Figure 1. Mickey Rooney as Mr. I. Y. Yunioshi in
Breakfast at Tiffany’s (dir. Blake Edwards, US, 1961).
Paramount Pictures/Photofest
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The Many Lives of Mr. Yunioshi:
Yellowface and the Queer Buzz of
Breakfast at Tiffany’s
Melissa Phruksachart
Much like its female protagonist Holly Golightly, Truman Capote’s
1958 novella Breakfast at Tiffany’s has led a chameleonic life. The
narrative about the glamorous call girl has shape- shifted from its
written form into a feature ilm starring Audrey Hepburn (1961),
a failed Broadway production with Mary Tyler Moore (1966), an
ABC sitcom pilot with Stefanie Powers (1969), a West End London
stage musical featuring Anna Friel (2009), and a Broadway play
starring Emilia Clarke (2013). Notably, Hepburn’s portrayal of the
character lives on as an icon of lipstick feminism. Holly Golightly’s preferred accoutrements of privileged white femininity —
champagne, diamonds, the chic cigarette, and the little black
dress—have their drugstore stand-ins through calendars, posters,
and many a college girl’s Halloween costume.
However, the contemporary success of Breakfast at Tiffany’s —
especially in its widely distributed ilm version (dir. Blake Edwards,
US, 1961)—has been marred by a general unease with Mickey
Rooney’s yellowface performance of Holly’s neighbor Mr. Yunioshi.
Camera Obscura 96, Volume 32, Number 3
doi 10.1215/02705346-4205088 © 2017 by Camera Obscura
Published by Duke University Press
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In the summer of 2008, the Council of Asian Paciic Islanders
Together for Advocacy and Leadership (CAPITAL) protested the
city of Sacramento’s free community screening of the ilm. The
city relented, agreeing to show the Pixar animated ilm Ratatouille
(dir. Brad Bird, US, 2007) instead. A similar protest took place in
New York in 2011 around a free screening of the ilm presented
in a public park. Instead of switching out the ilm, the programmers preceded it with a short documentary on the history of yellowface produced by the Media Action Network for Asian Americans (MANAA).1 On the production side, both Mickey Rooney and
director Blake Edwards have publicly apologized and expressed
regret for fashioning the character.2 This genulection at the altar
of antiracism has become the de facto response for recuperating
the ilm, its lauded cast and crew, and its eager viewers. This discourse of aberration suggests that the problem of racism could
be solved if the ilm, or merely Rooney’s Yunioshi, simply disappeared, but neither the outright banning of the ilm nor the offhand acknowledgment of its racism has truly mitigated the discomfort of its existence.
At the ilm’s iftieth anniversary screening in 2011 sponsored by the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, one
attendee lamented, “The only jarring note was Mickey Rooney’s
performance as the obnoxious Japanese neighbor. It was an ugly
caricature and jarring to today’s sensibilities.”3 In keeping with
the ilm’s discourse of easy glamour, the attendee’s disavowal of
Yunioshi is mediated not in terms of ethics or justice but through
the realm of sensibility and aesthetics as experienced by the implicitly white viewer. Yet the notion that Rooney’s yellowface performance taints the ilm is the very thing that constitutes the innocence of its viewing public. This is because the audience’s point of
identiication, the heroine Holly Golightly, is similarly structured as
“pure” against Yunioshi’s grotesqueness. Thus, rather than turning
away from Yunioshi, I propose that we turn toward him in order
to interrogate the ways his presence cannot be excised from the
ilm and is actually critical to leveraging the particularly daring
conglomeration of gender, sexuality, class, and race that rendered
Breakfast at Tiffany’s a desirable model of white femininity.
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Asian Americanist scholars and critics such as Karla Rae
Fuller, Helen Zia, Jeff Yang, and Kent Ono and Vincent Pham
have addressed the implications of Mr. Yunioshi as a racist caricature.4 This essay contributes to those conversations by unpacking Yunioshi as a historical igure with an archival presence rather
than a mythic character to be read textually. Exploring Breakfast at
Tiffany’s through Paramount’s production iles and press releases,
available at the Margaret Herrick Library of the Academy of Motion
Picture Arts and Sciences, helps us apprehend how the performance of Yunioshi was not merely a product of an American cultural climate Christina Klein has termed “Cold War Orientalism,”
but was also part of a broader Hollywood repertoire of cinematic
practices.5 Through Mr. Yunioshi, we can open a window into the
massive amounts of labor that studios like Paramount Pictures (the
distributor of Breakfast at Tiffany’s) spent on creating and sustaining the racial ictions that brought in millions of dollars to the
box ofice. Framing Mr. Yunioshi not as a singular event or performance by one body or actor but rather as a social process involving
multiple people and ofices contributes to our understanding of
how minoritized others become racialized within popular media
industries. This pivots the conversation away from one of Asian
American racial injury, which often elicits responses of defensive
negation and/or hollow apology from Hollywood, toward a material history of industrial practice that concretizes how racial meanings are produced through and by mass media like ilm.
Yunioshi’s importance lies not only in his role within the
ilm’s narrative but also in his presence in the production history of
the ilm, particularly in the context of its adaptation from Capote’s
novella. The character served not merely as a stereotype but as
an apparatus—a technology of race, sexuality, and gender—that
helped mediate the problems that the producers encountered in
adapting the novella. Capote, for one, vehemently disapproved
of the Hollywood revision. “It was the most miscast ilm I’ve ever
seen,” he said in an interview. “It made me want to throw up. Like
Mickey Rooney playing this Japanese photographer. Well, indeed
I had a Japanese photographer in the book, but he certainly wasn’t
Mickey Rooney.”6 For Capote, Rooney-as-Yunioshi epitomized the
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multitude of broad alterations made to the novella that radically
changed its scope. The novella was retooled in order to become
legible to contemporary Hollywood logics of embodiment, and
Yunioshi served as a repository for a number of negative affects and
aesthetics around nonnormative sexualities that the ilm’s creators
saw in Capote’s novella. As I will show, the character of Mr. Yunioshi
is not an exceptional aberration; rather, he its quite nicely into a
ilm preoccupied with masquerade, phoniness, and fakery. Emphasizing the ilm’s investment in such themes (and the ways in which
the ilm uses Yunioshi to communicate them) allows us to make
sense of the ilm in relation to several entangled biopolitical concerns of the early 1960s: the management of post–World War II
Asian American populations, remnants of the lavender scare, the
burgeoning feminist movement, and the changing status of whiteness in postwar America.
To explore these themes, I introduce the analytic of the
“buzz” as a way of reading in and out of the ilm. The motif of buzzing connects Holly Golightly and Mr. Yunioshi: the absentminded
Holly continually forgets the keys to her apartment and relies on
Mr. Yunioshi, her upstairs neighbor, to buzz her in. Mr. Yunioshi,
meanwhile, reacts to these disturbances through a frenetic buzz of
his own. In a metaphorical sense, a buzz is a repetitive noise that
occurs at a lower frequency, diffuse yet palpable. I show how racial
and sexual difference resounds atmospherically in the ilm and its
source text as a buzz, and I argue that this is elided by standard
readings of Mr. Yunioshi that understand him merely as a stereotype. Last, I investigate Paramount’s publicity tactics, which created a salacious buzz around the ilm, speciically around Rooney’s
yellowface performance of Yunioshi and Hepburn’s against-type
casting as Holly Golightly.
The Persistence of Yellowface
The white Mickey Rooney’s portrayal of the Japanese Mr. Yunioshi
is part of a long tradition of yellowface in American culture which
should be understood within an economy of racial desire that
centers on the titillating effects of white (and sometimes black)
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performances of Asianness. Drawing on its blackface sibling, the
practice of yellowface usually features white performers who use
“dialect, makeup, posture, and costuming” to igure the “Oriental” as temporally backward, strange, and diabolical for the purposes of entertainment.7 Prior to the advent of cinema, imagery of
Asians circulated in political cartoons, popular song, and vaudeville acts across the US.8 Notable early examples of cinematic yellowface include Madame Butterly (dir. Sidney Olcott, US, 1915),
featuring Mary Pickford as Cho- Cho- San; Broken Blossoms (dir.
D. W. Griffith, US, 1919), with Richard Barthelmess as Lillian
Gish’s forlorn Chinese lover; and popular series such as Mr. Moto
(1937–39), Fu Manchu (1923–80), and Charlie Chan (1926–81), all
of which starred white men in yellowface as the title characters.
Many of these ilms included “real” Asians in their casts as supporting characters, as does Breakfast at Tiffany’s (a point to which I
will return later), highlighting the desire for the particular effects
of a yellowface performance over a “real” Asian performance.
The style of yellowface used in Tiffany’s relects postwar
America’s relationship with Japan as well as its Cold War concerns
regarding the growing geopolitical power of Asia. Asian representation underwent especial pressures in the US imaginary during
World War II as the enemy Japanese needed to be understood
differently from the US-allied Chinese. The incarceration of one
hundred thousand Japanese Americans, most of whom were US
citizens, in camps from 1942 to 1946 was one such racially based
response to the war. The internment was legitimized in popular
culture through numerous forms, from propaganda newsreels
showing the internees to be “happy campers” to ilms and cartoons
that depicted the Japanese as bumbling, bespectacled, clumsy, and
bucktoothed middle-aged men who wished to destroy the US. Theodor Geisel’s (Dr. Seuss’s) anti-Japanese political cartoons, such as
the 1942 drawing “Waiting for the Signal from Home,” and animations such as Bugs Bunny Nips the Nips (dir. Friz Freleng, US, 1944)
are two notable examples of works that gave formal shape to this
newly urgent racialization of the Japanese. The American dropping of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August
1945 sobered the popularity of “Jap” imagery. Dominant images
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of the Japanese shifted from the cartoonish enemy to stark blackand-white photography of disigured, scarred, and suffering men,
women, and children.9 The 1961 ilm version of Yunioshi drew
directly on cartoonish World War II stereotypes: Rooney plays the
character for laughs with slanted eyes, round glasses, buck teeth, a
kimono, and an exaggerated Japanese accent. Rooney’s caricature
of Yunioshi was a pointed reminder of these past violences, and
upon the ilm’s release, several critics, including those from the
Hollywood Reporter and Variety, noted its offensiveness.10
After World War II, an ambivalent vogue for racial authenticity ran through Hollywood. The mid-1950s to the early 1960s saw
the rise of the Asian American star through actors like Nancy Kwan
and James Shigeta. Both garnered leading roles in this period,
including romantic leads, and costarred in the irst all–Asian
American musical, Flower Drum Song (dir. Henry Koster, US, 1961).
Indeed, strains of postwar US culture attempted to embrace rather
than negate racial difference as a response to critiques of the civil
rights movement and as an attempt to prove US capitalist democracy superior to Soviet and Chinese communism.11 Through heteronormative stars like Kwan and Shigeta, Asianness and Asian
heritage became newly celebrated as Asian Americans were marshaled as proof of the US’s success in assimilating immigrants.12
Despite this movement, yellowface persisted in ilms such
as The King and I (dir. Walter Lang, US, 1956), The Teahouse of the
August Moon (dir. Daniel Mann, US, 1956), and Sayonara (dir.
Joshua Logan, US, 1957). One key difference is that this cycle of
ilms were all set, and often ilmed, in Asia. These “runaway productions” were desirable from a business point of view, as Hollywood
aimed (and often failed) to capture the large Japanese market of
postwar ilmgoers.13 They were often “about” Asia in the broadest
sense: whatever the ilms’ plots, postwar Asia played a starring role
as an object of fascination and reverence. Americans no longer
approached Japan as a credible foe, as they did in World War II,
but rather as an aesthetically complex and tradition-bound ancient
society. Hollywood imagery of postatomic, US- occupied Japan no
longer imagined its citizens as evil minions of the emperor Hirohito, but rather as pliant geishas from another century. Postwar
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modernity was rendered implicitly American as it was buttressed
by the supposedly anachronistic Orient.
Following this trend, Paramount released a number of ilms
in the late 1950s and early 1960s that exploited the US fascination
with Asia, including The Geisha Boy (dir. Frank Tashlin, US, 1958), a
comedy starring Jerry Lewis as a magician who befriends a Japanese
war orphan; The World of Suzie Wong (dir. Richard Quine, US/UK,
1960), a romance about a white American man who falls in love
with a Chinese prostitute in Hong Kong; and My Geisha (dir. Jack
Cardiff, US, 1962), a truly bizarre ilm starring Shirley MacLaine
as a famous actress who disguises herself as a geisha in order to
play Madame Butterly in a remake directed by her unsuspecting
husband. Breakfast at Tiffany’s is adjacent to, though not necessarily
part of, this cycle. The ilm shares important similarities with the
others in how it uses a backward Orient to shore up Americanstyle modernity—in this case, as embodied by Holly Golightly in
an emerging form of white female sexual independence.
The Buzz across the Color Line
In Capote’s original Breakfast at Tiffany’s, Holly’s emerging form of
white female sexual independence is constituted against a backdrop of racialized menace, speciically though fears of black-white
miscegenation. From Holly’s sexual excesses with racial others to
the narrator’s queerness, the sexual transgressions in the novella
operate on the frequency of a buzz: they are strongly implied but
not exactly explicit. The novella revolves around the friendship
between an unnamed narrator—an ambiguously gay young white
man—and his friend Holly Golightly, a young white woman who
moonlights as a high- class call girl. Although the novella was published in 1958, it opens in 1956, and the bulk of the narrative is a
lashback set in 1943. As a result, while it may be read as a Cold
War text concerned with the negotiation of authenticity and “phoniness,” the preoccupations driving the plot are in fact the homefront anxieties around miscegenation produced by the number
of newly independent women and scarcity of eligible white men
induced by the World War II draft. While literary critic Abigail
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Cheever reads the enigmatic exchange between the narrator
and Holly’s agent, O. J. Berman (“Is she or ain’t she?” “What?” “A
phony.”) as about a Cold War crisis of authenticity à la Holden
Caulield, I suggest we consider what it would mean if this central question propelling the narrative is whether Holly is, or ain’t,
ready to cross the boundary of sleeping with a black man.14
At the start of the novella in 1956, the narrator hears from
his bartender, Joe Bell, that news has been received about Holly
Golightly, whom no one had seen for some time. Their mutual
friend Mr. I. Y. Yunioshi, shooting photographs in Africa for a
magazine, sent word that he had come across a tribal man with
a carving of a igure that looked eerily like Holly. The narrator
muses, “On a glance it resembled most primitive carving; and
then it didn’t, for here was the spit-image of Holly Golightly, at
least as much of a likeness as a dark still thing could be.”15 The
spritely, white Holly has been captured as, but not reduced to, her
black, heavy opposite. Joe and the narrator argue as to whether
the rumors that Holly had “shared the wood- carver’s mat” could
be true. Joe comments, “I know she had her ways, but I don’t think
she’d be up to anything as much as that” (8). This exchange, which
opens the novella, presages the “Is she or ain’t she?” question that
will later be posed by Holly’s agent: did she or did she not sleep with
a black man? Has she, or has she not, been captured by blackness?
This aporia around miscegenation, which begins the narrator’s
meditation on his unknowable friend, constitutes the remainder
of the novella.
The story then lashes back to New York City in 1943, when
the narrator and Holly developed a friendship. Holly’s “purity” is
not measured through her sexual activity—she freely admits to
being “a bit of a dyke myself” (21)—but rather the skin color of
the people with whom she sleeps. In the beginning of the novella,
Holly is not especially keen to settle down with a person of color.
It is quite the opposite: one of her love interests is Rusty Trawler,
whom “Winchell always referred to . . . as a Nazi” because “he
attended rallies in Yorkville” (37), a predominantly German neighborhood in Manhattan. Throughout, however, she toys with the
idea of miscegenation, which both tantalizes and disgusts her: “We
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had an irresistible guide [in Havana], most of him Negro and the
rest of him Chinese, and while I don’t go for one or the other, the
combination was fairly riveting: so I let him play kneesie under
the table, because frankly I didn’t ind him at all banal, but then
one night he took us to a blue movie, and what do you suppose?
There he was on the screen” (57). Curiously, it is not the idea of
black-white miscegenation that activates Holly’s interest, but blackyellow, a nod to the complex racial frameworks of the Caribbean.
In Holly’s story, the objectiication of the tour guide as a sexualized
racial curiosity allows her the sanitary space in which to interact
with him; only when he reveals his own sexual agency as a screen
actor is she scared off. Later on, as her choices become more limited, she must compromise the protection of her whiteness.
Holly’s downfall, which is kick-started by the death of her
beloved brother Fred, is communicated through color. Her glamorous world, formerly marked by sparkling diamonds and lutes of
champagne, turns an unappealing black. The narrator observes
that her hair turns shades darker, and even her food becomes discolored. He laments, “Wartime sugar and cream rationing restricted
her imagination when it came to sweets—nevertheless, she once
managed something called Tobacco Tapioca: best not to describe
it” (77). Instead of spending her time with the Nazi-adjacent Rusty
Trawler, she takes on a dark lover, the Brazilian aristocrat José
Ybarra-Jaeger, like molasses substituting for cream and sugar. Faced
with hard times, Holly succumbs to the last taboo of miscegenation.
After she believes she has become pregnant with José’s child, she
declares to the narrator that she wants to have at least nine children:
“I’m sure some of them will be rather dark—José has a touch of le
nègre, I suppose you guessed that?” (77).
Black children haunt Holly throughout the novella. A premonition about her future on the dark continent occurs in a lashback scene when she and the narrator go horseback riding in Central Park: “For all at once, like savage members of a jungle ambush,
a band of Negro boys leapt out of the shrubbery along the path.
Hooting, cursing, they launched rocks and thrashed at the horse’s
rumps with switches” (83). This surprise encounter with the primitive embodied by the black children sets off a chain of events that
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lead Holly to leave for South America and eventually, the postcard
from Yunioshi suggests, Africa. When José abandons Holly on the
eve of their elopement to Rio, she decides to go on without him.
She orders the narrator, “[Get] a list of the ifty richest men in Brazil. I’m not kidding. The ifty richest: regardless of race or color”
(98). The ambiguous racialization of Cuba and Brazil offers a space
in between America’s primary schema of a black-white binary: as
Holly has noted, Cubans and Brazilians are a mix of black, Asian,
indigenous, and European roots. The narrator sees that crossing
the color line ultimately frees Holly, allowing her to leave New York
and travel the world indeinitely. As the novella comes to a close,
the narrator celebrates, wistfully, the lost world he knew during
the war with Holly at its center. It concludes with his hope that
Holly has found somewhere she belonged, “African hut or whatever” (105).
The adaptation of the novel into the ilm straightened, in
multiple senses, the queer buzz of Capote’s work. When producers Marty Jurow and Richard Shepherd bought the novella’s ilm
rights from Capote in 1958, there was little to no comment on the
novella’s preoccupation with miscegenation, but the queer indeterminacy of Capote’s ending was read by Hollywood executives
as fundamentally lacking plot. Its queerness was a structural law.
Edwards’s ilm version rewrote Holly’s lightiness as ultimately
just a fear of commitment. Installing the traditional Hollywood
romance narrative, concluding in compulsory heterosexuality for
Holly and the narrator, was meant to dismantle the asexual but
affectionate pas de deux Capote had rendered between them in
the novella. Through these and a number of other revisions, Paramount considered the queerness of the text suficiently elided, and
the project was allowed to proceed.16
The Buzzer and the Buzzed
If the phantom black primitive haunted the novella, the cartoonish “Jap” replaced him in the ilm. Breakfast at Tiffany’s became
another in the cycle of postwar films in which an implicitly
American modernity is deined over and against an Orientalized,
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tradition-bound Asia, as the racialized queerness of the Yunioshi
character functions to shore up the heteronormativity of the
revised plot. In the film, the management of (hetero)sexuality
is understood through the framework of domesticity: falling in
(proper) love is inding a happy home. The eventual pairing of
Holly and Paul (George Peppard) is normalized through its juxtaposition with the various forms of queer domesticity that Holly
and Paul’s neighbors inhabit.
The ilm version adapted Yunioshi from a Japanese American photographer from California (as he was in the novella) into
an Orientalist caricature. Several scholars have speculated that
Capote based Yunioshi on the Japanese American artist Yasuo
Kuniyoshi (1889–1953); the two most likely knew of each other
in the New York arts and literary scene.17 In the hands of screenwriter George Axelrod and director Blake Edwards, Yunioshi’s role
was enlarged—he became Holly’s upstairs neighbor and the resident killjoy.18 Mr. Yunioshi’s strangeness emerges from his impotence, his inability to restore order to his household. He complains
that Holly rings his buzzer in the middle of the night because she
has forgotten her key, but the eficacy of his charge is offset by
Rooney’s fake Japanese accent, eyeglasses, buck teeth, kimono, and
the like—all markers of his inability to embody a performance of
whiteness and/or authority. This inability is expressed by Rooney
as hysteria, a quality that, David Eng argues, has long been associated with the female body as well as the feminized Asian male
body, marked by “mysterious symptoms all relating to sexual impotence and resulting in complicated withdrawals from the social
realm.”19 Yunioshi’s hysteria buzzes with guttural mutterings, physical bumbling, and general clumsiness. In this way, the buzzer and
the buzzing serve as a powerful metaphor of Holly and Yunioshi’s
relationship (and hence the connective threads between racial and
sexual difference in the ilm). Holly needs Yunioshi, a racial other,
to constantly “buzz” her in, to let her into an imagined, fragile
illusion of middle- class domestic order that is their shared apartment building.
Despite a lack of bodily control over himself as well as Holly,
Yunioshi is shown to be a master of the aesthetic realm, particu-
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larly in interior design. In comparison to Holly’s bare-bones apartment, which features a cut- out bathtub as a sofa and no books on
the shelves, Yunioshi’s home is shown decorated in high Japanese
tradition. His performances of what we are meant to imagine as
Japanese domesticity—taking hot soaking baths, performing ritual tea ceremonies, and so forth—are interrupted by Holly’s loud
requests to be let into the building. Likewise, Paul’s lover and
patron—the rich, married older woman Mrs. Failenson (Patricia
Neal)—is introduced to us as his interior decorator. Though not a
professional, she proves to be a highly competent designer: Paul’s
apartment, which she inances, is adorned with gilded furnishings,
dramatically patterned wallpaper, and rococo statues. When the
ilm peeks into the home she shares with her husband, we see that
they live in a big-windowed high-rise decorated in the height of
midcentury modern luxury. As with Yunioshi, a mastery over home
furnishings masks a lack of sexual control. Patricia Neal plays Mrs.
Failenson as a cunning, snake-tongued Park Avenue matron. Her
desire for sexual power, which goes so far as to pay for Paul’s living
as a kept man, invites us to read her as a queer igure.20
The ilm suggests that the queer domesticity of igures like
Mr. Yunioshi and Mrs. Failenson is bourgeois, pathological, and
soulless, while modern domesticity like Holly’s is scatterbrained but
full of spunk and life. As Michael Trask has argued, the spirit of
the 1960s New Left valued authenticity and thus saw “gay culture’s
uncommitted and artiicial persons [as] beyond redemption.”21
While the Tiffany’s ilm and its makers were not of the New Left,
they appropriated its fetish of the emotionally real as a signal of a
virile modernity, casting concern for the exterior and the ornamental as effeminate, perverse, and phony. This comes to a head when,
toward the end of the ilm, Yunioshi calls the police on Holly and
has her arrested on suspicion of drug traficking, revealing himself
to be a Japanese traitor and misinformed spy. Through this mishap, Holly and Paul become a couple and, we imagine, move out
of the building they share with Yunioshi and Mrs. Failenson and
into heteronormative domesticity.
In straightening the narrative into a romance, the ilmmakers perceived that it needed “that certain Capote something,”
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the original text’s je ne sais quoi buzz.22 According to Axelrod,
Rooney’s part was expanded at Edwards’s insistence for comedic
purposes. He recounted in an interview, “Each time [Yunioshi]
appeared I said, ‘Jesus, Blake, can’t you see that it fucks the movie
up?’ He said, ‘We need comedy in this, and Mickey’s character’s
funny.’”23 Axelrod even convinced Hepburn to reshoot some
scenes for free in the hope that Yunioshi could be edited out of
the ilm, but Edwards was adamant. Axelrod contended, “I hated
that Jap routine he does in the ilm. . . . Blake violently disagreed,
so Mickey Rooney’s still in the picture, to its great detriment. Blake
said, ‘I love it. It gives a big lift to the picture.’”24 Ironically, the
white actor in yellowface both dramatizes and reverses how Holly’s
own racial masquerade—revealed as her passing from rural “hillbilly” whiteness into urbane, sophisticated whiteness—is made over
and against racialized sexualities.
The Whiteness of “Audrey Hepburn”
At stake in the ilm is not merely the legitimacy of white heteronormative romance; few people relish Tiffany’s for Paul’s love
for Holly. Rather, what defines the film is the exaltation of an
emergent modern white femininity in Hepburn’s portrayal of
Holly Golightly. This new prototype combined the chic and the
“kookie” (i.e., crazy, wacky) to produce a modern, feminine, offbeat minimalism that was puriied of excessive sexual ornamentation. Through Edwards’s ilm, Holly’s “kookiness” deined itself in
opposition to the racialized sexualities that inhered in “redneck”
whiteness, the lush sensuality of the glamour girl, and Asianness.
Although it is suggested that Holly is a call girl because she is a
paid companion to rich men, the ilm never conirms that Holly
has sex with these men. (She gets paid by euphemistically asking
for a few coins “for the powder room.”) Scenes in which she pushes
men like Sid Arbuck out of her doorway at the end of the night
suggest that the men expect sex out of the exchange, something
she coquettishly ignores. Hepburn plays Holly as a charmer — a
woman who gains inancial independence without sullying herself
through sexuality.
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Unlike the everyday girl who turns out to be a princess in
Roman Holiday (dir. William Wyler, US, 1953; Hepburn’s breakout
role), in Tiffany’s Hepburn plays the opposite: a glamorous New
York woman running from her past as a hillbilly child bride. At
the start of the ilm, the buzz about Holly Golightly is that she is
of mysterious origins that no one has been able to trace. As her
agent, O. J. Berman, remarks, “Even when she opens her mouth . . .
you don’t know if she’s a hillbilly or an Okie or what. My guess,
nobody’ll ever know where she came from.”25 When Holly’s former
husband comes looking for her, we discover that her real name is
Lula Mae Barnes and that she is originally from the backwoods of
Tulip, Texas. Edwards’s choice of the folksy Buddy Ebsen for the
part of Holly’s horse- doctor husband, Doc Golightly, produced a
caricature of a comically backward, sexually deviant South; Lula
Mae was said to be fourteen when she married the middle-aged
Doc.26 In this sense, Holly’s story parallels a passing narrative. Her
“white trash” identity must be shielded from the public, and from
her own psyche, at all costs. She must move past her muddy biological ties in order to move into her future life of whiteness.
This is not to suggest that Holly’s rural white background
is a mere stand-in for blackness; indeed, it relects its own kind
of racial shame. Such narratives index the entanglement of class,
race, gender, and social location that transformed postwar American whiteness during a time marked by technological, ideological,
and structural shifts toward centralization and standardization,
and by radical challenges to the social order through the burgeoning civil rights and feminist movements. As emerging mass
media like network television attempted to homogenize American regions into a more coherent, uniied culture, certain forms
of whiteness became identiied and devalued as uneducated and
backward: media centers New York and Los Angeles produced
television series like The Beverly Hillbillies (CBS, 1962–71; starring
Ebsen), Petticoat Junction (CBS, 1963–70), and Green Acres (CBS,
1965–71), programs whose comedy was generated by highlighting
the increasing differences between rural and (sub)urban America.
Among these differences were the ways in which whiteness was
lived and experienced: as rational, capitalistic, and urbane, as the
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“city folk” are portrayed, versus the irrational, unsophisticated,
technologically inept farm people.27
Historian Lizabeth Cohen traces the way in which ethnic
European Americans became understood as normatively white
through their consumerist participation in postwar suburban lifestyles.28 For example, John F. and Jacqueline Kennedy tempered
fears about John’s Irish Catholic heritage by captivating the public
with their American take on Camelot. Holly’s Camelot, however, is
the jewelry store Tiffany’s, a protective pleasure dome famous for
its diamonds. These aspirations pointed not only to the deracination of whiteness but also to the seeming democratization of wealth
and glamour from a WASP elite to an expanding middle class. Contemporaneous musicals like My Fair Lady (1956 Broadway debut)
and The Unsinkable Molly Brown (1960 Broadway debut), along with
ilms like Cinderella (dir. Clyde Geronimi, Hamilton Luske, and Wilfred Jackson, US, 1950) and Sabrina (dir. Billy Wilder, US, 1954),
dramatized (and feminized) arriviste desire in narratives about
working- class girls, dirtied by Cockney accents or Irish birth, who
undergo ethnoracial transformations into upper- class denizens.
Hepburn’s ability to balance the reined and the democratic made
her the leading face of numerous such narratives; her European
aristocratic appeal legitimated rather than mocked her characters’
desire for upward mobility.
Thus in producing a ilm about a sex worker, producers
Jurow and Shepherd wanted to tone down the sexual tenor of the
ilm by casting against type.29 While Hepburn was their irst choice
for the role, Capote wanted Marilyn Monroe to play Holly and
himself to play the narrator.30 This would have made for a far more
corporeally sexualized Holly, and Capote has repeatedly stated that
this was his vision of her. As he saw it, the ilm ended up “thin and
pretty, whereas it should have been rich and ugly.”31 Yet Hepburn’s
thinness, combined with Yunioshi’s effeminate, racialized hysteria,
was key to portraying Holly as white, demure, and nonexcessive.
Critic Elizabeth Wilson wryly notes, “Hepburn is too innocent to
bring out the squalor and humiliation of Holly’s life. Hepburn is
incapable of being damaged or shop- soiled.”32
Whereas busty blonde types like Monroe reigned as sex
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symbols, the petite Hepburn was seen as a biological and cultural
alternative to what Rachel Moseley terms the “mammary women”
of the 1950s.33 Hepburn’s star persona depended on maintaining
a sense of difference while celebrating upper- class white female
innocence. In promotional material, Paramount highlighted Hepburn’s performance of Golightly as “chic” and “kookie.” The July
1961 issue of Photoplay read: “Miss Hepburn, an elegant thoroughbred, just doesn’t look like the type of girl who would live strictly
for kicks. Yet here she is, turning out the performance of her
life . . . ‘a real kookie dame!’”34 The language of Hepburn as a
“thoroughbred” refers to her aristocratic European lineage: her
mother was a Dutch baroness.35 As an expertly engineered creature of the civilized upper classes, Hepburn avoided connotations
of darkness or proletarianism, which ironically facilitated her success in such roles. In addition, the persona of the “kookie dame”
allowed her to play sexually adventurous characters like Holly
Golightly or Karen Wright in The Children’s Hour (dir. William
Wyler, US, 1961).36 To a lesser extent, it also facilitated cross-racial
roles. In Capote’s essay “The Duke in His Domain,” he divulges that
Hepburn had been offered a cross-racial role in Sayonara playing
the Japanese love interest to Marlon Brando’s white leading man.
Hepburn declined the role, fearing that audiences would laugh
at her.37 A few years later, she was cast as a young Native American woman in John Huston’s The Unforgiven (US, 1960). According
to Lizzie Francke, “[Her] gamine appeal could be translated into
exotic otherness.”38 Curiously, a gender luidity abets a racial one:
the masculine (or rather, boyish) elements of Hepburn’ femininity
produce racial pliability.
While this new model of sexuality may have been liberating for young white women, it privileged the pure, pared- down, or
chic at the expense of the excessive, unruly, and varicolored. The
articulation of the modern girl, in other words, became expressed
through the ability of a puriied body to cast on or off an identity
at will—the central task of Hepburn’s character. The privilege to
be unmarked, and thus able to slip on and off the lags of racialization, did not extend the opposite way. Actress Nancy Kwan, the
star of Suzie Wong, was also touted in the language of fresh, natural
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beauty; like Hepburn, her ballet training was emphasized. Yet in
the press, the petite Kwan was photographed more like a Marilynesque sylph than like the similarly built Hepburn. Kwan’s true
racial “Asianness” continually foreclosed her full incorporation
into white female privilege. However, Kwan was never considered
wholly Asian, either. Both she and France Nuyen (the actress originally cast to play Suzie Wong) had European mothers and Asian
fathers, yet both required makeup around the eyes to make them
look “more” Asian: the Eurasians were not quite Asian enough. Paradoxically, while the whiteness of Hepburn allowed her to access
Asian femininity, the hapa actresses Kwan and Nuyen could never
be cast in white roles and were instead tied down by a racialized
sexuality that was inherent in their bodies, despite, or because of,
their mixed-race status.
The solidity of Asian female racialization at this moment is
evidenced in the infamous party scene at Holly’s apartment, which
includes two Asian women dressed in Shanghai-style qipao among a
sea of white people in contemporary dress. The women do not have
speaking roles but are placed prominently in the frame as sexual
playthings of the men in attendance. Ironically, the men at this
party are presumably all the men Holly has been dating. Yet the
party scene preserves her as a coy, desirable but not desirous hostess, while the actual “work” of sexualizing the party atmosphere is
done by the mere presence of the Asian women.
Likewise, the placement of Mr. Yunioshi at strategic
moments in the ilm helped to hide the fact that Holly worked as
a high- end call girl. This was a necessary obfuscation not only for
censorship purposes but as part and parcel of a fantasy of female
independence unencumbered by sexuality. In a number of scenes,
Holly attempts to enter her apartment at the end of the night but
is badgered by the wealthy men who have wined and dined her
and expect sex out of the deal. One man asserts, “When you asked
for change for the powder room, I give you a ifty dollar bill. That
gives me some rights.” Yunioshi bursts into the hallway to complain about the noise that the scene of near-rape engenders. As an
Asian man, he is presumed blind to sexual subtexts and thus does
not realize what is going on. Rooney as Yunioshi distracts Holly’s
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suitors through his own protestations, diegetically, and the audience through his yellowface, extradiegetically, from Holly’s situation. After placating Mr. Yunioshi and regaining control of the
situation, Holly is able to slip into her apartment. He is the queer
phantom—a cockblock—enabling Holly to reap the rewards of
her game.
Appearing only six times and with a few lines at each
appearance, Yunioshi has an ambivalent but instrumental role in
the ilm. He demands middle- class order in the building but carries on an isolated bachelor life in his apartment surrounded by his
tatami mats, paper lanterns, and other assorted japonaiserie. His
strangeness is mitigated by his quasi-paternal presence in Holly’s
life. His location, the apartment above Holly’s, suggests a bird’seye glimpse into her life. He watches her, and watches over her,
both witness to and protector of her life. Holly continually appeases
him by promising to model for him. This opportunity to subjugate Holly into an object of Yunioshi’s gaze, though, is merely a
tease: his desire to be seen and heard by Holly is limited by his own
effeminate to-be-looked-at-ness. He is continually shot climbing up
the stairs and into his living quarters, a climbing which suggests
a climb that remains only and always a climb with no end. Whatever moral criticism the audience might tender toward Holly’s own
social climbing is displaced as laughter for a character that is far
less capable of it. In this twofold way, Asianness is deployed to manage emergent white femininities embodied by the “kookie dame.”
Racial Masquerade as Industrial Practice
Racial masquerade becomes in Breakfast at Tiffany’s an eficient
way to explore questions of gender and sexual expression. Techniques like yellowface avail themselves of cinema’s visual and
sonic qualities as well as Hollywood ilms’ self- conscious performativity and investment in fantasy as a route to reality. Yunioshi
is proof, not of bad taste, but of a culture of performance that
utilized racist tropes as part of the lexicon and grammar of comedy. He is not the creation of singular individuals (like the director, screenwriter, or performer) but rather a concerted production
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assisted by a phalanx of studio employees. He was produced by no
one and everyone; apologies from Axelrod, Edwards, or Rooney
merely attempt to strike Yunioshi’s existence from the record.
This strategy conveniently allows responsibility to be shouldered
by a few key players, sacriicing a consideration of race as a reproducible technology while it safely secures difference by containing
it within the ideology of the same — whiteness. In closing, I want
to consider how yellowface buzzed around Breakfast at Tiffany’s
outside the diegesis of the ilm, allowing Yunioshi to endure far
beyond the conines of its two-hour running time.
Masquerade was a preoccupation in director Blake Edwards’s
career, something that buzzed around him (in rumors about his
closeted homosexuality) and his ilms. Indeed, many of his most
well-known ilms rely on racial and/or gender drag to produce
comedic tension: in The Party (1968), Peter Sellers plays an Indian
man, Hrundi V. Bakshi, who has adventures in Hollywood;
Edwards’s ilms in The Pink Panther series (1963–93) feature the
British Sellers once again trading on ethnic stereotypes by playing a French detective, Inspector Jacques Clouseau; in The Return
of the Pink Panther (1975), Clouseau’s Chinese sidekick Cato (Burt
Kwouk) masquerades as a Japanese waitress, while in The Revenge
of the Pink Panther (1978), Clouseau and Simone Legree (Dyan
Cannon) don Oriental disguises while Cato wears the Western
suit; Darling Lili (1970) stars Julie Andrews as a German spy posing as a British entertainer; and most famously, in 1982’s Victor/
Victoria, Edwards directs Andrews as a woman playing a man (a Polish man, Count Victor Grazinski) playing a woman.39 These ilms
explore the ways in which gender, race, and sexuality intersect in
the production of comedy. While the ethnic and racial secrets of
the female characters (Lili and Victoria) are kept hidden and then
eventually revealed, the male characters (Bakshi and Clouseau)
derive their comedy not from the issue of performativity (i.e., can
they pull it off or will they be found out?), but from the cross-racial
performance itself. The racial comedy in Tiffany’s, The Party, or The
Pink Panther arises from how closely the white actor can mimic the
nonnormative man.
Edwards had been a frequent collaborator with Mickey
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Rooney since the early ifties, along with Richard Quine (director
of Suzie Wong). Rooney, too, had a history of racial masquerade,
performing in blackface with Judy Garland in Busby Berkeley ilms
decades earlier. His creation of the character of Yunioshi was no
mere mistake but part of his repertoire, given his performance
background. The abjection of Mr. Yunioshi is compounded by his
creation at one of the lowest points in Rooney’s career. Having
run into problems with alcohol use, the actor was losing friends
and work in Hollywood—Jack Paar kicked a drunk Rooney off the
Tonight Show in front of an applauding audience in 1959.40 The
year after Tiffany’s was released, Rooney would declare bankruptcy.
Expanding Yunioshi’s role in the script, and then casting
Rooney to perform it, were not the only (mis)steps Paramount took
in regard to the character. Between October and December 1960,
Paramount released a series of twelve press releases announcing
its casting of a Japanese actor named Ohayo Arigatou to play Mr.
Yunioshi, a gag that was meant to hide that the character would be
played by Rooney.41 The nonsense name Ohayo Arigatou (“Hello
Thank You”) was a trace of the pidgin Japanese that American
troops would have picked up during the war; indeed, part of Arigatou’s biography was that he earned his initial fame by entertaining troops. Paramount developed a narrative through the press
releases about Arigatou’s ascent from a Japanese comic into a Hollywood wannabe. It followed Arigatou’s relocation to the US, where
he attended the World Series, demanded the ilm be put on hold
while he studied at the Actors’ Studio, and asked to have top billing. Paramount recounted many of these stories phonetically in
Arigatou’s broken English. These press releases laid the groundwork for the sense of ridiculousness that Rooney’s performance of
Yunioshi was supposed to convey: the humor in a “Jap” growing
an ego the size of a Hollywood diva. In his performance of Ohayo
Arigatou and Mr. Yunioshi, Rooney did not try to pass as Japanese
(as Brando attempted in The Teahouse of the August Moon) but pointedly exaggerated the incommensurability between the Asian and
the Caucasian. In re-presenting the Japanese man’s alleged impotence, Rooney and Edwards effectively reinscribed this impotence
as both real and unreal (i.e., recognizable as parody).
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This ruse was perpetuated not only on the public but on
the movie industry as well; Arigatou was listed as a cast member in
the daily and weekly trade production charts. Two press releases
even used the opportunity to cross-promote Paramount’s Shirley
MacLaine vehicle My Geisha, stating that Arigatou was lending his
geisha house in Tokyo as a ilming location. Once production on
Tiffany’s started, the secret was uncovered. Paramount worked with
Hollywood columnist Jimmy Starr to release a story suggesting the
press was in on the gag—that a UPI photographer on set had recognized Rooney underneath the Arigatou disguise. Indeed, the
entire reveal was done in a merry, back- slapping fashion in which
the studio, the press, and the actor all colluded. No apologies were
given; the uncloaking was used instead to create even more mischief. Rooney gave a statement explaining the situation, although
he did so, according to the press release, in “full makeup, eyes slanting, hair jet black, teeth as prominent as a picket fence in the moonlight.” He used the opportunity to tell the press that although he
has an Irish name, he was actually Scottish, further insisting on the
racial pliability of whiteness to deceive. Paramount also released a
straight-faced statement that the production had hired Mrs. Katsuma Mukaeda, the wife of a Los Angeles Japanese Chamber of
Commerce oficial, to act as a “technical advisor” to Rooney.42
Once the ilm was ready for distribution, Rooney’s performance of Yunioshi was one of Paramount’s distinct advertising features for creating buzz around the ilm, along with the excitement
over Hepburn’s salacious new role as a call girl. One press release,
titled “Mickey Rooney turns Oriental for Breakfast at Tiffany’s,” reads,
“If the Japanese photographer Mr. Yunioshi in Jurow- Shepherd’s
Breakfast at Tiffany’s looks slightly familiar, small wonder! Underneath all that make-up is Mickey Rooney, who again proves his
great versatility by playing Audrey Hepburn’s constantly complaining neighbor in this Technicolor comedy.”43 “Small wonder” is perhaps a reference to Rooney’s famously short stature; nearly every
clause in that short sentence references Rooney’s fame (“looks
familiar”; “again proves his great versatility”). Rooney is prominently featured in the ilm’s trailer, hamming it up in the bathtub
(meant to evoke a Japanese onsen), and his name appears in the
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“last but not least” position of the title credits, where both actor
and character are listed: “And also starring MICKEY ROONEY as
‘Mr. Yunioshi.’”
The character of Yunioshi was even important to the ilm’s
musical tie-ins. Composer Henry Mancini included a chopsticky
instrumental titled “Mr. Yunioshi” on the ilm’s soundtrack, made
famous by the original song “Moon River.” Alongside Mancini’s
easy listening soundtrack, jazz saxophonist Eddie Harris put out a
hard bop version of the ilm’s score. The seven-inch single “Moon
River” was backed with “Mr. Yunioshi,” suggesting its interest to
potential audiences.
In Japan, Paramount took a different tack. The studio
knew it was tiptoeing a line between postwar America’s renewed
fascination with Japan and the studio’s potential to offend Japanese moviegoing audiences through fabrication of such fantasy.44
US- occupied Japan was an important market for the ilm; it was
released there (and in Brazil) one month after the US world premiere and a full month ahead of its European showing. What
Paramount offered Japanese audiences through the ilm was a
chance to identify with the French-inlected, aspirational glamour
and style of Holly Golightly. The studio arranged for the Japanese
label King Records to produce a cover of “Moon River” by Misao
Nakahara, an actress and chanteuse who sang in Japanese and
French, in conjunction with the ilm’s Japanese release.45 The possibility of translating modern Japanese femininity into the framework of Hepburn’s stardom overrode popular audiences’ dislike of
Yunioshi. Despite the ilm’s use of yellowface, it was so successful
in Japan that it was rereleased in 1969. Not all Japanese viewers
concurred; one of the ilm’s producers, Richard Shepherd, found
himself snubbed by Akira Kurosawa some years later when it was
revealed that Shepherd was involved with Tiffany’s.46
Ultimately, the legacy of Breakfast at Tiffany’s registers modern liberal audiences’ simultaneous love of Hepburn and discomfort with Rooney’s character. The “buzz” around the ilm and its
continuing relevance operates, then, along these two parallel yet
intimately entangled stories: a fantasy of upward social mobility embodied by Hepburn’s aspirational whiteness and the racist
remainder of Rooney’s stereotypical yellowface character. By grapDownloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/camera-obscura/article-pdf/32/3 (96)/93/518191/0320093.pdf
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pling with Mr. Yunioshi outside of a limited binary of negative and
positive racial representation, we can understand him as a constitutive foil for the brand of modern white womanhood commodiied
by Edwards in his version of the ilm. As this essay has shown, viewers are invited to read the various sexual excesses and racial anxieties as funneled through the singular comedic igure of Rooney’s
racial masquerade in order to construct Holly as innocent. If, more
than ifty years after the ilm’s debut, Breakfast at Tiffany’s lingers
as the example par excellence of what was for decades a regular
cinematic practice, it is not because of our attachment to racist yellowface in Rooney’s portrayal of Mr. Yunioshi, but because of our
attachment to the forms of white womanhood that elicit it, embodied in Audrey Hepburn and Holly Golightly. In short, Mr. Yunioshi
lingers not because we love him, but because we love Holly. Yet
the work of feminist antiracism requires not a negation of its bad
objects, but a disinvestment in its precipitating conditions.
Notes
I would like to thank David Gerstner and Kristina Huang for their
enthusiasm for earlier versions of this essay, as well as Bliss Cua
Lim, Patricia White, and Christopher Eng for their generous and
perceptive feedback.
1.
“MANAA Adds Disclaimers to Breakfast At Tiffany’s Screenings
in New York and Beverly Hills,” Eyes & Ears: The Newsletter of the
Media Action Network for Asian Americans, 4 April 2013, newsletter
.manaa.org/2013/04/manaa-adds- disclaimers-to-breakfast-at
-tiffanys-screenings-in-new-york-and-beverly-hills/.
2.
Sam Wasson, Fifth Avenue, 5 A.M.: Audrey Hepburn, Breakfast at
Tiffany’s, and the Dawn of the Modern Woman (New York: Harper
Perennial, 2010), 189.
3.
Jay Weston, “Breakfast at Tiffany’s Celebrates 50th Anniversary at
Academy,” Hufington Post, 1 August 2011, www.hufingtonpost
.com/jay-weston/breakfast-at-tiffanys- cel_b_914066.html.
4.
Karla Rae Fuller, Hollywood Goes Oriental: CaucAsian Performance in
American Film (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 2010);
Kent A. Ono and Vincent N. Pham, Asian Americans and the Media
(Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2009); Jeff Yang, “The Mickey
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Rooney Role Nobody Wants to Talk Much About,” Wall Street
Journal, 8 April 2014, blogs.wsj.com/speakeasy/2014/04/08/the
-mickey-rooney-role-nobody-wants-to-talk-about/; Helen Zia,
Asian American Dreams: The Emergence of an American People (New
York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2000).
5.
Christina Klein, Cold War Orientalism: Asia in the Middlebrow
Imagination, 1945–1961 (Berkeley: University of California Press,
2003).
6.
Lawrence Grobel, Conversations with Capote (New York: New
American Library, 1985), 157.
7.
Krystyn R. Moon, “Lee Tung Foo and the Making of a Chinese
American Vaudevillian, 1900s–1920s,” Journal of Asian American
Studies 8, no. 1 (2005): 25.
8.
Robert G. Lee, Orientals: Asian Americans in Popular Culture
(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999); and Krystyn R.
Moon, Yellowface: Creating the Chinese in American Popular Music
and Performance, 1850s–1920s (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers
University Press, 2005).
9.
See Caroline Chung Simpson, An Absent Presence: Japanese
Americans in Postwar American Culture, 1945–1960 (Durham, NC:
Duke University Press, 2001); Thy Phu, Picturing Model Citizens:
Civility in Asian American Visual Culture (Philadelphia: Temple
University Press, 2012); and Patrick B. Sharp, Savage Perils: Racial
Frontiers and Nuclear Apocalypse in American Culture (Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 2007).
10. Fuller, Hollywood Goes Oriental, 191–92.
11. Mary L. Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of
American Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,
2000).
12. Klein, Cold War Orientalism, 223–63.
13. Ken Provencher, “Bizarre Beauty: 1950s Runaway Production in
Japan,” Velvet Light Trap 73 (2014): 39–50.
14. Abigail Cheever, Real Phonies: Cultures of Authenticity in Post–World
War II America (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2010).
15. Truman Capote, Breakfast at Tiffany’s: A Short Novel and Three
Stories (New York: Modern Library, 1994), 6.
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16. See Wasson, Fifth Avenue, 5 A.M.
17.
ShiPu Wang, Becoming American? The Art and Identity Crisis of Yasuo
Kuniyoshi (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2011), 160; and
Gordon H. Chang, “Foreword: Emerging from the Shadows: The
Visual Arts and Asian American History,” in Asian American Art: A
History, 1850–1970, ed. Gordon H. Chang, Mark Dean Johnson,
and Paul J. Karlstrom (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,
2008), x. I thank Kevin Tsukii for this reference.
18. Fuller, Hollywood Goes Oriental, 188.
19. David L. Eng, Racial Castration: Managing Masculinity in Asian
America (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2001), 168.
20. For theories of lesbian cinematic visibility, see Patricia White,
Uninvited: Classical Hollywood Cinema and Lesbian Representability
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999); for lesbian
cinematic representation as theorized through the architecture
of apartments, see Lee Wallace, Lesbianism, Cinema, Space: The
Sexual Life of Apartments (New York: Routledge, 2009), and
Pamela Robertson Wojcik, The Apartment Plot: Urban Living in
American Film and Popular Culture, 1945–1975 (Durham, NC:
Duke University Press, 2010).
21. Michael Trask, Camp Sites: Sex, Politics, and Academic Style in
Postwar America (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,
2013), 1.
22. Wasson, Fifth Avenue, 5 A.M., 81.
23. Declan McGrath and Felim MacDermott, Screenwriting,
Screencraft series (Burlington, MA: Focal Press, 2003), 29.
24. Patrick McGilligan, “Irony: George Axelrod Interviewed by
Patrick McGilligan,” Film Comment 31, no. 6 (1995): 20.
25. Capote, Breakfast at Tiffany’s, 30.
26. Wasson, Fifth Avenue, 5 A.M., 115.
27. Green Acres tweaked this formula slightly, lampooning bourgeois
“back to the land” romantics with agricultural dreams.
28. Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumer’s Republic: The Politics of Consumption
in Postwar America (New York: Vintage, 2004).
29. Wasson, Fifth Avenue, 5 A.M., 97.
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Camera Obscura
30. Gerald Clarke, Capote: A Biography (New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1988), 269.
31. Eric Norden, “Playboy Interview: Truman Capote,” in Truman
Capote: Conversations, ed. M. Thomas Inge (Jackson: University
Press of Mississippi, 1987), 160.
32. Lizzie Francke and Elizabeth Wilson, “Gamine against the
Grain,” Sight and Sound 3, no. 3 (1993): 32.
33. Rachel Moseley, Growing Up with Audrey Hepburn (Manchester,
UK: Manchester University Press, 2002), 54–56.
34. Quoted in Moseley, Growing Up with Audrey Hepburn, 44.
35. Hepburn cultivated the impression of a mysterious genealogy,
but, in fact, her parents were aristocrats with ties to the British
Union of Fascists. See Alexander Walker, Audrey: Her Real Story
(New York: Conundrum, 1994), 84.
36. This ilm, costarring Shirley MacLaine (who was also promoted
as a “kook”), is about two female schoolteachers tacitly accused
of being lovers.
37. Truman Capote, “The Duke in His Domain,” New Yorker, 9
November 1957.
38. Francke and Wilson, “Gamine against the Grain,” 30–32.
39. Peter Lehman and William Luhr, Blake Edwards (Athens: Ohio
University Press, 1981), 27, 158.
40. Aljean Harmetz, “Mickey Rooney, Master of Putting On a Show,
Dies at 93,” New York Times, 7 April 2014.
41. Breakfast at Tiffany’s press releases, 17 October–20 December
1960, Paramount Pictures Production Records, Margaret
Herrick Library, Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences,
Beverly Hills, CA.
42. Breakfast at Tiffany’s press releases.
43. Paramount Pictures Pressbooks, releases season 1961–62, group
A-21, Paramount Pictures Production Records.
44. See Provencher, “Bizarre Beauty.”
45. Breakfast at Tiffany’s press release, 7 November 1961, Paramount
Pictures Production Records.
46. Wasson, Fifth Avenue, 5 A.M., 169.
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The Many Lives of Mr. Yunioshi
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Melissa Phruksachart is assistant professor/faculty fellow in
the Department of Cinema Studies at New York University. Her
intellectual interests combine Cold War US media and literary
cultures, histories and theories of US racial formation, women and
queer- of- color critique, and Asian American cultural studies. She has
published work in Amerasia Journal, Journal of Asian American Studies,
and In Media Res.
Figure 2. Rooney as Yunioshi, wearing a hachimaki, in a tub
mimicking an ofuro. The Everett Collection, Inc.
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