 
(1583- 1 65 2), after having produced several patristic, philological 
and chronological works, turned his attention to the history of 
dogma, and in his work De theologicis dogmatibus (Paris, 1644-1650, 
5 vols.) brought together a wealth of material from the authorities 
of the ancient church — a work, the importance of which was not 
recognised by the Catholic theological world, until it was forced 
upon their attention by evangelical contemporaries. But exegesis 
also was again taken in hand. The patristically learned and 
versatile Jesuit Maldonatus wrote commentaries (especially upon 
the four Gospels, 1596, 1597), in which are to be found the elements 
of the textual criticism of the New Testament, philological tact, a 
return to the dispassionate exegesis of Chrysostom and skilful 
treatment of the controversy with the evangelical interpreters of 
the Scriptures. Wilhelmus Estius of Douai did the same for the 
Epistles of the New Testament (1614 f.). 

1 The best edition, with the critical notes of the Franciscan Ant. Pagi 
inserted, is by J. D. Mansi, 1738-1759; reprint by A. Theiner, Bar le Due, 
1864 ff. The continuation by Oderic Raynaldus of the Oratory in 9 vols, 
(for 1198-1566), Rome, 1646-1677, was valuable; see Vol. I, p. 9. 

vol. in 17 


On the other hand, the verbose but widely circulated commentaries of the 
Jesuit Cornelius a Lapide (died 1637) exhibit, together with a wealth of patristic 
material, a relapse into the arbitrariness and whimsicalities of the fourfold 
interpretation of Scripture. "The chief supporters of the post-Tridentine 
struggle against Protestantism were and continued to be the Jesuits, who also 
did most to foster learned and devotional theology, and consequently were the 
real upholders of Catholic belief and consciousness." (K. Werner.) 

2. The Decline of Augustinianism. 

Literature: Baji Opp. Col. 1696. Du Chesne, Hist, du Bajanisme. Douay, 1731. 
Linsenmann, M.B. Tub. 1867. Moller in RE II 66 ff.; Molina, Libert 
arbitrii cum gratiae donis concordia. Lisb. 1588. Le Blanc (the Dominican 
Serry), Hist. Congregationum de auxiliis divinae gratiae. Lovan. 1700; on the 
other side, Eleutherius (the Jesuit de Meyer), Hist, controversiarum de div. 
grat. auxiliis. Antw. 1705. Th. de Lemos (Dominican), Hist, congr. de aux. 
Lov. 1702. G. Schneemann (S. J.), EtitsUhung und weitere Entwicklung der 
thomistisch-molinist. Controv. 2 vols. Freibg. 1879-1880, p. 253 ff. ; REX 
153 ff. Dollinger-Reusch, Selbstbiogr. Bellarmins. Bonn, 1887. Jansen, 
Augustinus s. doctrina Augustini de humanae naturae sanitate, etc. Lovan. 
1640, and frequent editions : Discours de la reform, de Vhomme interieur. 
Par. 1727. Vandenperebom, C. Jansenius. Bruges, 1883. Harnack, 
DG III 628 ff. J. Klein, De Jansenismi origine I. Vratisl. 1863. H. 
Reuchlin, Gesch. v. Port-Royal, I 301 ff. Reusch, Index II 298 ff. 

Although Thomistic Augustinianism still held the field, 1 the peculiar theolo- 
gical tendencies, which developed themselves in necessary connection with 
those of the Jesuit Order, pressed forward upon other paths. Ignatius had in 
the main adhered to the Thomistic theology that prevailed in Spain. But 
Lainez, and in a greater degree Aquaviva opposed it. The Constitutions cer- 
tainly prescribed the Summa of Thomas [Aquinas] as a text-book, but with the 
reservation that it might be replaced by " a more useful author " or a " Summa 
more in conformity with the needs of the time"; this greatly offended the 
Dominicans. The Augustinian element in Thomism strove against the spirit of 
the Order, which tended to the reduction of the Church to a purely mechanical 
organisation, and was obliged to make further concessions to free will and the 
natural powers of the human being. A contest was unavoidable ; the internal 
tendencies of Catholicism offered resistance, and the driving back of the other 
Orders (especially the Dominicans) by the Jesuits, intensified the opposition. 

In Louvain, where the theological faculty had advanced from 
Thomism to decided Augustinianism and had not allowed itself to be 
turned away from this tendency even by the lenient condemnation 
of the Augustinian doctrines of Michael Bajus by Pius V. (1567), 2 a 
struggle broke out with the Jesuits Less and Hamel. This assumed 

1 In the Catechismus Romanus. 

2 "Ex omnibus arflictionibus " in Denzinger. 6 p. 242 ff. ; repeated and 
confirmed by Gregory XIII., 1579 (" Provisionis nostrae "). Cp. also Linsen- 
mann, p. 266 ff. 


greater dimensions in consequence of the semi-Pelagian doctrines 
of the Jesuit L. Molina, Professor at the Portuguese University of 
Evora (1588, 2 Antv. 1595), in which the infallibility of effective 
grace, in order to allow the existence of human freedom, is regarded 
as introduced by a divine " scientia media," whereby the centre of 
gravity of the process of salvation is transferred to the human side, 
which receives only support from God, and the gratia irresistibilis is 
only taught in words, — doctrines, which not only called forth the 
opposition of the Dominicans, but also aroused discontent amongst 
the older Spanish section of the Jesuits. The Inquisition had 
already been set in motion against individual Jesuits (for false 
doctrine, but also for sexual offences at the confessional), when 
Clement VIII. transferred the controversy to Rome and appointed 
a congregation (de auxiliis gratiae) to decide it. It already seemed 
as if the verdict would be given against the Jesuits (the supporters 
of Molina) at the instigation of the Dominicans, but the Order was 
still too powerful an instrument to be treated in such a manner ; 
besides, France sided with the Jesuits, as Spain with the Domini- 
cans. The matter was the subject of frequent disputations (since 
1602) ; Clement VIII. died in 1605, when he had almost made up 
his mind to decide against the Jesuits, as Bellarmine had predicted ; 
finally, after the world had waited expectantly for nine years, — 
without any final decision being reached and only since the Jesuits 
triumphed too loudly — further dispute as to the auxilia gratiae was 
forbidden (161 1). As a matter of fact, semi-Pelagianism had 
thereby gained a victory. 

The beginnings of the Jansenist dispute also belong to our period, 
— the first act, which was played on the soil of the Netherlands. 
Cornelius Jansen, Professor of theology at Louvain from 1630, and 
Bishop of Ypres from 1636, had committed to writing the fruit of 
his years-long studies of Augustine in a work dealing with the 
latter, which, in accordance with his will, was published by his 
friends in 1640 after his death, which took place in 1638. 

Jansen sees in Scholasticism an erroneous development of theology, an 
excessive exaltation of human intelligence, a defilement of theology by Aris- 
totelian philosophy. The over-estimation of the power of knowledge arises 
from the under-estimation of sinful corruption. Like a strict Augustinian, he 
teaches the impotence of fallen man for good and a predestination conceived 
from an infra-lapsarian point of view : at the same time, his teaching as to the 
Church and its authority is Catholic and Augustinian. Augustine is for him the 
genuine Catholic tradition ; every attempt to go beyond him leads to error. The 
doctrine that mere attrition combined with the Sacrament is not sufficient for 

17 — 2 


justification and reconciliation, was a special interference with the practice of 
the Church. At Louvain, Jansen had already assumed the anti-Jesuit attitude 
of this University and become intimate with Duvergier, the famous Abbot of St. 
Cyran. The two united in their efforts to secure ecclesiastical reform, deeper 
and more earnest religious feeling within the limits of the Catholic Church. 
Jansen's relation to France was of momentous importance for him. In the 
difficult, apparently indefensible position of the Spanish Netherlands between 
Holland and France he had, in his Mars Gallicus (1635), 1 sharply opposed French 
policy, which supported the Dutch and Germans against Spain. Subsequently, 
he thereby compromised his friends in France, while the Jesuits obtained a 
suitable opportunity of setting Louis XIV. against the Jansenists ; in his own 
country this political treatise procured for him the bishopric of Ypres. 

The Jesuits now at once attacked the posthumous work, sup- 
ported by the condemnation of Bajanism by Pius V. and Gregory 
XIII. Jansen, who had himself felt this difficulty, had calmed 
himself with the reflection, that the rejection of Augustinian tenets 
by these Popes was due more to the desire of putting down disputes 
than to any wish to come to a real decision : he had also in his will 
expressly submitted to the judgment of the Church. The " Index- 
congregation " had already prohibited his book in 1641 — but also 
the Jesuit counter-treatise. In the same manner the bull of Urban 
VIII. (In eminenti, 1642) referred to the earlier decision which 
prescribed silence, but at the same time censured Jansen for having 
reproduced doctrines, which had already been rejected by Rome. 
The opposition of the higher clergy of the Netherlands, and 
especially of the University of Louvain, together with the objections 
that doctrines taken word for word from Augustine were here con- 
demned, were soon silenced, when the Spanish Government also 
went over to the side of the Pope (since 1647). But now a serious 
after-piece was played in France (see later). 

Gallicanism and its Opponents. The Jesuit doctrine of the State. 

Literature: Dupin, Manuel du droit public eccles. franc. Paris, 1844; the same, 
Les liberies de VEgl. gallic. Paris, 1824 ; S. J. Baumgarten, Von den Freiheiten 
der K. v. Frankr. Halle, 1752. Article " Gallic. Freiheiten " in KL V 66 ff. 
Baillet, La vie d'Edm. Richer. Amst., 1715. Puyol, Edm. R. Paris, 
1877. L. v. Ranke, Die Idee der Volkssouverdnetdt in den Schriften der 
Jesuiten. Hp. II. 606 ff. O. Gierke, Joh. Althusius. Bresl., 1880 (Unter- 
suchimgen zur deutschen Staats-u. Rechtsgesch. VII), p. 65 ff. Reusch, 
Der Index II 341 ff. 327 ff. Ellendorf, Die Moral u. Politik der Jesuiten. 

In opposition to the medieval subordination of the State to the 
Church, the idea of the independent authority of the State had 

1 See Reuchlin I 333 ff. 


become powerful even amongst the Catholic princes and showed itself 
as a monarchical absolutism, which now on its side desired to bring 
the church of its district into a state of dependence, in a manner 
analogous to the ecclesiastical authority of the Protestant princes 
of the various districts. Thus the episcopate found itself between 
two powers. If, at Rome, in consequence of rigid centralisation, 
the tendency of papal absolutism, and frequently also the abuse of 
the papal authority, it had to apprehend the repression of its rights, 
the loss of its independence, the thwarting of its jurisdiction by the 
nuncios, and also pecuniary losses, and accordingly hoped for pro- 
tection from connection with the national State authority — on the 
other hand the encroachment of the much nearer State executive, 
equipped with secular means of power, was no less threatening to 
the episcopal position. This explains the fact that the episcopate 
preferred to seek support against the encroachments of the State 
from the Pope. Thus placed between two stronger powers, the 
old episcopal consciousness, however powerfully it bestirred itself 
from time to time, could never lastingly penetrate the episcopate ; 
for, so far as the bishops resisted the claims of the Pope, they ran 
the risk of losing to the absolutist State what they had gained there. 
That consciousness was most powerfully stirred in France. 

Here, the remembrance of the great councils and the theological opposition 
to papalism had never died out. The Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges (Vol. II, 
p. 516) had established (in 1438) episcopalian principles for the French church 
and by the appellatio ab abusu to King and Parliament had conceded an 
important influence to these courts. The Concordat of 15 16 (Vol. II, p. 530) 
had divided the liberties of the Gailican Church between Pope and King; 
the principles of episcopalianism were sacrificed to the Pope, but the latter had 
granted the King considerable revenues, and a practically unlimited right of 
nomination to all prelacies. Thus, the entire hierarchical organism was 
essentially under the control of the King. In French theology and amongst 
the clergy there remained an at least very lukewarm feeling in regard to the 
claims of the Pope ; the old episcopalian views were tenaciously propagated. In 
the face of French Protestantism the high clergy thought the best thing would 
be a close connection with the throne ; thus, on the whole, a strong national 
church feeling also remained. This feeling, however, certainly changed during 
the period of the politico-religious struggles, owing to the papally inclined party 
of the Guises. But, after Henry IV. went over to the Catholic Church, the 
national church tendency, the stress laid upon the liberties and rights of the 
Gailican Church, again asserted themselves. The acceptance of the Tridentine 
reformatory resolutions had been rejected in France by the State Council and 
Parliament (against the bishops and Guises). When, in 1593, during the 
contest of the league with the still Protestant Henry IV., the bishops, at the 
Assemblee generale, endeavoured to get them accepted, Le Maistre, the President 
of the Parliament, showed by a comparison of the various decrees, how the 


Council of Trent had damaged the authority of the crown, by the extension 
partly of episcopal, partly of papal rights ; and the matter was allowed to drop. 
Several repetitions of the attempt (especially in i6i4and 1615) remained equally 
unsuccessful. In spite of the opposition of the Pope, Henry IV. was recognised 
as King and the fact 'was thereby accentuated, that the Pope had no power of 
decision in the matter. At that time the parliamentary advocate Pierre Pithou 
wrote his " Libertez de l'eglise gallicane " (1594) ! in 83 articles, which show 
that, in these so-called Gallican strivings, the lively feeling of national inde- 
pendence held the chief place and that the episcopal self-consciousness was 
obliged to be subservient to it. The main principles of these articles are : 2 The 
Pope has no share in the management of secular political matters. In spiritual 
matters a " suzerain " is certainlv admitted, but his authority is limited bv the 
canons of the older synods recognised in France. He is bound by the reso- 
lutions of the general councils as by valid ecclesiastical laws, although councils 
cannot be held without him. His bulls and citations need the placet of the 
King, etc. After the assassination of Henry IV. the widow-regent Maria of 
Medici ranged herself on the side of curialistic principles; but Gallicanism 
was defended by the Parliament and a great part of the clergy, in particular 
against the Jesuits, who now fought for Curialism. The Jesuit theories in 
regard to regicide (see below), illustrated by the assassination of Henry III. 
and Henry IV., called forth the more powerfully as a reaction the national 
accentuation of the rights of the King independent of ecclesiastical authority. 
The Sorbonne also ranged itself on this side. While at that time Paolo Sarpi in 
Venice upheld the cause of the Republic against the Pope (see p. 252), in 
France, Edmond Richer, Syndic of the Sorbonne, most vigorously supported 
Gallican principles 3 against certain theses, which the Dominicans had proposed 
for disputation in 161 1 (1. The Pope cannot err in fide et moribus ; 2. The 
Council is in nullo casu above the Pope ; 3. The Pope has the right of laying 
what is doubtful before the Council, of confirming or rejecting its decisions, of 
imposing perpetual silence upon the parties). 4 Richer forbade the disputation 
on these points ; the Dominicans now declared that their propositions were 
only put forward as problematical ; the Gallican theologians protested that the 
French Church taught the opposite of those tenets. The disputation was then 
brought about by the nuncio. The papal party, at the head of which was 
Cardinal Duperron, Archbishop of Sens, succeeded in forcing Richer to resign 
his syndicate and " Richerism " was branded as a heretical title. For a time 
the papal point of view now had the upper hand amongst the clergy, but with 
the restriction that, even in the declaration to Urban VIII (1625), 5 which went 
to the greatest length, a downright assertion of infallibility and of the right of 
the Pope to depose Kings was avoided. The course of action followed by the 
Crown (Richelieu) was guided by the needs of high policy. Thus the adhesion 

1 Reprinted in Dupin, Manuel, p. 1 ff, Later, Dupuy (Puteanus) wrote a 
commentary upon it (Paris, 1652). 

8 On the internal ambiguity of the episcopalian theory, cp. Harnack, 
DG III 619. 

8 De ecclesiastica et politica potestate, 161 1, enlarged 1629; in Collectio Trac- 
tatuum, p. 1 ff. : also, his Defensio, recently reprinted in the same collection. 

4 Collectio Tractatuum, p. XV. 

5 See Gieseler III. 2, 591 note. 


of the Pope to France in the Thirty Years' War caused a temporary persecution 
of Richer ism. Richer was violently compelled to recant (he died 1631). In 
like manner, Richelieu caused the French bishops to reject the writings of 
Dupuy (1639). Meanwhile, there was no lack of representatives of Gallican 
principles, 1 and the interest of the executive power again tended in the direction 
of asserting the independence of the State in regard to the Pope and of 
appealing in the matter to Gallican principles, which were of greater service to 
established churchdom than to the bishops. They could also be used as 
political scarecrows. Accordingly, Richelieu caused the idea to be circu- 
lated that France would perhaps establish a patriarchate of her own and 
entirely break away from Rome. However, he soon again altered his tone, 
owing to the sensation caused by this idea. 

Jesuit proficiency in polemical literature furnished the papacy 
with skilful defenders, above all Cardinal Bellarmine with his tractate 
De potestate summi Pontificis in temporalibus (1610). 2 

In this, the medieval claims of the supreme power of the Pope in secular 
matters also are defended against the Gallicans ; the reverse of this is the 
theory of the profane origin of the secular authority. In opposition to the 
Reformation, a purely secular construction of the State and of the authority of 
the ruler is given, in order to deduce the necessity of the subordination of this 
work of man to the divinely established spiritual power of the Church. In so 
far as relations to the Church were left out of the question, a modern secular 
doctrine of the State was the result. Certainly the executive power also, con- 
sidered generally, is derived from God, but in its totality (multitudo) it is laid 
down and handed over (iure naturae) to definite persons ; the special form is 
decided by the ius gentium, deductum ex iure naturae per humanum discursum. It 
depends upon the will of the totality, whether it is in the form of republican or 
monarchical authority. If legitimate reasons exist, the multitude can change 
monarchy into aristocracy or democracy. Even if the Pope is not directly 
secular lord of all lands, 3 yet, for spiritual purposes, he possesses the supreme 
right of disposal of the temporal property of all Christians. Even if he is not 
ordinarius iudex of the princes, he can regna mutare, if it is necessarv for the sal- 
vation of souls. If he cannot make laws in a regular manner, when the salvation 
of souls is in question, he can annul or sanction laws. 

Other Jesuits (e.g. Mart. Becanus, Controversies Anglicana, Mainz, 
1612) defended similar principles with much less reserve, especially 
the proposition that the political authority vested in the people 
could be taken from an unjust prince and that no faith was to be 

1 De Marca, De concordia sacerdutii et imperii, 1641. 

2 See also his instructive letter on the infallibility of the Pope in Dollinger, 
Beitrcige zur polit .... Gesch. Ill 84 ff. and, in addition, GGA 1884, 582. 

3 The disputing of the proposition Papam esse dominum directum totius mundi, 
which he had already brought forward in the first volume of his Controversia, 
met with such disapproval at Rome, that Sextus V. placed this work on the 
Index of 1590 ; but the next edition again erased his name. 


kept with a heretic prince, according to the command of the Vicar 
of Christ ; consequently, it was a popular sovereignty subordinate 
to the nod of the Pope j 1 further (Mariana, de rege et regis institutione, 
1599 J Mainz, 1611, p. 51 ff), that the murder of tyrants is lawful. 
These doctrines had their origin in the rising of the French league 
(the majority of the French Jesuits had since 1576 supported the 
league against the King) and had very practical heads (Elizabeth of 
England, Henry III. 2 and Henry IV. of France). Light is thrown 
upon the importance of this doctrine at the time by the fact that 
Mariana's book was burnt in Paris in 1610 by order of the Parlia- 
ment, on the ground that the doctrine of the Jesuits was responsible 
for Ravaillac's act, and Bellarmine's Depotestate summi Pontificis was 
prohibited in France in the same year and became the subject of a 
lively literary quarrel. Aquaviva found himself compelled to forbid, 
as a matter of form, the theory of the lawfulness of the murder 
of a tyrant for the members of the Order (ut nemo audeat asserere, 
cuicunque licitum esse sub quocunque tyrannidis praetextu reges et 
principes occidere) ; in reality, it was quietly proclaimed under his 
eyes. Mariana's work was not placed upon the Index. 3 

But, in England, those doctrines were of momentous import for the position 
of the Catholics in that country. After Elizabeth had been excommunicated 
by the Pope in 1570 and declared deposed, the Catholic party endeavoured 
to set on foot the most desperately energetic agitations, in order to regain the 
country for Catholicism; England replied with the most severe edicts of 
persecution against Catholic priests. After the discovery of the Gunpowder 
Plot an "oath of allegiance" was required from the English Catholics (1606), 
in which they were obliged to testify that the Pope had no authority to depose 
James, the lawful King, or to absolve his subjects from the oath of allegiance ; 

1 " The Pope is the shepherd set by Christ over the whole Church. To the 
dogs of this shepherd also belong Emperors and Kings; lazy and worthless dogs 
are to be at once removed by the shepherd." Becanus in Reusch II 346. 

2 Mariana expressly justified the assassination of Henry III. (monumentum 
nobile) ; the perpetrator is regarded by him as aeternum Galliae deem. The Jesuit 
Guignard was executed on pretence of his having been concerned in Chatel's 
attempt to assassinate Henry IV. (1595) ; the Order was within a little of being 
banished from France in 1598. 

3 Ellendorf, p. 408 ff. Huber, p. 266 ff. For Mariana's doctrines see 
also M. Kirchner in Deutsche, Blatter, 1874, p. 542 ff. If Melanchthon, in an 
excited expression in a letter (CR III 1076) expressed a desire for some one to 
take the life of the tyrant Henry VIII., we must set against this his own clearly 
stated theory (CR XVI 440) of the absolute detestableness of the murder of 
tyrants. The essay Denonciation des Jesuites (Paris, 1727) collects many political 
expressions of opinion in regard to the deposition of princes and the assassina- 
tion of tyrants (p. 201-206). 


they were further obliged to abjure the doctrine of the lawfulness of putting a 
tyrant to death as heretical. The Jesuits (Bellarmine and others) declared this 
oath inadmissible, and it was condemned by Paul V. in 1606 and again in 1607. 
Nevertheless, the doctors of the Sorbonne now declared the oath to be admissible, 
and many Catholics took it ; but Urban VIII. and Innocent X. reconfirmed the 
verdict of condemnation. When, in 1648, English theologians again declared 
against the power of the Pope to depose, their declaration was condemned in 
Rome as heretical, although the decree was not published. It was not until 
later that Rome became more cautious in this respect. 

I. The Corruption of Moral Teaching by the Jesuits. 

Literature: Dollinger-Reusch, Gesch. d. Moralstreitigkeiten in der rum.-kath. K.; 
2 vols. Nordl., 1889. Ellendorf (p. 260) ; Huber (p. 228) ; Reusch, 
Index II 309 ff. 

In the interest of the authority of the confessional, the Jesuits 
applied themselves with special zeal to moral instruction in the 
form of casuistry, just as Franciscans and Dominicans, as the 
most eminent confessors of the people, had fostered this science 
in the Middle Ages. A large number of moralists (especially 
Spaniards, but also Belgians and Germans) built up this branch 
of knowledge with unwearied energy and hair-splitting dialectic ; 
Fr. Toletus (died 1596; Summa casuum conscientiae. Rom., 1568), 
Eman. Sa (died 1596), Thorn. Sanchez (died 1610, de sacram. matrim. 
Genua, 1592), Fr. Suarez (died 1617), Filliucius; somewhat later 
Tamburini (Explicatio decalogi, 1654; Methodus expeditae confessionis, 
1647), Laymann (Theol. moralis. Munchen, 1625), Busenbaum 
(Medulla theol. mor., from 1645 to 1675 in 45, to 1776 in over 
200 edd.), Escobar 1 (died 1669, Liber theol. mor.), the Belgian Less, 
the Englishman A. Terillus (died 1676), and others. If the confessor 
is judge in the confessional, he has to consider the magnitude of 
the offence confessed to him, to listen to accusation and defence. 
Since the Jesuit casuists, certainly in part misled only by the 
dialectical problem, became more and more the advocates of the 
sinner, their morality became a methodical guide to quieting the 
conscience. But this trend of their moral teaching is closely 
connected with the ecclesiastical tendency of the Order and with 
the semi-Pelagianism of their theology. If the Church is the end 
to which all is to be subordinated, this end which dominates 

1 It was said of him that he bought heaven dearly for himself, but sold it 
to others cheaper. The words escobarder, escobarderie (to equivocate, shuffle) 
are derived from his name. 


everything drives back all uneasy moral considerations and scruples. 
This end excuses and justifies the means. 1 And the tendency to 
the subjection of the laity to ecclesiastical guidance brings down the 
moral claims of the confessors to the level of a lax secular morality. 
If the man was assured of his salvation by the fact that he sub- 
ordinated himself to the Church and made use of its Sacraments, 
there was no need of moral elevation, of heightening the feeling of 
sin, of the impulse to personal sanctification ; to come to terms 
with the life of the world commended itself as the best way to 
make the yoke of the Church as easy as possible for the multitude. 
This idea of the Jesuits is not an entirely new one ; they only 
follow the tendency inherent in the institution of the confessional 
(inclusive indulgence) and exhibit its results, just as their casuistry 
was only a continuation of the Summae of the Middle Ages and 
perhaps not a single one of their propositions that have given, 
offence was originally drawn up by them. 

As essentially prominent characteristics may be noticed: i. The dialectic 
pulverising of the idea of sin generally, whereby many things ceased to be 
regarded as sins: "deadly" sins are reduced to "venial" ones. Instead of 
measuring the moral condition as a whole by the objective law of God, they 
proceed by the subjective judgment passed upon the individual act considered 
by itself alone. Sin in the full meaning of the word only exists where an act is 
performed in full consciousness and with a free will ; consequently, a deadly sin 
that abolishes the state of grace is only present where the understanding recog- 
nises perfectly and clearly the bad in an action, and where the will fully and 
freely agrees (distinction between philosophical and theological sin). What a 
scope for ignorantia invincibilis and inadvertentia invincibilis in exculpation of the 
sinner ! All the affections and passions in this case become so many reasons 
for exoneration. 2. The undermining of the moral consciousness is further 
assisted by the Probabilism (si est opinio probabilis, licitum est earn sequi, licet 
opposita sit probabilior), first formulated by the Dominican Barth. de Medina 
( I 577)> but soon accepted by the Spanish Jesuits and systematically developed 
in the Order : this doctrine reduces the voice of conscience to silence, by 
allowing it to be sufficient for decision on a point of morality, if probable 
authorities are adduced, even though the opposite course of action appears 
safer to the conscience : consequently, a man's own conscience is suspended in 
favour of someone else's. The authority of only one respected teacher can 
render an opinion probable. Tamburini says in the strongest language: Abso- 
lute puto cum Salas, Vasquez, Sanchez, etc., satis esse in omnibus casibus conscientiae 
probabiliter opinionem esse probabilem. While this probabilism at first met with 
opposition in the Order itself (Bellarmine and others), it became its ruling 

1 The Order did not express the principle, that "the end sanctifies the 
means" in so many words, but as a matter of fact defended it; cp., e.g., 
Busenbaum, Medulla, IV 3, dub. 7 art. 2 res. 3 : Si finis est licitus, etiam media 
sunt licita. VI Tract. 6 c. 2 : Cui licitus est finis, etiam licent media. 


doctrine in the first half of the 17th century. 3. The methodus dirigendae inten- 
tion is •' that a man can commit, without burdening his conscience, an act which 
is otherwise forbidden, if the intention is directed towards the attainment of a 
praiseworthy aim : the subjective motive consequently deprives the means of its 
sinful character. 4. The restrictio or reservatio mentalis : that, for the sake of a 
good or lawful aim, it is permissible to limit one's language, promise, or oath 
arbitrarily to a narrower sense than the tenor of the words gives him to whom 
they are addressed to understand ; that is to say, it is lawful to deceive another 
with words, which are intended in a different sense from their natural one. 
With this also is connected the principle of Amphibolia, the intentional use of 
ambiguous expressions. 1 5. The weakening of the earnestness of penitence 
corresponds to this decomposition of the moral consciousness. According to 
the precedent of the medieval doctrine of indulgence, it was taught that not 
contritio, but only attritio formidolosa, a dolor imperfectus de peccato was requisite; 
according to some, even the fear of the temporal punishments of sin is sufficient 
(in contradiction to Cone. Trid. Sess. XIV. c. 4, where an entirely different 
attritio was recognised as the preliminary step to true repentence). 6. In like 
manner, the examination of the conscience, — which, in order to be able to 
confess completely, must examine the past life most carefully, — was degraded 
to " moderate diligence " by the practice of frequent confessions : in this case 
also, consciences are not sharpened by suitable counsels, but quieted. It was 
even taught what reasons can justify a man in remaining silent about sin, 
without his being deprived of lawful absolution. It was also taught by some, 
that a person could confess and receive absolution by letter or through a 
messenger. We may here also mention the discussions in regard to the 
question, how often and when we are bound to love God above all, and 
the distinction between " effective " and " affective " love of God. 

The wonder of the Jesuits at God having made the way to salva- 
tion so exceedingly convenient occasionally finds naive expression : 
they are proud of having brought this facility to light. "At the 
present time sins are expiated much more speedily and zealously 
than they were formerly committed : nothing is more usual than 
monthly or weekly confession ; most people can scarcely commit 
sins faster than they confess." {Imago primi saec. Ill 8.) They 
prided themselves on having brought morality to a complete deve- 
lopment's the ^Schoolman boasted in regard to dogmatics. But 
they had thereby accommodated themselves to the spirit of the 
Catholic people, especially to the higher circles, and thus created 
that comfortable combination of clerical devotion and secular enjoy- 
ment of life which was characteristic of Catholic society, especially 
that of France. 2 

1 During the persecution of the Catholics by Elizabeth, a text-book, 
approved by the Jesuits, appeared, which contained instructions when and 
in what manner subterfuges might be employed in presence of the authorities. 
Dollinger-Reusch, Die Selbstbiogr. Bellarmins, p. 206. 

2 Cp. La devotion aisee (1652), by the Jesuit Lemoine : Ellendorf, p. 336 ff. ; 
Huber, p. 312 f. 


The more religion was unspiritualised, the more natural was it, 
that all its factors that were concerned with the senses should grow 
in importance. The Jesuits soon took over the lead in the sensually 
directed worship of Mary : after hesitating at first, they decidedly 
took the part of the Franciscans in the dispute about the conceptio 
immaculata ; they were inexhaustible in the invention of special 
devotions, pilgrimages, the erection of wonder-working images and 
the like, as well as in the formation of brotherhoods for the special 
exercise of devotion. 

A violent reaction against the spirit that gathered strength here 
first took place about the middle of the 17th century in French 

5. The Cultivation of Mysticism. 

Literature : Heppe, Gesch. der quietist. Mystik. Berlin, 1875. Zockler in ZITh 
1864 ff. Nippold in JprTh 1877. A. Ritschl, Gesch. des Pietismus. I 467 ff. 
Teresa: Wilkens in ZwTh 1862; E. Genonville, S. Therese et son Mysti- 
cisme. Montauban, 1893. Abundant literary information in Zockler in 
RE XV 313 ff. J. A. Froude, The Story of the Spanish Armada. Leipz. 
1892, p. 165 ff. L. de Leon : Biography by Wilkens. Halle, 1866 ; 
Reusch. Bonn, 1873. Alumbrados : Blunt, Dictionary of Heresies. Lond. 
1874 ; Zockler in RE I 305 ff. Fr. de Sales: Oeuvres, 1641. Paris, 4 vols., 
1836; German by Schaffh. 1846 ff. Biography by Marsollier. Paris, 
1747 ; Rensing, Paderb. 1818 ; Boulange. Mons. 1847. 

In the post-Tridentine Church also a strong current of mystical 
ideas and feelings, starting from medieval phenomena (in particular, 
Franciscan mysticism), went on its course as an important supple- 
ment of the piety that concentrated its attention upon clerical 
correctness and activity in works, and now served the purpose of 
the monastic counter-reformation. Corresponding to the ideal of 
bliss formerly indicated by Duns Scotus, as that of a resting of the 
will in the love of God, the elevation of speculation to a vision is 
not so much striven after in this case, as the passivity of rest 
in pure love and tranquillity of will ; God's will becomes effective 
where all egotistical selfwill has ceased. But then, as not unfre- 
quently happens, partly owing to the influence of Jesuit confessors, 
refined asceticism (especially flagellation) was combined with this 
Quietism : and thus, in this case also, mystic tranquillity passed 
into ecstatic conditions. Then an overexcited nervous life began to 
play its part. But its first aim is only the giving up of all that 
belongs to us to the attainment of direct union with God, in order 
to attain to the life of God in ourselves. Spain is the home of 


this mysticism, but in the 17th century it also spread considerabiy 
in France. 

The characteristics of this mysticism (oratio mentalis) had already been 
developed in the Franciscan Petrus of Alcantara (died 1562, De oratione et 
meditatione) and in Francis of Osuna (Abecedario espiritnal) . Connected with 
them is Teresa de Jesus of Avila, a female reformer of the Carmelite Order 
(died 1582), and her spiritual friend 1 Juan de la Cruz, the reformer of the 
Carmelites (died 1592) ; they practise silent prayer, from which after self- 
torture proceed ecstasy and vision. Here also should be mentioned the inspired 
Dominican preacher Luis de Leon and especially, Father Gregory Lopez, a 
recluse of Mexico, whose life was an unbroken internal prayer, a single con- 
tinuous act of bare faith (i.e., a faith which neither entered into intelligent 
reflections, nor depended upon subjective conditions of greater or less move- 
ments of feeling). In all these religious subjectivity showed itself relatively 
independent in reference to ecclesiastical precepts, but yet in strict de- 
pendence upon the Church, dominated by the monastico-ascetic character 
of ecclesiastical piety. On the other hand, this piety had taken a direction 
hostile to the Church in the Alumbrados (Illuminati) who sprung up in Spain 
soon after 1520 ; in their case the prayers of the Church were depreciated 
by the prayers of the heart : the Soul, elevated above mere belief to essential 
union with God and perfection, no longer needed the intervention of salvation 
by sacraments and good works, as it is no longer in a position to commit real 
sins. About the year 1575, the Inquisition suppressed this mystic sect, but was 
unable, however, to exterminate it completely. Traces of them are to be 
found still later in Spain, as in the north and south of France. 

This clerical mysticism survived on French soil in the person of the cele- 
brated Francis de Sales, the zealous converter of Protestants, from 1632 
Catholic bishop of ^Geneva (Annecy), Madame de Chantal, who was under 
his spiritual guidance, with whom he founded the Order of Salesian women 
(Visitants, Order of the Visitation of Mary) in 1610, and pushed mortification 
and agreement with the will of God to " love without reward," to " disin- 
terested " love of God, to holy indifference. By the side of decided adherence 
to the Church, its belief and exercise of obedience, the idea of a perfection, no 
longer needing the purification of purgatory, is vaguely present in this case. 

This mystic piety, directed to perfection, spread widely in the 17th century, 
particularly in the Romance countries. The writings of the Mystics as they 
were called, approved by the authorities of the Church, found countless 
readers; the reformed Carmelites, the Salesian women and other societies 
afforded opportunities for the cultivation of this mysticism. The Church pro- 
nounced the most prominent of these older mystics holy or blessed, and recog- 
nised the value of this movement as a counterpoise to evangelical piety. 
Numerous ascetic writers fostered — although not specially the quietest charac- 
teristic — the spiritual life mystically understood, perfection in self-renunciation, 
godlike tranquillity, love of God, transformatio in Deum. In France, monasteries 
of the Theresian congregation increased ; two active literary supporters were 
Francis Malayal and Jean de Bernieres-Louvigny (died 1659: Le Chretien 
intcrieur) ; the latter was a man who, pursuing a secular calling and without 

1 Such friendships of souls are characteristic of the whole of this tendency 
of thought. 


becoming a monk, gathered together the pious circles of northern France. But 
his writings exercised an influence beyond his own confession (translated by 
Tersteegen into German), although this mysticism always has something inter- 
confessional in itself. There were circles in France, by which Bernieres' ideas 
were admired as a new form of the Gospel, as the uncovering of the kernel 
hidden by the shell of ecclesiastical dogmatism. 

6. Orders and Congregations at the Service of the Counter- 

Literature: For the Oratorians see RE X 478 ff. ; M. Tabaraud, Hist, de Pierre 
de Berulle. 2 vols., Paris, 1817. Reuchlin in ZhTh 29, 142 ff. ; A. 
Perraud, VOratoire de France au XVII e et au XI Xe siecle, 2 Paris, 1866; 
ThQu 1835. Vincent : Biography by Abelly ; Paris, 1664 ; L. Count 
Stolberg, Miinster, 1818. Magnard : 4 vols., Paris, 1860-1878. Wilson. 
Lond., 1874. E. de Margerie, La Societe de St. V. de P., 2 vols., 1874; 
Uhlhorn, Christl. Liebesthdtigkeit. Ill 210 ff. ; KL III 922 ff. Buss, Der 
Orden der baumherz. Schw. Schafth., 1847. Lechner, Leben d. h. Joh. v. 
Gott. Miinchen, 1857. 

The newly-kindled ecclesiastical life within the Romish Church 
showed itself in numerous new foundations and unions for purposes 
of common life and work. Four points are of most prominent 
importance. (1) The place of the old ideals of monastic perfection 
and avoidance of the world was taken by the idea of union for the 
purpose of practically ecclesiastical objects : the training and 
promotion of the clergy, and the deepening of their religious life ; 
co-operation in the religious education of the people in the con- 
fessional, by preaching and missions among the people ; the educa- 
tion of youth, nursing of the sick and the like. (2) In conformity 
with this, the more movable and freer form of the Congregation is 
now frequently preferred to the life proper of an Order ; in place of 
vota solennia and the strict seclusion of nunneries we find vota sim- 
plicia (congregationes religiosae, or piae, according as the approval of 
the Pope has been obtained or is still withheld), or no vows are 
taken at all, or only for a definite time, or not all three are taken 
{congregationes seculares). In these laxer forms it became possible to 
put the female sex in motion to co-operate on behalf of the tasks of 
the Church. (3) The leadership, which the Spaniards held in the 
first half of the 16th century in the elevation of religious life, 
gradually yields to that of France. (4) All these new foundations 
are at the service of the counter-Reformation, in that they not only 
firmly reunite the Catholic people to its church, but at the same 
time carry on propaganda by means of their practical activities, and 



endeavour practically to overcome heretics. Of a number of 
foundations we may especially mention the following : 

1. The Florentine Philip Neri, in whom, together with a mystical, ecstatic 
devotional fervour, a humorous, worldly jovial temperament reacted against 
the dark and gloomy spirit of official Romish piety, gathered together in 
Rome a congregation of secular priests (approved 1574) who, besides praying, 
were to preach and administer the Sacrament, for which duties they were 
to be thoroughly trained ; in their prayer-hall (Oratorium, hence the name 
Oratorians), prayer meetings were held every evening for every man, at which, 
together with instructive and edifying discourses, a more cheerful form of 
church music with instrumental accompaniment (Oratorios) was used. The 
ecclesiastical historians, Baronius and Raynaldus (p. 257), belonged to this union. 
2. A focus of specially learned studies was the French Oratory founded in 161 1 
by Cardinal de Berulle, a congregation of priests without any vow of an Order, 
subordinate to the bishops, founded for the purpose of common life, learned 
conversation and support of the parish clergy in the confessibnal and the 
care of souls. Soon, suspected of Jansenism, Cartesianism, and then of the 
philosophy of " enlightenment," distinguished by learned men like Thomassin 
and Richard Simon, the philosopher Malebranche, the pulpit-orator Massillon, 
and others, the congregation subsequently furnished the Revolution with many 
adherents. In 1792 it disappeared ; in 1864 Pius IX. revived it. 3. The 
Portuguese Johann Giudad (Di Dio), after having led a wild life, was roused 
by a penitential sermon of Juan de la Cruz (p. 269), and commenced to tend 
the sick and poor in Granada in 1540; a union of associates in this work 
gathered round him, but after his death (1550) was soon changed from a 
secular congregation into the Order of the Brothers of Charity. 4. Of still 
greater importance were the foundations of St. Yincent de Paul. The son of 
a Gascon peasant 1 (born 1576, died 1660, canonised 1737), who, in the course 
of an eventful life, ripened into an earnest pastor and friend of the people, 
he created, to meet the varied needs of the time, quite a number of new 
organisations, in a sincere spirit of sympathy combined with inventive charity 
and wonderful practical discretion. His insight into the spiritual neglect of 
the rural population determined him to gather together the society of the 
Priests of the Mission (also called Lazarists from St. Lazare in Paris) — the 
Oratorians were less serviceable in dealing with the ordinary man — in order 
to re-awaken, by means of missions, a Christian and spiritual life, especially in 
the rural communities. With these societies were combined spiritual exercises 
for candidates for ordination, intended to deepen the religious convictions of 
the priestly order, and further, conferences of the clergy to discuss ecclesiastical 
and spiritual questions ; also retraites spirituelles were formed for the laity. 
His appeal to the community of Chatillon, where he for a time officiated, to 
assist a poor family in its need, obtained such ample success, that he was 
obliged to draw up regulations for the relief of the poor and the distribution 
of charitable gifts. He accordingly instituted unions of married and unmarried 
women (confreries de la charite) to administer local relief to the sick and poor. 
The contingent and hence uncertain efficiency of these unions further led him 

1 Spain has recently (but in vain) claimed the honour of having been his 



to call upon specially adapted forces for steadily and continuously carrying on 
the work of charity, and to make the relief of the sick and poor the professional 
duty of women. Thus, at the instigation and with the co-operation of the 
pious widow Le Gras his society of the Sisters of Charity {filles de charite, 
soeurs grises, confirmed by the Pope in*i668) was started in Paris in 1633. 

Here common life only serves as a preparatory training for a profession 
and as a base of operations for the work of charity to others, only where it 
was needed. The "mother-house" took the place of the cloister with its 
life of seclusion; the "active" life asserts its nobility against the glory of 
perfection, which the "contemplative" had hitherto claimed. Simple vows 
to be repeated every year take the place of the vows of the cloister; but 
use is only rarely made of the permission to leave the " mother-house." The 
sister who serves Christ in the person of the poor in the midst of the world 
replaces the world-shunning nun who seeks her own perfection. Thereby 
Vincent called upon women to co-operate in the service of the Church, for 
their work is not only intended to serve to alleviate bodily necessity but at 
the same time to minister to the souls of the sufferers ; nay, it enters directly 
into the service of the counter- Reformation, in so far as the conversion of 
heretics appears the highest task which they are called upon to accomplish, 
not only to Vincent, but to all his sisters. 

The Missionary Conquests of Catholicism. 

Literature: Henrion, Allg. G. d. kath. Missionen ; 4 vols. Schaff. 184771852. 
H. Hahn, Gesch. d. kath. Missionen; 5 vols. Koln, 1857-1865. Marschall, 
Die christl. Mission.; 3 vols. Mainz. 1863. Kalkar, Gesch. d. rom.-kath. 
Mission, (from the Danish). Erl., 1867. For Las Casas, see Benrath 
in RE VIII 424, add Weise in ZhTh 4, 166 ff.j 8, i, 136 ff. Francis 
Xavier: Reithmeier. Schaff. 1846. Venn-Hoffmann (from the English). 
Wiesb., 1869. N. Greff. Eins. 1885. M. Mullbauer, Gesch. d. kath. Miss. 
in Ostindien. Munch., 1851. Paraguay: E. Gothein, Der christl. soc. Staat 
der Jes. in Paraguay. Leipz., 1883 (Staats-und social-wiss. Forsch. IV, 4). 
J. Pfotenhauer, Die Missionen der Jes. in Parag. ; 3 vols. Giitersl., 
1891-1893. Propaganda: O. Mejer, Die Prop.; 2 vols. Gott., 1852-1853 ; 
the same in RE XII 242 ff. ; HpBl 10, 84 ff. 

The extensive losses, which Catholicism suffered in Europe, were in a 
measure counterbalanced in the new countries which Spanish, Portuguese, 
and also French conquerors opened up in North and South America, as 
well as the East Indies. The conquerors and adventurers were followed 
by missionaries, especially Franciscans and Dominicans ; vigorous proselytism 
was carried on. Alexander VI. had divided the new world between Spain and 
Portugal; naturally, it was intended that the Cross should here supplant 
heathenism. Certainly the mission met with great difficulties, due to the 
inhumanity and brutal greed of the conquerors. In place of tribute, 
the Spaniards caused the natives to be told off to them as labourers 
(repartimientos) ; this developed into actual slavery, and the promise that the 
native labourers should receive Christian instruction was withdrawn on the 
contemptible plea that they were not fit for conversion. High praise is due 
to the constant efforts of the pious Spaniard Bart, de las Casas, who devoted 
more than fifty years to prove the capacity of the Indians for becoming 
Christians, 1 and to obtain a mitigation of the cruel treatment to which they 
exposed (he especially attacked the Democrates secundus (1552) of Sepulveda, 
who ventured to defend the violent deeds of the Spaniards on the ground of 
divine and secular right). The repartimientos themselves continued to exist 
as a necessity, but he had not laboured in vain for a more humane treatment 
of them, being powerfully supported in this by the Dominicans in particular. 2 
The American missions could record large numbers of converts; thus, in 

1 In *537 Pau l HI. was obliged to decide: Indos ipsos utpote veros homines 
non solum fidei catholicae, sed etiam sacramentorum capaces existere decernimus et 
declaramus. — Pfotenhauer I 75. 

2 He has been erroneously made responsible for the introduction of negro 
slaves into America ; the trade in negroes had been in existence since 1506. 

VOL. III. 18 



1535, the Franciscans could boast of having converted 1,200,000 Indians 
(JGG XIII 195). Soon the Jesuits entered upon a successful rivalry. In 
1542, Francis Xavier set foot on the soil of Hindostan, at Portuguese Goa, 
where it is asserted that he baptised hundreds of thousands, living a life of 
stormy, restless activity but also one of self-sacrificing love in the cause of 
the heathen, without possessing any knowledge of their language or lasting 
patience. 1 His chief success was his influence on the degenerate Europeans, 
whose conscience he roused in regard to the heathen. In 1549 he went on 
to Japan; here also his ignorance of the language hindered his efforts from 
being thoroughly effective, but he was successful in opening the door for the 
Jesuit mission for a considerable period. Qn his way to China, he was 
suddenly overtaken by death (1552). It was in China that, in 1573, the 
Jesuit Matth. Ricci commenced missionary work, but in quite a peculiar 
manner. Adopting the dress of a mandarin, he endeavoured to procure 
an entrance by a display of mathematical and astronomical knowledge; by 
adapting himself to Chinese popular customs and religious ideas (e.g., the 
worship of ancestors) he sought to make the Christian religion acceptable to 
them. By so doing, he really confirmed his reputation, gathered numerous 
helpers round him, and founded a gradually increasing Catholic Chinese Church. 
After 1610, Joh. Adam Schall carried on Ricci's work. But when, after 1630, 
other Orders, especially Franciscans and Dominicans, took up the same work, 
they brought the most serious charges against the worldly wise practices of 
the mission ; and now the years of long, embittered controversy about the 
Chinese rites began. The behaviour of the Jesuit Rob. Nobili on the coast 
of Malabar (1606) gave still greater offence; he appeared as a Brahmin, 
preserved, at least for a time, the regulations of caste, caused heathen customs 
to be kept up, and, at the celebration of the Holy Communion, refused to 
recognise the equality of the despised caste of the Pariahs. The hopes, which 
he and his successors placed upon this system of accommodation, were 
disappointed, in that members of the higher castes were only gained over 
in small numbers. In this case it was the Capuchins who led the campaign 
against these " Malabar rites." They were finally successful, in spite of the 
hesitation of the Popes 2 and the most obstinate resistance of the Jesuits in 
both mission districts, to whom they were finally able to oppose the sentence 
of the Pope. It was not until 1742 that their resistance was broken. In 1549, 
the Order had also commenced successful operations in Brazil and gained the 
confidence of the Indians. Summoned from here in 1586 to Paraguay, they 
obtained leave from Spain (1610) to establish an independent Indian state 
under Spanish supremacy. 3 By strictly isolating all foreigners, even the 
Spanish officials (the Spanish language was forbidden for natives), they suc- 
ceeded in setting up an efficient patriarchal government over their " reductions " 4 

1 Cerri, the secretary of the Propaganda, officially informs Innocent XI. 
that the Jesuits are in the habit of " never writing to the congregation, without 
speaking of thousands of persons whom they have converted, a fact which 
makes us give little credit to what they say." Etat present de V egl. rom. 
Amst., 1716, p. 113. 

2 In 1623, Gregory XV. practically decided in favour of the Jesuits. 

3 Gothein has drawn attention to the similarity of the plan of constitution 
here followed by the Jesuits to the Utopian "Sun State" of the Dominican 
Th. Campanella. 

4 i.e., the converted Indians. 


after the model of a socialistically disposed trades union, in which the natives, 
as "children with beards," were systematically kept upon the footing of 
children of human society by life-long paternal education and tutelage, and 
were trained to subjection to the Church and the fathers. The great perfection 
of their capabilities, as well as the fateful limitations of their system are here 
apparent with equal clearness; they had not been able to educate men to 
freedom— hence, when their model state fell to pieces after 1750, no results of 
their introduction to Christianity remained. The task of teaching Christianity 
and civilisation to the natives without slavery, was as yet only solved in an 
unsatisfactory manner. 

The Cardinals' congregation De propaganda fide, 1 which places 
the mission priests appointed by Orders or national colleges under 
Praefecti apostolici served the purpose of centralisation and the 
ecclesiastical direction of the extended Catholic missionary under- 
takings from the year 1622 ; on the success of the mission, the 
praefectures develop into apostolic vicarships, and the latter finally 
into new bishoprics. (Even the districts occupied by Protestantism 
were regarded as Terra missionis and hence subjected to the Propa- 
ganda). In 1627, Urban VIII. added the College {Collegium 
Urbanum) to the Congregation of the Propaganda, — a seminary, in 
which the young of all nations of the world were to be brought up as 

1 Instituted by G regory XV. 



The Disruption and confessional Separation of German 


Dogmatic Controversies in Lutheranism. 

Literature: Heppe, Gesch. des deutschen Protestantismus (1555-1581). 4 vols. 
Marb. 1852-1859 ; the same, Entstehung und Fortbildung des Lutherthums und 
die kirchlichen Bekenntnissschriften desselben von 1548- 1576. Cassel 1863. 
Frank, Theologie der Conc.-Form. 4 parts. Erl. 1858- 1865. Herrlinger, 
die Theologie Mel.s. Gotha 1879. Preger, M. Flacius. 2 vols. Erl. 1859- 
1861. Moller, A. Osiander. Elberf. 1870. J.Voigt, Herzog A Ibrecht und 
das gelehrte Wesen seiner Zeit. HTb II 253 ff. G. Wolf. Zur Gesch. d. 
deutschen Protestanten, 1555 to 1559. Berl. 1888. A. Beck, Joh. Friedrich 
der Mittlere. 2 vols, Weim. 1858. Loofs 3 4o6 ff. 

Amongst the different tendencies, which showed themselves pro- 
minently in the German Reformation, the fanatical and anti-Trini- 
tarian (see below) were so completely crushed, that they were only 
able to produce trifling disturbances in isolated instances, but could 
no longer direct or settle the direction in which Protestantism 
continued moving. On the contrary, Luther's opposition to 
Zwingli was and continued of momentous importance; the influ- 
ence of the two men had come into conflict in South Germany and 
had led to lengthy struggles. But further, the intensifying and 
modification of the Swiss Reformation by Calvin had not succeeded 
in bringing about an arrangement with Lutheranism, in spite of an 
approximation in points of dogma. In addition, differences had 
arisen between Luther and Melanchthon, which were intensified by 
their followers to embittered hostility. In this, a peculiar condition 
of things resulted : Melanchthonianism, in the question of the 
Eucharist, came into close contact with Calvinism, while, on the 
contrary, in the doctrine of free will and predestination, it was 
further removed from it than the so-called Gnesio-Lutheranism. 
But now, after the external hierarchico-ecclesiastical unity had 
come to an end, Protestantism sought its unity more and more in 


a purified doctrinal theology: "pure doctrine," in its dogmatico- 
theological meaning, was placed in the foreground as the bond of 
religious companionship. Hence, even apart from those different 
tendencies, every dogmatic departure and separate opinion of a 
theologian was bound to exercise its influence at once out of the 
theological arena upon the life of the Church. Melanchthon, more 
than anyone else, promoted this development by his definition of 
the Church as a coetus visibilis, similis scholastico coetui, the founda- 
tion of which is the cognitio incorrupta omnium articulorum fidei and 
the exclusion of all cultus idolorum, and the members of which are 
those qui consentiunt de vera doctrina and upon whom iure divino 
obedientia to the ministry that introduces pure doctrine is incum- 
bent (CR XXI 833 ff.). It was necessary that a church, which 
defined itself as the school of pure doctrine, should be able to make 
every question of doctrine a question of existence and only to find 
the safeguard of its stability in continually sharper formulations 
of confession. A universal symbolical fixation of its doctrine was 
-hence a condition of existence for it. 

1. The Points of Difference between Melanchthon and Luther. 

Literature: G. Kawerau, J. Agricola. Berl. 1881. R. A. Lipsius, Luthers Lehre 
von der Busse. Braunschw. 1892. J. C. Seidemann, J. Schenk. Leipz. 
1875. G. Muller, P. Lindenau. Leipz. 1880 ; the same in ADB 31, 49 ff. 
P. Vetter in NA f. sachs. Gesch. XII 247 ff. L. Gotze in XIV Jahresb. 
d. Altmark. Vereins. Salzw. 1864, p. 69 ff. Kolde, M. Luther II. 

Melanchthon had at first closely attached himself to Luther, for it was under 
his powerful influence that the humanist had been driven into theology. Averse 
to theological disputes, he would have preferred to withdraw to his humanistic 
and generally scientific efforts, but Luther and the pressing need of the evan- 
gelical cause held him fast to theology ; he was obliged to make his appearance 
wherever it was a question of carrying on discussions dealing with questions 
of dogma, or of finding the purified formulas necessary for doctrina publica. 
To this must be added his eminent importance for the generally scientific and 
also theological training of the younger Protestant generation, which reverenced 
in him the praeceptor Germaniae. His way of thinking, determined by humanism, 
which in the matter of dogma on every occasion followed what most readily 
attached itself to the general religious ideas of humanism, and shrank back 
from Luther's deep paradoxes and the passionate manner of his trend of belief, 
and his horror of all inanes disputationes gradually asserted itself also in actual 
divergences. With the revision of the loci theologici in 1535 this peculiar 
manner of doctrine is essentially complete in the case of Melanchthon. 

{a) Since 1527, Melanchthon had abandoned the deterministic bent of the 
Reformation and supported the idea of a Synergism, which should keep the 
causality ot sin aloof from God and assert the feeling of man's responsibility. 


Man's salvation can only be accomplished with the aid of a co-operative decision 
of his own will, without any mention of merit on his part being admissible. 
Hence Melanchthon maintains, partly a certain freedom of fallen man for 
iustitia civilis, partly a self- uplifting of the will brought about by grace 
itself (that it does not reject the offered promise, fights against its own 
weakness, etc.). An inalienable practically ecclesiastical ethical interest in 
this case endeavours to obtain recognition in a dogmatically contestable form. 

(b) A similar interest leads him to lay stress upon the necessity of good works 
for believers in the face of the false, indolent, fleshly abuse of the doctrine of 
justification by faith. We find this already in the Visitation articles, but espe- 
cially in the loci theologici of 1535, in which occurs the expression : bona opera 
necessaria sunt ad vitam aetemam, quia sequi reconciliationem necessario debent (CR 
XXI 429) l — and bona opera merentur praemia cor por alia et spiritualia (CR XXI 

(c) In the Eucharistic controversy, although Melanchthon was at first 
entirely on Luther's side and bluntly rejected union with the Swiss, yet he 
had no sympathy either with the doctrine of ubiquity or the manducatio oralis. 
Then Oecolampadius's Dialogus of 1530 taught him that some of the fathers of 
the Church testify in favour of the symbolical interpretation of the sacramental 
words : from that time he abandoned Luther's understanding of these words. 
Bucer's efforts at mediation (the colloquy at Cassel, 1534), at which Melanch- 
thon already felt himself nuntius alienae sententiaef- made a further impression 
upon him, and induced him to fall back upon what in his judgment was alone 
essential, the self-communication of Christ to believers and the inner spiritual 
union with him as a guarantee of the res in evangelio promissae, i.e., remissio 
peccatorum et iustificatio propter Christum. Not in pane, but cum pane : cibus 
animae, a spiritual enjoyment, as a self-communication of the God incarnate 
with the believing soul, resting upon a personal act of will on the part of 
Christ. In conformity with this Melanchthon in 1540 altered the Latin text 
of the CA in Article X. : quod corpus et sanguis Christi vere adsint et distribuantur 
vescentibus into cum pane et vino vere exhibeantur corpus et sanguis Christi vescen- 
tibus and struck out the words et improbant secus docentes. 

The extent of. these divergences was not clearly made manifest during 
Luther's lifetime, partly owing to Melanchthon's prudence, partly to Luther's 
confidence in his comrade : 8 trifling disturbances, due to various accusations, 

1 In the previous sentence we find, quite after the Lutheran manner : 
donatio vitae aetemae coniuncta est cum iustificatione, i.e., cum remissione peccatorum 
et reconciliatione, quae fide contingit. Here also the more accurate definition must 
not be overlooked : ilia obedientia est iustitia turn quia legi satisfacit, sed quia 
iam personae placent. 

2 See above, p. 124 ; add ZhTh 44, 123 ff. 

3 Although Luther did not approve the alteration in the Confession of 
the Church — as early as 1537 Melanchthon had been denounced to the Elector 
for " toning down " the text, CR III 366 — yet, in 1 541, he testifies to his master 
Philip that he and the other Wittenbergers had adhered to the Confession 
(de Wette V 357). Brenz also writes, in reference to this posterior editio: scio 
Philippum citra iudicium nil tenure mutare (CR IV 737). Selnecker even asserted 
subsequently that this confessio posterior was relegente et approbante Luthero 
recognita (Catalogus conciliorum. Francof. 1751, p. 97). 


had been arranged from time to time ; his indignation at the Eucharist doctrine 
of the Cologne Reformation was, however, directed rather against Bucer than 
Melanchthon (de W. V 703 f.). But these relations render it psychologically 
comprehensible how, the longer Melanchthon was intimate with Luther, the 
more confined and oppressed he felt. 1 

When John Agricola, in 1527, attacked Melanchthon's theory of the import- 
ance of the law for the penitence of the Christian and of the superiority of the 
preaching of the law to the preaching of faith, his attack was aimed at 
Melanchthon (see above, p. 78) ; at that time Luther had taken Melanchthon 
under his protection and Agricola had half beaten a retreat. When then, ten 
years later, Agricola again asserted his antinomianism in Wittenberg itself, 
distinguished " pure " and " impure " passages in the writings of the Witten- 
bergers, wanted to do away with the preaching of the law altogether and 
contested the theory that the Gospel belongs to those hearts which have been 
stirred to repentance by the law, he was now naturally obliged to turn against 
Luther himself, who, being in fact personally embittered against the vain and 
secretly agitating behaviour of his old friend, first reduced him to silence and 
then made him recant ; Agricola, enraged against the Wittenbergers, escaped 
to Electoral Brandenberg. Under a similar reproach of having taught the 
antinomian doctrine, — " do what you will, only believe, so you will be 
blessed " (which, however, finds no adequate confirmation in his writings), James 
Schenk 2 was driven from his post as Court preacher to Duke Henry of Saxony 
in 1538, and, when he endeavoured to find employment at the University of 
Leipzig as professor and preacher, he was here also looked upon with sus- 
picion, chiefly owing to Pfeftmger's zeal, and, finally, like Agricola, he retired 
in 1543 to Brandenburg. Here his arbitrary and idle behaviour had chiefly 
met with an opposition, which made use of the reproach of antinomianism 
and other doctrinal divergences only as a convenient handle against the gifted, 
but also troublesome man, to whom order was repugnant. 

Conrad Cordatus had also turned against Melanchthon, violently attacking 
(1536) his pupil Cruciger for the doctrine that Christ is the causa propter quam, 
but that nostra contritio et noster conatus are the causae iustificationis sine quibus non 
(CR III 350) : it was a question of the philologists of Wittenberg, " who prefer 
to read the dead Erasmus, than to listen to the living Luther" (CR III 159). 
Melanchthon took up Cruciger's cause ; Cordatus now extended his accusations 
to the revision of the loci, and wanted to have the matter decided before the 
theological faculty ; but in this case also Luther played the part of peacemaker, 
and protected the harassed Melanchthon with his friendship. But the sultriness 
of a storm of dissent, already present and felt, although it did not as yet lead 
to an open formation of parties, brooded over Wittenberg : mistrust grew up 

1 Cp. e.g., Melanchthon's complaint of Luther: 7roAAa/as trr//xatV€i rr)v 
iraAcuai/ o/ryryv et haec erumpet (CR III 595). 

2 He had already brought himself unpleasantly into notice in 1537 by his 
denunciation of Melanchthon to the Electoral Chancellor Briick for conniving 
at Catholicism. 


2. The Controversies after Luther's Death. 

Literature (continued) ; Schlusselburg, Haereticorum inde a temp. Lutheri 
catalogue. Frcf. 1597. Spieker, A. Musculus. Frankf. a. O. 1858. G. L. 
Schmidt, /. Menius. II. Gotha, 1867. Seehawer, Zur Lehre vom Gebrauch 
des Gesetzes und zur Geschichte d. spdteren Antinomism. Rostock, 1887. 
Wilkens, Zur Brem. KG in Brem. Jb. Ill 42 ff. . Gerdesius, Hist, motuum 
ecclesiast. in civitate Brem. temp. Hardenbergii suscitatorum. Gron. 1756. 
Strobel in Beitr. zur Lit. II 109 ff . ; W. Moller, A . Osiander. Elberf. 
1870. C. A. Hase, Herzog Albrecht und sein Hofpred. Leipz. 1879. For 
the Rostock Eucharistic controversy, see J. Wiggers in ZhTh 18, 613 ff. 

After Luther's death, (a) the Interim first afforded the opportunity of 
revealing the difference between the Philippist manner of thought and that 
familiar in Luther : in the interimistic or adiaphoristic controversy. Under 
pressure of political necessity, Melanchthon had offered his assistance in 
drawing up the so-called Leipzig Interim, in which Flacius and his associates 
saw not only a dangerous blunting of the specifically Protestant doctrine, but 
also a bargaining with detested papist institutions ; in the defence of such usages 
that were again permitted as adiaphora they saw a denial of the duty of a con- 
fession of faith. The greater the services these Gnesio- Lutherans had rendered, 
during the momentous days of the Interim, towards strengthening the faith of 
the evangelicals by their audacious and defiant pamphlets (p. 158), the more 
Melanchthon felt the attack, which he had to submit to at the hands of these 
same men and partly in the same writings. After the conclusion of the struggle, 
Melanchthon agreed to insert in his Examen ordinandorum (1552) an express 
rejection of the Interim and the recognition of the duty of a confession of faith 
in reference to the ceremonies (CR XXIII, LXX). 

This controversy was immediately connected with (b) The Majoristic con- 
troversy. George Major of Wittenberg (died 1574) found himself attacked by 
Amsdorf in 1552 for his assertion of the necessity of good works for salvation ; 
Amsdorf further had the presumption to make the far more objectionable 
assertion, that they were injurious to salvation : similarly, A. Musculus of 
Frankfort on the Oder declared, against Abdias (Gottschalk) Praetorius ; 
" they are all of the devil, who teach so : nova obedientia est necessarian This 
controversy afforded Melanchthon the opportunity of more closely defining the 
sense, in which a necessity was spoken of, so that all the meritoriousness of 
good works is kept at a distance (cp. CR VIII 410 ft). Major gave in in 1558, 
Praetorius left the March. Justus Menius, whom Amsdorf had drawn into the 
dispute, in 1556 performed a sort of act of recantation, which however did not 
satisfy Amsdorf: Menius, in the face of the hostility exhibited towards him, 
retired to Leipzig, but even here was pursued by the attacks of Flacius and 
Amsdorf (he died in 1558). In a more limited circle the Majoristic gave rise to 
a fresh antinomian controversy, in which the tertius usus legis was discussed, in 
regard to the question whether in the case of one who was born again the law 
was still to be regarded as the obligatory norm of the divine will and as the rule 
of life. In the cause of the rejection of Majorism, individual Gnesio- Lutherans 
(Poach and Anton. Otho in Nordhausen) disputed any relation of the justified 
man to the law, since the law produced punishment but not good works, and 
justified man, illuminated by the spirit, of himself does what is good. Others, 
like Morlin and Wigand, attacked this doctrine as a suspicious kind of mysticism. 


(c) When then, in the Sacramental controversy (that was kindled afresh 
in 1552) of the Lutherans with Calvin, Peter Martyr, and against the Consensus 
Tigurinus, Joachim Westphal of Hamburg accused Melanchthon of an under- 
standing with Calvin, and the latter expressly appealed to Melanchthon, who 
wrapped himself in silence, the Philippists were accused by the Gnesio- Lutherans 
as Crypto-CalYinists (p. 185). Also, in the violent dispute, which the Bremen 
preacher, John Timann, commenced with his colleague, A. Hardenberg (who 
held the same views as Melanchthon), in regard to the Eucharistic doctrine 
(in which Timann treated ubiquity as a firmly-established dogma of the 
Lutherans, 1 and Hardenberg protested against it, in 1548, 1552 and 1555 and 
subsequently), Melanchthon certainly gave the advice to be prudently evasive 
(oro, ut multa dissimules CR VIII 736), and the Wittenberg judgment 
(CR IX 15 ff.) fell back upon biblical phrases, but through the course of the 
disputes he only strengthened the suspicion that he sided with Calvin. 

(d) A synergistic controversy (a continuation of the Majoristic) was called 
forth by the Propositions de libero arbitrio, which J. Pfeffinger of Leipzig had 
composed from Melanchthon's point of view. Amsdorf attacked this treatise 
in 1558, and Flacius made use of this dispute in order to attack Melanchthon's 
Synergismus, especially the definition adopted by him from Erasmus in the 
edition of the loci theologici of 1548: liberum arbitrium est facultas appiicandi 
se ad gratiam (CR XXI 659). 

(e) Without exciting wider circles, a Eucharistic controversy took place 
between the Lutheran pastors of Liibeck and Rostock. It was a question 
of clearing up the Lutheran idea of consecration: whether the body and 
blood of Christ are present before eating and drinking; whether there is 
need of renewed consecration on replenishing the elements ; where the 
" moment," the momentum praesentiae corporis et sanguinis Christi is to be 
placed ; how the remains of the Lord's Supper are to be treated. In this 
case, Catholic traditions contended with the evangelical principle : Extra 
usum nihil est sacramentum (de Wette V 777). In vain Chemnitz and Chytraeus 
endeavoured to reconcile the contending parties ; the chief spokesman of the 
Catholically inclined party, John Saliger, was dismissed from office (1569), but 
the question in dispute cropped up again several times in the Mecklenburg 
communities up to the end of the century. Joachim II. drove a clergyman 
from the country for spilling the consecrated wine and was even inclined to 
punish him more severely (ZhTh 19, 488 ff.) ; and Sarcerius advised that the 
fragments of the holy wafers that had fallen to the ground should erasa terra 
comburi (CR IX 962).* 

It was natural that Flacius and his following should especially gain 
supremacy, where the Interim had been met with resolute opposition — in 
Magdeburg, Ernestine" Saxony (Weimar, Jena) and North Germany ; the new 
University of Jena in particular, since Flacius had been called thither (1557), 
became the stronghold of pure Lutheranism. On the other hand, the Philippists 
dominated Electoral Saxony. Pomerania, Hesse and South Germany still 

1 Farrago sententiarum consentientium in vera et cath. doctrina de coena 
domini. Francof., 1555. 

2 Cp. Luther's angry letter against a clergyman, who had ventured hostias 
consecratas ac non consecratas pro eodem habere. De Wette V 776 f. and the 
Chronicle of John Oldekop (StBl V 190), p. 225 f., 411. 


remained fairly unprejudiced spectators, since, generally speaking, the high 
reputation of Melanchthon and his writings had not yet been shaken at 
first by all this. 

Apart from these philippistic disputes, stands the extraordinarily embittered 
Osiandric controversy, which disorganised the Prussian national church. Andrew 
Osiander had left Nuremberg on account of the Interim and was received at 
the court of his old patron Duke Albert of Konigsberg. In 1550, he confronted 
the doctrine of imputative justification (which in fact was frequently put forward 
very extrinsically and without the religious authority of the Lutheran idea of 
belief), as being a doctrine colder than ice, with the doctrine of the essential 
divine justification, i.e., the real indwelling of Christ who becomes ours by 
faith, who makes man really just. He thereby intended mainly to fight for 
the true Luther against the Philippists, whom he also hated on account of the 
Interim and their Eucharistic doctrine, but he was obliged to undergo the 
experience of finding out that Flacius and his party were quite as powerful 
opponents as Melanchthon. J. Brenz, whose services were requisitioned by 
the Duke, failed in his attempts at mediation. Osiander died in the autumn 
of 1552. The controversy continued, but assumed a different character, so 
that the court preacher Funck, the supporter of Osiander, was now able to 
side with the Philippists ; the resentment of the country against the favoured 
camarilla at last succeeded, with the assistance of Poland, in bringing the 
hated advisers of the old and feeble Duke to trial. Funck was executed 
in 1566. 


Philippists and Gnesio-Lutherans. 

Literature (continued) : Hoenn, Hist. d. zu. Naumb. gehalt. Convents, Frankf., 
1704 ; Gelbke, der Naumb. Fiirstentag. Leipz. 1793 ; Calinich, D. N. 
Fiirstent. Gotha 1870 ; Wagenmann in RE X 437 ff. ; A. Kluckhohn, 
Friedr. d. Fromme. Nordl. 1877 ; Kugler, Herz. Christoph., 2 vols., Stuttg., 
1868-1872. Schneider in Th. Stud, aus Wiirtt., 1882, 267 ff. Wagen- 
mann in RE XIV, 793 ff. ; Walte in ZhTh 34, 28 ff . ; Spiegel, A. R. 
Hardenberg. Brem. 1869 (Brem. Jb IV) ; Rottlander, Dan. v. Biiren, Gott. 
1893 ; K. Muller in Pr Jb 63, 121 ff. ; Gillett, Crato v. Crafftheim., 
2 vols., Frankf. i860 ; H* Rembe, Der Briefwechsel d. M. C. Spangenberg. I., 
Dresd. 1888. Wilkens, Til. Heshusen, Leipz. i860. 

The most distinguished Protestant princes felt the dangerous and 
disturbing character of this theological spirit of disputation, espe- 
cially after it had broken up the religious Colloquy of Worms (see 
below) and they endeavoured, in the Frankfort Recess 1558 (Wolf, 
p. no ff.), to calm it by means of a discreet explanation and to 
work for the maintenance of unity. Owing to an opinion expressed 
by Melanchthon (CR IX 463 ff.) — the Wurtembergers also had 
given a similar verdict (Wolf, p. 389 ff.) — the idea of settling all 
disputed points of doctrine by means of a synod was abandoned, 
and Electoral Saxony, Brandenburg, the Palatinate, Wurtemburg, 
Hesse, Palatine-Zweibrucken and Baden-Durlach, expressly acknow- 
ledging the three chief symbols, the CA and the Apologia, agreed 
upon the following declarations (CR IX 489 ff.), making use of 
Melanchthon's Essay (CR IX 403 ff.) : 

(1) Acknowledgment of the sola fide, and justification by iustitia imputata 
propter Christum, not on account of the •' new life " that had begun ; (2) nova 
obedientia est necessaria on account of God's unchangeable order and as the internally 
necessary consequence : l yet the clause necessaria ad salutem must not be added, in 
order to avoid all meritum ; (3) at the Lord's Supper Christ is present truly, 
really, and living, and with bread and wine gives his body and blood to be 
partaken of ; transubstantiation, as well as the Zwinglian theory, is rejected ; 
the manducatio of unbelievers is passed over in silence ; (4) In times of perse- 
cution and when the pure doctrine is in danger, Adiaphora cease to be 
Adiaphora. Measures against " quarrelling and strife " tending to the preser- 
vation of peace and unity form the subject of the resolution. 

1 Of justification. 


But this union was unable to banish the spirit of strife. John 
Frederick der Mittlere 1 of Saxony would not accept the Recess 
(Flacius called it the " Samaritan Interim "), but commissioned his 
theologians to prepare the Confutation of Weimar (1559) directed 
against all heresies that had recently cropped up, in which every- 
thing Philippistic is treated with special irritation. It was at once 
introduced according to law in the Duchy of Saxony as the norm of 
instruction. In consequence of this, however, in Jena itself 
the dispute arose with Yictorinus Strigel, a pupil of Melanchthon, 
who in the cause of the Synergistic method of instruction raised 
objections against the book of Confutation, was subsequently 
imprisoned and brutally treated, but released after some months. 
In the course of the Synergistic controversy Flacius, in a disputation 
with Strigel (Weimar, August, 1560) 2 proceeded to the assertion 
that in consequence of the corruption due to Adam, whereby man 
was changed into the image of Satan, original sin had become the 
substance (substantia form alis) of fallen human nature. He thereby 
introduced the germ of dissension into Jena itself, as was soon to 
become evident. At the Naumburg Diet of Princes (1561) summoned 
by the Elector Augustus, in order to bring about a fresh interpreta- 
tion of the CA of 1530 (p. 241) to attest the Protestant unanimity 
in the face of the Council of Trent, a dispute arose upon the 
question, which copy of it should be subscribed to. The two 
Electors of the Palatinate and Saxony desired subscription to the 
edition of 1540, which, while not differing in substance from the 
first, was composed with greater "clearness and dexterity," while, 
the others insisted upon the earlier copy of 1530. 3 The Ernestine 
and Rostock theologians expressly issued warnings against Melanch- 
thon's "corruptions" that had made their way into later editions. 
John Frederick also desired express recognition of the Schmalkaldic 
articles drawn up by Luther as a common confession of faith : in 
another quarter the setting up of the Frankfort Recess and the 
Confessio Saxonica (see above, p. 158) was desired : but there was 
a unanimous feeling that, besides the CA, only the Apologia should 
be mentioned. A laborious comparison of the different editions 

1 i.e., '• the middle," so called to distinguish him from his father and 

2 Disputatio inter Flac. et Strigel. Vinariae habita; ed. S. Musaeus. 1562. 
This contains Flacius' s tractate : Quod homo sit corruptus ac mutatus in primo 
lapsu non tantum in acrid entibus, sed etiam in substantia. (See further in the Clavis 
Scriptur. sacrae (1567) : De peccati originalis essentia, see below. 

8 Against this Frederick III. urged, amongst other things, that the Romish 
doctrine was avowedly not excluded in this in Art. X. 


was entered upon, and now for the first time the serious confusion 
introduced into the text by Melanchthon's continued attempts at 
emendation was perceived. Finally, it was agreed to subscribe to 
the edition of 1531, but to designate (in a Preface) that of 1540 as 
the "more stately and detailed explanation and augmentation " of 
the original edition, 1 and (out of courtesy to the Elector of the 
Palatinate), to add a protest against transubstantiation and the 
mass, with the remark that " the Sacrament nihil esse extra usum 
(Brauch der Niessung.") But now John Frederick and Ulric of 
Mecklenburg (backed up by the Rostock theologian David 
Chytraeus), to whom an explicit condemnation of the Sacramen- 
tarians (i.e., the Philippists at the time) was denied, refused to 
subscribe : others followed their example : the former secretly 
left the diet with a protest against the Preface : the work of union 
was destroyed. The Preface also subsequently met with objections 
from another quarter (the assembly of the States of the lower 
Saxon circle at Luneberg, August, 1561) : the rift was plain for all 
to see. 

Certain events in the Palatinate, to which John Frederick expressly referred, 
had influenced this irritation on the Lutheran side. Here, where, since 1533, 
Frederick II had paved the way for the Reformation with the co-operation 
of Melanchthon, which Otto Henry had carried through in 1556, choosing 
Melanchthon's Examen Ordinandorum as the foundation of instruction, but the 
Wurtemburg ritual as the model for divine service, Tilemann Hesshus, whom 
Melanchthon himself had recommended to Heidelberg, commenced a Eucha- 
ristic controversy with his deacon William Klebitz. Frederick HI., who suc- 
ceeded Otho in 1559, was obliged to deprive both of their office, in order to 
secure quiet. Melanchthon,, in an opinion delivered by him (Nov. 1st, 1559, 
CR IX 960) 2 exhorted the Elector to prevent all useless disputation (including 
that upon the "monstrous" theory of ubiquity), that the people might not be 
roused to excitement by them. Frederick thereupon prescribed the simple form 
of doctrine, that Christ's body was received with the bread. He now also 
summoned theologians who held Catholic views to Heidelberg, and was rightly 
regarded as a Crypto-Calvinist. In the face of this movement in the Palatinate, 
Duke Christopher convened a synod at Stuttgart which, under the guidance of 

1 In regard to the wording, its relation to the Invariata is looked upon as 
that of the interpretation to the text, not as a recognition of the Melanch- 
thonian type by the side of the Lutheran (Heppe, Kluckhohn), but not so that 
the variata should be tolerated (Calinich, Zockler) as a harmless by-form of the 
invariata, which alone sets the standard. How far the subscribers were clear 
about the question is another matter. John Frederick's theologians quite 
correctly recognised the significance of the preface for them ; in their eyes the 
variata was only an interpolated private work of Melanchthon. 

2 This characteristically commences, Non difficile, sed pcricidosum est 


Brenz (Dec. 1559), accepted the Lutheran Eucharistic doctrine, including the 
theory of ubiquity based upon the communicatio idiomatum. Melanchthon scoffed 
at it as " Hechingen Latin " (CR IX 1034), and also issued a warning against 
the inevitable confusion, but in vain. On April 19th, 1560, he was removed 
from all earthly strife. 

In Bremen the Sacramental controversy with A. Hardenberg was continued 
after Timann's death (1557). By his refusal to subscribe to the CA (even to 
the Variata), as he was pledged to the Scriptures alone, Hardenberg had 
assumed a readily assailable position and excluded himself from the religious 
peace ; but his acceptance of the Frankfort Recess made him safe again for a 
time. The controversy was however immediately resumed by T. Hesshus 
who was summoned to Bremen in 1559; the latter removed in the following 
year to Magdeburg, but carried on the contest from there until, in 1561, he 
was removed by the Low Saxon Municipal League, before which the new 
(evangelical) Archbishop of Bremen, Duke George of Brunswick- Liineberg 
had brought the matter, by a resolution of the dietine issued from Bremen, 
in order to restore tranquillity. (He subsequently found scope for his 
activity in the community of Emden, which was inclined to reformatory 
views.) Hesshus, like the strict Lutherans of Jena, belonged to the contro- 
versial theologians, who, in the cause of the pure doctrine, imposed upon the 
clergy as its guardians the duty of excommunicating the adherents of impure 
doctrine by virtue of the power of the keys. The administration of this ban 
caused many scandals. Even John Frederick der Mittlere found himself 
compelled to take proceedings against such sovereign authority of the pastors. 
For Flacius and Musaeus, supported (since 1560) by John Wigand and Judex, 
now endeavoured, with the assistance of the town clergy, to maintain of their 
own authority the orthodoxy of their book of Confutation on the line of 
ecclesiastical discipline and thereby to establish a theological authority of 
conscience. Thus, the distinguished jurist Wesenbeck, for refusing to assent 
to the Confutation, although he acknowledged the CA, Apologia and Schmalkaldic 
Articles, was, at their instigation, debarred from acting as sponsor by a 
clergyman. By similar acts and their violence against V. Strigel the Flacians 
roused up against themselves a Lutheran moderate party, which also represented 
the government of the Church by the ruler of the country against the autonomous 
authority of the pastors and thereby obtained influence at Court. John Frederick 
deprived the clergy of the right of excommunication and transferred the 
censorship of books to a consistory at Weimar (1561). When the Flacians 
passionately resisted this procedure as an arbitrary alteration of the constitution 
of the Church and demanded self-government (i.e., the rule of the pastors), he 
resolved (December 10th, 1561) to deprive Flacius and Wigand of their office, 
together with forty pastors, who refused to acknowledge Strigel's reassuring 
declarations and the Declaratio confessionis Strigelii (1562), 1 drawn up by James 
Andrea, who had been summoned from Wurtemberg. The place of these 
professors was now taken by Wittenbergers, Stossel, after a few years Selnecker 
and others. Hesshus also, who finally laid the whole council of Magdeburg 
under the ban, thereby again brought expulsion upon himself (1562). A similar 

1 This declaratic is the origin of the dislike of the whole body of Flacians 
to the "aulicus" Andrea. Cp. the interesting communications of the Flacian 
Bresnitzer in ZITh 16, 695 ff. 


revulsion took place in Bremen. Here, Musaeus who had been driven from 
Jena, had been appointed superintendent, and endeavoured to carry through 
a new ecclesiastical order, intended to secure for pastors the freest use of the 
ban, in order thereby to be able to meet effectually " the blasphemies of 
the Sacramentarians." Thus, the Eucharist controversy here produced a 
conflict with the council about the ban, at which the citizens vigorously espoused 
the cause of Hardenberg's friend, the burgomaster Daniel von Biiren, and 
prevented his exclusion from the council ; Musaeus and a number of preachers 
were obliged to withdraw, and many members of the council who held the 
views of Flacius fled from the town. On the 3rd of March, 1568, an arrangement 
was agreed to at Verden, in accordance with which the fugitives returned and 
Bremen acknowledged the CA, the Apologia, the Lutheran Catechism, the 
Church Order, and the Frankfort Recess. 

In Wittenberg and the whole of Electoral Saxony the Philippistic 
was the prevailing direction of thought ; the Elector Augustus, 
Maurice's successor, considering Melanchthon's close intimacy 
with Luther, felt confident of preserving the genuine Lutheranism. 
In fact, Melanchthon's writings, his academical activity and his 
participation in the most momentous religious negotiations had 
been of fundamental importance ; he had formed and trained the 
Protestant clergy — even his subsequent opponents. Immediately 
after his death the Corpus doctrinae Christianae (Leipzig, 1560), 
appeared, which, besides the three old symbols, contained writings 
composed only by Melanchthon, the CA, the Apologia (both editions 
1542), the Confessio Saxonica, the Loci theologici (recension of 
1556), the Examen ordinandorum and Responsiones ad impios 
articulos Bavariae inquisitionis (see below). The Leipzig consistory 
secured the introduction of this Misnicum or Philippicum Corpus as 
a confession of doctrine in all the churches. In opposition to this, 
other churches now drew up strictly Lutheran Corpora doctrinae, 
and numerous separate collections of Confessions were the result. 
In this case it was a principle, to accept only Lutheran writings besides 
the oecumenical symbols and the CA together with the Apologia 
but in a varied selection, extracts from his polemical writings and 
the like being admitted in addition to both Catechisms and the 
Schmalkaldic articles. Amongst these Corpora may be mentioned 
those of the city of Brunswick (1563), Prussia (1567), Brunswick- 
Wolfenbtittel (1569, in which first occurs the selection which subse- 
quently reappears in the Book of Concord, and 1576, Corpus 
Julium), the Duchy of Saxony (1570), Brandenburg (1572), Bruns- 
wick-Luneburg (Corpus Wilhelminum, 1576). 1 

1 For Nuremberg and the Margraviate of Brandenburg, which Luther and 
Melanchthon endeavoured to unite in their " Standard books," see Strobel, 
Beitr. zur Lit. I 263 ff. 


Melanchthon's son-in-law, Caspar Peucer, physician in ordinary to the 
Elector, exercised considerable influence upon his master. The Philippists 
were impregnated with the idea that their conception of things, which was in 
fact essentially that of Melanchthon himself, was justified within the limits of 
the German Reformation, and that no innovation ought now to be introduced, 
although the younger generation naturally fell more and more decidedly under 
the influence of Calvinistic theology ; but they also concealed the fact that, in 
regard to the Eucharistic doctrine and Christology, they found themselves by 
no means in agreement with Zwingli, but essentially so with Calvin. To the 
Elector they represented themselves as Lutherans, who only guarded them- 
selves against extremes (the doctrines of Flacius and the theory of omni- 
presence), and this did not escape the reproach of underhandedness from the 
side of the Calvinists. To the middle of the sixties they were at the height of 
their reputation. But a rapid and complete change took place, originating 
at first in the Duchy of Saxony. John Frederick der Mittlere, relying implicitly 
upon the revelations of a visionary and hoping, with the aid of French gold, to 
be able to recover the lands that had been lost to the Ernestine house and the 
electoral dignity, allowed himself to be drawn (in 1563) by the restless Frankish 
nobleman William of Grumbach into his seditious enterprises against the Bishop 
of Wiirzburg 1 (who had confiscated Grumbach's property) and then afforded 
protection to the outlaw. At length, the Emperor Maximilian, on the 12th 
of December, 1566, proscribed Frederick ; the Elector Augustus, who was 
charged to carry out the sentence, besieged him and Grumbach at Gotha ; 
a mutiny of his troops compelled capitulation, after which Grumbach, Chan- 
cellor Briick (the younger) and the Duke's prophet were executed (quartered) : 
John Frederick was declared to have forfeited his authority and sentenced to 
imprisonment for life (1567). He was succeeded by his brother John William, 
who, although on friendly terms with the Elector Augustus, again threw open 
Jena to the strictly Lutheran theologians Wigand, Coelestinus, Tim. Kirchner, 
and Til. Hesshus (bnt not Flacius). This occasioned a colloquy between the 
Electoral Saxony and Ernestine theologians at Altenburg (the autumn of 1568 
to the spring of 1569), 2 which, however, only further embittered the opposing 
parties and at first strengthened the authority of the Philippists in Electoral 
Saxony. The Elector required from all the clergy an engagement to adhere to 
the Corpus Philippicum and expressly reject Flacianism. Flacius, undoubtedly 
the most important of the " Gnesio- Lutherans," had in the meantime brought 
forward in detail his doctrine of original sin (see above p. 284) as one of high 
importance and thereby introduced discord into his own camp, since only a few 
such as Cyriacus Spangenberg of Mansfeld, later in Austria, Chr. Irenaeus, 
court preacher at Weimar) agreed with him, while the majority (such as 
Wigand, Hesshus, Conrad Schlusselburg) became his bitter opponents and 
fought against his doctrine as a new Manichaeism. 

1 These adventurous schemes had been projected since 1557. 

2 The Acts of the Colloquy : Jena 1570 ; Wittb. 1570 ; Lips. 1870. 

The Work of Concord. 

Literature (continued) : R. Hospinianus, Cone. disc. Tig. 1607 5 m Opp. t. V 
L. Hutter, Cone, concors. Vit. 1614 ; Heppe and Frank above p. 276 ; UN 
1718, 188 ff.; Dan. Bibl. IV 212 ff., V 355 ff., VIII 334 ff., IXiff.; Th 
Pressel in ZhTh 37, 3 ff., 268 ff., 445 ff., 473 ff.; the same in Jd Th 22 

1 ff., 207 ff. For the writings of the Flacianists against Andrea see M 
Volmar, Vom neuen Samarit. Interim D. Jac. Andreui$y8. Schaff I 
258 ff.; Johannsen in ZhTh 17, 1 ff.; 20,368 ff.; 23,3446°.; 31,461 ff. 
Beste, Gesch. d. Braunschw. Landes-Kirche. Wolfb. 1889 ; Calinich, Kampf 
und Untergang des Melanchthonianismus in Kursachsen 1570- 1574. Leipz. 1866 
Kluckhohn in HZ 18,. 77 ff.; Peucer, Hist. Carcerum., Tig. 1604. Hach 
feld in ZhTh 36, 230 ff. ; Pressel in JdTh 11, 640 ff.; J. H. Balthasar 
Hist. d. Torg. Bucks. 1741-1756 ; Heppe, Der Text d. Berg. Conc.-F. Marb 
1857 ; the same in ZhTh 22, 283 ff. ; 27, 465 ff. ; Lentz in ZhTh 18, 265 ff. : 
H- G. Hasse in ZhTh 18, 315 ff. ; Richard, Der kurf. sacks. Kanzler Krell. 

2 vols. Dresd. 1859 ; F. Brandes, Der Kanzler Krell. Leipz. 1873. 

1. The First Attempt and the Overthrow of the Philippists in 


Wurtemberg, where Duke Christopher had a warm interest in the 
restoration of harmony, now became the head-quarters of repeated 
efforts, to find ways and means for this purpose. James Andrea 
in particular, chancellor of the University of Tubingen (the son of 
a smith, hence called also Schmidlein, Schmidjakob), took this upon 
him as the task of his life. Julius, Duke of Brunswick, whose 
theologians (M. Chemnitz and Nic. Selnecker) represented a more 
moderate doctrine of omnipresence (omnivolipraesentia) 1 than the 
Wurtembergers, when Andrea (in 1568, and again in 1569) assisted 
him in the re-establishment of his national church, as well as William 
Landgrave of Hesse (eldest son of Landgrave Philip, who died in 
1567), showed themselves favourably disposed to the plan. After 
1569, Andrea approached the Wittenbergers with his proposals, 

1 An omnipraesentia voluntaria et potentialis, not naturalis vel essentialis, of the 
body of Christ. Compare, in addition to the loci theologici of Chemnitz, his 
tractate Dc duabus naturis in Ckristo (1570). ■ 

VOL. Ill 19 


without sacrificing the doctrine of omnipresence, which he himself 
had defended at the Maulbronn Colloquy (see below) against the 
" reformatory " inhabitants of the Palatinate. If only an agreement 
could be come to with the latter, it was bound to be of the greatest 
importance for the whole of Lutheran Germany, as some of the 
national churches (Pomerania, Hesse) had hitherto taken no part 
in the dogmatic controversies) and the clergy everywhere were still 
under the continuously operating influence of the Melanchthonian 
dogmatic writings, so that it appeared possible to put a check upon 
the advance of the exclusive Lutheranism, which was zealously 
supported, not only in Jena, but also in Lower Saxony and partly 
in Brandenburg (Musculus). The people of Jena immediately de- 
clared against Andrea's proposals, since they missed the explicit 
condemnation of the heretics ; at Wittenberg, offence was taken at 
the doctrine of omnipresence and the recognition of the Corpus 
Philippicum was also demanded. The proceedings of the Con- 
vention of Zerbst, May, 1570, turned especially upon the latter 
point, all Andrea's dexterity was unable to prevent the laboriously 
attained result of this meeting being immediately rendered useless, 
when, on his own authority, he published the Recess of Zerbst. 
Landgrave William, disappointed, refused to have anything further 
to do with the matter. 

When the Wittenbergers were accused before the Elector by Duke Julius in 
consequence of their rejection of the doctrine of omnipresence, on the occasion 
of a disputation at Wittenberg, for which the younger Cruciger had composed 
theses written in a vigorously polemical tone against the Christology of the 
Wurtembergers), 1 they endeavoured to justify themselves in the cautiously 
worded " brief, plain and simple confession " (July 31st, 1570). In the following 
year Peucer and Pezel came forward more boldly in the Wittenberg Catechism 
(Catechesis .... contexta ex Corpore doctr .... accommodata ad usum scholar, 
pueril.)* and with the doctrine of Christ's body locally circumscribed in heaven 
excited the violent opposition of the Lutherans, to which they retaliated with 
a vigorous defence (the so-called " Wittenberg foundation "). 3 The Elector 
Augustus, who had become suspicious was again tranquillised by the so-called 
Consensus Dresdensis (October, 1571). For when the Heidelberg theologians 
declared that it was indeed their doctrine, Stbssel backed out of it so cleverly, 

1 See the defiant thesis (No. 30) in Heppe, Gesch. d. Prot. II 312. 

2 It was intended to form the intermediate stage of instruction between 
Luther's small Catechism and the Loci theologici at schools and colleges. 

3 Von der Person und Menschwerdung unseres HErrn J. Chr. Der wahren 
Christl. Kirchen Grundfest wider die newen Marcioniten [Of the Person and 
Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ. The foundation of the true Christian 
Church against the new Marcionites] Wittenb., 1571. 


that he again convinced the Elector of the disagreement of his theologians with 
the Calvinists ; but in this dishonourable game ruin was preparing. After Duke 
John William's death, when Augustus received the tutelary government of 
Ernestine Saxony, the zealots Wigand and Hesshus were banished (1573), and 
many of the clergy who belonged to their party were obliged to withdraw. In 
1574, the Exegesis perpetna controversiae de coena domini (German version, Heidel- 
berg* 1575 ; reprint by Scheffer, Marburg, 1853)1 appeared anonymously in 
1574 at Leipzig (Vogelin) but with a Genevese imprint; its author was" the 
physician John Cureus (died 1573) of Glogau, who, like the imperial physician 
in ordinary, Crato von Crafftheim of Breslau had zealously promoted the 
spread of Philippism in Silesia. Here, the Melanchthonio-Calvinistic doctrine 
of the Eucharist was openly expressed, the manducatio oralis and the partaking 
of the body of Christ on the part of unbelievers rejected. Although the Witten- 
bergers had nothing to do with this treatise, different Lutheran princes now 
assailed the Elector: a confidential letter from Stbssel to Schiitz, which, 
treacherously given up, was handed to the Elector, opened the eyes of the 
latter, and brought about the " great and divine marvel " that, terribly enraged 
at the attempt to misuse his influence for the purpose of smuggling in Calvinism, 
he caused the chiefs of the Philippist party to be imprisoned : Peucer (till 1586), 
the privy councillor Cracow, against whom even the torture was used (HZ 18, 
81. 1 10 ff.), the court preacher Stossel (both died in prison) and Schiitz. The 
party (that had long been in existence) of the theologically inclined Electress 
and the Dresden court preacher, supported by the dislike of the country to 
Cracow who represented princely absolutism in opposition to the cities, now 
triumphed, The articles that were immediately drawn up at the diet of Torgau 
(May 1574) adhered to the supposition that Luther and Melanchthon were 
agreed, and hence to the Corpus Philippicum and the Consensus Dresdensis. It 
was assumed that Lutheranism had always been taught in the country and as 
if, now, only a few Crypto-Calvinists had been discovered : if the theory of 
omnipresence also was rejected, on the other hand, Luther's conception of the 
Eucharist was represented with explicit rejection of Calvinism. The successful 
overthrow of unmasked Calvinism was celebrated by a solemn thanksgiving 
service and a commemorative medal. Theologians and clergy were obliged to 
subscribe, those who refused subscription were banished. Widebram and Pezel 
betook themselves to Nassau, the younger Cruciger to Hesse. (From this time 
onwards we can observe how these Philippists followed Calvin's theology also 
in the doctrine of predestination). 2 

2. The Concord. 

Although the overthrow of Philippism, as the rejection 01 the 
theory of omnipresence shows, certainly did not yet satisfy the 
strictly Lutheran claims, yet it ushered in the victory of rigid 
Lutheranism, while indicating to the Wurtemberg efforts for 
agreement the tendency, which finally prevailed in the Formula 
of Concord: the tendency to a* decided exclusion of Philippism. 

1 Cp. Heppe, Gesch. II 467 ff. for the author and tendency of the exegesis. 

2 Cp. GlLLET II 239. 

19 2 


From his six sermons on the errors of doctrine that had made their 
appearance since 1548, x which he had sent to Duke Julius, M. Chemnitz of 
Brunswick, Chytraeus of Rostock, and others (1573), Andrea, at the request 
of the latter, prepared an Epitome of dogmatic statements, which he completed 
in the so-called Book of Tubingen or the Swabian Concord (1574). 2 The insertion 
of the exhaustive discussions which had taken place in the Lower Saxon 
consultations (especially the Lord's Supper and Free Will) under Chemnitz's 
direction originated the comprehensive Swabio-Saxon Concord, 8 in which Andrea 
could find nothing to criticise as far as the substance of the doctrine put forth 
was concerned, but blamed the prolixity of the theological discussions, the 
repetitions and introduction of dogmatic termini. Since, further, difficulties had 
been raised in various national churches (Brandenberg, Prussia), the support of 
which had been reckoned upon, the work appeared to be again at a standstill. 
Meanwhile, at the instigation of the Elector Augustus and through the mediation 
of Count George Ernest of Henneberg, Louis Duke of Wurtemberg and Charles 
Margrave of Baden were induced to have a " formula of Concord " drawn up 
by theologians from Wurtemberg (the court preacher Luc. Osiander and 
Provost B. Bidembach), Baden and Henneberg, which was subscribed by the 
latter on the 19th of January, 1576, at the monastery of Maulbronn. This 
Maulbronn Formula (JdTh 11, 640 ff.), which, while practically agreeing in the 
norm and substance of its doctrine, followed a different arrangement (adhering 
to the CA), like the Swabio-Saxon Concord, was communicated to the Elector 
Augustus, who now caused further steps to be taken. A meeting of his 
theologians at Lichtenberg (February, 1576) was prepared, by a majority of 
votes, to drop the Corpus Philippicum in favour of a formula of Concord 
to be drawn up and a book of Concord. Andrea, summoned to Electoral Saxony, 
now set to work at the Torgau Convention (May 28th to June 7th, 1576), in 
co-operation with the theologians of the Electorate (especially Selnecker), 
with Chemnitz and Chytraeus, besides the theologians of the Electorate of 
Brandenburg, the general-superintendent A. Musculus and Professor Christopher 
Korner (Cornerus) of Frankfort-on-the-Oder. The Swabio-Saxon Concord was 
taken as the foundation, but subjected to considerable revision (the honourable 
mention of Melanchthon disappeared !) and in addition some peculiar features 
of the Maulbronn formula were admitted. This was the origin of the 
Book of Torgau, which was then sent to the different evangelical States for 
their opinion and approval. The answers received were of a very different 
nature. On the one side (the Brunswickers and the Lubeckers assembled at 
the Molln Convention, the Hamburgers and Liinebergers) explicit condemnation 
of the errors of Philippism was demanded — Hesshus and Wigand (now in 
Prussia) even required special condemnation of all heretics by name, 
Melanchthon as well as Flacius— on the other hand greater gentleness was 
demanded in dealing with the Philippistic method of teaching; Pomerania, 
Anhalt and Magdeburg protested more or less vigorously against the attempt 
"to tear Luther and Philip asunder" (in the words of Joachim Ernest of 

1 Printed in Heppe III, Beilage p. 1-75. 

2 ZhTh 36, 230 ff. 

3 Heppe III, Bell. p. 166-325. 


With due regard to these criticisms, the final revision was carried 
out at the Monastery of Bergen near Madgeburg (March- May 1577) 
by Andrea, Chemnitz and Selnecker, assisted by Chytraeus, 
Cornerus and Musculus : the result was The Book of Bergen. This 
is the solida declaratio of the Formula of Concord. At the same 
time, the theologians revised the brief abstract (the Epitome) that 
had been prepared in the meantime by Andrea from the Torgau 
Book, and approved it. The Book of Bergen eliminated still more 
decidedly the traces of the Melanchthonian teaching which had still 
lingered in the Swabio-Saxon Concordia and even in the Torgau 
Book as a reminder of the fact that Chemnitz, Selnecker and 
Chytraeus themselves had come from Melanchthon's school ; they 
had also nearly admitted Synergistic views and at least Selnecker 
and Chemnitz represent the halfway view of the omnipresence of 
Christ. But the result of continuous development along the 
dogmatic path entered upon with the essential co-operation of 
Melanchthon now gave the preponderance to the strictly Lutheran 
conception, although the doctrine of omnipresence was not ex- 
pressed unhesitatingly in the absolute sense in which it was under- 
stood by the Wurtembergers. At Bergen, the demand for a general 
synod with a view to a final decision was agreed to, but anything of 
the kind still appeared too dangerous to the promoters of the work; 
they accordingly countermanded the proposed synod (May 28th, 
1577), preferring to collect the signatures of the States first, after 
which a synod would no longer cause discord. Accordingly, in 
June, 1577, the work of collecting signatures, carried on hastily 
and with all kinds of artifices of suppression, commenced under 
the direction of Andrea, Selnecker and Polyc. Leyser, at first in 
Electoral Saxony. At the same time the Electors of Saxony and 
Brandenburg sent copies of the Book of Bergen to the States, 
whose assent was hoped for. 

Those who were more closely allied to the reformed party in vain attempted 
to prevent the •; Concord," which was bound to make the split final. In the 
Palatinate, after the death of Frederick III in 1576, Lutheranism was restored 
by Louis VI. However, out of regard for his brother, the Count Palatine John 
Casimir, who steadfastly adhered to the reformed Confession, and the reformed 
Convention of Frankfort (Sept. 1577), he expressed a wish for some slight modi- 
fications, in order to be able to assent to the " Concord." But, as the book had 
already been accepted in many German territories (Saxony, Brandenburg, 
Brunswick, Liineberg, Mecklenburg, Wurtemberg, the Lower Saxon cities- and 
others), it was now only through the Preface (which, after the fruitless Conven- 
tion at Tangermunde, having been resolved upon at that of Schmalkalden 


(1578), drawn up by Andrea and put forward at Jiiterbogk, was finally accepted 
by Louis, after manifold discussions and revisions, that allowance could be 
made for his scruples to a certain extent. 1 A second Preface " Bericht der 
Theologen auf etliche fiirgewendete Bedenken" (printed in JdTh 11, 711 ff.) was 
entirely set aside on Louis's protest. In the meantime, at the Convention of 
Cassel, 1579, the Melanchthonians (Hesse, Anhalt, Nuremberg) combined in a 
closer union, in order to offer resistance to the pressing advance of exclusive 
Lutheranism, and protested both against the tenor of the Formula of Concord 
and the manner of its establishment. (For the declaration of the people of 
Anhalt see Niemeyer, p. 612 ff.) 

Fifty years after the delivery of the CA, on the 25th of June, 
1580, the Book of Concord, i.e., the Corpus of the Lutheran 
Confessional Symbols (now completed by the Formula of Concord) 
in which they had already been printed since 1578, was published 
at Dresden, at first only in the German language. 

After L. Osiander (1580) and Selnecker (1582) had made Latin 
translations, the one which was finally settled at a convention held 
under Chemnitz at Quedlinburg became the officially recognised 
Latin text of the Formula of Concord (Leipzig, 1584). The selec- 
tion of the confessional writings here combined is that which was 
first made in 1569 by Chemnitz and Andrea in the Corpus doctrinae 
for Brunswick-Wolfenbtittel. Andrea, denounced by his personally- 
mortified co-operator Selnecker to the Elector Augustus, was finally 
dismissed in disgrace. It was a splendid success, this Concordia 
signed by 86 evangelical imperial States (51 Princes and Lords, 
amongst them three Electors [Saxony, Brandenburg, Palatinate] 
and 35 cities) and about 8,000-9,000 theologians; as little can the 
high dogmatic importance of this fundamental work be contested, 
which shrewdly drew conclusions in the direction of Lutheranism 
formerly taken by the sons and descendants of the Reformation, 
and at the same time by means of dialectic distinctions steered 
between the cliffs openly as errors of recognised positions. Just 
as, in the dogmatic contests of the old Church, a formula in itself 
completely free from inconsistency was never realiy attained to, but 
only a combination of postulates opposed to each other as equally 

1 The Palatine saw his more important demands (recognition of the 
Naumburg Resolutions and the writings of Melanchthon, the removal of the 
" Damnamus") only partly carried through. The expression " invariata " was 
struck out and only a prima and altera editio were spoken of ; now at least 
Melanchthon's scripta utilia were mentioned ; Damnamus was struck out and 
Rejicimus deemed sufficient. Cp. the text of the Praefatio ZhTh 37, 304 ff. and 
in the Libr. symb. 


recognised as essential, to the exclusion of the contrasted one-sided 
views, the same was the case in the Formula of Concord. 

Thus in Art. I and II both Synergists and Flacians, in Art. IV both Major's 
and Amsdorf s theses are rejected : in Art. X, in regard to the question of 
predestination, the universalism of God's will to save mankind, at the same 
time predestination as the ground of eternal happiness, and unbelief as the 
ground of condemnation, are affirmed, without an arrangement of the difficulties 
being arrived at. In regard to the Eucharistic doctrine, the statements 
hesitate between the absolute omnipresence 1 of Luther and Andrea and the 
Multivolipraesentia of Chemnitz.* 2 But the drawbacks of this achievement are 
also great. According to it, the Reformation was the purification of the 
doctrine de praecipuis Christianae religionis formulis ; the propagation and defence 
of this formula purioris doctrinae is the chief duty of the Lutheran Church ; it is 
the doctrine in which boni omnes agree, although there are pious men in other 
churches, who are without knowing it members of the true Church, since in 
their simplicity negotium ipsum non probe intelligunt. Evangelium doctrina est 
quae docet, quid peccator credere debeat, ut remissionem peccatorum apud Deum 
obtineat (714, 20): this theory most clearly shows the alteration, which had 
taken place in Luther's doctrine of belief. The juristico-dogmatic trend of 
Protestantism was sealed or attained the ascendency : a new scholastic system 
of dogma overgrew the old simple evangelical confession of the community: a 
period of prosperity was introduced, but one of momentous importance for the 
Church of the theologians. 

Protestantism was now definitely split up : even Calvinism was 
opposed to it as a foreign confession of faith, a hostile antagonistic 
principle. Melanchthonianism, which might have formed a con- 
necting link, was expelled and in great part driven over to Calvinism. 
Certainly, its expulsion was not universal. A great part of the 
clergy persisted in thankful remembrance of their teacher Melanch- 
thon ; but certainly the one-sided and blunter, though more vigorous 
and defined spirit of the Lutherani m of the Formula of Concord 
now obtained (after the manner of extreme trends of thought) the 
upper hand, as far as the authorities assisted to spread it. But yet 
all the national churches of the Reformation were not really united 
under this formula. A still considerable number refused to accept 
it without renouncing their character as belonging to the Lutheran 

In Schleswig-Holstein, it was especially the influence of Paul von Eitzen, 
Superintendent of Gottorp, who was on friendly terms with Melanchthon, com- 
bined with the character of the country which was less accessible to dogmatic 

1 784, 81 : omnia plena sunt Christi iuxta humanitatem . 

■ 768, 29 : homo Christus iuxta Yerba testamenti sui corpore et sanguine suo in 
sacra coena praesens esse potest et revera est. 


strife, which had this success ; similarly, in the Hadersleben dominion, Provost 
Petraeus. 1 Frederick II. of Denmark also rejected the Concord and forbade the 
Formula in his country; he even threw the latter with his own hands into 
the fire (ZhTh 20, 662). In Hesse the strict Lutheran Upper Hessians stood 
opposed to the Lower Hessians who were averse to the Formula. The latter 
(Landgrave William) 2 finally succeeded in getting the four Landgraves to refuse 
their assent to it: Pomerania, Anhalt, Palatine-Zweibriicken did the same; 
Silesia took no part in the negotiations, owing to its relation to the Emperor. 
In 1573, Nuremberg, together with the Margrave of Anspach, had drawn up 
an essentially Philippistic Corpus doctrinae, and in 1576 founded the University 
of Altdorf, at which the same spirit prevailed. Thus the Formula of Concord 
was also rejected. The same thing happened in Frankfort on the Main, Spires, 
Worms, the city of Magdeburg (the archiep. clergy under Brandenburg adminis- 
tration were obliged to subscribe), Nordhausen and Strasburg, owing to its 
connection with the Swiss (violent controversy of the theologian John Pappus 
with the Philippist Rector John Sturm — it was not until 1597 that the strictly 
Lutheran party and with it the FC gained the day. But the most striking 
thing was, that one of the chief promoters of the work of Concord, Julius Duke 
of Brunswick, now refused to have anything to do with it — for a very ignoble 
reason. 3 He was angry with Chemnitz, since the latter had stoutly protested 
on the other hand, that the Lutheran prince was endeavouring to secure for his 
son Henry Julius papal confirmation and enthronisation as Bishop of Halber- 
Stadt, and caused the two other princes to be shaven, in order to obtain 
canonical offices for them, a course of procedure running directly contrary to 
the doctrine of the Formula of Concord de adiaphoris : but Hesshus, who was 
now his theologian, could not tolerate Chemnitz. Brunswick accordingly 
returned simply to his Corpus Julium. The effect of this state of affairs was, 
that the University of Helmstedt was able to become the home of an independent 
and original theology. The opponents of the Formula of Concord were appre- 
hensive that Saxony or Wurtemberg would now do their utmost with the 
Emperor to get the Formula of Concord authorised by order of the Empire, 
but this idea, in spite of the inclination for it, was not realised. (See von 
Bezold, Briefe des Pfalzgrafen Johann Casimir I 561.) 

3. The Downfall of Crypto-CalYinism in Saxony. 

Nor were dogmatic controversies ended by the Formula of Concord. At 
first strife broke out over the Formula itself. Numerous rejoinders appeared : 
by Ambrose Wolf [i.e., Christopher Herdessianus of Nuremberg] at Neustadt 
on the Haardt, a " History of the Augsburg Confession " ; the " Neustadt admoni- 
tion" of the Count- Palatine's theologian John Casimir (Ursinus, 1581), polemical 
writings of the theologians of Bremen and Anhalt ; on the other side it was 

1 The Formula of Concord was not recognised as a symbolical book in the 
regal part of the country until 1647, in the grand-ducal until 1734, but, after 
1784, was once more bound to the Invariata. 

2 Cp. his characteristic letter to Coelestin on the " Great Book of Discord 
and Dilaceratio Ecclesiarum " in Strobel, Beitr. zur Lit. II 162. 

3 Cp. also, however, the account in Hummel, Epp. semicenturia, p. 84 f. 
The city of Brunswick on the other hand accepted the Formula of Concord. 


attacked by the Flacian Irenaeus (Exam en libri concord iac). This caused the 
three Electors to get rejoinders written by Kirchner, Selnecker and Chemnitz, 
as to which, with the assistance of several States, an agreement was come to at 
Erfurt in 1581 and then in Brunswick. Thus, amongst other writings, the 
"Erfurt Apology" (Magd., 1582) and the "True History of the Augsburg 
Confession " (against A. Wolff, Leipz., 1584). The former, with its description 
of omnipresence, gave fresh occasion for a controversy with Hesshus and led to 
violent discussions in the Colloquy of Quedlinburg (1582). 

And, in spite of the Formula of Concord, the spirit of Philippism 
was destined to come to life once again, although very late in the 
day, in Electoral Saxony. Augustus thought that he had now 
brought complete tranquillity into churches and schools : but after 
his death (1586) things changed. Christian I., educated by the 
court preacher Schiitz, was averse to such exclusiveness, and, 
besides this, had closer relations with his brother-in-law, John 
Casimir the Count-Palatine. With the eye of the statesman, he 
saw in the Formula of Concord a hindrance to the invigoration of 
Protestantism. At his side stood the capable lawyer Nic. Krell, 
whom the Elector Augustus had given him as counsellor and whom 
he now raised to the Chancellorship, not the originator of the feeling 
of opposition already existing at the Court against the Formula of 
Concord, but only its organ. 

On the ground of a Confession proposed by the latter, he was excused 
signing the Formula of Concord. In 1588, Krell caused a mandate to be 
renewed, which Augustus had formerly issued in 1566, forbidding unnecessary 
quarrelling amongst preachers. Some zealots lost their position, e.g., the 
court preacher Mirus, who had attacked the Elector in the pulpit : and no 
attempt was made to stop Polyc. Leyser, when he received a call to Brunswick. 
The seceders were replaced by those who held the views of the Philippists. An 
annotated Bible, brought out by the court preacher Salmuth and Urban 
Pierius at the expense of the Elector (only finished as far as Chronicles II.) 
purposely combated the theory of omnipresence in the notes ; an edition of the 
small Catechism, which explained it only by passages of the Bible, came 
equally under the suspicion of favouring Calvinistic views. The abolition of 
exorcism in Baptism which was ordered in 1591 aroused the passions of the 
people. 1 Christian himself had one of his children baptised without it. 
Although all the consistories had proposed this omission and the majority 
of the pastors had agreed (at the wish of the communities as was pretended), 
yet the carrying through of this measure stirred up the people to an extra- 
ordinary extent. Then, Christian died on the 25th of September, 1591, and 
Duke Frederick William of the Ernestine line was appointed guardian of the 
minor Christian II. ; his influence and that of the widowed Electress Sophia 
brought on the reaction. Krell had the nobility against him in consequence of 

1 Further, the second edition of the Book of Concord, out of consideration 
for Louis, Elector of the Palatinate, had been obliged to omit Luther's " Little 
Book of Baptism." Cp. ZhTh 37, 594 flf. 


the limitation of hunting privileges. Krell, Salmuth and others were im- 
prisoned. Four articuli visitatorii 1 were now drawn up against Philippism with 
sharply-defined antitheses against the reformed party and, at a church visitation 
held by Hunnius, Mirus, Selnecker and Mylius, were laid before all the clergy 
and also the professors and patrons for subscription : those who refused to 
sign were deprived of office and driven from the country (amongst them seven 
Wittenberg and eight Leipzig professors) ; the Ramistic and anti- Aristotelian 
philosophy was forbidden as the promoter of Calvinism. The people were so 
irritated against actual or supposed Calvinists, and such passionate outbreaks 
occurred, that, in 1592, the administrator was obliged to issue a mandate 
against the irritation of the people by the preachers. In the long dragged 
out suit against Krell, in addition to the charge that he had endeavoured to 
seduce the Elector to Calvinism, it was also suggested that he had advised 
a connection with France to the Emperor's prejudice. (Christian, like other 
princes, had supported Henry IV. of Navarre in his struggles for the French 
crown). This point was destined to make an impression at the imperial Court. 
For it was in the interest of Austria to prevent the introduction of reformatory 
ideas into Germany, as it denoted a strengthening of the French Huguenot 
party, whereas strict Lutheranism was more accessible to the imperial policy. 
Evading the Imperial Chamber, the Emperor charged the Court of Appeal at 
Prague with the sentence, which said nothing about the point of religion, but 
condemned him to death for his " intrigues with a foreign power." Krell 
protested in vain ; the clergymen, who visited the prisoner, did their utmost to 
elicit from him a confession of sin before God as an admission of his guilt 
before an earthly judge. He was beheaded on the 9th of October, 1601. 

The good Lutheran watch-word of that time, " Rather Catholic 
than Calvinist," 2 throws a lurid light upon the mutual hostility 
which divided the ranks of the Evangelicals; but it must not be 
forgotten that the policy by which Calvinism had crept into 
Lutheran Churches and the haughtiness with which it looked 
down upon the Lutherans as persons who had stuck fast in the 
slough of Popery were in great measure to blame for this irritation. 
In addition to this, a political antipathy became more and more 
combined with dogmatic dissent. The Calvinists were regarded by 
the Lutherans as the foes of political order ; the struggles of the 
French as well as the Dutch Calvinists were, in the eyes of their 
opponents, a rebellion against the authority of the State, — a revolt 
hostile to God. 3 

1 See Corpus iuris eccl. Sax., Dresd., 1773, p. 256, in Hase, Ausgabe der symb. 
Biicher, p. 862 fT. Schaff I 345 ff. 

2 See e.g. in von Bezold, Brief e des Pfalzgrafen Joh. Casimir II 207. 
Hostilioribus animis persequuntur Calvinistas quam Pontificios, writes Rehdiger, 
1575, Gillet II 87. See a truly frightful description of a Calvinist from the 
pen of a Lutheran in Gillet II 397 f. In 1564, at Oettingen, a pastor suspected 
of Calvinism was asked by the Lutheran Consistory, "whether he believed that 
the Calvinists were saved," ZITh 16, 707. See a travesty of the 2nd Psalm 
in ridicule of the Calvinists in Strobel, Neue Beitrdge V 401. 

3 Cp. Andrea in Hutter, Concordia concors, 1614, Fol. 151. 

The Advance of Calvinism in Germany. 1 

Philippism, which at first was akin to Calvinism only in the 
Eucharistic doctrine, while in other respects further removed from 
it than the strict Lutheranism which repelled it, found itself more 
and more compelled, by the need of connection with some other 
party, to go over to the camp of the Calvinists: owing to its 
greater weakness and indefiniteness in the matter of dogma it 
showed itself accessible to the further influence of Calvinism in the 
matter of dogma. A number of Lutheran established churches 
completed their desertion to Calvinism, which, however, they 
looked upon not as a change of confession, but only as a more 
consistent carrying-out, — a completion of Luther's Reformation. 
They considered themselves, both before and after, as kinsmen of 
the CA, but, in spite of the fact that they appealed by preference 
to Luther, were regarded by the Lutherans as Calvinists, since as 
a matter of fact Calvin, and especially Bullinger, also theologically 
exercise the strongest influence upon them. In Germany, in regard 
to the constitution of the Church, the (Lutheran) established 
churchdom operated subsequently with the influence of the authori- 

1 The name " Reformed " was not developed until the period subsequent to 
the Formula of Concord. In the latter (633, 5 and often) the Romanenses are 
contrasted simply with reformatae nostrae ecclesiae ; the Knights of Anhalt, as 
late as 1598, by the words "our reformed Church" indicate the Lutheran 
character of the same. At first, " Lutherans," in the mouth of Romish 
opponents, was the usual name for all supporters of the Reformation, not 
a sharply defined denotation of a confession of faith. After Calvinism was 
introduced into the Palatinate, the terms used were Lutherani and Calvinistae, 
that is to say Helvetii, — in a polemical spirit, theologi ubiquitatis or Pseudo- 
lutherani on the one hand, and Sacramentarians on the other. But now, the 
Calvinists readily denoted their remodelling of the Lutheran Church-system as 
reformare ecclesias (Gillet II 51) and boasted of their "true really reformed 
religion" in contrast to that of the Lutherans (Gillet II 422). It was not 
until the name turned its point against Lutheranism, that it became the name of 
a separate confession of faith. (Cp. also Heppe, Urspr. u. Gesch. d. Bezeichnung 
ref. und luth. Conf. 1859.) 


ties upon the administration of the Church, and hence the Calvinistic 
church-constitution only obtained a feeble influence and the 
theocratic character of Calvinism did not attain development : 
from this cause these ecclesiastical bodies formed an intermediate 
stage between pure Calvinism and pure Lutheranism. 

Immediately after Melanchthon's death, Calvin's spirit carried on an 
increasingly perceptible propaganda in Germany: as early as 1561 the acute 
Canisius wrote to Hosius : Calvinus Lutherum suppressions videtur non solum in 
Gallia, sed etiam in Germania. 1 The University of Geneva exercised increasing 
power of attraction. The fact that in that city a far stricter discipline prevailed 
than in the German colleges, came to be regarded by earnest minds as a by no 
means contemptible recommendation of Calvinism itself. 2 In addition, it will 
be observed that Calvinism found a soil, chiefly and at first, in that part of 
Germany which was most developed in the matter of culture, namely, the 
West ; its propaganda in the East was limited preponderatingly to definite 
strata of the higher classes (court circles, higher officialdom, the Humanists), 
to which it partly forced its way together with the preference shown for the 
French language and to which it recommended itself as something finer and 
imported in contrast to the coarser Lutheranism. 

1. The Electoral Palatinate. 

Literature : Alting, Hist. eccl. Palatinae in Mieg, Monumenia pietatis et literaria. 
Frcf. 1701. Struve, Pfaltz. KHistorie. Frkf. 1721. Vierordt, Gesch. d. 
Ref. in Baden. Karlsr. 1847, p. 457 ft . A. Kluckhohn (see above, p. 283) ; 
the same, Briefe Friedr. d. Fr. 2 vols. Braunschw. 1868-1872. Falk in 
JGG X 47 ft ., XII 37 fi°. Sudhoff, Olevian und Ursin. Elberf. 1857 ; Letters 
of Ursinus in ThArb. rh. Pr. Ver. VIII/IX 79 ff.j Gillet II 97 ff.; H. 
Bassermann, Gesch. d. Gottesdienstordn. in d. bad. Landen. Stuttg. 1891 ; 
p. 60 ff. Heidelb. Kat.; Niemeyer, p. 390 ff. ; A. Wolters, Der H. K. in 
seiner urspriinglichen Gestalt. Bonn, 1864; Schaff I 529 ff., Ill 307 ff. ; the 
same in ZhTh 37, 113 ff. ; M. A. Gooszen, De H. C. Leiden, 1890; Das 
Bilchlein vom Brotbrechen, 1563 ; new edition by Doedes. Utrecht, 1891 ; 
St Kr 1893, 615 ff. Maulbronn : Klunzinger in ZhTh 19, 166 ; additional 
literature in Kluckhohn Briefe I 505 f. Gillet in HZ 19, 42 ff. H. Hagen, 
Briefe v. Heid. Prof. u. Studien (1561-1589). Heidelberg, 1889. For Neuser, 
see G. E. Lessing, Werke (Hempel) XV 23 ff. ; Veesenmeyer in St Kr 
1829, 553 ff- For Silvanus see Schelhorn, Ergotzlichk. I 571 ff. Von 
Bezold, Briefe des Pfalzgr. Joh. Casimir, 2 vols. Miinchen, 1882-1884. 

The excellent Elector Frederick III., a thorough biblical student, 
who in all his reforming activity as well as his violent interference 
with Catholic ritual and the like was guided by the religious 

1 Cp. also Dollinger, Beitrdge I 514. 

2 Cp. the letter in Gillet II 87, which refers the hatred of the Lutherans 
for Geneva to the sanctior vivendi ratio, quam Genevenses maxime omnium ac 
honestissime tenent. (See further Krafft in ThArb. rh. Pr. Ver. I 16 ff. 


motive of theocratic zeal against all idolatry, after the expulsion 
of Hesshus (1559 ; see above, p. 285) had been still more strongly 
confirmed in his dislike of exclusive Lutheranism by a disputation 
that took place at Heidelberg between the Calvinistically inclined 
Professor Boquin and others and some Saxon theologians. After 
he had fruitlessly striven at Naumburg (1561) to bring about the 
union of the evangelical States on the basis of the Variata, he 
caused a new ritual and the famous Heidelberg Catechism (1563) 
to be drawn up, in particular by Caspar OleYianus (a pupil of 
Calvin and a native of Treves) and Zacharias Ursinus (a pupil 
of Melanchthon). 1 This work, distinguished by preciseness of 
expression, earnestness of feeling and dogmatic cautiousness, 
most closely approximates, in the Eucharistic doctrine, to the 
Melanchthonian method of teaching, while, in regard to the doctrine 
of predestination, it is silent (although both its authors held 
decidedly predestinarian ideas). An ecclesiastical council, composed 
of three clerical and three lay members, was to direct the affairs 
of the Church. This procedure on the part of Frederick called 
forth great excitement, especially in Lutheran Wurtemberg (Brenz). 
Duke Christopher, in the hope of bringing back Frederick to the 
Lutherans, agreed to his proposal to arrange a discussion at 
Maulbronn (1564) between the Palatiners (Boquin, OleYianus, 
Ursinus and others) and the Wurtemberg theologians (Brenz, 
J. Andrea, Th. Schnepp and others), at which the question of the 
Eucharist took a prominent place and the Wurtembergers laid great 
stress upon the theory of omnipresence; but it led to no results. 
But an accusation, which the Emperor Maximilian, pressed by 
the Pope, brought against Frederick at the Augsburg diet (1566) — of 
violating the religious peace by the introduction of Calvinism — and 
which individual Lutheran States (especially Frederick's cousin, 
Wolfgang of Zweibriicken) seemed disposed to support, did not 
succeed in face of the manliness of his attitude and, lastly, of 

1 The intensifying of the 80th question in the second and still more in 
the third edition ("And therefore the mass is fundamentally nothing else 
than a denial of the one sacrifice and suffering of Jesus Christ and an accursed 
idolatry") was the result of Olevianus's request put forward by the special 
order of Frederick, CR 47, 683 f. Bullinger's Zurich Catechism was also 
specially made use of for the Catechism. "The little book, by the unanimous 
approval, which it met with amongst the members of the German Reformed 
Church, knit together their hitherto isolated circles even more than the CA 
had done in earlier times, so that they suddenly appeared more united than 
the Lutherans separated into their two camps." Wolters, Ref.-Gesch. von 
Wesel, p. 254. 


the political insight of the Lutherans. He was able to appeal to 
the fact that he took his stand throughout on the Confession 
of the Naumburg diet. But his experiences at that diet made 
him by no means disinclined to the idea of an armed defence of 
the Gospel and, from that time forth, an advocate of a warlike 
policy of union. 1 Further, in conformity with the wishes of his 
theologians, he endeavoured to make room for Calvinistic discipline 
in the Palatinate by the introduction of presbyteries. On this 
point, the Zwinglian Erastus (a physician and electoral councillor) 
fell out with the Calvinist Olevianus : the former especially 
championed the maintenance of the ecclesiastical ban and fought 
for a State-church system, which should place discipline in the 
hands of the police and a secular penal court. 2 

After Frederick's death in 1576, 8 his son Louis YI. (previously governor in 
the preponderatingly Lutheran Upper Palatinate) brought the Palatinate back 
to Lutheranism. Olevianus was deprived of office, those who had hitherto 
been most influential removed, reformed pastors and teachers (more than 500) 
set aside, Lutheran forms of worship restored at Baptism and the Sacrament. 
The educational institutions founded by Frederick III. (the Collegium sapientiae) 
were obliged to become Lutheran. The University was, comparatively speaking, 
spared, but Boquin, Zanchius and Tremellius were dismissed. After Louis's 
sympathy with the Formula of Concord was obtained by certain concessions 
(see p. 293), his demand that this confession should be recognised caused 
further measures to be taken, especially against the refractory University of 
Heidelberg. But in the country also considerable resistance manifested itself: 
and Louis, who was at heart by no means inclined to violent measures, at last 
showed signs of a change of mind. 

During his reign, the decidedly Calvinistic elements had gathered 
round his brother, the Count- Palatine John Casimir, 4 who had 

1 For the violent introduction of Calvinism into the Lutheran-minded 
Upper Palatinate cp. Wittmann, Gesch. d. Ref. in der Oberpfalz. Augsbg., 1847, 
p. 28 ff. 

2 With this dispute is connected the action of certain clergy trained by the 
Church authorities, who now not only became reconciled to anti-Trinitarian 
ideas, but designed a complete apostasy from Christianity. With Calvinistic 
Old Testament severity Olevianus and his supporters declared them worthy of 
death in accordance with the Mosaic law : Neuser fled, Silvanus was executed 
in 1572. 

3 See his testamentary Confession in Heppe, Die Bek.-Schriften der ref. 
Kirehen Dentschlands. Elberf., i860, p. 1 ff. 

4 For the agreement between the two brothers to leave each other alone 
in ecclesiastical questions but in other things to render each other mutual 
assistance, since " both of them acknowledge the Holy Scriptures, the CA and 
its Apology in right understanding in accordance with the guidance of the 
Word of God, recognise one Saviour and consequently are united against the 
Pope and his false Church " (January 27th, 1578) see Von Bezold I 291. 


received Kaisers-Lautern, Neustadt an der Haardt, together with 
Bockelhein as his inheritance. Those who had been driven from 
Heidelberg found a refuge at the college founded by him at Neustadt ; 
and thus, the little place for a short time attained great importance, 
since students gathered together there from all parts of Germany, 
France and other countries. After Louis's death, John Casimir, 
basing his claim upon the arrangements of the Palatinate house, 
in the capacity of guardian by rights of kinship of his son who 
was still under age, asserted himself in the Palatinate, although 
Louis had attempted, in the interests of Lutheranism, to appoint 
assistant guardians of Lutheran tendencies (Duke Louis of 
Wurtemberg, Louis Landgrave of Hesse and George Frederick 
of Baden). 

He first claimed a church for the " reformed " in Heidelberg, forbade accu- 
sations of heresy in the pulpit, and urged a friendly understanding through the 
medium of a religious discussion. But the Lutheran preachers refused to allow 
the right of elenchus to be taken from them. He then demanded — which is 
characteristic of the view of the essential unity of the Lutherans and " the 
reformed " by which he was dominated — that, at the fresh elections for the 
Heidelberg presbytery, men of reformed ideas should also be chosen ; subse- 
quently, on the 15th of January, 1584, he deprived all the ecclesiastical 
councillors of office for insubordination, and nominated a reformed ecclesias- 
tical council. However, the pointless comedy of a religious discussion was 
performed in the presence of the Court, the University, and a number of 
visitors (April 4-13, 1584). 1 The "reformed" Grynaeus of Bale and Zanchius 
of Neustadt an der Haardt were opposed by the Lutheran John Marbach. 
Chancellor Ehem pronounced in favour of Grynaeus, but the students laughed 
at him. John Casimir now proceeded to severer measures. Grynaeus, Francis 
Junius, Tremellius and others appeared at the College of Heidelberg, and the 
five Lutheran city clergymen were dismissed ; about 400 Lutheran clergy lost 
their offices ; violent attacks were made, especially by the Wurtemberg theo- 
logians (Luc. Osiander, then Jac. Andrea) upon the peacefully disposed Pareus 
and others. When John Casimir died in 1592, the eighteen years old 
Frederick IY.— in spite of the counter-efforts of his Lutheran uncle, Count 
Palatine Richard von Simmern — succeeded in obtaining independent authority. 
Reformed churchdom was carried through and confirmed by him. But at the 
same time, correctly recognising the perilous situation of German Protestantism 
in the face of the Catholic policy of restoration, he attached great importance 
to the union of the Protestants, and, on this account, to a reconciliation of the 
opposing sister-confessions ; hence, efforts in this direction in his case went side 
by side with strivings after political union. The theologian DaYid Pareut in 
particular earnestly upheld this " irenic " attitude (see below). In the time of 
John Casimir, he had already brought out an edition of Luther's Bible, omitting 
or rather abbreviating the glosses (this was attacked by J. Andrea as " a right 
devilish piece of villainy)." 

For the literature, see Von Bezold II 205. 


2. Nassau. 

literature : Steubing, Kirchen- u. Ref.-Gesch. der Oranien-Nassauischen Lande. 
Hadamar, 1804. For Sarcerius, see Engelhardt in ZhTh 20, 79 ff. 
Roselmuller, Er. S. Annab. 1888. For Piscator : Steubing in ZhTh 11, 
4, 98 ff. ; the same, G. der hohen Schule Herborn. Hadamar, 1823. 

The theologians Widebram and Pezel (p. 291) who had been 
driven from Wittenberg on the downfall of Philippism in 1574 were 
employed (after 1577) by Count John VI. of Nassau-Dillenburg in 
carrying out reformatory ordinances. 

Here, in the countries of the Othonian line (Siegen, Dillenburg, Hadamar 
and elsewhere), the work of reformation had been carried out by Count William 
the Rich, who, after an ecclesiastical ordinance of 1534 (in which year he had also 
joined the Schmalkaldic league), which at first only attacked practical church 
abuses, had introduced the Brandenburg-Nuremberg ecclesiastical order. 1 
The Saxon theologian Erasmus Sarcerius had, as superintendent and visitor 
since 1538, completed the new order of things. Synods of the clergy were 
formed at an early period, as a court of judicature in regard to the manner 
of life led by the clergy and their administration of office. 2 Melanchthon's Loci 
were regarded as the textbook; learned schools were established at Dillen- 
burg, Herborn, Siegen, and Hadamar. At the time of the Interim, which the 
Emperor desired should be carried out, Sarcerius resigned his post ; after a 
brief period of unrest, during which the Archbishops of Treves and Mainz had 
endeavoured to regain their jurisdiction in the country, the synod was restored 
after the treaty of Passau. In like manner, in Nassau- Weilburg (and Usingen), 
in the time of Count Philip III., where Erh. Schnepf had already preached evan- 
gelical doctrines in 1528, before he was called to Marburg, an evangelical order 
was introduced after 1546, chiefly through the instrumentality of the learned 
Tyrolese, Dr. Caspar Goltwurm ; he had certainly been obliged to retreat before 
the Interim, but after the treaty of Passau had resumed his work and firmly 
established the reformation of the country. The son of Count William of 
Nassau-Dillenburg, John VI. (brother of William of Orange), in 1570 had 
appointed the Lutheran D. Maxim Morlin (brother of the better known Joachim 
Morlin) court chaplain and superintendent. But, when M. endeavoured to intro- 
duce strictly Lutheran views by means of church visitation, he met with little 
sympathy in the country, as relations with the Netherlands and the Count's 
own inclinations pointed another way. In 1572, Morlin resigned his office and 
returned to Coburg. In the Eucharistic controversy, Eoban Geldenhauer 
(NoYiomagus), together with the majority of the clergy, favoured more and 
more the attitude taken up by Frederick III. of the Palatinate, a Calvinising 
Philippism, which however refused to give up its membership of the CA. 

1 Richter, KOO I 173 ff. 277. However, his dispute with Landgrave 
Philip about Katzenellenbogen hindered the practical results of his member- 
ship : this was, again, of service to him at the end of the Schmalkaldic War. 
According to Arnoldi, Geschichte der Oranien-Nassauischen Lande, III (Hadamar, 
1801), pp. 178 and 190, the Nuremberg order was accepted in 1533 or 1534, and 
William entered the Schmalkaldic league at Christmas, 1535. 

2 Cp. Sarcerius, Von Synodis and Priesterlichen Versamlungen, Leipz. 1553. 


With the co-operation of the Philippists who had been expelled 
from Wittenberg, whose numbers were swelled by Palatinate 
preachers who had been driven out by Louis VI., Nassau- 
Dillenburg was led decidedly to reformed church government ; 
the Confession of the Dillenburg Synod of 1578 1 (which vigorously 
combated the doctrine of omnipresence, appealed to the Variata as 
the authentic rectification of 'the Invariata and advocated energetic 
reform in worship according to a reformatory model) was accepted 
throughout the country. The introduction of regulations affecting 
Church discipline and presbyteries followed in the same year : in 
1581, the use of the Heidelberg Catechism was approved. Caspar 
Olevianus (who, since his removal from Heidelberg, had been tutor 
to the children of Count Wittgenstein at Berleburg) was summoned 
in 1582 to Herborn where, in 1584, a reformed University was 
founded, to the 'flourishing condition of which, in addition to 
Olevianus, Ursinus and John Piscator materially contributed as 
its theologians. The neighbouring counties of Wittgenstein, Solms- 
Braunfels, Sayn, Isenburg and Wied joined this development, which 
found its completion at the General Synod of Herborn in 1586 ; 2 the 
acceptance of the resolutions of the Synod of Middelburg of 1581 
brought about a leaning to the Dutch ecclesiastical order. Nassau- 
Weilburg, on the other hand, remained Lutheran. 

3. Bremen. 

Literature: J. H. Duntze, Gesch. der freien Stadt Bremen III. Bremen, 1848. 
Walte in ZhTh 36, 339 ff. ; 42, 50 ff. ; 448 ff. ; 546 ff. ; 43, 163 ff. Iken 
in Brem. Jb IX 1 ff. Mallet in RE XI 551 ff. 

In Bremen also, the antipathy to exclusive Lutheranism and the Formula 
of Concord that had been for a long time in existence led through Philippism 
to the victory of Calvinism. Jodocus Glanaeus, pastor of St. Ansgar, as an 
adherent of strict Lutheranism, opposed his Philippistic superintendent Mening, 
who, in 1572, had introduced a "declaration" (or "a more simple and more 
unanimous understanding of the chief articles of Christian doctrine, in particular 
the Last Supper of the Lord"). The Council in 1580 called in Widebram and 
Pezel, with whom Glanaeus at the outset refused to negotiate as suspected 
persons. Pezel was then definitively won over to the Church of Bremen ; 
Glanaeus was deprived of office and Pezel appointed pastor of St. Ansgar in 
his place; after the death of Mening in 1584, he became superintendent of the 
churches and schools, and at the same time Professor of theology at the Lyceum 

1 Steubing p. 107 ff. Heppe, Bek.-Schriften der ref. Kirchcn Deutschlands, 
p. 68 ff. 

2 See its resolutions in Richter KOO II 473 ff. 

VOL. Ill 20 


founded by Daniel von Biiren. He introduced a catechism drawn up by 
himself, which, known as the "Bremen Catechism," remained in use together 
with the Heidelb. Cat. (accepted later) till the last century ; breaking of bread 
was adopted in place of the sacramental wafers ; exorcism at baptism, " idols 
and images" were done away with. Yet, in 1590, Bremen refused the title 
of "Calvinist" as unauthorised; but the strictly predestinarian Consensus 
ministerii Bremensis ecclesiae of 1595 l shows that in reality the Calvinistic 
view of the Philippists had gained the mastery, as Bremen, pursued with 
hostility by its Lutheran archbishops, whose rights over the city were doubtful, 
and by Lutheran neighbours, openly declared itself as Calvinist and as such 
sent representatives to the Synod of Dort. 2 The by no means inconsiderable 
number of citizens who had remained Lutheran, until then obliged to attend 
foreign churches, at last found an ecclesiastical centre at the Cathedral, 
which had been shut after Hardenberg's dismissal but was thrown open by 
the Danish prince Archbishop Frederick to the Lutheran form of worship 
in 1638. 

4. Anhalt. 

Literature: Johannsen, Wer freie Protestantismus in Anhalt. ZhTh 16, 269 ff. 
G. Schubring in ZITh 1848, 8 ff. G. Allihn, Die ref. Kirche in Anhalt. 
Cothen, 1874. A. Zahn, Das gute Recht des ref. Bekenntnisses in Anhalt. 
Elberf., 1866. H. Duncker, Anhalts Bekenntnissstand von 1570-1606. 
Dessau, 1892 ; the same, Nachwort. Dessau, i8g2. 

The dislike to the Formula of Concord and the generally prevalent Philippism 
found support in John George I., who was sole regent from 1587 to 1603 for his 
brother, who was under age. Peucer, having been released from prison (see 
p. 291) in 1586 at the request of the Electress of Saxony, a princess of Anhalt, 
lived in Dessau as physician in ordinary and theological adviser. In the time 
of Joachim Ernest, John George's father, all the declarations of the Anhalt 
theologians, whose spokesman was the superintendent of Zerbst, M. Wolfgang 
Amling, had adhered throughout to the Philippist standpoint in the negotiations 
concerning the Formula of Concord : indeed, in the " Confession of the Holy 
Eucharist" of the four superintendents (1585), which was subscribed by all the 
clergy, an attempt was made to bring about as close an approximation as possible 
to the Lutheran churches. John George, on the contrary, commenced in 1589 
with the abolition of exorcism — John Arndt of Badeborn had to retire from 
Anhalt in consequence of his opposition — without at first intending an alteration 
of the confessional status ; it was only after his marriage to a daughter of the 
Count Palatine John Casimir (in 1595) that he went further, prescribing more 
extensive reforms (of a Calvinistic tendency) in public worship, which met with 
vigorous opposition in the congregations ; a ritual after the Palatine model, and 
a new Catechism remained in an unfinished state; 3 the "recess" of the diet 

1 Heppe, Die Bek.-Schriften der reform. Kirchen Deutschlands, i860, p. 147 ff. 
I ken in Brem. Jb X 84 ff. 

2 I ken in Brem. Jb X 11 ff. 

3 The twenty-eight Articles of 1597, subscription to which was to introduce 
Calvinism in doctrine and worship (first printed in Lenz, Historisch-geneal. 
Fiirstellung des Hochfilrstl. Hauses Anhalt. Cothen, 1757, p. 369 ft .), are apo- 
cryphal: cp. Duncker, p. 102 ff. 


of 1603 declared yet again that no alteration had been made in the acknowledg- 
ment of the CA by the Church. When the principality was divided in 1606, 
the princely brothers decided to adhere as far as possible to the Church of the 
Palatinate. In 1616, the Palatine ritual was introduced at Bernburg by the 
side of the Heidelberg Catechism ; the latter was also much in use elsewhere. 
However, Anhalt was not invited to the synod of Dort and took no part in it. 
In spite of the repeated acknowledgment of the CA (according to the Variata) 
by the princes in 1647, their country had as a matter of fact become Calvinistic : 
only Anhalt-Zerbst restored Lutheranism after 1644. 

5. Baden. 

The transitory encouragement of Crypto-Calvinism in Electoral Saxony 
and its sudden end has been mentioned above (p. 287 ff.). The attempt of the 
Margrave Ernest Frederick (brother of the Margrave James, who had turned 
Catholic, see below) to introduce Calvinistic reforms in the Baden lowlands 
(Durlach- Pforzheim) was also transitory. He renounced the Formula of 
Concord, which had been accepted under Lutheran guardianship, and gave 
the preachers an order of instruction. "A short and simple Confession, 
according to which the church and school beadles of the margraviate of 
Baden were to conform to doctrine," Staffort (a castle and village belonging 
to the margrave near Durlach), 1599. To justify his step and fundamentally 
combat the Formula of Concord he subsequently produced the so-called 
" Book of Staffort." " The Christian scruples and important and well-founded 
reasons which have hitherto caused Lord Ernest Frederick, the illustrious 
Margrave of Baden, to abstain from subscribing the Formula of Concord . . ." 
Staffort, 1599, one of the most prominent treatises issued against the Formula. 
But his efforts met with resista