Hospitals: York

A History of the County of York: Volume 3. Originally published by Victoria County History, London, 1974.

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'Hospitals: York', in A History of the County of York: Volume 3, ed. William Page( London, 1974), British History Online [accessed 11 July 2024].

'Hospitals: York', in A History of the County of York: Volume 3. Edited by William Page( London, 1974), British History Online, accessed July 11, 2024,

"Hospitals: York". A History of the County of York: Volume 3. Ed. William Page(London, 1974), , British History Online. Web. 11 July 2024.

In this section


The hospital of St. Leonard, or St. Peter as it was at first called, appears to have had its origin in the hospitality shown to the poor by the Culdees, who, before the Conquest, served the cathedral church of York. (fn. 1) According to tradition, Athelstan, returning from the battle of Brunanburh, seeing the large number of poor folk maintained by the Colidei of St. Peter's, York, granted, in 936, a thrave, or twenty sheaves of corn, from every plough ploughing in the then extensive diocese of York, for the maintenance of these poor folk. A small hospital was built for them on ground belonging to the king, west of the church, and this endowment of the thraves, known as the sheaves of St. Peter, or the Petercorn, though it led to litigation and disputes in later times, formed the nucleus of the rich property the hospital gradually acquired.

William the Conqueror, at the request of Archbishop Thomas, confirmed the gift of the thraves, which in his charter are called ' illam antiquam elemosinam supra qua dictum hospitale fundatum existit.' (fn. 2) The site of the hospital was changed by William Rufus to other royal land further west. Stephen constructed a church dedicated in honour of St. Leonard, and henceforward the hospital was known as the hospital of St. Leonard, although to the last the seal used bore the figure and name of St. Peter. The gift of the thraves was confirmed by several kings, and the popes fulminated the heaviest censures against those who withheld these ancient alms. (fn. 3)

In 1246, on the occasion of a vacancy in the mastership caused by the death of Hugh de Gaytington, the Crown claimed the patronage of the hospital, and an inquiry was held by a jury of twelve of 'the older and more discreet knights' of the county. They reported (fn. 4) that in the time of William the Conqueror, after an ancient war (post antiquam guerram), the clerks of the church of St. Peter of York, who at that time were called 'Kelidenses,' asked the king to give them a place lying before the gate of the said church on the west as a site for buildings to receive and lodge the poor sick and infirm who at that time were suffering extreme want, lying by night in the streets. And the king gave that place to them by his charter and ordered Geoffrey Baynnard to deliver it to them. Then they erected buildings and assigned certain thraves, which they were accustomed to receive throughout the county, for the support of the said hospital. King Henry the elder (sene) had a chaplain and confessor, Paulinus by name, and he asked the dean and chapter to admit him to the rule of the hospital; and he was admitted and lived many years as master. During his time Archbishop Roger abandoned a claim to the patronage which he had put forward, but after the death of Paulinus, Archbishop Geoffrey on his own authority, in the time of King John, appointed John his chaplain as master, but the dean and chapter successfully impleaded him and removed John and made Ralph of Nottingham master, and after the death of Ralph they, at the request of Morgan, then provost of Beverley, appointed Hugh de Gaytington, the master recently deceased. And no predecessor of the king ever appointed any master.

A slightly different story was told in 1280 by a mixed jury of twenty-four freemen of the county, twelve citizens and twelve brethren of the hospital. (fn. 5) According to this the founder was William II, who built the chapel of St. Peter and endowed the chapel with the thraves; King Stephen built the church of St. Leonard in the High Street adjoining and changed the name of the hospital. King John, following the custom of his predecessors, appointed Paulinus de Ledes master and on his death appointed one John. Two years later, during the war between John and his barons, the dean and chapter ejected John and since that time had retained the appointment of the masters. The then master, Roger de Malton, had given the dean and chapter leave to visit and order the hospital at will, without consulting the brethren. At the time of this return the house was much impoverished, so that the number of the chaplains had to be reduced.

On 16 December 1293 Archbishop Romanus wrote to Nicholas de Misterton, deputy of Walter de Langton, then master of St. Leonard's, asking him to admit two poor men, one a chaplain and ligator librorum, to two of the twelve beds founded by the archbishop's father. This Misterton refused to do, but the upshot of the matter does not appear. (fn. 6) It however, indicates the early endowment of beds in the hospital by private benefaction. In 1307 Gilbert de Stapelton, (fn. 7) then master, granted to Jollan de Nevill in return for an acre of arable land and the advowson of the church of Pickhill three beds and the maintenance of three sick persons in the hospital infirmary, so that when one of the b'eds was vacated by death or otherwise, Jollan de Nevill and his heirs should nominate a successor. (fn. 8)

On 23 July 1294 Walter de Langton, master of St. Leonard's, delivered to the brothers and sisters of the hospital a series of provisiones et precepta, which (fn. 9) may be summarized thus: each brother, being a chaplain and literatus, was to have a particular seat and carol or desk in the cloister. All such chaplains were to rise together for matins, and to be present at all canonical hours, and afterwards four brothers, besides the chaplain celebrating mass, were to be present at the mass of the Virgin from' beginning to end, and then each was to say his own mass as appointed by the custos and cellarer. Hours and masses finished, they were to go to their seats in the cloister and engage in contemplation, and in the devout saying of the seven penitential psalms, and prayers for the souls of the kings and other benefactors. When prime was sounded all were to go into the quire, and after prime to the chapter-house, the boy thurifer preceding them, and bearing the tabula. He was to read the lesson of the Martiloge, and then the tabula, after which the Ebdomadary was to say the 'Pretiosa est in conspectu domini,' &c., and having heard the declamations of faults, and corrections having been made, all were to go to the quire and say the Commendation of Souls. After the hours and the mass of the day were ended, and the little bell was sounded, all were to assemble at the door of the refectory and sit there, and then enter together. A brother was to read both at dinner (prandium) and at supper (cena) and they were to beware of sitting too long at their meals, at the end of each of which they were to go to the church and say grace. In the summer, after dinner, they were to sleep after the manner of other religious, and after their repose in summer, or after dinner at other times, were to go to their places in the cloister and study their books until the first peal of vespers, and during the first and second peals of vespers were to say Placebo and Dirige; the peal finished, they were to begin vespers. After vespers of the day and of our Lady all were to enter the cloister and study their books till supper, and then, the bell sounding, were to go to supper or collation, after which they were to go to church and return thanks, and say compline of the day and of the Blessed Virgin. After compline they were to chant solemnly and devoutly Salve Regina, or some other anthem of the glorious Virgin before her altar. Then, having said their private prayers, either in quire or cloister till bed time, all were to sleep together in the dormitory, except the cellarer, who alone had a private chamber. There was to be no drinking or eating together after compline. After this follow directions as to closing the church doors, and the custody of the keys. Secular chaplains and quire boys were to enter the church by the porch of the Blessed Virgin, which after their entrance and departure was to be shut, but the conversi were to pass through the cloister, and enter the church by a door near the altar of the Holy Cross, and so go to their stalls. There was to be no brawling or noise or murmuring at table. If a brother was sick, and could not attend the quire office, he was to have a special camera assigned him in the dormitory. The same camera was to be assigned for bleeding and shaving, but those bled were to dine with the brethren in the refectory. All ought to be shaved by a barber at one time, fortnightly. If anyone was guilty of incontinence, or was disobedient, or possessed private property (proprietarius), no one but the master could absolve him, except in danger of death, and if anyone was found at death to be a proprietarius he was to be refused ecclesiastical burial.

All charters and muniments were to be kept in the treasury under two or three keys by the custos and clerk of the exchequer, at the sight, and with the consent of the dean of the cathedral church. No brother was to wander about into the kitchen, brewery, bakehouse, &c. Nor were any to go out of the door of the nave of the church, except in processions.

An honest place at the lower end of the church was to be set apart, from one side to the other, where the sisters could meet and sit. They were to go out and come in together, and neither they nor the brothers were to wander through the hospital court.

With the accession of Edward II in 1307 a turbulent period in English history began. Walter de Langton, while conveying the body of the deceased king towards Westminster, was arrested and brought as a prisoner to York, and all the public moneys which he held, as well as his private means, were seized. (fn. 10)

Walter Reynolds, Bishop of Worcester, was appointed master in the beginning of 1308-9 in his place. (fn. 11) Reynolds was translated to Canterbury in 1314, (fn. 12) and Walter de Langton appears to have been re-appointed, (fn. 13) but there must have been some hitch in the matter, for on 12 March 1315 John de Hotham was appointed for life by the king, with writ de intendendo for him as keeper directed to the brothers and sisters of the hospital. (fn. 14) However, on 7 August 1316, (fn. 15) the king granted restitution to Walter de Langton of the hospital of St. Leonard, which the late king had granted to him for life. He cannot have held it long again, for on 16 March 1318-19 Robert de Clipston (fn. 16) occurs as master.

In 1339 disputes between the master, John Giffard, and inmates of the hospital rendered the appointment of a royal commission necessary. Giffard complained that the brethren were disobedient and would not allow him to dispose of the revenues, nor would they render accounts; on all these points the brethren acknowledged that they had been in the wrong. They, on their side, complained that whereas there ought to be thirteen chaplain-brethren there were now only nine; to this it was answered that the original foundation of William II fixed no number of chaplains, but a former master, Geoffrey de Aspale, without the king's authority fixed the number at thirteen, which was considered too large for the present revenues. To the complaint that the lay brethren in charge of the manors and farms had been replaced by secular servants, the master replied by promising to make more lay brethren when suitable persons were found. The claim of the brethren to elect their cellarer and receiver was rejected on the ground that the master was held responsible for the property of the hospital and ought therefore to appoint these officers. (fn. 17)

During the latter half of the century serious irregularities led to regal visitations by the chancellor or royal commissioners, and some very elaborate returns are preserved concerning them. (fn. 18) In 1364 Simon Langham, Bishop of Ely and chancellor, held such a visitation.

His injunctions begin with an exhortation to unity and obedience. There were to be thirteen chaplain-brothers 'in talari habitu nunc usitato, non nimis preciosb, neque lascivio, nec notabiliter abjecto,' having 'sub capa, capucia cum appendiciis longis, ante et retro, que vulgariter dicuntur scapularia,' of either black or grey colour, after the manner of the friars preachers, and they were to observe the rule of the Austin canons. (fn. 19)

To a considerable extent these injunctions deal with the religious or quasi-monastic character of the hospital, and the services in the church, as to the masses which the chaplains were to say daily and other offices, the ebdomarii being directed to act as in collegiate churches. On a vacancy occurring among the chaplain-brothers the master was to choose, after examination, another fit person, with the assent of the brothers, and after a year's probation he was to make profession of obedience, chastity, and renunciation of property. The conversi were to make like profession, and that they would serve God, Blessed Mary, and St. Leonard, and the poor according to the best of their ability. The regular sisters were to make a similar profession, promising also to devote their labours to the needs of the sick. The conversi, who were not sick or otherwise occupied, were to attend matins, and both they and the sisters were to hear at least one mass daily.

None were to confess except to the master or cellarer. If any brother or sister was openly defamed of incontinence, proprietorship, perjury, rebellion, or other excess, punishment was to be awarded the delinquent in chapter by the master or cellarer.

A special camera was to be provided in the house in which offending and incorrigible brothers could be imprisoned. The number of conversi was to be regulated by the master and chaplain-brothers as seemed best for the house, but the ancient number (not specified) was not to be exceeded.

As the number of the regular sisters exceeded that which was customary, no woman was to be received as a sister till the number was reduced to eight, and that number was to be adhered to. The sisters were to have their meals in habitaculis, separate from the brothers, and one of them, chosen by the master with consent of the brothers, was to preside over them, direct, and chastise them. The sisters were not to do work for sale (non faciant operaciones venales), but were to be busied only with attending to the needs of the poor, and were to use the customary habit, not too elaborate, no long supertunics and mantles, but gowns, that they might more easily minister to the poor. Nor were they to have secular serving-maids, from whom sinister suspicion might arise.

Lay sisters should under no pretext reside in the hospital, nor were women to be taken as boarders.

The brothers were to eat together in the refectory, quietly, the chaplain-brothers occupying the upper part, and the conversi the lower. They were to have two services of food (fercula) daily, and on days that were kept as double feasts in the quire they were to have a pittance in addition. On Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays abstinence from meat was enjoined in the refectory.

If any brother or sister were openly convicted super lapsu carnis, such a one, for the first occasion, was to be sharply punished by the master or cellarer, and if afterwards he or she committed such an offence a penance was to be undergone till signs of contrition merited remission.

Each chaplain-brother was to have yearly 2 marks for his clothes, his shoes from the tannery, and 18d. for his shirts; and all the brothers in common 5s. for gloves, and each sister 9s. for necessaries.

Provision was made for the due rule of the house, and to the master was committed its full custody. The master was to provide vestments, books, chalices, and other necessaries.

Thirty poor folk (seculars and others) who were called custumarii were to have the accustomed alms daily at the hospital gate, besides prisoners in the city of York and lepers in the ancient leper houses of the city; and in addition there were always to be in the house the customary number of sick poor folk, namely 206, and this number was to be carefully maintained. The sick were not to be dismissed until convalescent and able to work, when others were to take their place. Any who recovered and were allowed to remain were to be set to work, and were not to eat the bread of idleness.

One or two chaplains (secular or regular) were to be appointed by the cellarer, with advice of the master, to hear the confessions of the poor, and to administer the sacrament when necessary; and these chaplains were to go round the house at least once a night, speaking salutary and consolatory words to the sick, and by pious exhortations persuading them to confession, and penitence for their sins. The master, too, was to appoint the sisters in turns to minister to the sick, and they were to give them food and drink as needed, cover them, wash them, and lead them about as human necessity required, and if any of them needed the viaticum, or sought confession, the sisters were at once to inform the priests.

The sick received into the house were to have the accustomed livery of food, but when any were too sick for the common livery they were to be provided for out of the money given or bequeathed for the pittance of the poor, according to the ordinance of the master. There were not to be more secular priests as cantorists in the house than necessary. The janitor of the great. gate and the ostiarius in the farmery (fermorie) (fn. 20) were to be circumspect in their offices, and no persons, except on proper business at lawful hours, were to be admitted.

If they detected any person secretly or openly taking things away, they were to inform the master.

When the master resided in the house he was to do so honourably, but not at too great a charge to the house. He might have a secular chaplain, two domsels, and other necessary servants and men, and eight horses at the expense of the house.

The master was to see that those brothers who were apt and wished to study should attend the theological schools in York after they had celebrated divine service, and there was to be a building, divided into thirteen studies (studia), where they could study Holy Scripture.

The demesne and other lands were to be properly cultivated, and proper stocks kept in the manors. The corn of the manors was to be faithfully gathered in the autumn, thrashed, and sold at the most favourable opportunity, and the thraves were to be sold at a fair price, with good security of payment for them. The master or his substitute was to go round the manors yearly, soon after Easter, and make an estimate, and as soon after Michaelmas as possible the final accounts were to be audited. Long directions follow as to the accounts and property of the hospital.

As the property scarcely sufficed for the actual needs of the hospital, all were enjoined to avoid unnecessary expenses. The master under pain of deprivation, and the brethren under pain of ejection, were forbidden to sell or pledge the books, chalices, or vestments of the church, or sell corrodies or otherwise entangle the affairs of the house. They were not to grant pensions or annual robes to persons, except such as were needed for the house, nor were they to destroy the large oak trees, or give them away without special royal licence.

The almoner was to collect all that pertained to his office, and distribute it faithfully, as he believed to be best pleasing to God. The common seal was to be kept under three keys, one of which the master was to have, a second the cellarer, and the third was to be kept by a confrater chaplain, chosen for that purpose, and no writings of obligation or acquittance were to be sealed with the private seal of the master.

The expenses of the house were to be set down daily by the different officials, and carefully examined by the master's clerk.

A building underneath the infirmary, called 'Barnhous,' was to be prepared for nursing exposed infants, orphans, and other indigent children, for whose bringing up a sister was to be appointed, and two cows, or one at least, as their number required, and there was to be a good chimney lest the smoke should harm the children.

There were to be two or three common horses at the house for the use of the brethren or others employed in its business, but the servants at the manors were not to have horses, or men-servants, except when needed for the use of the house, and no women were to be allowed at the manors for fear of scandal. Other directions follow, and the injunctions were ratified and accepted by the master, Richard de Ravenser, and the brothers and sisters on 2 March 1365-6.

A return was made in 1376-7 (fn. 21) of the state of the hospital. Some of the figures are unfortunately illegible, but the collection travarum de Petercorne amounted to £425 19s. 8d., as against £320 at the last previous visitation. There were only eight chaplain-brothers on that occasion, but the number returned at the new inquisition is lost. The sisters, however, numbered eight, whereas there was a less (illegible) number previously. There were thirty secular choristers, and 199 'cremetts,' (fn. 22) instead of 180 previously; seventeen corrodarii were in receipt of allowances, as against ten on the former occasion. Of these, ten received a livery as those of brothers, 'some' as those of sisters, and three as those of servants.

For the brothers, sisters, corrodarii, and poor coming daily to the hospital, besides the servants, 4 quarters of corn were needed weekly, and for the poor in the infirmary 4 quarters and 2 bushels weekly. At the last visitation 3 quarters 2 bushels of corn were expended for the poor, but a certain Hugh de Miton had given lands and tenements of the annual value of 25 marks for the poor of the infirmary every Thursday, for a loaf called 'miche,' whereas previously the poor had had no bread on that day.

Other accounts follow, including those for mutton, pork, 'scraffish,' herrings, &c. The vestura of the brothers and sisters cost £19 15s. a year. Wine for celebrations, wax, incense, and repair and purchase of vestments, books, and other ecclesiastical ornaments came to £8 18s. 11d.; oil for the lamps of the hospital church, and in the infirmary and dormitory £6 15s. 8d. The commissioners reported that the defects of the hospital church, the tower, and the dormitory should be repaired, and also those of the churches and manors of the hospital, and that no less than £1,000 would be required for this. The present master had, they said, repaired and roofed half of the church, cloister, and dormitory, and a portion of the infirmary of the poor with lead, and the campanile with boards, and placed a large bell in it, besides other repairs to two kitchens and the bakehouse and other buildings of the hospital and its manors, spending £1,116 16s. 2¾d., and repairs were still needed in the manors which would cost not less than £100. Dikes and banks of the Humber and Ouse needed repair, to the extent of £40. They had examined the master, brothers, and sisters, and found that the hospital owed Richard Ravenser its master £450.

On 11 December 1398 (fn. 23) Richard II issued a commission, owing to reports as to grave defects in the hospital, due to the misgovernment of the masters and their servants, and in consequence of disputes between the master, William de Botheby, and various persons attached to the hospital.

The report of the jurors revealed an exceedingly bad state of affairs. They stated that at the time that William de Botheby first became master discretus vir Thomas Thurkill, a citizen of York, and deputy for Robert Bayce, Botheby's immediate predecessor, had ruled the hospital from St. Leonard's day (6 November) 1390, to the nativity of St. John Baptist (21 June) next following, and in that period had relieved the hospital of many excessive debts, to the amount of more than £100.

They also reported that William de Botheby found in the hospital a large provision of grain, and the hospital would have been freed of all its debts in three years if Thomas Thurkill had remained in office, but Botheby expelled him and in a short time began to sell large corrodies in a great number. (Then follow some of the names of persons to whom they were sold.) He also sold several sacerdotal corrodies, even to women, which ought to have been given gratuitously to impotent priests, to pray for the souls of the kings and benefactors of the hospital. He also sold the liveries of 'cremetts' and gave them to esquires, merchants, and well-to-do clerks, contrary to the ordinance of the hospital, and defrauding the alms of the king, and did not cease till he had received more than £2,453 by this sale of corrodies, and the jurors found the hospital £220 more in debt than when Botheby became master.

The ministers of the Earl of Northumberland had the church of Pickhill, annually worth 80 marks, for three years, for debts owed by Botheby to the earl, before he became master, and so the hospital lost 240 marks. Botheby owed a certain Thomas de Skelton, chaplain, £21, his private and personal debt, and he took the said church of Pickhill to farm for £50, paying Botheby £40, of which sum £21 was allowed to Skelton.

Botheby also sold and gave several large green oaks in Acomb and Beningbrough to various persons (who are named, including the Prioress of Monkton) to such an extent that the park of Beningbrough was all but destroyed, and part of the wood of Acomb was actually destroyed.

Botheby also sold the nativi in the vill of Broomfleet, remitted the services of the tenants in Broomfleet, and pawned for his own debts chalices, vestments and other church ornaments, as well as the hospital jewels, including a tablet of gold, presented to the hospital by Dom. Nicholas Slake.

Botheby never was well disposed for the rule of the hospital, for all his time the hospital went from bad to worse, owing to his evil government, and unless he were quickly removed from office the hospital would be finally and totally destroyed.

Then follow accounts of the delinquencies of bailiffs and foresters appointed by Botheby, and the jurors end by stating that there were continual quarrels between Botheby and the brothers, who would not agree to his sales of corrodies and alienations, to which by fear the majority were driven to consent.

In another document the jurors reported that William de Botheby entered into office on the Nativity of St. John Baptist 1391, on the resignation of Robert Bays, and by his unhappy rule governed the hospital seven years and a half ending on 16 January 1399.

Botheby, however bad his rule had been, was not so very much worse than some of his immediate predecessors, and possibly because the return made in 1398 had laid all the blame on him, a fresh commission was issued by Henry IV on 16 November 1399 (fn. 24) to John de Neuton, treasurer of York cathedral church, William Cawod, Alan Newerk, William Selby, and Thomas Thurkill (the latter of whom was previously reported to have managed the hospital affairs to its great advantage as deputy master for six months) to visit, and report on the hospital., The long report of the commission is dated the last day of May 1402. (fn. 25)

In the first place the commissioners reported that in the time of William de Botheby a sudden fire had broken out, which had consumed the wooden campanile of the church, and with it three noble bells. That Botheby after this had begun to build a stone tower at the south end of the hospital church, and that more than £200 would be needed to finish it. They also reported very many defects in the lead roof of the church, and in the roof of the infirmary house of the poor folk and the dormitory of the brothers, as well as in other buildings within the hospital and in its manors and granges, and in the rentable houses of the hospital, in and outside the city, and these defects occurred chiefly during the masterships of William de Botheby, and Nicholas Slake and Robert Bayce his predecessors, and £200 would not suffice for them.

They also reported that under these three masters the foundation alms of the hospital had been for the most part pilfered. Three silvergilt chalices had been pledged by Botheby to Mr. William de Feriby, Archdeacon of the East Riding, for £201 for the requirements of the hospital, and a gold tabernacle given to St. Leonard's church by Nicholas Slake had been pledged to William Seler, goldsmith of York, by Botheby for 10 marks, and the money had been applied to his personal use.

They reported numerous instances of waste and embezzlement of lands, tenements and stock, and also stated that Nicholas Slake lived in the hospital cum tota sua familia at its cost for threequarters of a year, and received in his time, beyond his expenses, over £200. Robert Bayce did likewise, and had more than 100 marks, and William de Botheby spent more than seven consecutive years in the hospital with his suite, spending more than 200 marks a year, and further received for his own use, from corrodies, &c., which he sold, no less than £1,171. Many other grave irregularities as to the collection of the thraves and other matters were reported against Botheby.

There were sixteen major and minor corrodies granted in the time of Richard de Ravenser, involving an annual payment of £74 19s. 11d., but for these the hospital had duly received lands and rents in York, besides money. Nicholas Slake and his locum tenens had sold six corrodies and twenty-two sacerdotal liveries in the infirmary of the poor folk, contrary to the ordinance of the hospital, for £466 2s. 8d., which was spent for the master and hospital. He had given his cantarist the office of janitor, worth 100s. a year, without anything received in return for the hospital, and had otherwise injured the hospital, and there was an annual charge payable of £57 12s. Unlike Ravenser he had only received money, which was expended and gone, in return for the corrodies, &c., sold by him.

Robert Bayce, his successor, had sold two great corrodies, and eight sacerdotal and 'cremettal' liveries, contrary to the ordinance, for £184 6s. 8d., in part for his own private use, and the money had been spent, the hospital having to pay £22 7s. 6d. a year in consequence.

William de Botheby had sold thirty-six corrodies, and had received £1,836 12s., chiefly for his own private use. He also sold forty-two sacerdotal liveries in the infirmary of the poor for £550 7s. for the use of the hospital and his own private use. He received £73 6s. 8d. for two sisters who were admitted to their habit, £20 of which went to his own use. A number of other misappropriations were charged against him in the report, and the hospital was found by the commissioners to be under an annual obligation to pay no less than £231 6s. 5½d. for pensions, liveries, and corrodies, &c., which he had improperly sold.

William de Feriby, who succeeded Botheby, was little better. His brother got a corrody of the value of 100s. a year for life, and gave nothing in return for it. The commissioners found the annual obligation of the hospital for corrodies, &c., to be £386 5s. 10½d., and this was more than £300 a year in excess of the endowments of the hospital for such a purpose.

The commissioners found that the hospital owed £543 12s. 9d., debts incurred by Slake, Bayce, and especially by Botheby. They reported that William de Waltham, the then master, had bought up seven corrodies, &c., of the annual charge to the hospital of £32, and that he was striving, as far as he could, to maintain the hospital to the glory of God.

When appointing the commissioners, on 16 November 1399, the king granted his protection for the master, William de Waltham, and the brethren, and ordered that the payments of corrodies should cease, except those to hermits and poor persons residing in the hospital, until the king should make ordinances for the estate of the hospital. (fn. 26)

On 18 February 1399-1400 a commission was issued to inquire into the collection of the thraves, (fn. 27) at the request of the master and brethren. The thraves were due from every plough ploughing in the counties of York, Cumberland, Westmorland, and Lancashire, but the report deals only with those in Yorkshire. It is a long detailed account of the failure to pay the thraves. The delinquents' names, what they had withheld, and for how long a time, are fully set out, and it is of interest to note that the clergy were quite as remiss in their payments as the laymen; for instance, the Abbot of St. Agatha (Easby) was seven years in arrear, the Abbot of Coverham was four years in arrear, the Abbot of Meaux no less than twenty years in arrear; and so in like manner the parochial clergy and layfolk. The return is entered on a skin 2 ft. 3 in. by 1 ft. 7 in., and contains a proportionally long catalogue of defaulters. Many disputes and troubles arose in regard to what was a considerable burden on agriculture in the demand for the thraves. (fn. 28) Occasionally agreements were entered into as to them, and the collection of the thraves was farmed out to local people as being, perhaps, the only way of recovering this charge on the land. There is an agreement, dated 8 June 1420, (fn. 29) between the master and brothers of St. Leonard's and the Prioress and convent of Yedingham, ending a dispute between the parties regarding the thraves due from the nuns.

The mastership had been held by two bishops at the end of the 13th and beginning of the next century. It was destined at a later period to be held by an Archbishop of York together with his see. On 14 January 1456 Henry VI appointed George Nevill, clerk, to the mastership vice William Scrope, resigned. (fn. 30) In 1458 he was consecrated Bishop of Exeter, and on 15 March 1464-5 was translated to York. He would appear to have held the mastership during that period, for there is an indenture dated 9 November 1465, (fn. 31) between Edward IV and George, Archbishop of York, master of the hospital of St. Leonard of York, by which the king restricted the right of the brethren to take wood in the Forest of Galtres, and in compensation for this granted the hospital all his water-mills by York Castle called 'Castelmylnes.' (fn. 32) It was during the mastership of Scrope, on 17 March 1461, that Henry VI and his son Edward, with the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, paid a visit in state to the hospital, made their offerings at the high altar, and heard vespers. (fn. 33)

Not long before its dissolution the hospital received from Henry VIII a grant of exemption from the payment of all tenths and subsidies. The grant, dated 12 November 1515, (fn. 34) is somewhat unusxially effusive in its proclamation of the king's religious devotion. It begins by a record that St. Leonard's was of royal foundation by the king's ancestors, who had richly endowed it, but that these benefactions had been diminished and alienated, and the church and other buildings were fallen down and ruined. The king for the help of the master and brothers, and on account of the singular devotion which he had towards the Holy and undivided Trinity, and the most glorious Virgin Mary, Mother of God, and the glorious confessor St. Leonard, and that the master and brothers might pray for the good estate of himself, and of his most dear consort, Katherine, Queen of England, while they lived, and when deceased, for their souls, and those of their forefathers, made the grant above named to John Constable, the master, and the brothers and their successors for ever. What particular misfortune, if any, had just at this period overtaken the hospital is not apparent.

There is a paper, (fn. 35) much decayed, relating to the pensions allotted to the master, brethren, and sisters of St. Leonard's on 16 July 1540. It proceeds 'Firste the Mr. there Mr. Magnus shall have the same howse and his dwellyng therin during his lyffe, excepte such howses and buyldinges therunto adioynyng as shall please the kinges majestic to deface or pluck downe.' He was also to have for 'life terme' the Grange of Beningbrough, and the parsonage of Newton, the latter valued at £26 13s. 4d., with the yearly sum of £73 6s. 8d. in satisfaction of his pension of £100. Also for his fuel seventy loads of wood and three 'boulkes' of turves. Four of the brothers each received £5; three 'conductes' received £4 each, and four sisters £3 6s. 8d. each. Then under 'Poor Bedfolkes [of] the said late [hospital] ' is an imperfect entry: 'Itm the pore bedefolkes called eremites . . . bedrydden and such as be verye old bodies whose yerlie almes every one of th[em] whiche wee have assigned to every . . . their lyffes to be paid by the . . . Schyre by vertue of a warran . . . [the remainder is lost].

According to the Monasticon (fn. 36) the full complement of the establishment of St. Leonard's comprised a master or warden, thirteen brethren, four secular priests, eight sisters, thirty choristers, two schoolmasters, 206 headmen, and six servitors, but these numbers varied from time to time. The master, thirteen chaplain-brothers, and eight sisters with a number of conversi, besides the sick folk (or 'cremetts' as they were frequently called) appear to have formed the establishment in 1364. (fn. 37)

The revenues varied very much indeed, and if returns are to be trusted the hospital had been much impoverished by the 16th century, when the Valor Ecclesiasticus only shows a clear income of £309 2s. 11½d., (fn. 38) or less than a third of that in 1280, not even allowing for the enhanced value of money.

The hospital fell with the monasteries, and was surrendered on 1 December 1540 by Thomas Magnus. (fn. 39)

Masters of St. Leonard's Hospital

Robert, occurs 1148, 1156 (fn. 40)

Suane, occurs 1173, (fn. 41) c. 1184-5 (fn. 42)

Paulinus de Ledes, (fn. 43) occurs 1199, (fn. 44) 1200 (fn. 45)

John, occurs 1203-4, (fn. 46) 1204 (fn. 47)

Ralph de Notyngham, appointed 1203, (fn. 48) occurs 1209 (fn. 49)

Hugh de Gaytington, occurs 1217-41, (fn. 50) died c. 1245 (fn. 51)

William, occurs 1246 (fn. 52)

Robert, occurs 1252 (fn. 53)

Robert de Saham, occurs 1262 (fn. 54)

Thomas de Gaytinton, (fn. 55) occurs 1267, (fn. 56) resigned 1276 (fn. 57)

Roger de Malton, succeeded 1276, (fn. 58) occurs 1280 (fn. 59)

Geoffrey de Aspehale, occurs 1281, (fn. 60) 1286 (fn. 61)

James de Hispania, (fn. 62) occurs 1290, resigned 1293 (fn. 63)

Walter de Langton, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, occurs 1294, (fn. 64) ejected 1307 (fn. 65)

Gilbert de Stapelton, appointed 1307, (fn. 66) ejected 1308 (fn. 67)

Walter Reynolds, Bishop of Worcester, appointed 1308-9, (fn. 68) resigned on translation to Canterbury, 1314 (fn. 69)

Walter de Langton, reappointed 1314 (fn. 70)

John de Hotham, appointed 12 March 1315-16 (fn. 71)

Walter de Langton, restored 7 August 1316 (fn. 72)

Robert de Clipston, appointed 30 Jan. 1318, (fn. 73) displaced 11 Aug. 1318 (fn. 74)

John Walewayn, appointed 1318 (fn. 75)

Robert de Baldok, succeeded July 1326 (fn. 76)

John Giffard, appointed Dec. 1326, (fn. 77) occurs 1348 (fn. 78)

Thomas Brembre, appointed 1349, (fn. 79) occurs 1361 (fn. 80)

Richard de Ravenser, occurs 1364, (fn. 81) 1384 (fn. 82)

Nicholas Slacke, appointed 1386 (fn. 83)

Robert Bays or Bayce, succeeded 15 Jan. 1390, (fn. 84) resigned 1391 (fn. 85)

William de Botheby, succeeded 8 June 1391, (fn. 86) resigned 16 Jan. 1399 (fn. 87)

William de Ferryby, succeeded 21 Jan. 1399 (fn. 88)

William de Waltham, appointed 15 Sept. 1399, (fn. 89) occurs 1407 (fn. 90)

William de Ferryby, appointed 1409, (fn. 91) died 1415 (fn. 92)

Robert Fitz Hugh, appointed 1415, (fn. 93) occurs 1428 (fn. 94)

William Scrope, LL.B., appointed 1431, (fn. 95) occurs 1435, (fn. 96) resigned 1456 (fn. 97)

George Nevill, succeeded 1456, (fn. 98) occurs as Archbishop of York and master of the hospital, 1465 (fn. 99)

William Eure, Archdeacon of Salisbury, appointed 1474, (fn. 100) resigned 1477 (fn. 101)

George Fitz Hugh, appointed 1477, (fn. 102) resigned 1489 (fn. 103)

John Constable, appointed 1489, (fn. 104) died 1528 (fn. 105)

Thomas Wynter, appointed 1528, (fn. 106) resigned 1529 (fn. 107)

Thomas Magnus, appointed 1529 (fn. 108)

The 11th-century seal (fn. 109) is a vesica, 27/8 in. by 1¾ in., with a figure of St. Peter standing with his keys and blessing. The legend is:—


A 13th-century seal (fn. 110) of the official of the exchequer of the hospital is a vesica, 21/8 in. by 13/8 in., showing St. Leonard standing and holding crozier and book. To his left hand is a shield of England. Below is the official kneeling. The legend is:—



This hospital was founded by Robert de Pikeryng, Dean of York. The original intention was to found a chantry in a chapel of St. Mary, which Pikeryng intended to build for divine worship at Bootham, by York, where the Carmelite prior and friars formerly dwelt, and for that purpose he obtained licence from Edward II, dated 28 January 1315, to endow the chantry. (fn. 111)

The chantry was enlarged in 1318 into a hospital for six aged and infirm chaplains, and Robert de Pikeryng further endowed it with the church of Stillingfleet, (fn. 112) a vicarage being ordained in the church in 1330. (fn. 113) The dues from the hospital to the vicar of Stillingfieet were complained of as too burdensome by John Ashfordby, the master, and Archbishop Kemp issued a commission to inquire into the matter. (fn. 114) In 1452 there was an inquiry as to the patronage of the hospital. (fn. 115) The jurors stated that Richard Egglesfeld, esquire, and Elizabeth his wife had presented Marmaduke Constable, clerk, on 24 July 1452, to the office of custos, vacant by the death of John Ashfordby the last custos, on the 12th of that month; that William Eure, kt., had presented Ashfordby by the right and title of Isabella, the eldest daughter of Robert le Bruse, the patron while he lived; and that Richard Egglesfeld and Elizabeth his wife, the second daughter of Robert le Bruse, were then the true patrons. Marmaduke Constable was therefore instituted on 27 July. (fn. 116)

For some reason William Eure, kt., in September 1483 (fn. 117) granted the advowson of the hospital of the Blessed Mary 'in le Horsfair,' of which he was patron, to Queen Anne, consort of Richard III, who presented Dom. William Cerffe, monk of Meaux, to the mastership, vacant by the death of William Eure. On 22 February 1486 (fn. 118) Sir William Eure exercised his patronage by appointing Robert Bothe, LL.D., to the mastership, vacant by the cession of Brother William Cerffe, to whom a yearly pension of 20 marks was assigned. The hospital apparently formed a shelter for blind priests, among others. (fn. 119)

On 4 January 1535 W. Frankelyn, priest, wrote to Cromwell (fn. 120) that an endeavour had been made to discover the titles of the hospital of our Lady in Bootham, called the Horsefair, in vain. The archbishops' registers had then been searched, and the names of Brus, Nevill, Pykering, Eure, Marshall, and Egglesfeld were found among those who had presented as founders, but by what title could not be said. In 1556 it was reported of 'thospitall of our Ladie in Bowthome called Horse Faire' that 'the same standith as yet not dissolved, and John Golding, clerk, is master of the same, and the goods therof was not taiken awaie then as Sir Thomas Leder and Sir Water (sic) Langcaster, being brethren of the same hospitall, haith declared unto us, lijs. jd.' (fn. 121)


Richard de Grymston, occurs 1318 (fn. 122)

Hugh called Walgh de Pykering, priest, appointed 13 August 1330, (fn. 123) resigned

Richard de Killum, succeeded 25 July 1331 (fn. 124)

John Pulhore, resigned 1338 (fn. 125)

Walter de Harpham, (fn. 126) succeeded 1338, (fn. 127) exchanged 1347 (fn. 128)

John de Ellerker, 1347 (fn. 129)

Robert Worschipp, succeeded 17 June 1349 (fn. 130)

Robert de Boxeby, 31 March 1360, (fn. 131) died

William de Donyngton, (fn. 132) succeeded 5 August 1369, (fn. 133) resigned

Walter Coupland, succeeded 27 September 1412, (fn. 134) resigned

Thomas Petlyng, succeeded 11 November 1413, (fn. 135) exchanged 1416 (fn. 136)

William Crosse, canon of Lincoln, 1 April 1416, (fn. 137) resigned

Robert Frend, sub-deacon, succeeded 15 May 1421, (fn. 138) resigned

Marmaduke Lumley, LL.B., prebendary of Osmotherley, succeeded 12 December 1424, (fn. 139) became Bishop of Carlisle 1430

Robert Gamyll, priest, succeeded 8 August 1430 (fn. 140)

John Ashfordby, died 1452 (fn. 141)

Marmaduke Constable, succeeded 27 July 1452, (fn. 142) died

William Eure, succeeded 1453 (fn. 143)

William Cerffe, monk of Meaux, succeeded 18 September 1483, (fn. 144) resigned

Robert Bothe, LL.D., succeeded 22 February 1486-7, (fn. 145) died

William Sheffield, Dec. D., succeeded 6 August 1488 (fn. 146)

Simon Senous, succeeded 2 January 1496-7, (fn. 147) resigned

Martin Colyns, Dec. D., succeeded 2 October 1500, (fn. 148) died

John Withers, A.M., succeeded 5 May 1509, (fn. 149) died

Thomas Marcer, succeeded 20 August 1536 (fn. 150)

John Golding, occurs 1556 (fn. 151)


This, one of the more important of the York hospitals, stood outside Walmgate Bar, the hospital church being also parochial. Richard de Derfeld, one of its chaplains, at an inquisition in 1291, (fn. 152) stated that he had been told that it was built on land given by Stephen the [first] Abbot of St. Mary's. If so, and there seems no reason to reject the statement, the foundation must have taken place at some period between 1088 and 1112. (fn. 153)

At an inquiry held on Wednesday before Michaelmas 1291 the jurors reported on their oath that thirty years before the inquiry, in the time of King Henry III, there was a certain master, Thomas de Langetoft, and other chaplains serving God and the church of the said house, who had as their habit black capes with surplices, both in church and quire, and that in the time of the said master there were three lepers, and thirty-eight brethren and sisters. The brethren wore tunics and scapulars of russet with hoods of the same cloth. Both they and the sisters were shaven, (fn. 154) and the latter wore tunics and mantles of russet, and each had his or her own camera. The master corrected all excesses of the hospital in chapter, with the counsel of the brethren and sisters, according to their rule, and as long as he lived he administered the goods of the house well and faithfully. Nor did he admit anyone into the hospital contrary to the statutes. He had been elected in the king's name by the mayor and commonalty of York, and presented to, and admitted by, the Lord Archbishop. He held two prebends of the hospital, one for himself, and the other pro extraneis supervenientibus. He was master for three years. After the death of Thomas de Langetoft, a certain Simon de Wyllardby was elected, presented, and admitted in the same manner. He allowed the brothers and sisters to alter their habit and tonsure as they liked, contrary to rule. He admitted thirty-six sisters, four of them pro Deo as lepers, the rest for money, each paying 20 marks, which he spent on the requirements of the hospital, but the money was not sufficient. He did not correct excesses according to rule. He was master for ten years, and bought 2 bovates of land at Grimston, which the hospital still possessed, but he left it owing £20 in money, besides 5 sacks of wool and 10 quarters of barley. Because of these debts he was deprived.

Robert de Sancto Laurencio (fn. 155) succeeded, and was presented and admitted as before. He continued the use of the lay habit allowed by Wyllardby, and failed to correct excesses according to rule, but he discharged all his predecessor's debts, and with the consent of the brothers and sisters sold 3 bovates of land and a messuage at Newton in Pikering Lythe to Master William de Pikering with the stock, for 60 marks, and with the money received bought sheep, oxen, cows, and other stock and necessaries for the hospital. He admitted one brother, and two sisters for 60 marks, which he expended on the requirements of the house. He was master for three years, and held a prebend and a half a year, et gratis se deposuit.

After his deposition the king wrote to John de Lydgrane, Sheriff of York, to choose, with J. de Vallibus and other justices itinerant then at York, a fit chaplain to be presented to the archbishop as master. At the instance of the mayor and other citizens of York he chose Robert le Graunt, who was presented to the archbishop by the sheriff and admitted. (fn. 156)

After his institution Robert le Graunt found the brothers and sisters were not living according to their rule, and he set to work to correct them, but certain of them rebelled, and brought a charge, described as crimen falsi, against him.

An inquiry was held by Alan de Walkingham who, examining both the brethren and citizens of York, pronounced Robert le Graunt not guilty. The brothers and sisters demanded a further inquiry, which was held for the king by Thomas de Normanvill, who, after investigation, pronounced Robert le Graunt partly to blame. A not very clear account of Robert le Graunt's misuse of the hospital follows, and the jurors proceeded to say that he took no corrody on account of the poverty of the hospital. He was master three years, and held during his last year prebends of 60s. He was deposed by Thomas de Normanvill, who committed the custody to Richard de Driffeld, which position he retained for six years, but he did not correct the excesses of the brothers and sisters according to their rule. He admitted Robert Bartrem of Wilberfoss into the hospital without the consent of the brethren and sisters. He received 23 marks for this, but as the jurors understood did not use it for the common service of the hospital. He received a leper pro Deo, and another by consent of the brethren and sisters for 23 marks, spent on the needs of the hospital. During his time he rendered no account. He allowed the brethren and sisters to sell things contrary to rule. The jurors concluded by saying that Robert Bartrem was admitted to the king's injury, and also found that the house had been founded, in principio, nomine leprosorum and for the maintenance of feeble aged men of the city.

A list follows of the brothers and sisters who made profession of obedience in the hospital before W. de Hamelton and J. de Langrayns, associated with him. It begins with the names of Richard de Driffeld and Robert de Sancto Laurencio, (fn. 157) both of them chaplains. Two names of men follow with laicus written against each and seven other men's names. The names of eight sisters follow. All were enjoined, on the part of the king, to wear the regular habit which they had on the foundation of the hospital, viz., a gown (gunnellum) and scapular of russet, they were to have 'tonsura per aures sine tynis' (fn. 158) with amices.

The jurors further stated that they knew well by the muniments and a certain confirmation by King Stephen, that the hospital of St. Nicholas, York, was of the foundation of the Kings of England, but by whom they could not say. They reported that the hospital was broken into by night by thieves, and the chest, in which were the charters and various muniments of the hospital, was carrried away.

An examination of witnesses follows at length. Richard de Derfeld (or Driffeld), as previously mentioned, stated that he understood that the hospital was founded on land given by the first Abbot of St. Mary's. He said that a charter as to land in Huntington had been abstracted, and recovered by Robert, the chaplain, a brother of the house, who had to pay half a mark for it. John Dagune, a brother, said that the house was founded by the abbot, as already stated, 'cum domina Matilda Regina,' (fn. 159) and that before the foundation of the house in the place where it stood the brothers were enfeoffed of a carucate of land in 'Nortfeld.' Asked about the charters, he agreed with Richard de DrifFeld, and added that Robert, the chaplain, (fn. 160) was gravely suspected of having, abstracted them. Nicholas de Houndeshay, another brother, agreed. Five other brothers were called, and knew nothing either as to the foundation or the charters.

A long inquiry followed as to the individual behaviour of the brothers and sisters, which may not unfairly be summarized as a mutual recriminination of one against another, or of one section against the other. It seems that the rule was not kept, and that certain of the brothers were trading on their own behalf. A charge of immorality was brought by certain of the brothers against one of the sisters, but otherwise disorder and abuse of the hospital seem to have been the most serious and general complaints. Richard de Driffeld was again called as a witness where he is called Magister domus hospitalis, although in all other cases he is merely custos. (fn. 161) His second evidence was chiefly to the effect that all were inhobedientes, and that none observed humilitatem. None had the tonsure except the chaplains, and none wore the habit of religious. None of the brothers were guilty of incontinence. Asked if any of the brothers went into the city without licence, he said they frequently did so. Asked further if they were punished for this, according to the rule, he replied Non; whether any frequented the tavern, his reply was Non.

In 1303 William Greenfield, Chancellor of England, held a visitation and issued a series of injunctions. (fn. 162) Briefly, he ordered that all were to obey the master, and that each brother and sister was to receive the accustomed habit and tonsure, which were to be kept for life. All brothers and sisters not lawfully hindered were to attend matins, mass, and other canonical hours. The lay brothers and sisters were frequently to recite the Lord's Prayer, and the Angelic Salutation, as the Lord inspired them, praying for the whole estate of the universal church.

The brothers and sisters were not to dwell together under the same roof and cloister, and not to meet together at undue times, or in secret places. None, after admission, were to engage in trading. All who were admitted, if they retained things for their use, were to will them to the hospital at death. The common seal was to be under three keys, and all brothers and sisters were to be summoned when the seal was unlocked. The box which held the alms of those who visited the church was to be in the charge of the same three persons, and was to have three keys. It, too, was only to be opened before all; if they could not agree as to the disposal of the alms in it, then such alms were to be used for the hospital.

No one was to be admitted for a previous compact to pay money, &c., as that was simony. No alienations or long leases were to be granted without the king being consulted. If the master had to be absent for a long period, he was to appoint the most efficient brother to take his place. Three brothers were to be elected, who were most competent in temporal matters, to look after rural, agricultural, and other business affairs. If any were disobedient, incontinent, or guilty of other excesses, they were to be chastised for the first offence by withholding of food for a number of days; for a second offence the punishment was to be doubled, and if guilty a third time they were to be expelled as incorrigible. If the master himself were thus guilty, quod absit, the sentence was reserved to the Chancellor of England.

At a later period the hospital was annexed to the priory of Holy Trinity at York, when there is reason to believe that the prior became master ex officio. In the Ministers' Accounts of the priory (1537-8) (fn. 163) £26 10s. 6d. is accounted for for the site of the late hospital of St. Nicholas juxta civitatem Ebor.

In another document there is allusion to the payment of £19 per annum in allowances to six sisters of the hospital of St. Nicholas, extra barras civitatis Ebor, annexed to the late priory of the Holy Trinity. These payments, were in consideration of the age, debility, and poverty of the said sisters, and also that they and their friends had paid large sums to the prior or priors of the late priory, for the food and chambers, &c. for these sisters, which they stated had been granted to them under the common seal of the late priory at the rate of 63s. 4d. a year for each of them, besides their chambers and the other commodities of the hospital.

Masters and Wardens of St. Nicholas Hospital

Thomas de Langetoft, c. 1261 (three years), died (fn. 164)

Simon de Wyllardby, succeeded c. 1264 (ten years) (fn. 165)

Robert de Sancto Laurencio, alias Robert Lytell, (fn. 166) 1274 (three years) (fn. 167)

Robert le Graunt, admitted 1281, (fn. 168) deprived 1283 (fn. 169)

Richard de Derfeld, or Driffeld, appointed 1283 (six years) (fn. 170)

Robert le Graunt, appointed 1292, (fn. 171) occurs 1295 (fn. 172)

Robert de Sancto Laurencio, admitted again 1301, (fn. 173) occurs 1305 (fn. 174)

John de Godele, appointed 1303 (fn. 175)

William de Wellop, appointed 1305 (fn. 176)

Nicholas de Hugate, appointed 1308, (fn. 177) resighed 1318 (fn. 178)

Nicholas de Malton of Hugate, appointed 1318 (fn. 179)

Robert de Grymston, appointed 1319, (fn. 180) occurs 1335 (fn. 181)

John de Ampleford, occurs 1350, (fn. 182) 1357 (fn. 183)

Thomas de Stanley, occurs 1376, (fn. 184) resigned 1384 (fn. 185)

Adam de Akum, appointed 1384 (fn. 186)

John de Akum, appointed 1388, (fn. 187) resigned 1389 (fn. 188)

Thomas de Popelton, appointed 1389, (fn. 189) resigned (fn. 190)

Thomas Walleworth, appointed 1394, (fn. 191) ratified July 1398 (fn. 192)

William de Neuton, appointed 1397 (fn. 193)

John Midelton, appointed Aug. 1398, (fn. 194) expelled 1399 (fn. 195)

Thomas Walleworth, restored 1399, (fn. 196) occurs 1408 (fn. 197)

Robert Wolveden, appointed 1409 (fn. 198)

John Midelton, reappointed (?), died 1429 (fn. 199)

Richard Riston, appointed 1429, (fn. 200) occurs 1437 (fn. 201)

Gilbert Haltoft, occurs 1452 (fn. 202)

Thomas Drury, S.T.P., appointed 1452 (fn. 203)

William Pykton, occurs 1455 (fn. 204)

Thomas Usburn, appointed 1462, (fn. 205) resigned 1467 (fn. 206)

John Shirwood, appointed 1467, (fn. 207) occurs 1471 (fn. 208)

Richard Speight, Prior of Holy Trinity, occurs 1535 (fn. 209)


The hospital of St. Thomas the Martyr outside Micklegate Bar. (fn. 210) —This hospital was founded, before 1391, (fn. 211) for the maintenance of poor persons of either sex dwelling in the neighbourhood of 'Mykyllythbar,' and especially for hospitality by day and night of all poor travellers and sick poor passing through York. (fn. 212)

On 12 May 1478 (fn. 213) the hospital was transferred to the gild of Corpus Christi, when it was agreed that 'from noweforth the said hospitall shall be named, taken ande reputed the Hospitall of Corporis Cristi and of Saynte Thomas of Canterburie,' and from that time, till the dissolution of the gild, the history is rather that of the gild than of the hospital. The master, wardens, and brothers and sisters of St. Thomas's stipulated that they should have the use of 'their beddes and beddrowmez, thaire owen propre liffes duryng, without anny maner of expulsion,' and also that the brethren of the gild were to 'fynde vij almus beddes convenyehtly clothed, for the ease, refresshing, and harbering of pore indigent travaylihg people commyng unto the said hospitall.'

Although the gild of Corpus Christi was dissolved in 1547, (fn. 214) the hospital of St. Thomas succeeded in retaining possession of its estates for nearly thirty years longer.

In 1551-2 the master, after consulting with the brethren of the hospital, and showing how difficult it was to maintain the house and its poor folks, suggested that they should call in the aid of the lord mayor and aldermen of the city, who were admitted as brothers of the hospital in 1552, (fn. 215) when the lord mayor was elected master and two of the aldermen wardens. For some twenty-five years following, the lord mayor for the year, and one of the aldermen, with 'a spiritual man,' continued to fill these offices.

In 1575-6 John Marshe and other citizens of London obtained grants of certain of the possessions of the late gild of Corpus Christi. (fn. 216) This was resisted by the master and wardens, and a Special Commission was issued to inquire into the matter. The result was that in February 1582-3 (fn. 217) William Marshe and William Plummer, representatives of the original grantees, conveyed the house or gild of Corpus Christi, with all its lands and tenements, to the recorder and town clerk of York, as trustees for the mayor and commonalty of the city of York, to be by them 'ymployed to the mayntenaunce and relief of the poore.' The charity has ever since that time been in the hands of the Corporation. (fn. 218)


Robert Mason, LL.D., occurs 1478 (fn. 219)

John Barnard, died 1551 (fn. 220)

William Pynder, died 1559 (fn. 221)

Anthony Iveson, occurs 1579-80 (fn. 222)

The 15th-century seal (fn. 223) is a vesica 27/8 in. by 1¾ in., with a seated figure of St. Thomas the archbishop in a canopied niche, blessing and holding his crozier. The legend is:—


Trinity Hospital, Fossgate, York.—This hospital, situated in the parish of St. Crux, was founded by John de Roucliff in virtue of Letters Patent dated 12 February, 45 Edward III. (fn. 224) The formal ordination of the hospital by Archbishop Thoresby is dated 27 August 1373. (fn. 225) There was to be a chaplain, who was to be called master or custos, and to whom was to be committed the charge of the hospital, its inmates, and its goods. There were to be thirteen poor infirm persons, and two poor clerks keeping their schools in the hospital, at the choice of the master. The hospital was founded in honour of Our Lord Jesus Christ and the Blessed Virgin Mary, but afterwards became known as the hospital of the Holy Trinity. The hospital not having been adequately endowed by its founder, the Merchants' Company of York took it under their charge and financed it, (fn. 226) and as a charity under their care it still exists at the present day.

In 1411, the old chapel having fallen into ruin, possibly injured through flooding of the river, a new one with a new altar was erected, and Archbishop Bowett (fn. 227) licensed the master, brothers, and sisters of the hospital of Our Lord Jesus Christ and the Blessed Virgin Mary (then comprising besides the master two chaplains, two clerks, and thirty sick poor) to have mass celebrated therein. It is clear from this that the foundation must have been largely increased before 1422-3, when Drake (fn. 228) states that it came into the hands of the Merchant Adventurers of York.


Thomas Werkesworth, instituted 1378, (fn. 229) resigned 1387 (fn. 230)

Thomas de la River, succeeded 1387 (fn. 231)

Thomas de Neuby (fn. 232)

William Ottelay, instituted 1394, (fn. 233) occurs 1429 (fn. 234)

John Berningham, resigned 1431 (fn. 235)

Richard Saunderson, succeeded 1431, (fn. 236) occurs 1438 (fn. 237)

John Fox, instituted 3 February 1438-9 (fn. 238)

William Clyveland, (fn. 239) died 1504

Robert Wilberfosse, succeeded 1504, (fn. 240) died 1512 (fn. 241)

Thomas Shawe, succeeded 1512, (fn. 242) died 1519 (fn. 243)

Robert Jacson, succeeded 1519, (fn. 244) occurs 1522-3 (fn. 245)

Thomas Pykering, occurs 1546 (fn. 246)

The 14th-century seal (fn. 247) is a vesica, 3 in. by 1¾ in., with an elaborate design of the coronation of our Lady. The legend is:—


St. Anthony's Hospital in Peaseholm.— This hospital arose out of a gild of St. Anthony, certain members of which obtained, in 1446, a charter of incorporation from Henry VI. (fn. 248) The hospital was really under the invocation of the Blessed. Virgin Mary and St. Martin, but from its connexion with the gild of St. Anthony, was known as St. Anthony's Hospital. Besides the master and keepers, there were brethren and sisters non-resident, together with a resident chaplain and seven poor men. (fn. 249)

On 13 August 1450 (fn. 250) Robert Dobbes, vicargeneral of Archbishop Kemp, granted licence to the master or custos of the gild or confraternity of the house or hospital of the Blessed Mary and St. Martin of the city of York, newly constructed, and the brothers and sisters of the same, to have divine service celebrated for one year in their chapel, saving the rights of the parochial church of that place. After the Dissolution the charity continued under the government of the corporation of York.

The Hospital of St. Anthony, Gillygate.—The great hospital of St. Anthony of Vienne seems to have had a chapel in Gillygate, which was vacant about the end of the 14th century. In 1401 a hermit settled there and, pretending to have the authority of the hospital, collected alms for the repair of the highways. He was evicted in 1403, (fn. 251) and it is probable that a small hospital was established, as in 1429 indulgence was granted to those who gave alms for the support of the hospital of St. Anthony outside the walls of York. (fn. 252) The hospital stood at the end of Gillygate next the Horsefair. (fn. 253)

St. Andrewgate Maison Dieu.—Nothing is known of this house except that it was founded before 1390, in which year William Durem left 3s. 4d. 'pauperibus in le masidew in via Sancte Andree.' (fn. 254) It occurs again in 1397, when Richard Platter seems to have been recognized as founder. (fn. 255) Possibly it may be identical with Thomas de Duffeld's Maison Dieu in Little St. Andrewgate which occurs in 1385 and again in 1485, when John Bedford was apparently patron. (fn. 256)

The Hospital of St. Mary Magdalen, Bootham, York.—Drake (fn. 257) says that 'an uniform street once extended from Bootham-bar to a place called Burton-stone, where a stone cross formerly stood, the extent of the city's liberties on this side. Close by this stood formerly a chapel dedicated to St. Mary Magdalen with a spital called Magdalen's Spital, but no remains of either do now appear.' It was founded by John Gysburne, precentor of York, who died in 1481, (fn. 258) for two chaplains, and was more of a chantry than a hospital.

Hertergate or Castle Hill Maison Dieu.—This was founded by Thomas Howm, brother of Robert Howm the founder of Monk Bridge Maison Dieu. In his will (1406) he bequeathed 30s. 'pauperibus in domo mea super le Castelhill.' (fn. 259) The position of the Maison Dieu being both in Hertergate and Castle Hill it was known by both names. In the will of William Skynner it is also spoken of as Me masondieu super montem castri.' (fn. 260) In 1390 Roger de Moreton left 2s. 'pauperibus hominibus et mulieribus in le Mesondieu Thome Howme in Hertergate.' (fn. 261) It is referred to in the will of 'Margaret de Knaresburgh Semester' as 'Thomae Holme infra parochiam Sanctae Mariae ad portam castri.' (fn. 262)

The hospital of St. Helen, or Fishergate Hospital.—This was one of the leper houses of York. It stood near the extinct church of St. Helen in Fishergate, and possibly was attached to it. In 1444 (fn. 263) Archbishop Kemp granted an indulgence for three years to all who contributed towards the reparation of the house or dwelling of the lepers of 'St. Elene,' commonly called 'in Fishergate.'

The hospital of St. Katherine (fn. 264) outside Micklegate Bar.—This was one of the four leper houses of York, and stood outside Micklegate Bar, near the church or chapel of St. James. In 1333 protection for two years was granted by Edward III for the leprous men of the hospital collecting alms. (fn. 265) It housed lepers of both sexes, (fn. 266) and as one of the charities of the city escaped suppression. In 1603, (fn. 267) in an account of the progress of James I through York, it is recorded that the king 'took horse and passed through the cittie forth at Micklegate towards Grimstone, the house of Sir Edward Stanhope, the earle of Cumberlande and the lord-major beareing the sword and the mace before the king untill they came unto the house of St. Kathren.' In 1652 the hospital was rebuilt on the old site. This building was removed in 1835. (fn. 268) It is still one of the York city charities.

Monk Bridge Maison Dieu.—There was a small hospital on Monk Bridge as early as 1350, in which year Edward III granted protection for the master and brethren of the hospital of lepers of St. Leonard on 'Monkbrig,' who had not sufficient to live on unless relieved by alms. (fn. 269) It was possibly refounded by Robert de Howm, citizen and merchant of York, who died in 1396, and in his will desired (fn. 270) that Robert his son and all into whose hands certain of his lands should come were to 'uphold a house near Monk Bridge in Monkgate . . . which I have made into a hospital (ad hospitandum) for poor invalids of both sexes there, for the poor of which sort I have constructed twenty beds in the same, for the health of my soul and the souls of all faithful departed.' The will proceeds with directions that the house was to be maintained for 100 years after his death.

North Street Maison Dieu, York.— This house possibly owed its origin to William de Salley, Sheriff of York, 1397-8, who in 1401 occurs as founder or patron. In his will (1408) he bequeathed to his wife a tenement in North Street in St. John's parish, facing the king's highway, with six houses in the lane there, beside the 'Meson Dieu' on the south side of the lane. (fn. 271)

Perhaps this was really the house founded by Isolda de Akastre, of which William de Salley had become patron. The 'hospital of Ysolda Akaster in North Street' is mentioned by Richard Howme, and to the poor of the house he left 40s. for equal division among them. (fn. 272) Isolda de Acaster was the widow of John de Acaster, Mayor of York in 1364 and again in 1378-9, and the hospital is ascribed to John de Acaster in the will of Margaret de Knaresburgh, 1398. (fn. 273)

Ousebridge Maison Dieu.—Drake mentions the 'hospital or maisondieu' on Ousebridge. (fn. 274) Allusions to it are frequent, especially in bequests to the poor in it. It sheltered persons of both sexes, and was one of the chief institutions of its kind in York. In 1305, when certain citizens of York were accused of forming an illegal fraternity or gild, the defendants alleged that there was a house of old time founded by the citizens and good men upon the Ousebridge by the chapel of St. William, which was known as 'God's house,' endowed with lands and rents for the support of the poor and lepers; and many citizens who had fallen upon misfortune were supported by this institution, but through the neglect and mismanagement of the authorities it had died out many years before, and they, for the good of their own souls and for the soul of King Edward, had refounded the charity in 1302, endowing a chaplain and founding a gild to perpetuate the alms. (fn. 275)

Peter Lane Little Maison Dieu.—This house was founded by John de Derthyngton (fn. 276) at the end of the 14th century, prior to 1390, (fn. 277) when Roger de Moreton bequeathed 12d. to the poor in 'le mesondieu Johannis de Derthyngton in Peter Lane,' and William Durem (fn. 278) left 5s. 'pauperibus in le maisyndew in Petirlane littyll.' In 1396 (fn. 279) Robert Howm (the founder of Monk Bridge Maison Dieu) left 40s. to the poor 'in hospitali Johannis de Derthyngton in la Peter Lane Littyll.' It was in existence in 1474, when William Skynner left 3s. 4d. 'pauperibus hominibus existentibus in le maisindew in Peter lane littil.' (fn. 280)

Layerthorpe Hospital.—All that is known of this hospital is Leland's statement. (fn. 281) 'Ther was a place of the Bigotes hard withyn Laithorp Gate, and by it an hospital of the Bigotes foundation. Syr Francis Bygot let booth the Hospital and his House al to ruine.' It is probably the same as the Layerthorpe Bridge Maison Dieu, said to be mentioned in 1407. (fn. 282)

Whitefriars Lane Maison Dieu.—This house is said to have been founded by John Holme in 1472. (fn. 283) On 7 September 1481 (fn. 284) Archbishop Rotherham granted a forty days' indulgence to all those who, having confessed their sins, contributed to the maintenance and refection of the poor of either sex in a certain house called 'Masyndew in le Whit Friar layn,' York.

Drake mentions the existence of a hospital of St. Loy on the east side of Monk Bridge, (fn. 285) and of a hospital or maison dieu of the Shoemakers, near Walmgate Bar. (fn. 286) A maison dieu in Stonebow Lane occurs in a will of 1362, (fn. 287) and one in the Little Shambles in 1470, (fn. 288) and it is possible that there were other small establishments of which even the names are not remembered.


  • 1. Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 607; Drake, Ebor. 332-6, &c. According to the Chartulary of the Hospital (Cott. MS. Nero, D. iii, fol. 7) the thraves were given to the minster by Athelstan without reference to any hospital, were soon afterwards regranted to the Crown for the purpose of exterminating wolves and were restored by William I in 1069.
  • 2. Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 608.
  • 3. Ibid. 609.
  • 4. Assize R. 1045, m. 17 d.
  • 5. Cal. Pat. 1334-8, pp. 266-8.
  • 6. York Archiepis. Reg. Romanus, fol. 44b.
  • 7. Gilbert de Stapelton was an intruder, who had been collated to the mastership by Walter de Langton on his removal from that office in 1308-9. The king granted the mastership to Walter Reynolds, Bishop of Worcester, and ordered Stapelton to resign; Pat. 2 Edw. II, pt. i, m. 17.
  • 8. B.M. Add. Chart. 7466.
  • 9. Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 610, no. x.
  • 10. See Raine, York, in 'Historic Towns' series.
  • 11. Pat. 2 Edw. II, pt. i, m. 17.
  • 12. Le Neve, Fasti (ed. Hardy), i, 16.
  • 13. Cal. Pat. 1313-17, p. 80.
  • 14. Ibid. 260. John de Hotham became Bishop of Ely in 1316, and next year gave to the hospital a coffer or feretory of silver and gold 'adorned with precious stones and cunning work, wrought with marvellous skill,' which the master and brethren agreed never to alienate; Cott. MS. Nero, D. iii, fol. 61.
  • 15. Cal Pat. 1313-17, p. 526.
  • 16. York Archiepis. Reg. Melton, fol. 125b.
  • 17. Cal. Pat. 1338-40, pp. 266-8.
  • 18. Chan. Misc. bdle. 21, no. 4.
  • 19. 'Viventes communiter et regulariter ad instar canonicorum regularum ordinis sancti Augustini.'
  • 20. Elsewhere 'infermaria' is the word used.
  • 21. Chan. Misc. bdle. 20, file 1, no. 6.
  • 22. a Cremetts, or eremetts (i.e. hermits) were sick brethren.
  • 23. Chan. Misc. bdle. 20, no. 3.
  • 24. Pat. 1 Hen. IV, pt. iv, m. 30.
  • 25. Chan. Misc. bdle. 20, file 3, no. 13.
  • 26. Cal. Pat. 1399-1401, p. 131. Much about the same time (24 July 1400) the king granted protection for a ship called 'Clement,' which William de Waltham, the master of St. Leonard's, had freighted at London with divers victuals, &c., for his household at St. Leonard's (ibid. 266).
  • 27. Exch. K.R. Eccl. Com. iii, no. 43.
  • 28. It was possibly dislike of this demand for thraves which led to attacks on the hospital during the unrest of 1382 (Cal. Pat. 1381-5, pp. 137, 201), and the same cause, accentuated by the misappropriation of the hospital funds, led to rebellion in 1469 (see 'Political Hist.'), so that in September of that year Edward IV promised to abolish the Petercorn, recompensing the hospital in some other way (Cott. MS. Nero, D. iii, fol. 215).
  • 29. Convent. Leases, Yorks. (P.R.O.), no. 1209.
  • 30. Cott. MS. Vesp. xiii, fol. 60.
  • 31. Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A. 706.
  • 32. There is a lease (7 Oct. 1530) of their 'watter mylnes vnder the castell of Yorke and one Wyndmyln in Heslyngton ffeildes called Stublowe myln' for twenty-one years at a yearly rent of £12 for the water-mills, and 40s. for the windmill from Thomas Magnus arid the brethren of St. Leonard's to Guy Nelson of York, miller: Convent. Leases, Yorks. (P.R.O.), no. 1200.
  • 33. Chartul. (Cott. MS. Nero, D. iii), fol. 215.
  • 34. Pat. 7 Hen. VIII, pt. iii, m. 3.
  • 35. Suppression P. (P.R.O.) iv, fol. 62
  • 36. Dugdale, op. cit. vi, 607.
  • 37. Chan. Misc. bdle. 21, no. 4.
  • 38. Valor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), v, 17-18.
  • 39. L. and P. Hen. VIII, xiv (2), 623.
  • 40. Chartul. (Cott. MS. Nero, D. iii), fol. 36.
  • 41. Ibid.
  • 42. Harl. Chart. 83 C, fol. 38.
  • 43. Cal. Pat. 1334-8, p. 267.
  • 44. Pipe R. 1 John, m. 4 d.
  • 45. Easby Chartul. (Egerton MS. 2827), fol. 254b, as a contemporary of Hamo, Abbot of Byland.
  • 46. Yorks. Fines, John. (Surt. Soc.), 81.
  • 47. Cal. of Papal Letters, i, 17.
  • 48. Hist. of. Ch. of York (Rolls Ser.), iii, 105.
  • 49. Chartul. fol. 58.
  • 50. Baildon, Mon. Notes, i, 245.
  • 51. See above for account of the appointment of this master and his three predecessors.
  • 52. Feet of F. file 39, no. 89 (Trin. 30 Hen. III).
  • 53. Baildon, Mon. Notes, i, 245.
  • 54. Chartul. fol. 16.
  • 55. Baildon, loc. cit.
  • 56. Chartul. fol. 54.
  • 57. Arcbbp. Giffard's Reg. (Surt. Soc.) 257. He entered the order of Friars Minor.
  • 58. Ibid. 257-8.
  • 59. Cal. Pat. 1334-8, p. 268.
  • 60. Chart. R. 9 Edw. I, no. 74.
  • 61. York Archiepis. Reg. Romanus, fol. 7b. The mastership was vacant next year (Cal. Pat. 1281-92, p. 271.)
  • 62. Baildon, Mon. Notes, i, 246. He was a nephew of Queen Eleanor, but illegitimate, and as a layman had obtained several benefices, for which irregularities he obtained papal dispensation (Cal. of Papal Letters, ii, 12).
  • 63. Cal. Pat. 1292-1301, p. 15.
  • 64. Ibid.
  • 65. Ibid. 1307-13, p. 96.
  • 66. Ibid. 2.
  • 67. Ibid. 96.
  • 68. Ibid.
  • 69. Ibid. 1313-17, p. 80.
  • 70. Ibid.
  • 71. Ibid. 260, 301.
  • 72. Ibid. 526.
  • 73. Robert de Clipston was appointed for life on 24 Feb. 1318 (Cal. Pat. 1317-21, pp. 75, 105). Afterwards, on the procuration of Hugh le Despenser, junr., the king appointed Master John Walewayn, and after his death Master Robert de Baldok, although Robert Clipston was alive. He subsequently petitioned Edward III for restitution, at which time John Giffard held it. Giffard stated that Edward II on 11 Aug. 1318 revoked the grant to Clipston, and appointed Walewayn and afterwards Baldok, and on his death John Giffard on 14 Nov. 1326, which matter was referred to the judges, who decided in favour of Giffard. Baildon, Mon. Notes, i, 248.
  • 74. Cal. Pat. 1317-21, p. 197.
  • 75. Ibid.
  • 76. Ibid. 1324-7, p. 295.
  • 77. Ibid. 842.
  • 78. Ibid. 1348-50, p. 207.
  • 79. Ibid. 368.
  • 80. Ibid. 1461-7, p. 248.
  • 81. Chan. Misc. bdle. 24, no. 4.
  • 82. Cal. Pat. 1381-5, p. 366; Alan Hevede was acting as 'custos' in 1381; Chartul. fol. 118.
  • 83. Cal. Pat. 1385-9, p. 158.
  • 84. Ibid. 1388-92, p. 172.
  • 85. Ibid. 428.
  • 86. Cal. Pat. 1388-92, p. 428.
  • 87. Chan. Misc. bdle. 20, file 3, no. 1.
  • 88. Pat. 22 Ric. II, m. 23.
  • 89. Cal. Pat. 1396-9, p. 595.
  • 90. Baildon, Mon. Notes, i, 245.
  • 91. Cal. Pat. 1408-13, p. 88.
  • 92. Ibid. 1413-16, p. 283.
  • 93. Ibid.
  • 94. Ibid. 1422-9, p. 494.
  • 95. Cal. Pat. 1429-36, p. 183.
  • 96. Baildon, Mon. Notes, i, 245.
  • 97. Cal. Pat. 1452-61, p. 277; Cott. MS. Vesp. xiii, fol. 60.
  • 98. Cal. Pat. 1452-61, p. 277.
  • 99. Anct. D. (P.R.O.), A 706.
  • 100. Cal. Pat. 1467-77, p. 420.
  • 101. Ibid. 1476-8 5, p. 54.
  • 102. Ibid.
  • 103. Mat. for Hist. of Reign of Hen. VII (Rolls Ser.), ii, 423.
  • 104. Ibid.
  • 105. L. and P. Hen. VIII, iv (2), 4514; John Constable was Dean of Lincoln.
  • 106. Ibid. 4526. Thomas Wynter was son of Cardinal Wolsey.
  • 107. Ibid.
  • 108. Ibid.
  • 109. Cat. of Seals B.M. 4404, Add. Chart. 7466.
  • 110. Ibid. 4406, lxxv, 44.
  • 111. Cal. Pat. 1313-17, p. 213. He had previously (20 Sept. 1314) obtained licence for the alienation to him in. mortmain by the Carmelites of York of land in Bootham upon which they at one time dwelt. The grace was granted for 200 masses to be celebrated in consideration thereof. Pat. 8 Edw. II, pt. i, m. 21.
  • 112. Cal. Pat. 1317-21, pp. 259-60.
  • 113. York Archiepis. Reg. Melton, fol. 252.
  • 114. Ibid. Kemp, fol. 24.
  • 115. Ibid. fol. 462b.
  • 116. Ibid.
  • 117. Ibid. Rotherham, i, fol. 39b.
  • 118. Ibid. fol. 122.
  • 119. Will of Thomas de Howm (1406) 'pauperibus. capellanis cecis del Horsfaire in suburbiis Ebor'; B. H. Cooke, Some Early Civic Wills of York, 41.
  • 120. L. and P. Hen. VIII, viii, 13. In 26 Hen. VIII the hospital was valued at £37 gross, and £11 6s. 8d. clear. Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 782.
  • 121. Invent. of Ch. Goods, Yorks. (Surt. Soc.}, 113.
  • 122. Cal. Pat. 1317-21, p. 259.
  • 123. York Archiepis. Reg. Melton, fol. 183.
  • 124. Ibid. fol. 184.
  • 125. Ibid. fol. 216.
  • 126. He had licence, 10 Feb. 1342-3, to reside on his benefice of Middleton, diocese of York. Ibid. Zouch, slip between fol. 153 and 154.
  • 127. York Archiepis. Reg. Melton, fol. 216.
  • 128. Cal. Pat. 1345-8, P. 347.
  • 129. Ibid.
  • 130. York Archiepis. Reg. Zouch, fol. 30b.
  • 131. Ibid. Thoresby, fol. 106.
  • 132. Licence for absence to William de Donyngton, 11 Nov. 1371, master of the hospital of St. Mary de Boutham (York Archiepis. Reg. Thoresby, fol. 161b). On 14 Oct. 1412, after having served the hospital, feeble and on the bed of death, he was assigned a pension of £8 13s. 4d.
  • 133. York Archiepis. Reg. Thoresby, fol. 153.
  • 134. Ibid. Bowett, fol. 24b.
  • 135. Ibid. fol. 28b.
  • 136. Ibid. fol. 45.
  • 137. Ibid.
  • 138. Ibid. fol. 138b.
  • 139. Ibid. sed. vac. fol. 370.
  • 140. Ibid. Kemp, fol. 178.
  • 141. Ibid. fol. 462b.
  • 142. Ibid.
  • 143. Ibid. W. Booth, fol. 375.
  • 144. Ibid. Rotherham, i, fol. 39b.
  • 145. Ibid. fol. 122.
  • 146. Ibid. fol. 123.
  • 147. Ibid. fol. 95b.
  • 148. Ibid. sed. vac. fol. 501b.
  • 149. Ibid. Bainbridge, fol. 76.
  • 150. Ibid. Lee, fol. 67.
  • 151. Invent. Ch. Goods, Yorks, (Surt. Soc.), 113.
  • 152. Chan. Misc. bdle. 20, no. 1, file 13.
  • 153. The period of Stephen's abbacy.
  • 154. 'Et tonsati, et sorores tonsate.' This can hardly mean more as regards the sisters than that they had their hair cut short.
  • 155. From an earlier inquisition of 1285 it is clear that he was also called Robert Lyttil. At this inquisition the jurors reported that Robert le Graunt (appointed 1281) had, before he was master, counselled Robert Lyttil to sell the 3 bovates of land, and that the goods of the hospital, about which complaint was made that they had been wasted, had been wasted by him (Robert le Graunt) and that he had excommunicated those brothers and sisters who would not consent to the common seal being set to the writings. Yorks. Inq. (Rec. Ser.), ii, 30.
  • 156. He was admitted 28 Jan. 1280-1 (York Archiepis. Reg. Wickwane, fol. 130).
  • 157. a From this it appears that though deprived of the mastership he retained the chaplaincy.
  • 158. Ducange gives 'gunnella, cotte de femine,' &c., and for tynis 'bonnets carrez.'
  • 159. The Empress Maud gave certain lands to the hospital on condition that the brethren should give to all lepers coming thither on the eve of SS. Peter and Paul, bread, ale, mulvel (or cod), with butter and salmon if available, and cheese; Cal. Close, 1272-9, p. 280.
  • 160. Robert Lyttil alias Robert de Sancto Laurencio.
  • 161. He seems to have been in charge as a 'custos perpetuus,' and not actually master.
  • 162. Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 710.
  • 163. Mins. Accts. Yorks. 27-8 Hen. VIII, 113, m. 2 d.
  • 164. Chan. Misc. bdle. 20, file 13, no. 1.
  • 165. Ibid.
  • 166. Cf. Yorks. Inq. (Yorks. Rec. Sen), ii, 30, 125.
  • 167. Chan. Misc. loc. cit.
  • 168. York Archiepis. Reg. Wickwane, fol. 130.
  • 169. Chan. Misc. loc. cit.
  • 170. Ibid.
  • 171. Cal. Pat. 1281-92, p. 494.
  • 172. Baildon, Mon. Notes, i, 251.
  • 173. Cal. Pat. 1301-7, p. 5; or temporary warden.
  • 174. Baildon, Mon. Notes, i, 251.
  • 175. Cal. Pat. 1301-7, p. 102.
  • 176. Cal. Pat. 1301-7, p. 408.
  • 177. Ibid. 1307-13, pp. 34, 146.
  • 178. Ibid. 1317-21, p. 120.
  • 179. Ibid.
  • 180. Ibid. 269.
  • 181. Ibid. 1334-8, p. 101.
  • 182. Cal. Close, 1349-54, p. 215.
  • 183. Ibid. 1354-60, pp. 343-4.
  • 184. Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 710.
  • 185. Cal. Pat. 1381-5, p. 467.
  • 186. Ibid.
  • 187. Ibid. 1385-9, p. 493.
  • 188. Ibid. 1388-92, p. 97.
  • 189. Ibid.
  • 190. Ibid. 1396-9, p. 260.
  • 191. Ibid. 1391-6, p. 517.
  • 192. Ibid. 1396-9, p. 387.
  • 193. Ibid. 260; wardenship said to be vacant by reignation of Thomas de Popelton.
  • 194. Ibid. 386.
  • 195. Ibid. 1399-1401, p. 32.
  • 196. Ibid.
  • 197. Ibid. 1405-8, p. 436.
  • 198. Ibid. 1408-13, p. 104.
  • 199. Ibid. 142 2-9, p. 5 3 2; hospital vacant by death of John Midelton.
  • 200. Ibid.
  • 201. Baildon, Mon. Notes, i, 251.
  • 202. Cal. Pat. 1452-61, p. 40.
  • 203. Ibid.; he was a Dominican friar.
  • 204. Baildon, Mon. Notes, i, 242; he was Prior of Holy Trinity.
  • 205. Cal. Pat. 1461-7, p. 109; he was a brother of St. Leonard's Hospital.
  • 206. Ibid. 1467-77, p. 15.
  • 207. Ibid.
  • 208. Ibid. 240.
  • 209. Valor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), v, 21.
  • 210. In an indulgence granted in 1489 by Archbishop Rotherham (York Archiepis. Reg. Rotherham, fol. 242b) the hospital is called 'hospitalis Beatae Marie Virginis et Sancti Thomae Martyris extra Mykillith Bar.' Usually it was known as the hospital of St. Thomas the Martyr.
  • 211. Cal. Papal Letters, iv, 392; it is also mentioned in the will of Margaret de Knaresburgh, 1398 (Test. Ebor. [Surt. Soc.], i, 220).
  • 212. Reg. Corpus Christi Guild, York, 258.
  • 213. Ibid. 271. Practically the whole of the facts as to this hospital here given are derived from that book.
  • 214. Ibid. Pref. p. xii.
  • 215. Ibid. p. xiii.
  • 216. Reg. Corpus Christi Guild, York, p. xiii.
  • 217. Ibid. p. xiv.
  • 218. Ibid.
  • 219. Reg. Corpus Christi Guild, 270.
  • 220. Ibid. 225.
  • 221. Ibid. 226.
  • 222. Ibid. 233.
  • 223. Cat. of Seals, B.M. 4409, lxxv, 47.
  • 224. See Yorks. Chant. Surv. (Surt. Soc.), 7611., from which it appears that the hospital originated in a gild in honour of Our Lord Jesus Christ and the Blessed Virgin Mary.
  • 225. York Archiepis. Reg. Thoresby, fol. 169.
  • 226. As a religious foundation it was dissolved in 3 Edw. VI; Drake, Ebor. 301.
  • 227. York Archiepis. Reg. Bowett, fol. 100.
  • 228. Ebor. 301; see also Yorks. Chant. Surv. (Surt. Soc.), 76. A considerable grant was made in 1397; Inq. a.q.d. file 427, no. 36.
  • 229. York Archiepis. Reg. A. Nevill, fol. 27.
  • 230. Ibid. fol. 95.
  • 231. Ibid.
  • 232. Reference omitted by the late Mr. Fallow.
  • 233. Reg. Corpus Christi Guild, York, 10 n.
  • 234. Ibid.
  • 235. York Archiepis. Reg. Kemp, fol. 386. The well-known treasurer of York.
  • 236. Ibid.
  • 237. York Reg. of Wills, iii, fol. 530.
  • 238. York Archiepis. Reg. Kemp, fol. 396.
  • 239. Reg. Corpus Christi Guild, York, 78 n.
  • 240. York Archiepis. Reg. Savage, fol. 40b.
  • 241. Ibid. Bainbridge, fol. 36b.
  • 242. Ibid.
  • 243. Ibid. Wolsey, fol. 50.
  • 244. Ibid.
  • 245. Subs. R. (P.R.O.), bdle. 64, no. 300.
  • 246. Yorks. Chant. Surv. (Surt. Soc.), 76.
  • 247. Cat. of Seals, B.M. 4407, lxxv, 45.
  • 248. Yorks. Chant. Surv. (Surt. Soc.), 560.
  • 249. Ibid.
  • 250. York Archiepis. Reg. Kemp, fol. 430.
  • 251. Cal. Papal Letters, v, 549.
  • 252. Ibid. viii, 85.
  • 253. Drake, Ebor. 215.
  • 254. York Reg. of Wills, i, fol. 20.
  • 255. Brit. Assoc. Handbk. (York, 1906), 202.
  • 256. a Ibid. 201. In 1398 it is called the hospital of Richard Duffeld; Test. Ebor. (Surt. Soc.), i, 220.
  • 257. Drake, Ebor. 258.
  • 258. Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 782.
  • 259. R. Beilby Cooke, Some Early Civic Wills of York (reprinted from Proc. Yorb. Archit. Soc.), 41.
  • 260. York Reg. of Wills, iv, fol. 214b.
  • 261. Ibid. fol. 14b.
  • 262. Test. Ebor. (Surt. Soc.), i, 220
  • 263. York Archiepis. Reg. Kemp. fol. 89b.
  • 264. The hospital of St. Katherine by St. Nicholas; (Drake, Ebor. 236} may have been only another name for this house. No other hospital of St. Katherine is known.
  • 265. Cal. Pat. 1330-4, p. 452.
  • 266. Robert Sporrett, citizen of York (10 Jan. 1475), left 'pauperibus leprosis utriusque sexus in domo Sancte Katerine extra Mikellith 12d.'
  • 267. Drake, Ebor. 132.
  • 268. Hargrove, The New Guide &c. to York (1838), 52, 53, where a small woodcut of the 1652 building may be seen.
  • 269. Cal. Pat. 1348-50, p. 542.
  • 270. R. Beilby Cooke, Some Early Civic Wills of York, 34.
  • 271. See as regards this Reg. of Corpus Christi Guild, York, 238 n.
  • 272. Some Early Civic Wills of York, 22, 23. To 'le meysendieu in North Street' William Durem in 1390 left 5s. (York Reg. of Wills, i, fol. 20).
  • 273. Test. Ebor. (Surt. Soc.), i, 220.
  • 274. Ebor. 236.
  • 275. Assize R. 1107, m. 19.
  • 276. He died in 1402. York Reg. of Wills, iii, fol. 73).
  • 277. Ibid. i, fol. 14b.
  • 278. Ibid. fol. 20.
  • 279. Cooke, Some Early Civic Wills of York, 23.
  • 280. York Reg. of Wills, iv, fol. 214b.
  • 281. Dugdale, Mon. Angl. vi, 782, quoting Leland, Itin. i, 57.
  • 282. Brit. Assoc. Handbk. (York), 201.
  • 283. Ibid.
  • 284. York Archiepis. Reg. Rotherham, fol. 34b.
  • 285. Ebor. 252.
  • 286. Ibid. 236, 306.
  • 287. Brit. Assoc. Handbk. (York), 203.
  • 288. Ibid.