The federal government needs to listen when First Nations want resource development: Senator Wells Skip to content

The federal government needs to listen when First Nations want resource development: Senator Wells

A fuel tanker driving along a coastal highway.

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First Nations want to have a say in their economic future, and the government needs to get out of the way.

Instead, the Trudeau government has pushed an ideological narrative that aligns with its extremist environmental agenda. One example is Bill C-48, which, in 2019, banned oil tankers off the north coast of British Columbia. Testifying before the Senate Committee on Transport and Communications, then-transport minister Marc Garneau argued that those supporting Bill C-48 “is a coalition of all the remaining Indigenous communities along the coast, which incidentally represent a majority — the Haida, Heiltsuk, Haisla, Metlakatla, Gitga’at, Kitasoo, Gitxaala and even the hereditary leaders of the Lax Kw’alaams.”

The problem with Garneau’s argument was that the Metlakatla denied support for Bill C-48. When the minister was questioned about this at his next committee appearance, he said he couldn’t recall his initial remarks.

We have repeatedly seen this battle of narratives:

  • When conflict arose over the Coastal GasLink pipeline in B.C., it fell on deaf ears that the project had approval both from the province and the 20 First Nations band councils who signed agreements supporting the project, or that Indigenous communities purchased a 10% stake in the project and hoped to buy an even bigger share. 
  • In 2016, the government bannednew offshore oil and gas licences in Canadian Arctic waters. The premiers of both the Northwest Territories and Nunavut called the decision patronizing, lacking in local consultation and detrimental to the territories’ devolution negotiations. 
  • Eleven First Nations leaders in B.C. have been explicit in their support for liquified natural gas projects, arguing “the difficult economic situation of Indigenous communities and people must be considered on balance with overarching, but impersonal climate-related goals.”
  • On April 2, Reuters published an article highlighting the fact that Indigenous business groups are willing to purchase stakes in energy projects at an accelerating pace, including in the TransMountain Pipeline and Coastal Gas Link. First Nations have concluded recent deals with Enbridge, Suncor, and have established with Pembina, Cedar LNG, an export project majority-owned by the Haisla Nation. They want to do more.

Yet, the Trudeau government has habitually turned a deaf ear to “yes” from First Nations when it comes to resource development. The fact is, Indigenous workers represent 3.9% of Canada’s workforce, yet account for 6.9% of the energy sector. The numbers are also high for the mining and aquaculture sectors.

According to the government’s discussion paper, that proportion jumped 20% since 2014, accounting for an estimated 10,400 jobs in 2020. That paper also noted that $55 million in oil and gas-related revenue was collected on behalf of First Nations in Alberta, Saskatchewan and B.C. by Indian Oil and Gas Canada in 2018-2019. As stewards of the land, they want to be part of its responsible use.

In 2016, Chief Joseph Bevan, chair of the First Nations Major Projects Coalition, testifying on behalf of the 130-plus First Nations across Canada, asked members of the Senate Committee on Banking, Commerce and the Economy a number of questions: “How can the business interests of First Nations impacted by major projects be accommodated in a meaningful way? Can it involve First Nations participating as equity owners in projects and involve us as part of the management decisions? Is there an approach to environmental stewardship and the mitigation of cumulative impacts caused by major project development that can be established in a manner that deals with the interests that are unique to First Nations?”

The Trudeau government needs to start hearing “yes” when First Nations say it. 

Senator David M. Wells represents Newfoundland and Labrador in the Senate.

This article appeared in the April 18, 2024 edition of The Hill Times.

First Nations want to have a say in their economic future, and the government needs to get out of the way.

Instead, the Trudeau government has pushed an ideological narrative that aligns with its extremist environmental agenda. One example is Bill C-48, which, in 2019, banned oil tankers off the north coast of British Columbia. Testifying before the Senate Committee on Transport and Communications, then-transport minister Marc Garneau argued that those supporting Bill C-48 “is a coalition of all the remaining Indigenous communities along the coast, which incidentally represent a majority — the Haida, Heiltsuk, Haisla, Metlakatla, Gitga’at, Kitasoo, Gitxaala and even the hereditary leaders of the Lax Kw’alaams.”

The problem with Garneau’s argument was that the Metlakatla denied support for Bill C-48. When the minister was questioned about this at his next committee appearance, he said he couldn’t recall his initial remarks.

We have repeatedly seen this battle of narratives:

  • When conflict arose over the Coastal GasLink pipeline in B.C., it fell on deaf ears that the project had approval both from the province and the 20 First Nations band councils who signed agreements supporting the project, or that Indigenous communities purchased a 10% stake in the project and hoped to buy an even bigger share. 
  • In 2016, the government bannednew offshore oil and gas licences in Canadian Arctic waters. The premiers of both the Northwest Territories and Nunavut called the decision patronizing, lacking in local consultation and detrimental to the territories’ devolution negotiations. 
  • Eleven First Nations leaders in B.C. have been explicit in their support for liquified natural gas projects, arguing “the difficult economic situation of Indigenous communities and people must be considered on balance with overarching, but impersonal climate-related goals.”
  • On April 2, Reuters published an article highlighting the fact that Indigenous business groups are willing to purchase stakes in energy projects at an accelerating pace, including in the TransMountain Pipeline and Coastal Gas Link. First Nations have concluded recent deals with Enbridge, Suncor, and have established with Pembina, Cedar LNG, an export project majority-owned by the Haisla Nation. They want to do more.

Yet, the Trudeau government has habitually turned a deaf ear to “yes” from First Nations when it comes to resource development. The fact is, Indigenous workers represent 3.9% of Canada’s workforce, yet account for 6.9% of the energy sector. The numbers are also high for the mining and aquaculture sectors.

According to the government’s discussion paper, that proportion jumped 20% since 2014, accounting for an estimated 10,400 jobs in 2020. That paper also noted that $55 million in oil and gas-related revenue was collected on behalf of First Nations in Alberta, Saskatchewan and B.C. by Indian Oil and Gas Canada in 2018-2019. As stewards of the land, they want to be part of its responsible use.

In 2016, Chief Joseph Bevan, chair of the First Nations Major Projects Coalition, testifying on behalf of the 130-plus First Nations across Canada, asked members of the Senate Committee on Banking, Commerce and the Economy a number of questions: “How can the business interests of First Nations impacted by major projects be accommodated in a meaningful way? Can it involve First Nations participating as equity owners in projects and involve us as part of the management decisions? Is there an approach to environmental stewardship and the mitigation of cumulative impacts caused by major project development that can be established in a manner that deals with the interests that are unique to First Nations?”

The Trudeau government needs to start hearing “yes” when First Nations say it. 

Senator David M. Wells represents Newfoundland and Labrador in the Senate.

This article appeared in the April 18, 2024 edition of The Hill Times.

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