teu a ça é l au l’ ’a ll r B Sp ec im en TOMu 11d.2 Lu sAIRu - 201d al en Sp ec im r teu au Sommaire i o 114 VI VOLUME I A l al Al Ali A Lunette Stela of Pasenedjemibnash in sairo Museum sG 22151.................. A 1 Marie-Lys Puriication du post-partum et rites des relevailles dans l’Égypte ancienne ...... François, M a R Béatrix r r ll teu Sur les traces de Georg August Schweinfurth. Les sites d’exploitation du silex d’époque pharaonique dans le massif du Galâlâ nord (désert Oriental) .................................................................... s Vincent au Hatiay, responsable des prophètes de tous les dieux : une généalogie ramesside à réviser .................................................................. s Janie 19 73 99 t la Alain, a en Deux blocs du Museum August Kestner à Hanovre et leur importance pour les théologies de la boucle thébaine du Nil ............................................. 111 Naïm Sp ec im Une inscription disparue du Dayr al-Faḫūrī .................................................. 149 u t Gersande, R Barbara Quelques particuliers inhumés à Saqqâra Nord au début du Moyen Empire ........................................................................... 155 l Cédric Un délateur zélé à Deir el-Medina ? Étude d’une nouvelle plaque votive réemployée.............................................. 187 Yannis Les gouverneurs de l’oasis de Dakhla à la in de l’Ancien Empire.................... 201 a l ul La tombe no Faten, lt Mustafa 16 de Tell el-Retaba .................................................................... 227 omm i VII a a A Solar Hymn Ostracon from Deir el-rahari ................................................. 245 a l a s t s l David teu VOLUME II r Architectes et tailleurs de pierre à l’épreuve du terrain. Rélexions géo-archéologiques sur la colline de sheikh Abd el-Gourna .......... 261 M a R au Replicas of Shu. On the heological Signiicance of Naophorous and heophorous Statues ............................................................................... 291 Y. a en À propos de quelques analogies iconographiques dans les tombes privées .................................................................................. 339 lt Sp ec im Quatre pièces votives conservées au musée de Mallawi ................................... 365 O é Olivier, ll Gaël La place de la photogrammétrie en égyptologie et en archéologie égyptienne. Rélexions méthodologiques et premiers résultats sur les chantiers de l’Ifao ................................................................................ 375 a ala Laure Les sept Hathors, leurs bas et Ptolémée IV Philopator au mammisi de soptos ................................................................................... 397 al a Anne-Claire La mesure du temps de la journée (II). Modules et fonctionnement des horloges à ombre tardives et des cadrans solaires ..................................................................................... 419 i o 114 VIII ala An Ofering Table of a Prophet of Onuris from Abydos sairo, Egyptian Museum JE 41438 (TR 23/1/15/7) .......................................... 447 a Nico he Tomb of Ptahmose, Mayor of Memphis Analysis of an Early 19 th Dynasty Funerary Monument at Saqqara ................ 455 r Daniel a a a a Freya Ma , u aR R a ll Alexandra, l a M a a A a a Nermeen, R R Mall Claire Mala Emmy teu Ta a Ana, a lM Abd l M ra R T a Yann, r François sa au Excavations East of the Khentkawes Town in Giza. A Preliminary Site Report .............................................................................. 519 l Georges O é Olivier a Pierre en « rarques sur le Nil… ». Le mastaba M06 d’Abou Rawach et sa barque funéraire (Ire dynastie, règne de Den) : découverte de la plus ancienne embarcation égyptienne actuellement conservée en Égypte ................................................ 563 Sp ec im L’architecture du temple de Montou à Ermant. Essai d’approche typologique et proportion du plan ....................................... 589 au teu r O Replicas of Shu a * Shall I, a man, housed more spaciously, conine within a tiny shrine power and majesty so great? Sp ec im en Et cum homo latius maneam, intra unam aediculam vim tantae maiestatis includam? l Minucius Felix, Octavius, 31, 1.1 Introduction In the New Kingdom, Egyptian sculptors invented a novel artistic medium for expressing personal piety.2 For certain votive statues, erected in temples or along the processional roads, the dedicants (typically non-royal)3 represented themselves standing or kneeling behind small statuettes of local divinities, either protected in small shrines ( naophorous statues ), or completely in the open, often seated on thrones ( theophorous statues ).4 As with the Menkaure dyads and University of rasel: eikones. les statuaires royales égyptienne et 1 Translation of G.H. R , in mésopotamienne (in IIIe-in IIe milléTertullian – Minucius Felix, LCL 250, naires) : éléments d’une étude comparée , 1977, p. 412-413. AOB (r) 11, 1998, p. 63-69, 72-75. 2 shr. Meyer (Senenmut: eine pros4 For questions of terminology, see opographische Untersuchung, HÄS 2, primarily H. R , Eine sp tsa tische 1982, p. 92) raised the possibility that Statue in Philadelphia , MDAIK 12, 1943, Senenmut himself may have invented p. 108 D. i , in LÄ IV, 1982, this sculptural form. col. 341, s. v. Naophor r. L o , 3 hile most naophoroi and theo- op. cit., p. 65, n. 24. Note that the sufphoroi belonged to private individu- ix -phorous refers to the entire statue als, around a dozen royal examples are itself, not just the priest, since often attested in the Ramesside Period see the dedicant does not actually carry r. L o , Les gestes de culte dans the divinity of the ground, but only embraces the shrine (H. R , op. cit., p. 111, n. 9). A Late Period osirophorous statue (rM 24784) bears a later Latin caption: sacerdos Osirim ferens, quite literally priest carrying Osiris (similarly in a damaged Greek label), even though the igure only holds his arms behind the god’s statue (unpublished, but for the texts see A. E m , Eine gyptische Statue aus Tyrus , ZÄS 31, 1893, p. 102 M. M i , Statues égyptiennes naophores et cultes isiaques , BSEG 26, 2004, p. 74, no. 27 kindly brought to the author’s attention by i o 114 - 2014 292 i o Sp ec im en au teu r triads from Giza, or the numerous royal group statues of the New Kingdom, private naophoroi and theophoroi communicate above all else a privileged relationship between worshipper and the divinity. Memorializing the cultic act in imperishable stone, pious clergy would continue their temple service throughout perpetuity, aspir ing to a metaphysical eternal existence in the retinue of the god represented within the shrine .5 Over the years, scholars have debated the precise theological signiicance of these statues.6 ith support from relevant texts on naophoroi and theophoroi, Hermann Ranke and Eberhard Otto characterized them as Schutzstatuen, depicting a gesture of mutually beneicial protection: the devotee guards the diminutive igurine or naos of the divinity with his arms, simultaneously receiving the eternal protection of the god or goddess represented on his statue.7 Hans ronnet and others doubted whether Egyptian mortals would have believed themselves capable of protecting transcendent deities,8 but priests regularly performed apotropaic rituals to guard divine statues and processional barks during potentially hazardous public outings.9 In a igurative sense, Egyptian priests also protected their gods through benefactions and self-sacriice. On his naophorous statue (Louvre A 93), Peftuaneith details the numerous reforms and renovations he oversaw in the temple of Osiris in Abydos, the god represented inside the naos.10 Udjahorresnet, meanwhile, includes a text explicitly describing the protective gesture towards Osiris of Sais,11 just as biographical inscriptions on the same statue commemorate the extraordinary measures he took to rescue Sais from destruction or at least from profanation at the hands of the Persian army.12 Although not all naophoroi contain lengthy biographical inscriptions, those that do often refer to temple construction, renovation, supplying cultic equipment, or protecting local citizens, as in the following prominent examples:13 Henry solburn). Furthermore, while 8 H. ro , Herkunft und naophoroi should by deinition form a redeutung der naophoren Statue , subset of theophoroi, in the following MDAIK 17, 1961, p. 91-98 followed discussion, the term theophoroi only by I.E.S. E , A Naophorous refers to statues where the divinities are Figure of Irhorudjanefu , in J. Osing, not enshrined. E.K. Nielsen (ed.), he Heritage of 5 R.S. ri i, Cleopatra’s Egypt: Ancient Egypt: Studies in Honour of Age of the Ptolemies, London, 1988, p. 128 Erik Iversen, CNIP 13, 1992, p. 46-47 cf. similarly .K. Sim o , Remarks , shr. M , op. cit., p. 82, 91-92. in L.M. rerman (ed.), he Art of 9 J. Di , A Ramesside Amenhotep III: Art Historical Analysis, Naophorous Statue from the Teti sleveland, 1990, p. 81: the owner is Pyramid semetery , OMRO 64, 1983, represented as a permanent member of p. 54-55. For other apotropaic temple the temple with the right to observe the rituals in general, see J.Fr. Q , La ceremonies and partake of the oferings magie au temple , in . Koenig (ed.), in perpetuity . La magie en Égypte : à la recherche d’une 6 Summarized recently by déinition, Paris, 2002, p. 41-68. For M. M i , op. cit., p. 75-77. the protection of divine barks, see also 7 H. R , op. cit., p. 109-112 D. K o , retween Heaven and Earth E. O o, ur redeutung der gyp- in Deir el-Medina: Stela MMA 21.2.6 , tischen Tempelstatue seit dem Neuen SAK 34, 2006, p. 277, n. 49. Reich , Or 17, 1948, p. 456-466. 10 H. r i , Image and Voice in Saite Egypt, Tucson, 2014, p. 78-84, pl. 31-34. 11 I. N , Remarques sur une formule de l’inscription d’Oudjahorresne , in Studia in Honorem K. Fóti, StudAeg 12, 1989, p. 377-383. 12 shr. T i , sivils et militaires dans les temples. Occupation illicite et expulsion , BIFAO 95, 1995, p. 498-500. 13 Temple construction and the manufacture of divine statues are also prominent themes on theophorous statues: e.g. rM EA 69486 (unpublished cf. D. K o , Two Studies on the Late Period Temples at Abydos , BIFAO 110, 2010, p. 152, n. 168) JE 67093-67094 (shr. i i -so , Statues et autobiographies de dignitaires. Tanis à l’époque ptolémaïque, Tanis 3, 2004, p. 256-259, 270-273). i o 293 sairo, sG 658 sairo, RT 27/11/58/8 rrooklyn 37.353 rerlin, M 21596 rerlin, M 1048 V GM 1995/116 au teu r Philadelphia, he University Museum 42-9-1 Hermitage 5629 New constructions for the Neith temple in Sais.14 New temple or shrine for Neith in Sais.15 Restoration of the Ptah temple, cult statues, priesthood in Memphis under Darius I.16 New constructions in Sais, protected citizens.17 Personal donation of items for the Mnevis cult, instructed priests in their duties.18 sleared canals near rehbeit el-Hagar.19 Increased divine oferings and tribute for Sais.20 Sp ec im en ry shielding the small shrines on their private statues, the dedicants commemorated their protection of the physical temple, service within its cult, and efective management of its agricultural holdings. sertain naophorous statues from Sais beautifully illustrate the conceptual equivalence of the small naos and the larger temple complex, since they represent the entire Neith temple on the doors of the miniature shrines.21 reyond these primary messages mutual protection and eternal devotion naophoroi implicitly express something that other votive statues do not. hey represent the dedicant performing an exclusive, intimate service for his divinity: namely, carrying the divine statue within the inner chapels of the temple,22 a privilege only granted to certain initiates. Jacobus van Dijk argued that the naophoroi might speciically allude to the moment of opening the naos to embrace and clothe the divine statue, since the naoi are usually represented as open.23 et Georges Legrain discovered one naophorous statue with a separate removable door,24 and later statues depict the naos as completely closed.25 14 R. -S , Documents relatifs 18 K. J - i , Die rioà Saïs et ses divinités, BdE 69, 1975, graphie eines Priesters aus Heliopolis , p. 93-108 with corrections by K. J - SAK 29, 2001, p. 97-110. i , u den Denkm lern des 19 P. G o, Nectanebo I ed il ramo Erziehers Psametiks II , MDAIK 52, del Nilo di rusiri e Perhebit , EVO 10, 1996, p. 196-197 N. S , Sustain- 1987, p. 43-49 . E , Philoloing Egyptian sulture? Non-Royal Initia- gische remerkungen zu sp tzeitlichen tives in Late Period Temple ruilding , Texten , LingAeg 13, 2005, p. 43-48. in L. rare , F. soppens, K. Smol rikov 20 P. T o , Sur deux monuments (ed.), Egypt in Transition: Social and égyptiens inédits de l’époque d’Amasis Religious Development of Egypt in the et de Nectanébo Ier , Kêmi 4, 1933, First Millennium BCE, Prague, 2010, p. 126-138. p. 447-449. 21 R. -S , op. cit., pl. , I 15 E. r i i, Una statue della A.-S. o rom , he Decree of Saïs. VI dinastia con il cosidetto « abito he Stelae of honis-Heracleion and Naupersiano » , SCO 16, 1967, p. 273-280. kratis, OCMAM 7, 2012, p. 128. 16 K. J - i , Drei Denk22 As M. Malaise noted, the closm ler mit archaisierender Orthogra- est iconographic parallels are reliefs of phie , Or 67, 1998, p. 163-168. priests carrying divine statues from tem17 H. R , op. cit., p. 113-114, 116, ple crypts to the abet or rooftop chapels at Dendera in festival processions col. 6-13, p. 135-138. outside of the temple, however, divine statues always traveled within a portable bark, not in the arms of priests (op. cit., p. 76-77). 23 J. Di , op. cit., p. 53-54 followed by M. M i , op. cit., p. 77. 24 J. van Dijk (op. cit., p. 53, n. 38) only mentioned one example, but noted that it was exceptional . However, see L. so o , A. M o , Osiris Naref à Karnak , in L. soulon (ed.), Le culte d’Osiris au Ier millénaire av. J.-C. : découvertes et travaux récents, BdE 153, 2010, p. 135-136, n. 46, p. 151, ig. 3 (Queens New ork , Godwin-Ternbach Museum 60.19 ex-JE 37008) for another small door which partially obscures the god within the naos, see sG 674 (L. ro , Statuen und Statuetten von Königen und Privatleuten im Museum von Kairo, III, Catalogue général 294 i o au teu r Indeed, the open doors on most naophoroi may serve another purpose. As votive statues illed temples around Egypt, sculptors and scribes devised various methods of distinguishing the otherwise monotonous private monuments in order to draw the attention of o ciating priests. If the ubiquitous appeals to the living are any indication, dedicants were anxious that passersby might ignore their monuments, and certain inscriptions exhaust all rhetorical means to persuade future readers to pronounce a simple voice ofering.26 hile a lector priest could easily skip over a group of nearly identical cuboid statues featuring short banal texts, he might pause to contemplate an unusual sculpture27 or an especially enigmatic inscription.28 Unlike cuboid or simple striding statues, the clergy could not ignore the open naophorous statues, for, at the very least, the divine statuettes visible within the open shrines would require incense and other oferings.29 Despite the large number of naophorous and theophorous statues in museums around the world, previous discussions of their theological signiicance focused on a small group of well-known inscriptions, such as the statue of Udjahorresnet. In a deceptively concise article, Herman De Meulenaere recently published a comprehensive typology of standing naophorous statues, incorporating many previously unpublished examples.30 Two decades earlier, he had already outlined the signiicant formal and conceptual developments:31 Sp ec im en À l’époque sa te, le lourd naos reposait sur un socle ou sur un pilier le soutenant. À la XXXe dynastie, il appara t, de manière tout à fait irréaliste, coincé entre les mains du dédicant, sans aucun lien avec le socle de la statue. À l’époque ptoléma que, la position change encore, modiication que l’on attribue généralement au rationalisme de la démarche grecque. somme si les sculpteurs s’étaient aper us que nul ne pouvait maintenir ainsi un naos de pierre, celui-ci est désormais iguré reposant sur le bout des doigts. Il devienne peu à peu plus petit aussi, si petit que de partie intégrante de la statue, il se transforme en simple attribut. sette évolution était terminée à la in de l’époque ptoléma que, avec pour résultat la perturbation profonde du rapport harmonique entre l’homme et l’objet. Le naos a de surcro t tout à fait perdu sa signiication de symbole de protection pour se transformer en une espèce d’ofrande à caractère votif. des antiquités égyptiennes du musée du – Du Nil à l’Escaut, rruxelles, 1991, 29 shr. M , op. cit., p. 81-82, Caire, N. 1-1294, 1930, p. 21, pl. 123). p. 256-259, no. 342 Pi r 89-92 J. Di , op. cit., p. 53. sertain naoi on private statues are now A o i , Vente d’arts d’Orient, 30 H. D M , Personnages empty (e.g. JE 37425 H. S im, hree Extrême-Orient, archéologie, Paris, May debout tenant un naos dans la statuaire Unpublished Naophorous Statues from 28-29 2008, p. 154-155, no. 528). de la rasse Époque , in . slaes, sairo Museum , MDAIK 60, 2004, 26 O. P , Florilège d’incitations H. De Meuleanere, S. Hendrickx (ed.), p. 159, n. 2, pl. 22 MFA 65.930 unpub- à agir , RdE 51, 2000, p. 175-192. Elkab and Beyond: Studies in Honour of lished ) like the Godwin-Ternbach stat27 E.g. J.J. s , Les chauves Luc Limme, OLA 191, 2009, p. 223-231. ue, they may have originally contained d’Hathor, OLA 63, 1995 E. r , Several of his unedited examples removable statuettes and doors. Innovationen in der Privatplastik. Die were published in subsequent years, 25 E.g. sG 688 (R. -S , Un 18. Dynastie und ihre Entwicklung, cf. D. K o , op. cit., p. 136, n. 2. document relatif au culte dans le Philippika 27, 2010. 31 H. D M , in E. Gubel Fayoum à la rasse Époque. Statue 28 sf. D. K o , he Peculiar Stat- (ed.), Van Nijl tot Schelde – Du Nil à saire sG 688 , BIFAO 81s, 1981, p. 313, ue of a Heliopolitan Priest: Hannover, l’Escaut, rruxelles, 1991, p. 257 (no. 342). n. 4, pl. VII), and a relgian pri- Museum August Kestner 1935.200.510 , vate collection (H. D M , ZÄS 139, 2012, p. 144. in E. Gubel ed. , Van Nijl tot Schelde i o 295 According to De Meulenaere, the large naoi resting on the ground or on socles during the 26 th Dynasty gradually shrank into diminutive, easily portable boxes in the Ptolemaic Period. hile the earlier statues harmoniously represented the quid pro quo relationship of mutual protection, the humble statuettes in the later naophoroi upset the delicate balance between worshipper and divinity. et in a culture that venerated statuettes, amulets, and tiny magical gems, the size of a divine statue was practically irrelevant. As Paul Veyne once remarked about cult statues:32 au teu r shaque idole capte l’omniprésence du dieu et de son e cacité, à la manière des récepteurs de télévision qui rendent présent dans chaque foyer le chef de l’État et sa parole souveraine ... à travers l’idole, le dieu est présent, avec son rayonnement adorable et faiseur de miracles, mais présent à dose supportable. Sp ec im en Understood another way, all terrestrial images are ininitely smaller than the divinities they aspire to represent, but all are equally capable of temporarily hosting the divinity’s numen. srucial for understanding naophoroi throughout the Late Period are the peculiar intermediate forms, De Meulenaere’s fourth category: Le naos, sans support, est serré entre les deux mains. 33 In these examples, the statue owner carries the shrine without any pillar or socle, holding both hands lat against the side of the naos. rothmer had briely commented on this phenomenon much earlier:34 A supportless naos is held between the palms of the hands, looking as if it might slip out and fall at any minute, a very curious un-Egyptian conception of weightlessness . he unrealistic pose continued to intrigue De Meulenaere, who most recently inquired: somment un homme est-il capable de soulever un naos pesant en le serrant simplement entre les paumes de ses mains ? sette attitude inconcevable n’a visiblement pas choqué les Égyptiens qui l’ont adoptée dans leur statuaire à partir de la 30e dynastie. De Meulenaere had previously suggested that the inal development of naophoroi, where devotees carried shrines on top of their hands, was inluenced by the arrival of more practically-minded Greeks in the Ptolemaic Period ( modiication que l’on attribue généralement au rationalisme de la démarche grecque ), implying that the otherwise highly-skilled Egyptian sculptors of the 30 th Dynasty did not know how to carry heavy objects. One might note that at Dendera, staircase reliefs depict priests carrying shrines in precisely the same manner, except each naos is also supported by thin straps which would be di cult to represent 32 P. V , Propagande expression roi, image idole oracle , L’Homme 114, 1990, p. 17. 33 H. D M , Personnages debout tenant un naos dans la statuaire de la rasse Époque , in . slaes, H. De Meuleanere, S. Hendrickx (ed.), Elkab and Beyond: Studies in Honour of Luc Limme, OLA 191, 2009, p. 226-227. 34 r.V. ro m , Egyptian Sculpture of the Late Period, 700 BC to AD 100, rrooklyn, 1960 (hereafter ESLP), p. 149 (italics mine). 296 i o au teu r in three-dimensional sculpture.35 Furthermore, portable shrines of this size were typically constructed from wood, not stone, and thus they might have been easier to carry than De Meulenaere supposed.36 Moreover, the unnatural pose may have been entirely intentional, and the 30 th Dynasty sculptors could have chosen to underscore the di culty of carrying naoi in this fashion. Just like oversized ears of Middle Kingdom statuary, or exaggerated bodily features at Amarna, the departure from realism would have had an ideological motivation. In the case of naophoroi, this would mean emphasizing the superhuman aspect of the gesture. As Otto already observed regarding this statue type:37 Es gibt nun mehrere Inschriften, die eindeutig dartun, dass die T tigkeit der Priester f r die G tterbilder sie weit ber menschlichen esen heraushebt . Sp ec im en In fact, additional reliefs carved on certain naophorous statues directly associate the dedicants with Shu, the atlantid god who supported the heavens, but who also carried the naos of Amun-Re. his vignette is quite rare, occurring on only three out of the sixty-ive statues De Meulenaere had cataloged (infra, doc. 1, 3-4), 38 as well as one previously unpublished osirophorous statue he did not mention, since his study focused exclusively on naophoroi (infra, doc. 2). Since the unedited monuments both merit closer study, they will be discussed irst before analyzing the theological implications of this rare motif. In addition, other naophorous and theophorous statues feature texts relating to the same religious concept, even though they do not include the same vignette (doc. 5-7) their brief study will follow below. t Mexico City, Private Collection . 1-4 his statue was recorded in the archives of rernard V. rothmer at the rrooklyn Museum of Art, the Corpus of Late Egyptian Statuary (CLES), as no. 704 ( 776).39 he object iles note that the statue was once displayed at the shop of Phocion Tano in sairo,40 before moving to the estate of Dr. Endre Ungar (d. 1979) in Mexico sity by 1956 at the latest. Select Egyptian artifacts from Dr. Ungar’s collection were displayed at the Museum Rietberg in urich, and M. M i , op. cit., p. 76, n. 23. For some examples, see N. S , A Naos of Nekhtorheb from Bubastis: Religious Iconography and Temple Building in the 30 th Dynasty, BMRP 156, 2006, p. 4. 37 E. O o, op. cit., p. 459. 38 H. De Meulenaere (op. cit., p. 226) also noted that this feature occurs on 35 36 Hannover 1935.200.510: le pilier est 39 The author heartily thanks décoré … sur o d’un personage levant ekaterina rarbash from the rrooklyn les deux bras , but this appears to have Museum of Art for assistance with the been a typographical error for his exam- CLES iles, supplying photographs, and ple e Alexandria 20959 (see below, for answering additional inquiries. doc. 4) or example q Mexico sity, 40 For the Tano family, see M.L. private collection (see below, doc. 1). No ri i , Who Was Who in Egyptology such igure is depicted on the Hannover (4 th ed.), London, 2012, p. 534. statuette: D. K o , op. cit., pl. III. i o 297 au teu r appeared in various publications,41 but the collection was dispersed in 1992 following the decease of his widow.42 Nonetheless, the present statue remained in Mexico and currently belongs to a diferent private collection.43 Only the briefest references to this object have appeared thus far in print.44 he statue is made from black granite with brown inclusions. he head was reattached in modern times, so the neck and the entire top of the back pillar have been restored. he head appears to it the body well, both in terms of size and material. et in the notes of the CLES, rothmer observed that the head is of similar material but w ith distinctly brown spots, and refrained from conirming the join, classifying the statue with other headless monuments. Including the head, the statue is 81 cm tall without the head it is only 63 cm. he base measures roughly 25 cm (width) by 30 cm (depth).45 he subject wears an outit found on several other statues,46 comprising three elements: a crew-neck undershirt,47 a V-neck tunic with long, laring sleeves, and inally a large wrap-around cloak secured around the upper chest. he V-necked tunic was an authentically Egyptian garment, but the longer laring sleeves became noticeably more popular in Dynasty 27 and later, particularly in Memphis.48 Sp ec im en 41 H.G. Fi , An Elusive Shape sourt: ale Peabody Museum 264191 , within the Fisted Hands of Egyptian in shr. ivie-soche, I. Guermeur (ed.), Statues , MMJ 10, 1975, p. 16, n. 48, « Parcourir l’éternité ». Hommages à Jean p. 18-19, ig. 12-14 id., Addenda to Yoyotte, II, BEHE 156, 2012, p. 675, n. 158 Five inscriptions of the Old Kingdom’ (the latter two references both anticipat(ZÄS 105, 1978, p. 42-59) , ZÄS 107, ing the present study). 1980, p. 86-87, ig. 1 H. S 45 he naos alone measures 18 cm (ed.), Geschenk des Nils: Ägyptische (width), 19 cm (height), 9 cm (depth). Kunstwerke aus Schweizer Besitz, rasel, 46 For similar clothing in Late Period 1978, no. 124. he author would like statuary, see recently O. P , Les stato thank Drs. Jaromir Malek and tues privées de la in de l’Égypte pharaoniVincent Razanajao of the Topographical que (1069 av. J.-C.-395 apr. J.-C.), I, ribliography for information regarding Hommes, Paris, 2012, p. 50-53. the former Ungar collection. 47 Several other statues exhibit the 42 Sotheby’s London, July 10, 1992, combination of V-neck tunic with a no. 388-391. crew-neck undershirt: r.V. ro m , 43 he present owner, who wishes to ESLP, p. 84, 144-145, pl. 61-62 (no. 65), remain anonymous, graciously provided 70 (no. 74), 104 (no. 121) sG 617 many detailed photographs for study (L. ro , Statuen und Statuetten and answered questions about the ob- von Königen und Privatleuten im Museum ject’s history. he author would also like von Kairo, II, Catalogue général des anto thank Miguel Arturo Perez-saballo tiquités égyptiennes du musée du Caire, ( ale University), for taking additional N. 1-1294, 1925 p. 163) Leiden F 1968/12.1 photographs and measurements. (M.A. N - -Di , A Demotic Text on 44 H. D M , op. cit., a Torso at Leiden , OMRO 61, 1980, p. 225 (q): Le saire, commerce, statue pl. 6) J.-sl. G i , Le prophète et de Djedhor (inédit CLES: no 776) l’Autokrat r , RdE 37, 1986, pl. 14 AntD. K o , Caesar in the City of Amun: werp, Vleeshuis Museum AV I (H. i Egyptian heology and Temple Construcm , .s ed. , Les Empereurs tion in Roman hebes, MRE 12, 2012, du Nil, Leuven, 2000, p. 319, no. 262) p. 109, n. 536 D. K o , M. L r , JE 38064 rrooklyn 55.175 (r.V. ro An Egyptian Priest in the Ptolemaic m , A rrooklyn Head on a sairo Statue: the Egyptian Priest esir-wer , in M.E. sody ed. , Egyptian Art: Selected Writings of Bernard V. Bothmer, Oxford, 2004, p. 158-159), Florence, Museo Egizio, 11900 (O. P , Le crépuscule des pharaons, rruxelles, 2012, p. 105, no. 40) Vienna, KhM S 20 (E. Ro , Statuen der Spätzeit. 750. – ca. 300 v. Chr., CAA Wien 9, 1992, p. 120) Louvre E 25499 (J. V i , La statue de Hekatefnakht , RevLouvre 14, 1964, p. 58, ig. 1). For various combinations of garments, see also O. P , Les statues privées de la in de l’Égypte pharaonique (1069 av. J.-C.-395 apr. J.-C.), I, Hommes, Paris, 2012, p. 53. 48 D. K o , M. L r , op. cit., p. 647, n. 10 (with references) cf. also I. M i o , E. r , S. D i , H.S. Smi , A Stela of the Persian Period from Saqqara , JEA 81, 1995, p. 27, ig. 3 (bottom), p. 31, pl. V-VI. According to r.V. rothmer, the laring sleeves might relect a northern style (ESLP, p. 76 cf. also A.R. S m , A Persian Gesture’ from Memphis , BES 3, 1981, p. 104-105). Note, however, that this feature also occurs on a statue from Karnak in Upper Egypt (JE 38064 rrooklyn 55.175 r.V. ro m , op. cit., p. 161). 298 i o Sp ec im en au teu r he wrap-around cloak, once considered a Persian innovation, occurs from Dynasty 26 through the Roman Period.49 On earlier examples, this garment lares out more at the base to accommodate the striding posture, just as on long kilts. et here, the long garment has a tight, cylindrical shape completely covering the legs, so that the subject almost resembles a pillar or column, a feature irst attested in the 30 th Dynasty.50 Since this thick garment covered most of the torso, it may have evoked private epithets expressing discretion, notably mn-ẖ.t, p-ẖ.t hidden of belly , and sšt -šnb.t covered of chest .51 ears ago, De Meulenaere studied these expressions as they occurred on various private monuments of the Late Period, several of which feature the tight wrap-around cloak.52 he wrap-around garment is secured in a noteworthy fashion. For pre-Ptolemaic statues, a prominent roll emerges from behind the cloak, and the overlap is tied in a small bundle near the subject’s right armpit.53 On early examples, the fastening is centered in the middle of the chest: the roll covers the left breast, while the overlap hangs down symmetrically over the right breast, and both are roughly the same size.54 In the Ptolemaic and Roman periods, this feature is simpliied considerably to an abstract, rectangular roll with no overlap.55 et on the Mexico sity statue, and other statues of the 30 th Dynasty and early Ptolemaic period, the roll is centered in the middle of the chest and the small overlap falls between the chest and (ig. 1).56 right arm, so that the shape suggests the hieroglyphic sign 49 M. M i , Les hypostoles. Un titre isiaque, sa signiication et sa traduction iconographique , CdE 82, 2007, p. 316-318. For examples from the Saite period, see G. Vi m , sontinuity and Rupture: On Priests and O cials in Egypt during the Persian Period , in P. rriant, M. shauveau (ed.), Organisation des pouvoirs et contacts culturels dans les pays de l’Empire achéménide, Persika 14, 2009, p. 97, n. 37-38. 50 One such statue dates to the reign of Nectanebo I, see r.V. ro m , ESLP, pl. 68 (no. 72 San Francisco, de oung Museum 54664). For additional examples, cf. D. K o , he heban sult of shonsu the shild in the Ptolemaic Period , in shr. hiers (ed.), Documents de théologies thébaines tardives (D3T 1), CENIM 3, 2009, p. 106, n. 77 and add also rritish Museum, EA 65443 (E.R. R m , Eternal Egypt: Masterworks of Ancient Art from the British Museum, JNES 63/2, 2001, p. 253-255, no. 141) relgium, Private sollection (cf. supra, n. 25) JE 37995 (unpublished Karnak sachette Database, sK 536) Athens 2009 (O. T o -A i ed. , he World of Egypt in the National Archaeological Museum, Athens, 1995, 1951, pl. V), (c) Hermitage 5629 p. 164) ronn L 885 (A. r i , Eine (K. J - i , op. cit., pl. 2-6), bislang unpublizierte Priesterstatuette (e) Athens 2009 (cf. supra, n. 51). aus dem ptolem ischen Panopolis , in 53 See the detailed discussion by A. Egberts, r.P. Muhs, J. van der Vliet r.V. ro m , op. cit., p. 75-76. ed. , Perspectives on Panopolis, P.Lug. 54 r.V. ro m , op. cit., pl. 59, Bat. 31, 2002, pl. II) Naples 241834 ig. 148 (no. 63), p. 62, ig. 157 (no. 65), (s. so o i o, Recent Discoveries pl. 63, fig. 159 (no. 66) cf. also in sampania , in R. Pirelli ed. , Louvre A 93 (cf. supra, n. 10) sairo, Egyptological Studies for Claudio Barocas, JE 97196 (H. S im, hree UnpubSerie egittologica 1, 1999, p. 22, ig. 1, p. 35, lished Late Period Statues , SAK 32, pl. 1) R. A , Mit Rahineh 1956, 2004, pl. 23). Museum Monographs, 1965, pl. 37. 55 D. K o , M. L r , An 51 he term šnb.t can denote the chest, Egyptian Priest in the Ptolemaic sourt: seat of the physical heart (J.H. , ale Peabody Museum 264191 , in Studies in Ancient Egyptian Anatomical shr. ivie-soche, I. Guermeur (ed.), Terminology, ACES 4, 1996, p. 181, 313), « Parcourir l’éternité ». Hommages à Jean as well as the throat or esophagus, and Yoyotte, II, BEHE 156, 2012, p. 647-648, by extension utterance (CDD Š 10:1 , n. 13. p. 181-182) thus the epithet can imply 56 (a) Mexico sity, detail (cf. pl. 1) discretion in both thought and speech. (b) Vatican, 22689 (cf. supra, n. 53) 52 H. D M , Une for- (c)-(d) rritish Museum, EA 92 and mule des inscriptions autobiographiques 55254 (D. K o , he heban sult de basse époque , in O. Firchow (ed.), of shonsu the shild in the Ptolemaic Ägyptologische Studien, VIO 29, 1955, Period , in shr. hiers (ed.), Documents p. 219-223 of his examples, the following de théologies thébaines tardives (D3T 1), exhibit the same robe: (a) Vatican 22689 CENIM 3, 2009, p. 130, ig. 1, p. 132, (G. ro i, P. Rom i, Le sculture ig. 3) (e) JE 38064 rrooklyn 55.175 del Museo Gregoriano Egizio, MVAA 9, (r.V. ro m , A rrooklyn Head o 299 . Mexico sity. . Vatican 22689. . rM 55254. . JE 38064. . Paponot statue. . . Leiden F 1968 12.1. . Vienna, KhM S 20. raparound ties resembling the m ḫ-sign. Sp ec im en . . rM 92. au teu r i Since these stylized knots usually occur on naophorous or theophorous statues,57 they might function as emblematic rebuses: Venerated ( m ḫw the knot) before (ḫr ẖr, carrying the naophorous gesture) the god ( the divinity in naos). On the present statue, the upper roll is quite thin and lat, similar to the statues in the Vatican and Vienna (ig. 1, b, h).58 he subject stands behind a trapezoidal naos with a cavetto cornice. he open shrine reveals a standard igurine of Ptah, holding a scepter with his right hand over the left. As on other pieces on a sairo Statue: the Egyptian Priest esir-wer , in M.E. sody (ed.), Egyptian Art: Selected Writings of Bernard V. Bothmer, 2004, p. 157, 159) (f) Leiden F 1968/12.1 (M.A. N - -Di , loc. cit.) Paponot statue (V. L , Une statue provenant de Tell el-Maskoutah , RdE 35, 1984, pl. 12) (h) Vienna, KhM S 20 (E. Ro , op. cit., p. 150). Further comparable examples include sG 1085 (L. ro , Statuen und Statuetten von Königen und Privatleuten im Museum von Kairo, À propos de l’Égyptien au geste perse’ , IV, Catalogue général des antiquités RBPH 67, 1989, pl. IIIb (Paponot statue), égyptiennes du musée du Caire, N. 1-1294, IVb (JE 52536). 1934, p. 50, pl. 162), JE 38599 (unpub58 For further examples, cf. also lished http://www.ifao.egnet.net/bases/ rM 178 (H. D M , cachette/?id 665), and rrooklyn 71.139 E pluribus una , BIFAO 87, 1987, (J.A. Jo o , Egyptian Royal Sculp- pl. I), and Philadelphia, he Univerture of the Late Period, 400-246 B.C., sity Museum 42-9-1 (H. R , op. cit., SDAIK 30, 1997, p. 2, pl. 1b). pl. 24). 57 Occasionally similar knots occur on statues without naoi, as the dedicants simply grasp their arms: r. R , 300 i o Sp ec im en au teu r from this period, the statue owner’s hands are almost disproportionally large.59 Typologically, this object its neatly into De Meulenaere’s third category: le naos est supporté par une espèce de pilier. 60 he thin, abstract pillar almost sprouts from the wrap-around garment, gradually blossoming to support the naos. As Hassan Selim observed, the combination of pillar and shrine resemble the sḫm-hieroglyph or similar scepters.61 De Meulenaere concluded that such statues are attested from the late 26 th Dynasty (Amasis) through the early Ptolemaic Period, and geographically limited with only one exception to Lower Egypt. reneath the naos, on the front of the pseudo-pillar, is the representation of a striding male igure. He stands on a horizontal ground-line and raises both of his hands above his head, with ingers pointed outwards. His head is completely shaved and egg-shaped, just like on the statue, and he wears a short, tripartite kilt and what appears to be a broad collar. Since he neither has a beard nor wears headgear characteristic of Shu or Heh (i.e. ostrich plume or rnp-sign), one may conclude that the igure is Djedhor himself, and not a divinity. On the back pillar, a long, thin pt-hieroglyph surmounts the three-column inscription, a detail indicative of the Dynasty 30 or later.62 Although the original neck and pillar were destroyed, rothmer noted small traces of decoration above the pt-sign perhaps the remains of an adoration scene and observed that the back pillar begins to taper at the same point, so that it would have originally terminated in a pyramidion. Once again, these features point toward a date after Dynasty 27.63 he clean-shaven head is very smooth and elongated (pl. 3 a), a feature popular in private statuary of the 4 th-3 rd c. rs often referred to as an egg-head .64 Its various features (large ears, weak chin, raised eyebrows, and plastic, hieroglyphic eyes), most closely resemble the head of Hornefer (MMA 1980.422) from the early 3 rd c. rs,65 and rothmer and De Meulenaere’s remarks concerning the latter object apply equally well to the Mexico sity head: with its high forehead and small pouting mouth the face makes a childlike impression. 66 If this head, restored in modern times, truly belongs to the present statue, this detail would further support the proposed 4 th c. rs date. 59 sf. the comments of r.V. ro m , 61 H. S im, A Naophorous Statue in ESLP, p. 89-90 and compare also the rritish Museum (EA 41517) , JEA 76, Vatican 22689 (supra, n. 53) rritish 1990, p. 202. Museum, EA 92 (D. K o , op. cit., 62 H. D M , E pluribus p. 130, ig. 1) similarly the vignette una , BIFAO 87, 1987, p. 139-140. on the Vienna statue (infra, doc. 3), 63 O. P , Le torse d’Irethorerou about which E. Rogge (op. cit., p. 65) de la collection réhague , RdE 49, 1998, remarked Die erhobenen Arme mit p. 250-252. der bergro en H nden ... st tzen 64 r.V. ro m , H. D M den Naos . , he rrooklyn Statuette of 60 H. D M , Person- Hor, Son of Pawen (with an Excursus nages debout tenant un naos dans la sta- on Eggheads) , in L.H. Lesko (ed.), tuaire de la rasse Époque , in . slaes, Egyptological Studies in Honor of H. De Meuleanere, S. Hendrickx (ed.), Richard A. Parker, London, 1986, Elkab and Beyond: Studies in Honour of p. 10-15 O. P , Les statues privées Luc Limme, OLA 191, 2009, p. 225-226. de la in de l’Égypte pharaonique (1069 av. J.-C.-395 apr. J.-C.), I, Hommes, Paris, 2012, p. 427 id., Le crépuscule des pharaons. Chefs-d’œuvre des dernières dynasties égyptiennes, rruxelles, 2012, p. 86-89. 65 his head joins the well-known statue of Hornefer (Lausanne, MsrA 7) photographs of the otherwise unpublished head are available at: http://www. metmuseum.org/collections/search-thecollections/100009386. 66 r.V. ro m , H. D M , op. cit., p. 14. i o 301 Prosopography he statue’s owner was named Djedhor (Teos), son of ennefer (Onnophris) and Diamuntjau (see infra, Text r, n. j). Although both masculine names were extremely common in this period, this speciic pairing only occurs on a handful of texts, none of which can be securely associated with the present statue. Djedhor holds only the common position ḫtmty-b t , royal seal-bearer, and mentions no titles for his father. Sp ec im en au teu r Provenance, Epigraphy, and Date As mentioned above, the statue was purchased at Phocion Tano’s shop in sairo. he statuette of Ptah in the naos indicates the object’s Memphite origin, and the inscriptions specify that it was originally dedicated within the Tjenenet temple, somewhere near the Serapeum in North Saqqara. he meager prosopographic data do little to establish the statue’s date. Epigraphically, the inscriptions feature numerous archaizing orthographies typical of the Late Period (i.e. Dynasty 25-early Ptolemaic Period).67 he undetermined, alphabetic spellings on this statue ind their closest parallels on monuments of Dynasty 30 such as the Naukratis stela,68 although several particular examples occur already in Dynasty 26. Nonetheless, the cramped sign arrangement on the Mexico statue hardly evokes the elegant simplicity of Saite inscriptions rather, it more closely resembles other private monuments of the 4 th c. (e.g. the Naples Stela, statue Louvre A 94). In particular, the epigraphy and preservation of the inscriptions bear a striking similarity to the restored statue of Udjahorresnet discovered at Mit Rahina, dating to around 340 rs.69 In short, both the sculptural style and epigraphy support a date in the 4 th c. rs for this statue, most likely prior to the Ptolemaic Period. Alphabetic Spellings dns (col. 1) s tp (col. 3)70 67 See recently K. J - i , Die Stiftung der Privatstatuen mit K nigsnamen in der 26. Dynastie , GM 231, 2011, p. 61. For the earliest phases, see O. P , L’avertissement d’Aménirdis Ire sur sa statue saire JE 3420 ( sG 565) , RdE 47, 1996, p. 48-54 Fr. P , Les prémices du movement archa sant à hèbes et la statue saire JE 37382 du quatrième prophète Djedkhonsouiouefânkh , BIFAO 107, 2007, p. 141-156. (col. 3)71 68 For the distinctive writing style of Dynasty 30, see D. K o , Two Studies on the Late Period Temples at Abydos , BIFAO 110, 2010, p. 138, n. 76 id., he Peculiar Statue of a Heliopolitan Priest: Hannover, Museum August Kestner 1935.200.510 , ZÄS 139, 2012, p. 137-138, n. 19. 69 R. A , op. cit., p. 98-100, pl. 36. 70 Naukratis Stela, col. 7: A.-S. o rom , op. cit., p. 70, n. b. 71 sf. H. D M , Une statue de pr tre héliopolitain , BIFAO 61, 1962, p. 41 K. J i , Eine Grab bernahme in der 30. Dynastie , JEA 83, 1997, p. 171, ig. 2, col. 2 (rrooklyn 56.152), 174, n. (o) I. G m , Les cultes d’Amon hors de hèbes, BEPHE 123, 2005, p. 305 (rrooklyn 52.89, col. 3) compare also the similar spelling of .w, thousands , on the Naukratis stela, col. 2 (A.-S. o rom , op. cit., p. 58-59, n. c), and JE 47291, col. 3 (I. G m , op. cit., p. 222, col. 3). 302 i o Alphabetic Spellings exhibiting Phonetic shange ḫr (col. 1)72 , nṯr.w (col. 1, 3 n. c) ʿq - b (col. 3)73 nfr (col. 3)74 pg (col. 3)75 b (col. 3 n. u) Ideographic ritings m ḫ (col. 1)77 nb (col. 1)78 Sp ec im en w (col. 2) au teu r nk (col. 3)76 ḫ.w (col. 1) rmṯ.w (col. 3) 72 According to Wb. III, 315, 1, this Denkm lern des Erziehers Psametiks II , 78 his sphinx represents this word spelling is only griech . MDAIK 52, 1996, p. 194, ig. 2, c3. extremely often in Dynasty 30 and 73 For this spelling, see G. L , 76 For this spelling of the irst per- the Graeco-Roman Period (espeLe tombeau de Petosiris, II, BiGen 29, son singular independent pronoun, see cially in the nomen of Nectanebo I), 2007, 2 nd edition, p. 28 (no. 57, 1) K. J - i , BRIS I, p. 82, n. 8 but it occurs already in Dynasty 26 J. V o , Les statues du général D. K Einführung ins Ptolemäische (H. D M , Une statue de Hor, gouverneur d’Hérakléopolis, de (hereafter: EP), II, 2007-2008, p. 610, pr tre héliopolitain , BIFAO 61, 1962, rusiris et d’Héliopolis (Louvre A. 88, 62. It occurs already in Dynasty 26: p. 40, n. 5 also R.r. Go o i, he Alexandrie, s.n.) , BIFAO 49, 1950, H. i , Statue d’un noble mendésien Statue rM EA 37891 and the Erasure of p. 88, pl. III, col. 1 J.J. s , Une du règne de Psammétik Ier aux musées de Necho II’s Names , JEA 86, 2000, p. 69, statuette du ils a né du roi Nectanab , Palerme et du saire , BIFAO 60, 1960, col. 3 K. J - i , u den RdE 6, 1951, p. 138, col. 1 S. Ho , p. 55-56, n. n. Denkm lern des Erziehers Psametiks II , O. r , he Egyptian Reliefs and 77 A notecard from the rterbuch MDAIK 52, 1996, p. 190, ig. 1, d2 id., Stelae in the Pushkin Museum of Fine (D A 20.736.100) notes that this value Die Stiftung der Privatstatuen mit Arts, Moscow, Leningrad, 1982, p. 131, is attested already in the New Kingdom, K nigsnamen in der 26. Dynastie , l. 9 (I.1.b.270). An example of this citing Turin 1089 however, I have been GM 231, 2011, p. 58 bis O. P , speciic orthography occurs already in unable to identify this reference, and the Documents relatifs aux gouverneurs du Dynasty 26: J.-P. so i i, Une falcon eye more often writes r or m Delta au début de la VIe dynastie , stèle héliopolitaine d’époque sa te , in during the New Kingdom: D. K o , RdE 57, 2006, p. 169, ig. 4, col. 2). he Hommages Sauneron, I, BdE 81, 1979, Once Again, Min ( ): Acrophony or simple recumbent lion writes nb already p. 127, col. 2 . Phonetic shange? , GM 233, 2012, p. 24, in the New Kingdom: É. D io o , 74 H. D M , NṮ(R) n. 34. Deinite examples are attested as Essai sur la cryptographie privée de la et NF(R) , in shr. rerger, G. slerc, early as the hird Intermediate Period in de la VIIIe dynastie , RdE 1, 1933, N. Grimal (ed.), Hommages à Jean (K. J - i , Ägyptische p. 40, no. 62. Leclant, IV, BdE 106, 1994, p. 69-70 Biographien der 22 und 23 Dynastie, I, K. J - i , BRIS I, p. 328. ÄAT 8, 1985, p. 299), and this value be75 For this spelling, see Wb. I, 561, comes very common in the Late Period, 1 K. J - i , u den e.g. G. L , op. cit., p. 21. i o 303 Varia rk (?) (col. 1 n. h) pʿ.t (col. 2 n. i) z ṯw (col. 3, n. o) nḏm (col. 2 n. k) m (col. 3, n. u) au teu r From an art-historical perspective, several notable features (tunic with laring sleeves, wrap-around robe, small pillar under the naos) are attested already in Dynasty 26, but only become widespread in the Persian Period and later. Other attributes ( egg head , pyramidal back pillar with adoration scene, m ḫ-shaped knot) do not occur before Dynasty 29, and the most similar pieces (especially Vatican 22689 and rerlin 14765) date to Dynasty 30 through the early Ptolemaic period. rothmer tentatively classiied the statue as Dyn. I , contemporaneous with the remarkably similar albeit very fragmentary statue of Udjahorresnet discovered at Mit Rahina. sonsidering the substantial construction and renovation at Memphis during the 30 th Dynasty,79 and the lack of any connection to the prominent family of Memphite priests from the Ptolemaic Period, it seems prudent to assign the Mexico sity statue to the 4 th c. rs. Sp ec im en Inscriptions Although the hieroglyphs were originally executed with great skill, the surface has eroded in spots, obscuring certain hieroglyphs. he CLES ile contains multiple photographs taken under diferent lighting conditions, in addition to a provisional hand-copy, ostensibly by rothmer. hese resources have made it possible to create facsimile copies of the texts, and additional photographs from the current owner of the statue allowed for further collation. A. Front of Naos . 3b Inscriptions run along the frame of the naos door, but the carving is so shallow, and the surface so badly weathered, that the signs are hardly legible. he following copy beneited greatly from the CLES hand-copy. he texts are symmetric, moving outwards from the center of the lintel. Left Side 79 E.g. G. D , sonstruction d’un temple d’Apis par Nectanébo Ier , ASAE 9, 1908, p. 154-157 shr. i , Nectanebo II in Saqqara , in V. sallender, et. al. (ed.), Times, Signs and Pyramids, 2011, p. 441-449. note also the prominent Memphite tombs JEA 78, 1992, p. 241-257 Fr. o K , from this dynasty: K. J - i , Les mésaventures du conjurateur de Eine Grab bernahme in der 30. Dynas- Serket Onnophris et de son tombeau , tie , JEA 83, 1997, p. 169-178 J. r i , BSFE 87-88, 1980, p. 31-45. Merit by Proxy: the riographies of the Dwarf Djeho and his Patron Tjaiharpta , 304 i m ḫw ḫr Pt ḫnty Ṯnn.t ... -nsw Ḏd- r z Wn-nfr m ʿ-ḫrw ḏd⸗f nb[⸗ ] t[w .n⸗ ] [rw]⸗k a o Venerated before Ptah, foremost of Tjenenet, king’s [...] Djedhor, son of Wennefer, justiied. He says: O [my] Lord, [I hereby] li[ft up?] your fo[rm?]. Right Side [...] royal seal-bearer, Djedhor, [...] Sp ec im en ... a ḫtmty-nsw Ḏd- r ... b au teu r . hese restorations, proposed with the greatest reserves, are based on a similar text on Alexandria 20959 (infra, doc. 4). If correct, this restored statement would refer to the naophorous gesture. . somparing the texts on the left side and the beginning of the back pillar inscription (col. 1), one might propose restoring zy ḫr nṯr.w nṯr.wt m .w Ṯnn.t, praised by the gods and goddesses within Tjenenet. However, it is di cult to conirm any of the expected signs with the faint traces in the photograph. . Restore born of the Lady of the House, Diamuntjau, and perhaps another statement by Djedhor to Ptah. r. rack Pillar .4 he back pillar contains three columns of inscriptions that are relatively well preserved. A large lacuna interrupts the middle of the third column, and a small amount of text is missing from the bottom. For the most part, the text repeats well-known biographic clichés attested on other Late Period private monuments, albeit with some notable variants. 1 i o 305 2 3 1 Venerated before Ptah, foremost of Tjenenet, praised by the gods and goddesses in Tjenenet, venerated of his father, praised of his mother, great of praise before gods, who does what all [people?] like, royal seal-bearer, who serves his lord in private, careful in thought, who inds useful things, cool of arms while performing sacred work, […] at the time of […] […] in the mouth of the people: Djedhor, son of Wennefer, born of the Lady of the House, Diamuntjau, justiied. Sp ec im en m ḫw ḫr Pt ḫnty Ṯnn.t a zy ḫr nṯr.w nṯry.w my.w Ṯnn.t m ḫw n t⸗f zy n mw.t⸗f b ʿ zw(.t) ḫr nṯ(r).w c r mrr(.t) [ r(?)].w-nb.w d ḫtmty-b ty šms nb⸗f m wʿʿ.w e dns- b f gm ḫ.w(t) qb-ʿ.wy r r(.t) k .t ḏs[r] … m rk nt … h … 2 m r n pʿ.t i Ḏd- r z n Wn-nfr r.n nb(.t)-pr D - mn-ṯ w j m ʿ(.t)-ḫrw au teu r ? ḏd⸗f ʿq nb pr nb r sn(.t)-t n nb.w Ṯnn.t w⸗ṯn m nḏm- b z(w) ḫr nb⸗tn nb⸗tn k m dw ⸗tn nṯr l n snn⸗ sḫ[ ⸗tn w ...] m He says: O all who enter and all who exit, in order to honor the lords of Tjenenet, you shall grow old in happiness, being favored by your Lord, if you pray for this statue, [and] remem[ber me...] [ r nty] 3 nk ʿq( )- b n šm r z ṯw o [For] I am straight of heart, who walks upon the paved ground, 306 i who appeases the gods, who does what men like, fresh of form, good of character, [...] who seeks benefactions for whoever acts loyally, who repays a good deed to whoever does it, who extends his hand to the empty-handed, who enlivens he who is in need, graceful to his associates, [...] au teu r s tp nṯ(r).w r mrr(.t) rmṯ.w w ḏ-qd nfr-b .t p ... ḫ.w(t) n r(.w) r mw q ḏb zp nf(r) n r{.t} s(w) r pg( ) ḏr.t n šw-ʿ⸗f s sʿnḫ wn m g w⸗f t m - b n ẖnm.w⸗f u r ... o Sp ec im en . he Tjenenet was a Memphite temple, apparently north of the Serapeum in Saqqara, home to Ptah, Isis, and other unspeciied divinities.80 An additional example of this title occurs on a Memphite statue found in Puteoli, where the owner bears many sacerdotal charges, including: priest of Ptah, Isis, and the gods within the (Tje)nenet ( , not sozzolino ). 81 82 . his series of epithets is very frequent in the Late Period. . his abbreviated spelling of nṯr, which reoccurs in column 3, is rather common in the Late Period, relecting contemporaneous pronunciation (e.g. soptic: noute, Greek: – ου ).83 . Tentatively restoring . Direct parallels are lacking, but one might compare the similar variant r mrr.t bw nb, one who does what everybody likes (e.g. sG 535), or the more common expression r mrr.t rmṯ.w, one who does what people like .84 . his original epithet appears to conlate two very common expressions šms nb⸗f r nmt.wt⸗f, one who follows his lord at all of his steps, 85 and mdw n nsw.t m-wʿʿ.w, one who speaks to the king in private .86 Djedhor thus vaunts of enjoying private audiences with the king, following him alone into the palace while other o cials waited outside.87 80 See the discussion of A. L , reer Ptah, ʿrḳ- nsw(?) of Isis mother of the for the Gods of Memphis in the Reign gods (ibid., p. 27). For this writing of of Amasis , in . slarysse, A. Schoors, ḫnt-<Ṯ>nn.t, see A. L , op. cit. H. illems (ed.), Egyptian Religion, the 82 R. -S , À la recherche des Last housand Years: Studies Dedicated to statues inédites de la sachette Karnak the Memory of Jan Quaegebeur, I, OLA 84, au Musée du saire (suite) (II) , ASAE 75, 1998, p. 381-387 followed most recently 2000, p. 203, n. j O. P , Exemple by St. P i, Topographie cultuelle de stèle archa sante pour un pr tre de Memphis 1 a- Corpus. Temples et prin- modèle , RdE 52, 2001, p. 188-190, n. 40. cipaux quartiers de la XVIII e dynastie, 83 H. D M , NṮ(R) CENIM 4, 2011, p. 92, n. 309. he et NF(R) , in shr. rerger, G. slerc, Tjenenet notably served as the setting N. Grimal (ed.), Hommages à Jean for the Nehebkau festival in Memphis: Leclant, IV, BdE 106, 1994, p. 66 (to which s. L i , Geographisch-osirianische these examples should be added) note Prozessionen aus Philae, Dendara und that such spellings are attested already Athribis (Soubassementstudien II), SSR 8, in the New Kingdom: J.s. D , 2012, p. 283-284. he Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the 81 s. so o i o, op. cit., p. 27, Solar-Osirian Unity, OBO 198, 2004, col. 1 (corrected after the photograph p. 62, n. 120, p. 104, n. 316. sf. also in ibid., p. 36, pl. 2) s. sozzolino did D. K , Einführung ins Ptolemäische not recognize the honoriic transposi- (hereafter: EP), I, 2007-2008, p. 520-521, tion, and instead translated: prophet of 18 J.Fr. Q , sritical Remarks on a Proposed Etymology of Hebrew and Aramaic Nqr , JAEI 5:2, 2013, p. 30-32, n. 34. 84 J. J , De traditioneele egyptische Autobiograie vóór het Nieuwe Rijk, I, Leiden, 1946, p. 46-47 H. D M , Une statue de pr tre héliopolitain , BIFAO 61, 1962, p. 38, n. p O. P , op. cit., p. 195-199. 85 J. J , op. cit., p. 111-112. 86 H. D M , op. cit., p. 36, n. g O. P , Documents relatifs aux gouverneurs du Delta au début de la VIe dynastie , RdE 57, 2006, p. 158-159, n. f D. K o , he Statue of the dioikêtês Harchebi/Archibios: Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art 47-12 , BIFAO 109, 2009, p. 293, n. l, p. 310, col. 1. 87 For this theme, cf. D. K o , op. cit., p. 291, n. 50, p. 292, n. 61. i . . Alternatively, this could be an abbreviated reference to temple services he performed within the Tjenenet, similar to Petosiris 81, 3-4: one who serves his lord (šms nb⸗f sc. hoth), who enters the sacred place and performs his duty in privacy (m-wʿʿ.w) together with the priests of Hermopolis .88 he epithet dns- b (lit. heavy of mind )89 is a variant of the expressions dns-mhwt or dns-r , both of which occur with greater frequency in the Late Period.90 hile priests often claim to be cool (qbb) in their movements (nmt.t) or various body parts (r , ẖ.t, b), this particular phrase is unique.91 As with similar expressions in other biographies, this epithet refers to performing sacred rituals calmly and with dignity.92 recause of the lacunae, this epithet remains obscure. Nonetheless, one might compare similar spellings of rk, time era (e.g. , , or ).93 At irst glance, this group appears to write my-r n p( ) mšʿ, General, but the common military title is never written with the direct genitive or the deinite article,94 and these λΕΜΗΗϣΕ words are absent from the Greek and soptic derivatives (lemyse, Λε ε α). Instead, one may read the inal word ( ) as pʿ.t, the indigenous elite, similar to (Edfou I, 461, 8). his spelling could either be a graphic error for ,95 or perhaps a simpliied alphabetic writing of the word without the usual ‘ayin (cf. Akkadian: -pé, soptic py).96 ΠΗ hile the beginning of this epithet is missing, one might compare phrases such as (1) rn⸗f ʿnḫ(.w) m r n pʿ.t, his name lives in the speech of the people, (2) mnḫ rn⸗ rsy m r n rmṯ.w, my name is truly excellent in the speech of men, or (3) bnr-mrw.t m r n z nb, sweet of love in the speech of every man .97 he mother’s name is apparently unique, although many parallels exist for the onomastic formation (d Divinity ṯ w,98 or d - mn reneit),99 and the association of Amun with the breath of life is banal.100 Sp ec im en . 307 au teu r . o . 88 G. L , Le tombeau de de basse époque , in O. Firchow (ed.), 99 E.g. D - mn-p -wḏ (H. R , Petosiris, I, BiGen 29, 2007, 2 nd edi- Ägyptologische Studien, VIO 29, 1955, PN II, 332, 4), D - mn-p -snb tion p. 136 id., Le tombeau de Petosiris, p. 226-231. (H. D M , Notes d’onomasII, BiGen 29, 2007, 2 nd edition p. 53. 93 Wb. II, 457 Wb. Belegstellen II, tique tardive (deuxième série) , RdE 12, 89 Wb. V, 469, 4 J. Janssen, op. cit., p. 691-692. 1960, p. 69, n. 4), D - mn-p -ʿnḫ p. 37 (citing only Urk. VII, 64, 7) 94 Unlike in the Demotic title p (K. Do H , Papyrus J.J. s , L’expression dnc mhwt des ry n p mšʿ n n , chief of the police Louvre E 7852: a Land Lease from the autobiographies égyptiennes , JEA 35, ( . E i , DG, p. 182). Reign of Taharka , RdE 48, 1997, p. 89, 1949, p. 41-42. 95 For similar spellings, see Wb. I, 503 n. b). 90 See primarily: J.J. s , op. cit., P. i o , PL, p. 347. 100 D. K o , Caesar in the City of p. 38-42 id., Deux nouveaux exem96 J. O i , Die Nominalbildung Amun: Egyptian heology and Temple ples de l’expression dnc mhwt , JEA 37, des Ägyptischen, II, SDAIK 3, 1976, Construction in Roman hebes, MRE 12, 1951, p. 112-113 with additional refer- p. 470-471, n. 132. Note that in Demotic, 2012, p. 61-62. For this divine attribute ences in D. K o , Two Studies on the inal ‘ayin disappears in the plural in onomastics, compare: mn-p y⸗ -ṯ w the Late Period Temples at Abydos , form of the related title ry.w-pʿ.t (H. R , PN I, 27, 10) P y⸗f-ṯ wBIFAO 110, 2010, p. 143, n. h id., he rpy.w cf. CDD R (01:1), p. 33-34. r-ʿ.wy- mn (ibid., PN I, 127, 25) the Peculiar Naophorous Statuette of a 97 (1) Urk. VII, 33, 14 (reni Hasan) supposed name N -w - mn-p -ṯ w-nHeliopolitan Priest: Hannover, Museum (2) Urk. IV, 945, 4 (3) rM 137, l. 3 ʿnḫ (ibid., PN II, 294, 9) was identiied August Kestner 1935.200.510 , ZÄS 139, (Taimouthes): E.A.E. R mo , From as a personal motto by M. T i io , 2012, p. 140, n. f. the Records of a Priestly Family from Notes d’onomastique. sontribution à 91 Wb. V, 23, 11-16 J. J , op. cit., Memphis, ÄgAbh 38, 1981, p. 169. une révision du Ranke PN (Troisième p. 35. 98 E.g. T -Ḫnsw-ṯ w (E. L , série) , RdE 34, 1983, p. 103. 92 H. D M , Une for- DemNB, 1248) D ⸗f-p -ṯ w (H. R , mule des inscriptions autobiographiques PN II, 332, 14). 308 i o . he word nḏm ( ) employs the biliteral nḏ in an unconventional position, recalling comparable Late Period spellings of nḏ ( ) and šnḏ.t ( ).101 Similar wishes for a sweet lifetime coupled with royal favors abound on contemporaneous monuments and were recently discussed at length by Olivier Perdu,102 to which one might add the following examples from Dynasty 30: 1. sG 29307:103 He passes to a venerated state in happiness, with favor of him before the king. 2. sG 682, rack Pillar, col. 5:104 r-s tp-t ⸗k m nḏm-ʿnḫ ẖr z.wt nsw.t-nṯr.w zm -t m⸗k m tp-nfr au teu r zb (.w) r m ḫw m nḏm- b w zw.t⸗f ḫr nsw.t After your earthly life (tp-t )105 in happiness, with the favor of the King of the Gods, you will be buried correctly. Sp ec im en . Appeals to praise god on behalf of the deceased are fairly common.106 As J.J. slère remarked long ago, the term snn can also designate standing statues such as the present object.107 , or something similar, based on the traces. Appeals to commemorate . Restoring: (sḫ ) the names or Kas of the deceased are common in this context.108 . he irst epithet is quite common in the Late Period.109 hen paired with the following phrase,110 it often has the speciic nuance of loyal or honest. 101 D. K o , Two Studies on the Late Period Temples at Abydos , BIFAO 110, 2010, p. 139, col. 2 (MMA 1996.91) id., he Peculiar Statue of a Heliopolitan Priest: Hannover, Museum August Kestner 1935.200.510 , ZÄS 139, 2012, p. 138, col. 2, p. 141, n. 47. 102 O. P , Un témoignage sur « Isis-la-grande » et la ville de Ro-néfer , in shr. ivie-soche, I. Guermeur (ed.), « Parcourir l’éternité ». Hommages à Jean Yoyotte, II, BEHE 156, 2012, p. 893-895, n. i-j. 103 G. M o, H. G i , Sarcophages des époques persane et ptolémaïque, II, CatGen 41, 1939, p. 8. 104 R. -S , Un document relatif au culte dans Kher-Aha (statue saire sG 682) , BIFAO 82, 1982, p. 199-200, who translated diferently: (les gloriiés) sont derrière. Que tu vives une vie agréable avec les dieux et le roi de Haute Égypte, en jouissant des faveurs. 105 For this term, see L. so o , Les sièges de pr tre d’époque tardive. À propos de trois documents thébains , RdE 57, 2006, p. 12-13, n. FF. 106 O. P , Le monument de Samtoutefnakht à Naples , RdE 36, 1985, p. 106, n. j. 107 J.J. s , Une statuette du ils a né du roi Nectanab , RdE 6, 1951, p. 147, n. D H. i , Statue de Hor-Néfer au musée des reaux-Arts de Lausanne , BIFAO 54, 1954, p. 207-208, n. 48. 108 P. V , Athribis, textes et documents relatifs à la géographie, aux cultes, et à l’histoire d’une ville du delta égyptien à l’époque pharaonique, BdE 74, 1978, p. 204-205, n. (g) O. P , Socle d’une statue de Neshor à Abydos , RdE 43, 1992, p. 158, n. (q) id., in shr. ivie-soche, I. Guermeur (ed.), « Parcourir l’éternité ». Hommages à Jean Yoyotte, II, BEHE 156, 2012, p. 895, n. k s.R. P i , Materiality, Archaism and Reciprocity: he Conceptualization of the Non-Royal Statue at Karnak during the Late Period (c. 750-30 BC), PhD Diss., University of Liverpool, 2011, p. 226-229, who argued for the translation commemorate . 109 J.J. s , op. cit., p. 142-143, n. L id., ʿḳ - b « honn te, loyal » , BIFAO 89, 1989, p. 67-71 O. P , op. cit., p. 156, n. m id., « Parcourir l’éternité ». Hommages à Jean Yoyotte, II, BEHE 156, 2012, p. 891-892, n. e. 110 he closest parallel occurs on JE 37328: nw⸗ ʿq - b šm⸗ r z ṯw, I am straight of heart, I walk upon the paved path (K. J - i , BRIS I, p. 260 id., BRIS II, p. 438, 41, a2). i o 309 Sp ec im en au teu r . his term was the subject of an erudite, oft-cited, yet ultimately inconclusive study by slère.111 rased on the context, and two frequent determinatives ( , ), this word almost certainly designates a path or road. he most common stone determinative ( ) and usual w-ending led slère to favor the transliteration sb.w, comparing a term of uncertain meaning otherwise associated with minerals. Turquoise was imported in sb.w, and sb.w were used to draw apotropaic images on the ground. However, slère never explained how to reconcile this very technical deinition with the general meaning of road path, a weakness in his argument that he himself admitted.112 In view of the various nuances of the mineral word sb.w, one might compare Semitic near-cognates (Arabic aṣab, stones, pebbles, gravel 113 Akkadian ḫaṣbattu, potsherd, fragment )114 and similar Egyptian verbs (e.g. sb, to break ḫšb, to hack of )115 and translate the latter term as pebble, chip, lake, shard. Ancient Egyptians could import chips ( sb.w) of minerals, or likewise draw magical designs on the ground using pebbles ( sb.w). However, proper roads, such as processional routes and highways, would have been regularly swept clear of such obstructions, so the latter word could hardly be a synonym for way or path. Instead, the mysterious term, which occurs so frequently in private and divine epithets, might have a diferent transcription. he pustule sign can represent many phonetic and ideographic values, but few it the proper context.116 Fairman and others had advocated reading š w, designated path, 117 but this hypothetical word is never written in Klartext. Other common phonetic values for this sign include wt ( mummy ), and mt ( death ), which could support the readings w .t or m .t (both meaning road ), if not for the frequent w-ending. Somewhat more likely is the term q( ) , a reading which slère briely entertained but eventually dismissed.118 His objections were twofold: 1) this phonetic value is only rarely attested 2) the translation q , silt, would hardly make sense here. et the pustule alone often writes the bilateral value q in the word q , to enter penetrate (e.g. , not discussed by slère).119 In Demotic, moreover, the same pustule sign regularly serves as a determinative to the much more common word q , district , or more generally the earth 111 J.J. s , Recherches sur le Old Testament, p. 298). Note, however, mot des textes gr co-romains that Semitic /ṣ/ is usually rendered by et sur d’autres mots apparentés , Egyptian D (J.E. Ho , Semitic Words BIFAO 79, 1979, p. 285-310 see also in Egyptian Texts of the New Kingdom H. D M , Une famille sacer- and hird Intermediate Period, Princeton, dotale thébaine , BIFAO 86, 1986, p. 139- 1994, p. 408-409, 437 G. T , 140, n. b O. P , op. cit., p. 157-158, Etymological Dictionary of Egyptian, I: n. o G. Vi m , Altägyptische Weg- A Phonological Introduction, HdO I, 48/1, metaphorik, BeitrÄg 15, 1999, p. 26. 1999, p. 256-257), so a direct borrowing 112 J.J. s , op. cit, p. 308-310. of these terms is unlikely. 113 H. , Arabic-English Diction- 114 CAD VI, 1956, p. 129, 131-132. 115 Wb. III, 166, 6-7 339, 6. ary, p. 211 E. . L , An Arabic-English , EP I, p. 229. Lexicon, I, p. 581. sf. also Hebrew aṣab, 116 D. K to cut hew out (stones) (G i , 117 For references, see J.J. s , A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the op. cit., p. 290-291 J.Fr. Quack has recently opted for the earlier transliteration (e.g. Les normes pour le culte d’Osiris. Les indications du Manuel du Temple sur les lieux et les pr tres osiriens , in L. soulon ed. , Le culte d’Osiris au Ier millénaire av. J.-C. : Découvertes et travaux récents, BdE 153, 2010, p. 26: délaisser la voie ḫ ʿ š .w ). 118 J.J. s , op. cit., p. 306-308. Recently, D. Kurth has once again argued for reading q in these expressions (EP I, p. 244, n. 407). 119 D. K , EP I, 244, n. 408. 310 i o ground , eventually derived from q , silt .120 Most importantly, this term may occur in Pleneschreibung in the autobiography of the Ptolemaic o cial Senu/ enon, spelled as .121 Nonetheless, the w-ending commonly found in this word would still be unexpected for q or similar terms. An example from a private stela, not mentioned by slère, provides additional insight into the nature of this word. In her fascinating biography from Abydos, the noble lady Taisis claims that she was:122 True of heart before gods and goddesses not leaving the in their temples, who drove out impurity from their streets, being pure and clean on their path, who beheld their Ka’s in their processions, and praised their majesties in their festivals. au teu r m ʿ- b ḫr nṯr.w nṯry.t ḫnt w.t-nṯr⸗s(n) tm.t ḫ ʿ(?) s r(.t) s .t m mrr(.wt)⸗sn twr(.t ) wʿb(.t ) r w .t⸗sn m (.t) k (.w)⸗sn m ḫʿ(.w)⸗sn sw š(.t) m(.w)⸗sn m b.w⸗sn Sp ec im en First, the spelling of the second epithet calls for comment: .123 If the ḫ -plant alone writes the verb ḫ ʿ,124 then the remaining signs would appear to provide the phonetic spelling of the word in question, namely t š, border, district. hile that translation is roughly equivalent to q , district , and would make reasonable sense in the general context,125 the word t š is not otherwise written with the pustule or the w-ending. Accordingly, this might be an erroneous spelling, or perhaps a singular writing of ḫ š š š, to trespass . From the context, however, it emerges that the mysterious word was a path or other area of the ground, apparently made of stone, which could be located within a temple. hile this deinition would be di cult to reconcile with q , silt, earth, not to mention š w or sb.w, it corresponds excellently to the term z ṯw, ground, paving stone. 126 Like the word in question, z ṯw is often written with a inal -w, and it can appear with the stone determinative, particularly when referring to paving stones within a temple.127 Moreover, the 120 .E i , DG 547 (s. v. qh, Das Erdreich ) M. s , Inar s, prince des rebelles , in F. Hofmann, H.-J. hissen (ed.), Res severa verum gaudium: Festschrift für Karl-heodor Zauzich zum 65. Geburtstag am 8. Juni 2004, StudDem 6, 2004, p. 41, l. 6, 43 id., Le saut dans le temps d’un document historique: des Ptolémées aux Sa tes , in D. Devauchelle (ed.), La XXVIe dynastie, continuités et ruptures, Paris, 2011, p. 43. 121 Urk. II, 66, 1 (noted by J.J. s , op. cit., p. 305-306) for this text, see recently I. G m , Glanures ( 1-2) , BIFAO 103, 2003, p. 286, 292-293 (x 16). ΝϹωΙ 122 Pushkin Museum, I.1.b.270, 125 For the phrase ḫ ʿ t š, to leave a l. 6-7: S. Ho , O. r , op. cit, (religious) district , compare the senp. 190-191 P. D i , Femmes (II) , tence quoted by s m, CD 452 a (s. v. BSEG 24, 2000-2001, p. 48. d bishopric ): aikw patwÒ ncsi 123 Hodjash and rerlev translated this aibwk eketwÒ, I left my district passage: one whose altars and stelae are behind me and went to another district . prosperous rwḏ.t ḫ .wt ʿ ʿ.w (lit. one 126 Wb. III, 423-424, especially 424, prosperous of altars…) in her temple 4-8 R.O. F , CDME, p. 211 (op. cit., p. 190 followed by P. D i , L.H. L o, A Dictionary of Late Egypop. cit., p. 48, n. 27), but did not explain tian (2 nd ed.), p. 10. the curious spelling of ʿ ʿ, stela. he 127 P.J. F , A Fragmentary correct interpretation was noted already Letter of the Early Middle Kingdom , by H. D M , op. cit., p. 139, JARCE 15, 1978, p. 27-29, n. h L. Po , n. b, no. 4 and G. Vi m , op. cit., I. R , Annales héliopolitaines et p. 133 (11.30). fragments de Sésostris Ier réemployés 124 sf. J.J. s , op. cit., p. 287, n. 2. dans la porte de râb al-Tawiq au saire , BIFAO 105, 2005, p. 262-263, n. f. i . . pustule sign regularly represents the phonetic value sṯ or sṯ ,128 and it regularly determines the derivative word in Demotic, ( )sṱ, ground .129 In summary, the term (and variants) most likely corresponds to spellings such as , for z ṯw, (paved) ground, with the pustule writing s( )ṯ or s( )t. In a temple setting, such as the stela of Taisis, this word should designate the stone loor within the temenos in more general contexts, where it appears alongside synonyms for road (e.g. w .t, mṯn), it might speciically denote a more formal, paved processional route. Restoring , based on the traces and the frequent occurrence of this epithet in combination with w ḏ-qd.130 References to traveling upon the water of divinities or the king abound in the Late Period.131 he present formulation features two rare variants: the choice of the verb r , to act ,132 and the impersonal use of the phrase r mw, without the expected su x pronoun or direct genitive.133 Although similar phrases occur elsewhere in the Late Period, they usually pertain to divinities, not individuals.134 Nonetheless, a very close parallel can be found on a much earlier monument from the First Intermediate Period (Florence, 1540): ḏb nfr n r(.w) sw, one who repays goodness to whoever performs it .135 Epithets involving the phrase pg -ḏr.t (or variants) occur frequently in all periods,136 but the present formulation is unique. he term šw-ʿ, destitute helpless (lit. empty-handed )137 is a rarer variant of the more common locution wty-n⸗f.138 Sp ec im en . 311 au teu r . o 128 Wb. IV, 349, D. K , EP I, p. 229, 244, n. 404-405. 129 .E i , DG, p. 11. 130 J.J. s , Une statuette du ils a né du roi Nectanab , RdE 6, 1951, p. 142, n. K J.-P. so i i, op. cit., p. 129, n. (d) O. P , Documents relatifs aux gouverneurs du Delta au début de la VIe dynastie , RdE 57, 2006, p. 170-171, n. e I. G m , Les cultes d’Amon hors de hèbes, BEPHE 123, 2005, p. 305, n. a. 131 O. P , Exemple de stèle archa sante pour un pr tre modèle , RdE 52, 2001, p. 199-200 G. Vi m , op. cit., p. 137-141. 132 Wb. I, 111, 21 Wb. II, 52, 17 ( handeln ), with Belegstellen II, p. 80 G. Vi m , op. cit., p. 168 (s. v. jr r mw ) cf. also Esna II, 64, 2, where Khnum and Neith: ṯz wʿ n r ( r) mw⸗sn, assemble an heir for whoever acts loyally to them . 133 For more examples, see H. R , he Statue of a Ptolemaic Στ ατηγο of the Mendesian Nome in the sleveland Museum of Art , JAOS 73, 1953, p. 194, col. 2, p. 195-196 O. P , Socle d’une statue de Neshor à Abydos , RdE 43, 1992, p. 147, l. 2, 157-158, n. (o) Petosiris 65, 13 (G. L , op. cit., p. 41). 134 For the formula, and variants, see K. J - i , Sentenzen und Maximen in den Privatinschriften der ägyptischen Spätzeit, rerlin, 1999, p. 91-92 (A.4.d.8-12) P. V , Khâemouaset et la rétribution des actions , in L. Gabolde (ed.), Hommages à Jean-Claude Goyon oferts pour son 70e anniversaire, BdE 143, 2008, p. 412-415. 135 J. J , op. cit., p. 121. 136 Ibid., p. 61 R. -S , Deux statues inédites du musée du saire , BIFAO 84, 1984, p. 144-145, n. n P. D M i , Living in the Past: Studies in Archaism of the Egyptian Twenty-Sixth Dynasty, London, 1994, p. 7-9 K. J - i , u den Denkm lern des Erziehers Psametiks II , MDAIK 52, 1996, p. 195, n. 11 O. P , L’avertissement d’Aménirdis Ire sur sa statue saire JE 3420 ( sG 565) , RdE 47, 1996, p. 59, n. p I. G m , op. cit., p. 305 (rrooklyn 52.89, col. 2). In most examples, the hand is extended to everybody (n bw nb). 137 This phrase occurs elsewhere on two statues of Harwa (rM 55306, Louvre A 84 r. G , R. E , he Statues of Harwa , BIFAO 30, 1931, p. 810-811) cf. also sairo, RT 1/6/24/6 (K. J - i , Ein Kaufmann aus Naukratis , ZÄS 124, 1997, p. 111, Text a) the TLA also notes an example in Edfou VII, 277, 7. For a pejorative use of this term (i.e. stingy ), see sG 42225: m r šw-ʿ m ḫt⸗k, handle nicht geizig mit deinem Verm gen (K. J i , Ägyptische Biographien der 22 und 23 Dynastie, II, ÄAT 8, 1985, p. 372, 3.9.8). 138 E.g. JE 36918, rack Pillar, col. 4: dwn.n⸗ ḏr.t⸗ n wty-n⸗f (K. J i , Drei Statueninschriften einer Familie aus fr hptolem ischer eit , SAK 36, 2007, p. 63) sG 29310, col. 3: nk wn ḏr.t n wty-n⸗f (G. M o, H. G i , op. cit., p. 47) see further H. D M , Une statue de pr tre héliopolitain , BIFAO 61, 1962, p. 36-37, n. k G. Po , Origine des expressions ntj-wn le possédant’ et wtj-n.f le non-possédant’ , RdE 6, 1951, p. 235 312 i o t s s t u au teu r . In the second phrase, the term wn-m-g w⸗f (lit. he who is in his state of lack ) is a unique synonym for šw-ʿ in the preceding epithet. For a similar sentiment, one might compare a passage from two statues of Harwa: he who paciies the destitute (s tp wty-n⸗f ) with that which he lacked (m g w⸗f r⸗s) .139 . Although damage partially obscures the tree sign, and its position is somewhat surprising,140 an exact parallel for this epithet occurs in the celebrated biography of ennefer from Saqqara ( m - b n ẖnmy.w⸗f ).141 he alphabetic spelling ( ) of b,142 heart, relects contemporary pronunciation after the inal b devoiced to p.143 Similar examples occur in the Late Period, as both b, heart ( ),144 and p- b, knowledgeable ( ) 145 the latter 146 phrase was vocalized as ap-ep in a Roman Period lexicon from Tebtunis. r s . . 5-6 his striding osirophorous statue currently belongs to the Denys Eyre rower collection in shiddingstone sastle, Kent.147 Although the precise acquisition date is unknown, the object wb n⸗f b, Righteous one, patient p. 11 (although the p-sign is clear in to whoever conides in him for the the published photograph, the editors alphabetic spelling of w there, see also emended it to a heart in their hand sG 807 (K. J - i , u den copy). For the converse spelling ( b for Denkm lern des Erziehers Psametiks II , p), see r. r , Drei Totenpapyri aus MDAIK 52, 1996, p. 190, ig. 1, e2, in the einer thebanischen Werkstatt der Spätzeit phrase: w tp-t ). (pBerlin P. 3158, pAberdeen ABDUA 84023, 143 D. K , EP I, p. 226. Note pBerlin, P. 3159), HAT 11, 2009, p. 28. the relatively frequent interchange be- 145 H. D M , La statue tween b and p( ) in divine and royal d’un haut fonctionnaire sa te (Stockholm, names: R. J o , Evidence for the MME 1986:1 Vatican 22686) , Deiication of Tuthmosis III in the BMMNEA 31, 1998, p. 14, col. 2, p. 19, Ptolemaic Period , GM 64, 1983, p. 33-34 n. (j) De Meulenaere read this phrase as H.-J. T i , Die demotischen Graiti p p- b ( une variante exceptionnelle du von Medinet Habu: Zeugnisse zu Tem- cliché ), but the verb p p is otherwise pel und Kult im Ptolemäischen Ägypten, unattested. DemStud 10, 1989, p. 152 D. r , 146 J. O i , Hieratische Papyri aus Harpare-pa-chered: Ein gyptisches Tebtunis I, Carlsberg Papyri 2, CNIP 17, G tterkind im heben der Sp tzeit 1998, p. 172, 178, n. P. und griechisch-r mischen Epoche , in 147 For the substantial Egyptian colD. rudde, S. Sandri, U. Verhoeven (ed.), lection at shiddingstone sastle, see Kindgötter im Ägypten der griechisch- J.S. P i i , A.M. Do o , Egyptian römischen Zeit. Zeugnisse aus Stadt und Antiquities of shiddingstone sastle Tempel als Spiegel des interkulturellen Kent, England , KMT 6/1, 1995, p. 51-61 Kontakts, OLA 128, 2003, p. 70-71. A.M. Do o , Amenmesse in Kent, 144 M. r , Ein saitischer Liverpool, and hebes , JEA 81, 1995, Statuensockel in Stockholm , ZÄS 47, p. 115 M.L. ri i , op. cit, p. 76. 1910, p. 112, l. 3, 115, n. 19 J.-sl. Go o , One may also consult the brief online M. G o , Trois pieces de rasse catalogue by Nicholas Reeves: http:// Époque et d’époque ptoléma que www.nicholasreeves.com/item.aspx?ca au musée des reaux-Arts de Lyon , tegory sollections id 241. BMML 1991/3-4, p. 3, ig. 1, p. 7, ig. 4, Sp ec im en 139 r. G , R. E , op. cit., p. 808 (with the correction by sh. K , Remarques sur les statues de Harwa avec 2 planches , BIFAO 34, 1934, p. 161-162). For the present combination of sʿnḫ and g w, compare Louvre s 123, col. 9: r sʿnḫ t m-ḫt g w, in order to revive the land after (a period of ) destitution (shr. T i , Ptolémée Philadelphe et les pr tres de Sa s. La stèle sodex Ursinianus, fol. 6 r Naples 1034 Louvre s. 123 , BIFAO 99, 1999, p. 427, 429). 140 Nonetheless, for other examples of signs transposed behind tall birds, see P. D M i , op. cit, p. 92-93. 141 G. M o, op. cit., p. 47, col. 3 (sG 29310). For similar combinations, compare JE 37149: m - b n sn.w⸗f, ẖnm- b n ẖnmy.w⸗f (K. J i , BRIS II, p. 430, no. 38, a4) RT 18/12/24/4: m - b n sn.w⸗f, mry ẖnmy.w⸗f (ibid., p. 436, no. 40, b6). 142 he word b, heart , is often spelled alphabetically in Dynasties 2630: P. D M i , op. cit., p. 82. sf. also D. K o , op. cit., p. 138-139, pl. VIII, col. 2 despite the extended commentary on this epithet (ibid, p. 141-143, n. k), the inal suggestion proposed is the most reasonable (ibid., p. 142-143 γ ): m ʿty, w - b n i o 313 Sp ec im en au teu r appeared at auction as late as 1954,148 and Denys rower was imprisoned from 1957-1961, having non-fatally shot his iancée and himself,149 and rarely acquired antiquities after his release. resides a short entry in PM VIII (801-735-420), this statue has only garnered brief mentions elsewhere.150 It is currently on display at the Houston Museum of Natural Science. Made of light greywacke, the statue is only preserved up to the subject’s waist, measuring roughly 35 cm (height) 11 cm (width) 17,5 cm (depth).151 In the preserved fragment, signiicant portions of the right side and front of the statue base are also missing. Remarkably, the entire Osiris igure has survived intact, giving the impression that the rest of the statue was intentionally broken away to transform an osirophorous statue into a simple statuette of Osiris, perhaps as early as the Roman period.152 As on similar pieces from this era, the statue owner wears a very long skirt that clings tightly to his limbs, and a large sporran damaged on the right side. roth garments are entirely smooth, without any pleats or folds. he subject stands behind Osiris and holds his arms around the god. However, he just barely touches the divinity with his ingertips: a signiicant amount of negative space separates his hands from Osiris’ upper arms, giving only the illusion of an embrace. his feature can be found on other standing osirophorous statues,153 as well as on kneeling theophorous statues carrying an enthroned Osiris,154 and in certain instances the negative space between the hands and Osiris is large enough to accommodate hieroglyphic inscriptions.155 Subtly avoiding contact with the divine igurine, the dedicants express their 148 Sotheby’s London, Ethnographical Art Including Works of Art from Benin, Oriental Art and Antiquities, London, July 5-6 1954, p. 208, no. 208. 149 Attempted Murder of oung oman , he Times (London), London, November 21 1957, p. 19 Double Romance somes at a Price , The Financial Times (London), London, March 18 2006, p. 16. 150 M. T i io , Notes d’onomastique. sontribution à une révision du Ranke PN (Septième série) , RdE 42, 2001, p. 225-226, no. 7 a short description also appears in the online catalogue of Nicholas Reeves (cf. supra, n. 147). he author would like to thank the Trustees of the Denys Eyre rower bequest for permission to publish the statue, as well as Maria Esain (shiddingstone sastle) for providing excellent photographs and object details. 151 Measurements kindly provided by Marian Esain. In addition, the igure of Osiris measures 22.5 cm tall, and his small socle is 5,5 cm 5,5 cm. 152 he same phenomenon can be ob- du Caire, N. 48601-48649, 1999, pl. 47), served on JE 37332 (K. J - i , rritish Museum, EA 24784 (photoBRIS II, pl. 21), Hermitage 2962 graphs unpublished cf. M. M i , (r. T , Einige unedierte Sa tica in Statues égyptiennes naophores et cultes russischen Sammlungen , ZÄS 48, 1910, isiaques , BSEG 26, 2004, p. 74, no. 27) p. 161, ig. 2-3 I.A. L i , M.E. M ’ , and the very large gap on JE 37939 (unДревне-египетская скульптура в published Karnak sachette Database, собрании государственного Эрмитажа, sK 489). 1969, pl. 75), rzburg, Martin von 154 E.g. JE 38021 (M. A im, agner Museum (s. Ko , Ein rz- G. R i , Karnak dans l’objectif burger Original. Das Fragment einer de Georges Legrain, II, 2004, p. 288) naophoren Statue in der Sammlung JE 38061 (K. J - i , BRIS II, des Martin von agner Museums , in pl. 23) sG 48604 (J.A. Jo o , J. Hallof (ed.), Auf den Spuren des Sobek. M.M. E m , op. cit., pl. 4 a) Festschrift für Horst Beinlich, SRaT 12, Pushkin Museum, I.1.a.4997 (O.D. 2013,177), and rM EA 2288 (unpub- r , S.I. Ho , Sculpture of lished naophorous statue). Ancient Egypt in the Collection of the 153 sf. r.V. ro m , H. D M - Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, , op. cit., pl. II, ig. r, p. 3 Moscow, 2004, p. 252-253) roston, (discussing rrooklyn 77.50: he in- MFA 97.890 (H. D M , gers lightly touch the shoulders of the P. M K , Mendes II, ARCER 1, 1976, Osiris igure, a gesture of presentation pl. 20d, no. 50). devoid of action ) additional examples 155 Hermitage 2962 (cf. supra, n. 152), include sG 48647 (J.A. Jo o , and AG 22.174 (G. S i o , M.M. E m , Statues of the XXVth Catalogue of the Egyptian Sculpture in and XXVIth Dynasties, Catalogue géné- the Walters Art Gallery, raltimore, 1946, I, no. 173). ral des antiquités egyptiennes du musée p. 59, pl. 314 i o Sp ec im en au teu r deference to Osiris, anticipating Egyptian priests of the Graeco-Roman period who carried sacred objects with veiled hands.156 Osiris stands at the back of a small, square socle and leans backwards slightly, resting his lower body on the statue owner’s kilt.157 He wears a composite white crown with double plumes, featuring a simple uraeus (partially damaged) whose long tail demarcates a median line on the front. he short beard is attached below his chin, with no traces of a chin-strap.158 Like the igure standing behind him, his crown and garments are entirely smooth, lacking a collar or other common attributes. sonforming to what Roeder dubbed the Lower Egyptian style159 appropriate for a statue from Mendes (cf. infra) Osiris holds his hands above each other in the middle of his torso: the right hand in front of his sternum holds the lail, the left sitting over his stomach grasps the crook. On the front of the socle, a squatting igure of Heh/Shu lifts his arms up to support Osiris. His hands stretch upwards and are represented on the upper surface. he caption appears to label this representation as the statue owner, Phatres (cf. infra, Text s). Stylistically, the object is an excellent candidate for the 26 th Dynasty, when osirophorous statues were extremely common.160 References to Neith of Sais in the inscriptions and the simpliied, archaizing hieroglyphic orthographies would support this date. Although only half of the statue is preserved, certain features of the Osiris statuette might narrow the date of manufacture. 161 he presence of double plumes excludes a date before Psamtik I,162 and the strapless beard does not appear until the reign of Psamtik II.163 At the same time, the statue does not it easily into late Dynasty 26 or the Persian Period either. he Osiris statuette is relatively tall, coming up high on the dedicant’s chest, whereas divine igurines on theophorous statues tend to shrink throughout the 26 th Dynasty and later, ultimately reducing to small votive objects in the Ptolemaic Period.164 Subjectively, the face of Osiris looks nothing like Apries or Amasis, but bears a striking resemblance to the only portrait securely attributable to Psamtik II.165 roth 156 P.P. Ko mo , L’hydrie isiaque sK 354) sG 48647 (J.A. Jo o , p. 436-438, ig. 7 (Osiris statuette of et le rituel égyptien à l’époque ro- M.M. E m , op. cit., pl. 47). Psamtik I featuring feathers). maine , CRIPEL 20, 1999, p. 109-123 158 H. D M , r.V. ro - 163 r.V. ro m , op. cit., p. 52-53, Fr. D , Pr tre portant dans m , Une t te d’Osiris au musée du n. 44-45 H. D M , ses mains voilées un Osiris-canope’ , Louvre , Kêmi 19, 1969, p. 13-14. r.V. ro m , op. cit., p. 14. in Fr. Goddio (ed.), Alexandrie : les 159 G. Ro , Die Arme der Osiris- 164 D. K o , A Good rurial in quartiers royaux submergés, London, 1998, Mumie , in O. Firchow (ed.), Ägyptolo- the est , in L. soulon (ed.), Karnak p. 189-194. gische Studien, VIO 29, 1957, p. 248-249. Cachette Colloquium (in press). 157 Similarly: sG 724 (L. ro , 160 In the iles of the CLES, r.V. roth- 165 Paris, musée Jacquemart-André, Statuen und Statuetten I von Königen mer classiied this statue as Pre-Pers/ MJAP-S 873: J.A. Jo o , Royal und Privatleuten im Museum von Kairo, Pers. Sculpture of the Later VIth Dynasty , III, Catalogue général des antiquités égyp- 161 For iconographic features of Osiris MDAIK 48, 1992, p. 94, pl. 16 a tiennes du musée du Caire, N. 1-1294, 1930, statuettes in the Late Period, see primar- O. P , Le crépuscule des pharaons, pl. 134) sG 48648 (J.A. Jo o , ily H. D M , r.V. ro m , rruxelles, 2012, p. 188-189, no. 93. For M.M. E m , op. cit., pl. 49), op. cit., p. 12-15 id., in L.H. Lesko (ed.), the likenesses between portraits of Osiris JE 37332 (K. J - i , BRIS II, Egyptological Studies in Honor of Richard and the ruling king in statuary as a potenpl. 21-22), JE 36724 (unpublished see A. Parker, London, 1986, p. 3. tial dating criterion, cf. J.A. Jo o , sK 696). On other osirophorous stat- 162 r.V. ro m , ESLP, p. 46, note to A Portrait Head of Psamtik I? , in P. Der ues, the god stands completely upright no. 39 (double plumes) J.A. Jo o , Manuelian (ed.), Studies in Honor of with a signiicant gap between his A Portrait Head of Psamtik I? , in P. Der William Kelly Simpson, II, roston, 1996, back and the statue owner’s skirt: e.g., Manuelian (ed.), Studies in Honor of p. 436-438. sG 42238 (cf. the additional photos William Kelly Simpson, II, roston, 1996, i o 315 feature a round face, narrow eyes, a weak chin, and a thick-lipped, pouting mouth (Josephson). Taken together, these observations point towards a date in the middle of Dynasty 26.166 au teu r Owner and Titles he owner was a certain Phatres (P - tr, lit. the Twin ), son of Peftuaneith and Esenchebis, the latter the daughter of a Sobekhotep. hile the subject’s name was relatively rare,167 his parents’ names were both extremely common during the Late Period. Michelle hirion, citing personal communication by Jean oyotte, remarked that a canopic jar of the same Phatres belonged to a private collection,168 but I have not succeeded in locating that object. All around the statue, inscriptions mention the Ennead of Mendes in the Eastern Delta, certainly its original destination. hile the dedicant’s grandfather, Sobekhotep, held two speciic titles linked to nearby raqliya (fkty) and Tell Tebilla (rḫ-nsw.t), Phatres himself only mentions priestly charges linked to the estern Delta (smsw, wr-ʿ). Presumably, then, he dedicated this monument while visiting his mother’s family in Mendes. rased on his theophoric name, Phatres’ father, Peftuaneith, may have come from Sais. Sp ec im en Inscriptions he statue features a lengthy inscription on the left side, in the sizeable negative space beneath the leg. On the right side, an equally large space is left blank because it is below the kilt.169 Since the text on the left side begins with the a liation, it must continue the inscription from the back pillar (Text A). In addition, a short horizontal text adorns the statue socle, moving from the front to the left side (Text r) a symmetric inscription should have featured on the right side, but that area is completely missing. Finally, a small caption accompanies the representation of Shu/Heh (Text s). Although quite short, the inscriptions contain a number of graphic peculiarities such as , psḏ.t, Ennead (A, rack Pillar). Some of these variants are simple errors, for example: for for and (A, 3), or for (r), for (A, 2) (A, 2) 166 Furthermore, the present object shares various features in common with the osirophorous statue Hermitage 2962 (cf. supra, n. 152), which bears cartouches of Psamtik II. 167 H. R , PN I, 116, 7 id. PN II, 282, 16 E. L , DemNB, p. 206-207 M. T i io , op. cit., p. 225-226 (already mentioning the present example, as doc. 7). A similar spelling occurs on a Dynasty 25 statue base (PM VIII, 802-140-670 for the text, see E. G , Untersuchungen zur Verwaltung und Geschichte der Institution der Gottesgemahlin des Amun vom Beginn des Neuen Reiches bis zur Spätzeit, I, ÄgAbg 37, 1981, p. 208-209, n. 3, pl. 4 , text P11, A). Another example of this name, previously unrecognized, appears on Pushkin Museum I.1.a.4997 (cf. I. G m , op. cit., p. 307, n. b: Peheretcher (P - r-ṯr) O.D. r , S.I. Ho , op. cit., p. 257, with n. ж: P(a)-her-cher ). 168 M. T i io , op. cit., p. 226. 169 hile most statues respect this convention, texts occasionally occur on the right side of the kilt: r.V. ro m , op. cit, pl. 44, ig. 106 (MMA 19.2.2). 316 i Other orthographic choices permit multiple interpretations: for nb(.w), lord(s) , or variant spelling for n, of (infra, n. b) for k ⸗k, your Ka , or phonetic spelling of k , the Ka (infra, n. c) for , to say , or mistake for , m ḫw, venerated (infra, n. h) Left side 5 4 3 rack Pillar 2 1 Sp ec im en 6 au teu r Text A rack Pillar (one column), and Left Side (six columns) o o 317 [ tp-d -nsw.t] [p]sḏ.t ʿ (.t) n(.t) Ḏd.t n k (n) wr-ʿ smsw sš-nsw.t P - ṯr m ʿ-ḫrw … 1 [A royal ofering of] the Great [E]nnead a of b Mendes, for the Ka (of )c, the wr-ʿ and smsw,d Royal Scribe, Phatres, justiied […] z n P (y)⸗f-ṯ w-( r)-ʿ(.wy)-N.t ms.n ( ) y.t N.t nb(.t) S w [ s.t-m]- 2 Ḫb.t z .t ( ry)-ḫt-nsw.t fkṯ(y) Sbk- tp [m ʿ-ḫrw] 3 (m ḫw) ḫr psḏ.t-ʿ (.t) n(.t) Ḏd.t w 4 ⸗f mn(.w) r- 5 n r- 6 ḏ.t son of Peftuaneith, born of the singer of Neith, Lady of Sais, [Esen]chebis,e daughter of the (r)ḫ-nsw.t f and fkty, Sobek-Hotep [justiied] v(enerated)h before the Great Ennead of Mendes, remaining forever and for all eternity. au teu r i Text r Sides of the Statue rase (front and right only) A [royal] ofering of the Great Ennead of b Mendes, for the Ka (of )c, the wr-ʿ-priest d, […] Sp ec im en tp-d -[nsw.t] psḏ.t ʿ (.t) n(.t) Ḏd.t n k (n) wr-ʿ … Text s Front of Osiris’ socle [Ws] r i ... wr-ʿ P -[ tr m ʿ-ḫrw] O [Os]iris [...] the wr-ʿ-priest, Pha[tres, justiied]. . Tentatively restoring: . rased on the parallel texts (A3, r) this group should be an ornate spelling of Ennead, employing nine hieroglyphs, as in spellings such as , , or .170 he substitution of for to write nṯr is noteworthy, 170 Wb. I, 559 H. J , Über das Schriftsystem im Tempel der Hathor in Dendera, rerlin, 1903, p. 81 D. K o , Caesar in the City of Amun: Egyptian heology and Temple Construction in Roman hebes, MRE 12, 2012, p. 343, col. 5 Edfou VII, 12, 5. 318 i o Sp ec im en au teu r although perfectly understandable.171 Nonetheless, the surviving traces at the top of the surviving portion are di cult to reconcile with , as no horizontal base is visible. he expected sign might be in the lacuna, or perhaps a diferent hieroglyph was used. . In the present context, the modiier nb requires explanation. rased on similar ofering formulas, one could restore the Great Ennead, the lord s of Mendes (nb<.w> Ḏd.t) ,172 in which case the plural ending could have been omitted via the consonantal principle. Later on, however (col. 3), the text refers to the same group as the Great Ennead of Mendes (n(.t) Ḏd.t) . he latter variant suggests an equivalence of and in the present in173 scription, either through graphic confusion between the two signs, or more likely due to the phonetic reduction of nb to n before Ḏd.t, just as in the toponym B -n(b)-Ḏd.t (Greek: Mendes Akkadian: Pintiti).174 . For an ofering text, one would expect to read n k n NN, for the Ka of NN rather than a vocative n k ⸗k NN, for your Ka, NN. As with the alternation between nb and n (supra, and n. b), this spelling could theoretically derive from graphic confusion between 175 . However, this particularity occurs on other Late Period monuments, and Philippe sollombert convincingly argued that in those cases the entire group (and variants) could simply write k , with the k-basket serving as a phonetic complement or mater lectionis.176 his interpretation inds further support in comparable spellings of the name Geb (e.g. ),177 and archaizing orthographies of k (e.g. ) in other Late Period texts.178 . According to geographic lists from Edfu, Dendera, and Tebtunis, both titles denote speciic priesthoods associated with the seventh Lower Egyptian nome (Metelite) in the northwest Delta.179 he irst title, wr-ʿ,180 occurs most often in Memphite contexts,181 but here and 171 his value is only attested once in the New Kingdom: H. S i , ur kryptographischen reischrift eines Gabenbringers (Relief ien Inv.Nr. 5081/5082) , GM 86, 1985, p. 31-32 (noted by D. K , EP I, p. 249, 261, n. 147) for various sacred birds used to write nṯr, cf. also A. G , Jeux de signes dans quelques inscriptions des grands temples de Dendérah et d’Edfou , BIFAO 52, 1953, p. 86-97. 172 sf. K. J - i , BRIS II, p. 412-413, no. 31, b1 (psḏ.t ʿ .t nb.w wnw-šmʿ), c1-2 (psḏ.t nb.w mnt.t) LGG III, 148-149 (psḏ.t ʿ .t nb.w NN), 153-154 (psḏ.t nb.w NN). 173 H. J , Die Stundenwachen in den Osirismysterien nach den Inscrhiten von Dendera, Edfu und Philae, DAWW 54, 1910, p. 31. 174 D. K o , Once Again, Min ( ): Acrophony or Phonetic shange? , GM 233, 2012, p. 21-28 (especially p. 28). 175 H. J , loc. cit. 176 P. so om , Hout-Sekhem et le septième nome de Haute-Égypte II : les stèles tardives , RdE 48, 1997, p. 20, n. a. 177 S. r i , Die Rolle des Gottes Geb in den ägyptischen Tempelinschriften der griechisch-römischen Zeit, HÄB 41, 1995, p. 164-165 D. K , Der Einlu der Kursive auf die Inschriften des Tempels von Edfu , in D. Kurth (ed.), Edfu: Bericht über drei Surveys; Materialien und Studien, Edfu Begleitheft 5, 1999, p. 73-74 178 H. i , op. cit., n. 48 O. P , Le torse d’Irethorerou de la collection réhague , RdE 49, 1998, p. 253, n. (f ). Note also the use of this uniliteral sign to write g w, lack on MFA 1970.509: .K. Sim o , hree Egyptian Statues of the Seventh and Sixth senturies r.s. in the roston Museum of Fine Arts , Kêmi 21, 1971, p. 32-33, ig. 10, col. 2 (reading: gm ḏ s m g w⸗f cf. D A 31.543.690). 179 For the wr-ʿ-priest, see Dendara , 21, 8 for the smsw, see Edfou I, 331, 17 Dendara , 21, 6 P. sarlsberg 182.1, L18, 15 (J. O i , op. cit., p. 241, pl. 24). For these titles in general, see recently D. K o , Regionally Speciic Sacerdotal Titles in Late Period Egypt: Soubassements vs. Private Monuments , in A. Rickert, r. Ventker (ed.), Altägyptische Enzyklopädien, Soubassementstudien I, vol. II, SSR 7, 2014, p. 732-734 E. Ti i i i, Il Delta occidentale dell’Egitto: ricerche storiche e religiose. La provincia dell’Arpione Occidentale dalle origini all’Epoca Tolemaica, PhD hesis, Università degli studi di Torino, 2014, p. 703-706. 180 It is uncertain whether the religious o ce derives from the Old Kingdom title wr-ʿ, greatest of the sedan chair , for which see Wb. I, 332, 17 D. Jo , An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, Epithets, and Phrases of the Old Kingdom, I, BAR-IS 866, 2000, p. 384-385, no. 1420 LGG II, 428-429. 181 I. G m , op. cit., p. 66, n. (a) H. D M , BiOr 64, 2007, col. 134. i . . on a Late Period seal (Louvre E 10967)182 it is linked to the smsw-priest of the Libyan nome (LE VII). he title smsw (lit. the elder ) occurs quite frequently on Late Period shabtis, and is sometimes associated with the local god Ha.183 he restoration follows the copy by Michelle hirion, apparently based on a more complete spelling from a canopic jar of Phatres in a private collection.184 Similarly abbreviated spellings of this title occur in the Late and Ptolemaic periods,185 perhaps relecting the original Old Kingdom reading ( ry)-ḫ(t)-nsw.t. Since most of the ofices mentioned in this genealogy are regionally speciic priestly titles, this may be another sacerdotal o ce, here linked to Osiris and his temple ( w.t-ẖs ) in the city of Tell Tebilla (R -nfr) in the Northeast Delta.186 Tell Tebilla is just north of Mendes, the presumed origin of this statue moreover the statue-owner’s father was named after Sobek, a prominent divinity at Tell Tebilla. he present combination of religious titles (rḫ-nsw.t and fkty) can be found on other Saite monuments from the same region (Taranto, Museo Nazionale Inv. 7.511 Alexandria 435).187 Despite the perturbed orthography, this word is certainly the common title fkty, tonsured priest, most often associated with Memphis, Hermopolis Parva (raqliya), Abydos, and Akhmim.188 Since the present statue almost certainly came from Mendes, a connection to nearby Hermopolis Parva would seem likely.189 , based on the context. he space where one would expect Tentatively emending to the m ḫ-sign is covered by the subject’s calf muscle, unless it was lost in the damaged portion at the end of the preceding column. Opting for the lectio diicilior, one could alternatively understand the following as a divine pronouncement introduced by a sḏm.ḫr⸗f contingent clause: Sp ec im en . 319 au teu r . o .ḫr psḏ.t ʿ .t n(.t) Ḏd.t w⸗f (r) mn r n r ḏ.t hen the Great Ennead of Mendes will say ( ):190 “He will endure forever and all eternityḤ! . recause of the lacuna, it is impossible to decide whether this section addresses the god Osiris in the naos, or whether it refers to the Osiris of the deceased Phatres. 182 P.E. N , Scarabs: an Introduction to the Study of Egyptian Seals and Signet Rings, 1906, pl. VIII, 27. 183 J.F. A , L. A , Statuettes égyptiennes : chaouabtis, ouchebtis, Paris, 1974, p. 258, 261. 184 M. T i io , op. cit., p. 225. Moreover, this name is very common in the Saite Period: G. Vi m , Ein Denkmal mit dem Namen der K nigsmutter Esench be (rerlin 10192) , ZÄS 103, 1976, p. 145, n. b. 185 G. Go , Rḫ-nswt: titre aulique ou titre sacerdotal « spécifique »? , ZÄS 136, 2009, p. 12-13, especially p. 12, n. 32: Le r de rḫ est souvent omis. 186 I. G m , Glanures ( 3-4) , BIFAO 106, 2006, p. 116-117, n. i. 187 I. G m , op. cit., p. 117, n. i id., Les cultes d’Amon hors de hèbes, BEPHE 123, 2005, p. 217. 188 Wb. I, 580, 4 D. K o , op. cit., p. 742. 189 he fkty is recorded as a speciic priest from Hermopolis Parva in Edfou I, 333, 17. 190 Wb. I, 89, 7-11 R.O. F , he Verb to say’ and its Developments , JEA 21, 1935, p. 177-190. 320 i t M M R o t Sp ec im en au teu r his naophorous statuette dates to the reign of Apries.191 On the front of the short pillar, the statue owner (Udjahorresnet, alias Neferibre is the Lord of Strength ), is depicted lifting up both arms, symbolically supporting the naos of Ptah. refore him is a unique caption (ig. 2). . . KhM S 5774. Udjahorresnet supports naos of Ptah over his head. From E. Ro , Statuen der Spätzeit. 750. – ca. 300 v. Chr., CAA Wien , a b, p. 67. r.n(⸗ ) mk(.t) m/na nb⸗ tw (⸗ ) I hereby act as a guardian for my Lord, whom I support. . De Meulenaere refrained from translating this di cult caption, but only summarized Une brève légende explique la scène qui se trouve sur le support qui relie le naos au socle .192 Rogge, meanwhile, understood Ich bin ein Sch tzer als Herr des St tzens ( r.n⸗ mk.t m nb tw ) .193 However, lord of support is syntactically awkward, and not otherwise attested as an epithet for deities such as Shu, Heh, or Ptah. Instead, this is most likely an example of phonetic dissimilation (n m) preceding nb.194 he standing igure of Udjahorresnet 191 H. D M , Raccords memphites , MDAIK 47, 1991, p. 246-249, pl. 28-29 E. Ro , op. cit., p. 64-70. 192 H. D M , op. cit., p. 249. 193 E. Ro , op. cit., p. 65. 194 P. D M i , op. cit, p. 76 K. J - i , Spätmittelägypti- sche Grammatik Grammatik der Texte der 3. Zwischenzeit, ÄAT 34, 1996, 54, 271 D. K , EP I, p. 513, n. 3. i o 321 simultaneously functions as determinative and irst person su x pronoun following the word tw in the text. On the back pillar, the deceased explains why he stands behind the naos: t A R hat he (Ptah) placed me behind him, was from the desire to perform my protection, for he recognized my heart was true. M au teu r d .n⸗f w ⸗f n mr(w.t) r.t mk(.t)⸗i r s .n⸗f m ʿ b⸗ t Sp ec im en his naophorous statue dates to the 30 th Dynasty, and belonged to a prominent o cial named ennefer, known to have served under Nectanebo I.195 Even though the inscriptions on the back address Neith, the naos contained a male divinity,196 most likely Re.197 On the narrow pseudo-pillar, which blends into the wrap-around robe, a similar male igure stands with his arms upraised (ig. 3) this detail is partially lost in the damage, but surviving traces conirm that his arms cannot have been at his sides. relow this man is a three-column inscription, running down the pseudo-pillar, and then on either side (ig. 3). . . Alexandria 20959. ennefer supports naos of Re(?) with upraised arms (partially damaged). From I. G m , Les monuments d’Ounnefer, ils de Djedbastetiouefânkh contemporain de Nectanébo Ier , in I. Régen, Fr. Servajean (ed.), Verba manent : recueil d’études dédiées à Dimitri Meeks par ses collègues et amis, I, CENIM b, b , p. 195, pl. II. 195 I. G m , Les monuments the shild in the Ptolemaic Period , in d’Ounnefer, ils de Djedbastetiouefânkh shr. hiers (ed.), Documents de théologies contemporain de Nectanébo Ier , in thébaines tardives (D3T 1), CENIM 3, I. Régen, Fr. Servajean (ed.), Verba 2009, p. 108-109, col. 2 p. 111-112, n. h manent: recueil d’études dédiées à p. 127, doc. 8 shr. i i -so , Dimitri Meeks par ses collègues et amis, op. cit., p. 271, col. 7 (JE 67093, only I, CENIM 2, 2009, p. 178-187, 194-195. addresses shonsu the shild). 196 sompare statues from the Mut pre197 he face is almost completely efcincts of Karnak and Tanis that address faced, and the crown completely missing. shonsu the shild and his mother Mut: I. Guermeur suggested it might repreD. K o , he heban sult of shonsu sent Sobek, but admitted the possibility of other gods (op. cit, p. 178, n. 7, p. 179, n. 22). Nonetheless, the inscriptions on the back pillar do not mention Sobek but do refer to Re twice (col. 2-3), including a request for Neith to bring up my situation before Re (s ʿr⸗t mdw⸗ ḫr Rʿ) , Moreover, the surviving traces around the head, especially the lat hairline, best it a falcon face (I. G m , op. cit., p. 194, pl. Ia). 322 i o Front: Left: Right: he overseer of scribes of the Great Enclosure, Wennefer, he says: tw( ).n⸗( ) tw nb⸗ m smn.tw r-tp t a r šsp snw m ḏb .w hrw ḫ.t-( r)-ḫ( )w.t m d ⸗k w ḏ k ⸗ m pr⸗k rʿ-nb n r⸗ r⸗k ḏ.t hat I have lifted you up, my Lord, is as Heh established upon earth, receiving secondary oferings in return, on the Fifth Lunar day; and as you allow my Ka to lourish in your domain, every day, never parting from you, eternally. au teu r ( my)-r sš ḫnt wr Wn-nfr ḏd⸗f Sp ec im en . Guermeur deemed this passage délicat à traduire , but suggested reading m sj mn.t(w) r tp-t , dans la mesure o je suis un bienhreureux établi sur terre .198 Nonetheless, this s ), requires an acrophonic derivation of the inal sign ( wn). interpretation ( Since evidence for acrophony is scarce before the Roman Period,199 one might alternatively suggest confusion between the very similar signs and ,200 thus obtaining: , smn.t(w), established . t Only the bottom half of this naophorous or theophorous statue remains, but the inscriptions indicate that the Heliopolitan originally carried an image of Re-Harakhty.201 Since there are no traces of a support, the subject would have held the statuette or naos in his hands, and thus the statue most likely dates to Dynasty 30-early Ptolemaic Period. Numerous columns of text encircle the tight wrap-around garment, but a text immediately under the naos directly addresses Re-Harakhty, commenting on the naophorous gesture:202 nb⸗ Rʿ- r- ḫty t- t.w nṯr.w nb 198 I. G m , op. cit., p. 178, 180, n. e-f. 199 D. K o , Once Again, Min ( ): Acrophony or Phonetic shange? , GM 233, 2012, p. 21-30. O my Lord, Re-Harakhty, father of fathers of all the gods: 200 shr. i i -so , Les rites d’érection de l’obélisque et du pilier ioun , in Hommages à Serge Sauneron, I, BdE 81, 1979, p. 481, n. 4 D. K , EP I, p 344, 351, n. 165. 201 K. J - i , Die riographie eines Priesters aus Heliopolis , SAK 29, 2001, p. 97-110. 202 Ibid., p. 100-101, A2 quoted in reference to naophoroi already by E. O o, op. cit., p. 460-461. i o 323 tw .n⸗ sšm⸗k m ʿ.wy⸗ d ⸗k ṯz⸗ r-tp n wty.w⸗k hat I have lifted up your image in my hands, is so you might elevate me above your (other) citizens.203 ry employing the keyword tw , the dedicant implicitly identiies himself with Shu who supports the sun in return, he expects to tower over his peers just like the enormous, atlantid god whose head reaches up to the sky.204 In his second address to Re-Harakhty, the priest further associates himself with Shu:205 hat I entered into your presence, was with fear of your uraeus in my heart; you let me go to her in the sixth-day festival, so I might praise her with hymns, pacify her with my utterances, elevate her Majesty to the height of my voice, so she reaches your Majesty in delight, and you rejoice at her beauty. au teu r ʿq.n⸗ r-ḫft- r⸗k w snḏ n r.t-tp⸗k m b⸗ d ⸗k šm⸗ r⸗s m snw.t sw š⸗ sy m sns.w s tp⸗ sy m tp-r (.w)⸗ sq ⸗ m.t⸗s r q y n ḫrw⸗ spr⸗s m⸗k m h y ʿʿ⸗k m nfrw⸗s Sp ec im en his passage apparently relates a local Heliopolitan ceremony, whereby the priest would attach a uraeus to the statue of Re-Harakhty. However, the particular language recalls the myth of the andering Goddess, whom Shu-Onuris and hoth must cajole back to mainland Egypt. In both texts from this statue, the priest assumes a divine status by identifying himself with Shu, hoping for a privileged, intimate relationship with the solar deity in the afterlife, thereby surpassing his fellow Heliopolitans. t s s On his colossal statue from Tanis, Djedhor, son of ennefer, carries a group statue of Amun, Horus of Mesen, and shonsu the shild in his hands.206 On the side of the rack Pillar, he addresses Amun-Re:207 nk snn⸗k pr m⸗k z ⸗k ʿ r mrr⸗k 203 K. Jansen- inkeln (op. cit, p. 101, 104, n. 4-5) separated these statements diferently ( Ich habe dein rild mit meinen H nden erhoben. Du hast mich aufsteigen lassen an die Spitze der rewhoner deiner Stadt ), understanding the irst clause as a performative sḏm.n⸗f, and the second a preterite sḏm⸗f. Nonetheless, the priest appears to be describing a reciprocal do ut des I am your replica who came forth from you, your eldest son who performs what you desire; arrangement between himself and Re-Harakhty similarly understood by E. O o, op. cit., p. 459. 204 In other biographies, individuals vaunt that their heads would reach the sky during their lifetimes (G. Vi m , Die Autobiographie der Tathotis , SAK 22, 1995, p. 311, n. 105), either a metaphor for happiness (so Vittmann), or perhaps a reference to their considerable inluence. E. Otto noted that this particular text emphasizes der nahezu g ttliche sharakter des Priesterdienst tuenden Menschen (op. cit., p. 460). 205 K. J - i , op. cit., p. 100-101, A8-10. 206 shr. i i -so , op. cit., p. 85, ig. 14. 207 Ibid., p. 134-135, col. 3-4, 139, n. g. 324 i nk wn ʿ .wy nw p.t m my⸗s nk rmn n sšm⸗k tw sḫm⸗k m Šw sḫpr knw m Ḏ wt o I am he who opens the doors of heaven, and who sees what is inside; I am a carrier of your image, who lifts up (tw ) your statue like Shu, and who creates praises like hoth. Similarly on the back pillar, Djedhor further likens himself to Shu with the following epithet:208 He who supports the god as a replacement of Shu. au teu r rmn nṯr m dnw n Šw As ivie-soche already noted, Djedhor alludes here to Shu’s less common role of naophorous priest (cf. infra, sonclusion).209 t r M A . u Sp ec im en On this kneeling naophorous statue, probably from Dynasty 26, the dedicant holds a shrine of rastet on his thighs.210 A short text on top of the naos addresses the goddess as follows (col. 2-4):211 ( )wa n⸗t hy Nbw.t nw.t(⸗ )b nḏm- b⸗t m/nc rmn-p.t d ⸗t ʿ.wy⸗t m/nc w ḏ-rḫy.t d m w⸗f m sḫ.te hrw nḏ-hr n [Nfr]-tmf dw [y.t] n.t wp.t-rnp.t Ibid., p. 101, 103-104, col. 10 Ibid., p. 127, n. p. 210 P. O’Ro , A Late Naophoros from rubastis , BES 10, 1989-1990, p. 109-128. 208 209 Praise be to you, O Golden One, (my) mistress! May your heart be sweet to He who Supports Heaven; may you give your arms to the Child of the People(?), when he returns from the ield, on the day of greeting [Nefer]tem, (and) on the morni[ng] of the New Year. 211 Ibid., p. 119 (with a considerably dif- An Egyptian Priest in the Ptolemaic ferent translation) collated with detailed sourt: ale Peabody Museum 264191 , photographs provided by ekaterina in shr. ivie-soche, I. Guermeur (ed.), rarbash of the rrooklyn Museum of « Parcourir l’éternité ». Hommages à Jean Art. For the irst part of the text, see Yoyotte, II, BEHE 156, 2012, p. 675, n. a-b. already D. K o , M.J. L r , i o 325 Sp ec im en au teu r . O’Rourke understood the irst group w, to come, noting that one could also read r-nt(t), because .212 However, context supports restoring ( )w, praise . . Devotees regularly address their goddess as (my) mistress on private statues.213 . For the phonetic shift n m, cf. supra (doc. 3). . O’Rourke recognized the word w ḏ, a type of bird (Wb. I, 268, 7), but overlooked the (incorrectly copied as w ḏ-šnb.t in Wb. I, 264, 4). his function ocsimilar title curs in the Sokar festival scenes from Medinet Habu, where it labels two priests who carry the Nefertem standard in front of small barks of Smithis and adjyt (not labeled) 214 other participants accompany Hathor, rastet, Sakhmet, and a container illed with ive geese. hile the entire episode at Medinet Habu is quite mysterious,215 it appears from this scene that is a speciic priestly title associated with Nefertem and ive goddesses, including rastet, during a festival associated with the Delta and ields, hence the ive geese. he rrooklyn statue conirms this interpretation, as the dedicant identiies himself as a , speciically during an agricultural celebration involving Nefertem and rastet. One wonders if the titles mentioned at Medinet Habu and the rrooklyn statue are both variants of the sacerdotal o ce wr-w ḏ, eldest ofspring ( ), connected to rastet and 216 adjet in rubastis. . O’Rourke assumed the ield and the following circular sign wrote Sekhet, a rubastite locale ,217 yet that toponym is properly sḫ.t-nṯr.218 his phrase more likely refers to an agricultural festival performed in the ield (m sḫ.t) .219 . O’Rourke transcribed this group diferently ( ) and consequently translated Atum .220 However, not only would the star be an unexpected divine determinative in a Saite inscription, but distinctive traces of the nfr-sign can be seen in the irst sign ( ). Meanwhile, the star most likely begins a new word for morning . hile the second portion of this invocation alludes to obscure, rubastite rituals involving Nefertem and rastet, the beginning is quite clear. Once again, the private o cial assumes a P. O’Ro , op. cit., p. 120, n. a. 15 G.A. G , K.A. Ki , he D. K o , in shr. hiers (ed.), Festival of Sokar , Or 38, 1969, p. 10 Documents de théologies thébaines tardives (who translated: the one who prospers (D3T 1), CENIM 3, 2009, p. 108-109, the people ), 62-63. col. 2 (nw⸗ šms⸗t Mw.t, nw.t⸗ ) 215 See the lengthy discussion by D. K o , M. L r , An Egyp- s. G i o , La qu te de la lumière tian Priest in the Ptolemaic sourt: au mois de Khoiak: une histoire d’oies , ale Peabody Museum 264191 , in JEA 82, 1996, p. 83-105. s. ivie-soche, I. Guermeur (ed.), 216 D. K o , Regionally Speciic « Parcourir l’éternité ». Hommages à Jean Sacerdotal Titles in Late Period Egypt: Yoyotte, II, BEHE 156, 2012, p. 673-674, Soubassements vs Private Monuments , col. 3 ( nw.t⸗ B st.t) K. L m , in A. Rickert, r. Ventker (ed.), AltägyptiG. Vi m , Die Standigur des sche Enzyklopädien, Studien zur spätägypHoros, Sohn des Thotoes (rerlin, tischen Religion 7, 2014, p. 748-749. gyptisches Museum SMPK 2271) , 217 P. O’Ro , op. cit., p. 121, n. e. MDAIK 55, 1999, p. 312, n. dd, p. 313, 218 P. O’Ro , op. cit., p. 117, col. 3 ( nw.t⸗ ). n. d O. P , Un monument 214 T E i i S , Medinet d’originalité , JEA 84, 1998, p. 127-128. Habu IV, shicago, 1940, pl. 226, col. 11, 212 213 219 For such rituals, see (inter alia) S. S o , Les fêtes religieuses d’Esna, Esna 5, 1962, p. 59-60 P. V , Athribis, textes et documents relatifs à la géographie, aux cultes, et à l’histoire d’une ville du delta égyptien à l’époque pharaonique, BdE 74, 1978, p. 209, col. 2, p. 210, n. d J.s. D , A Midsummer Night’s Succubus he Herdsman’s Encounters in P. rerlin 3024, the Pleasures of Fishing and Fowling, the Songs of the Drinking Place, and the Ancient Egyptian Love Poetry , in S.s. Melville, A.L. Slotsky (ed.), Opening the Tablet Box: Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Benjamin R. Foster, CHANE 42, 2010, p. 115-118. 220 P. O’Ro , op. cit., p. 121, n. f. 326 i o characteristic epithet of the god Shu, as he who supports (rmn) heaven . Unlike the standing statues discussed above (doc. 1-6), this individual kneels on the ground, indicating that the protective gesture alone would have evoked associations with Shu. Conclusion Sp ec im en au teu r his previously overlooked vignette occurs on four statues (ig. 4), dating from Dynasties 26-30 and all coming from Lower Egypt (Memphis, Mendes, the Fayyum). On two of the statues (doc. 1, 4), the naos rests upon a pseudo-pillar which emerges from the garment. In this case, the standing igure appears to label this feature, perhaps conveying the idea that Shu or Heh support the naos, not a physical pillar or socle.221 he other statues (doc. 2-3) include this feature on a distinct socle, perhaps imitating the royal tw -pt scheme that often decorates bark stands (cf. infra). t . . t . . t . . t . . . . somparison of igures with upraised arms. In Egyptian iconography, the raised-arm gesture possessed multiple signiications.222 As a hieroglyph ( ), this man alone su ces to write the verb ʿ , to rejoice, and during the New Kingdom, non-royal o cials would lift up their arms while accepting rewards in public.223 In a mortuary context, the deceased might likewise adopt this pose to celebrate their m ʿ-ḫrw justiication in the afterlife.224 et unlike these purely jubilant postures, the igures on these four statues actively support the naoi or divine statues with their hands. 221 Alternatively, the igure of Shu might also represent the word šw, void, emptiness (cf. H. i m , he Coin of Heqata, OLA 70, 1996, p. 271-272) a sportive label to the negative space beneath the naos (suggested by Joshua Roberson). 222 J.s. D , he Enigmatic Netherworld Books Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity, OBO 198, 2004, p. 404-411. 223 A. H m , Jubel bei der Audienz: zur Geb rdensprache in der Kunst des Neuen Reiches , ZÄS 90, 1963, p. 49-66. 224 J.s. D , op. cit., p. 409-410, for the equivalence of lifting heaven and m ʿ-ḫrw-status. Note also that when the deceased emerges from the tribunal, he receives the plume of justiication on his head (e.g. CT I, 26b), thus replicating the iconography of Shu and Heh. i o 327 Sp ec im en au teu r he closest iconographic prarallels are the numerous depictions of men supporting the Djed-pillar on their shoulders, as represented on pillars and doorjambs of Memphite and heban tombs of the New Kingdom.225 As previous studies have discussed, this gesture alludes to various Memphite festivals ( raising the Djed-pillar (sʿ ʿ ḏd) , lifting the sky (ʿḫ p.t) ), divinities (Ptah, Shu, Osiris), and theological concepts (Solar-Osirian unity, maintenance of the cosmos, ascension to heaven, receiving the breath of life). Since most examples of this earlier image come from the Memphite necropolis, the most immediate reference is to Ptah: the dedicants lift up the august Djed-pillar (ḏd šps Ptah), which in turn perpetually supports the sky and raises up the sun every morning. In other words, the New Kingdom igures become supporters of the Divine Support.226 he Djed-pillar scenes, although restricted to the Ramesside Period, certainly preigure the men supporting the naoi on these four statues.227 Indeed, a Memphite inluence is discernible in the later statues: two of the four statues feature Ptah (doc. 1, 3), and he features rather frequently in other Late Period naophoroi.228 However, the naophorous statues evoke a slightly diferent relationship between worshipper and his divinity. hereas the Memphite priests emulated Ptah by supporting the Djed-pillar, the later statues identify the dedicant with Shu or Heh.229 On the Alexandria statue, Psenobastis compares himself to Heh (doc. 3), and several texts employ the keyword tw , to lift up, support (doc. 1 ? , 3, 4). he labels accompanying the vignette include the dedicant’s name (doc. 2, 4), while the text on the Alexandria statue describes the gesture in the irst person singular (doc. 3). In other words, these igures do not represent the god Shu, they speciically portray the dedicants as Shu. he same is true of certain naophorous statues or theophorous statues that do not feature the man with raised arms. hese latter objects are typologically diverse, including kneeling naophorous (doc. 7), naophorous without pillar (doc. 5), and theophorous (doc. 6). Djedhor explicitly compares himself to Shu (doc. 6), the Heliopolitan priest equates his cultic activi- 225 M.s. r , Il pilastro del Museo sivico di rologna 1892 ed il suo contesto storico-religioso , EVO 3, 1980, p. 37-54 J. Di , he Symbolism of the Memphite Djed-Pillar , OMRO 66, 1986, p. 7-20 J. r i i, sontribution à l’étude du pilier-djed Memphite , in A.-P. ivie (ed.), Memphis et ses necropolis au Nouvel Empire. Nouvelles donnés, nouvelles questions, Paris, 1988, p. 23-33 ead., Ptah-demiurge et l’exaltation du ciel , RdE 46, 1995, p. 25-28 R. A m, Scenes of the Djed-Pillar , in U. R ssler-K hler, T. Tawik (ed.), Die ihr vorbeigehen werdet… Wenn Gräber, Tempel und Statuen sprechen: Gedenkschrift für Prof. Dr. Sayed Tawik Ahmed, SDAIK 16, 2009, p. 58 (for heban examples). 226 For Ptah supporting the sky, ex- ROM 969.137.1 (E.A. H i , he pressed in various syncretistic forms Sculpture from the Sacred Animal throughout Egyptian history, see pri- Necropolis at North Saqqāra, 1964-76, marily J. r i i, op. cit., 1996, EES 61, 1997, pl. II- V) T. S i p. 9-41. For the Djed-pillar lifting up et al., Werbung für die Götter, Freiburg, the sun, see further r.R. H i , 2003, p. 54-57, no. 65-66 Pi he Symbolic Assimilation of Head and r A o i , Archéologie, Sun as Expressed by Headrests , SAK 29, November 30 2012, no. 348 http://www. 2001, p. 70-73. pba-auctions.com/html/iche.jsp?id 26 227 For conceptual similarities between 43490 np 1 lng fr npp 1000 ord the Djed-pillar scenes and later naopho- re af r . roi, see already J. r i i, op. cit., 229 Note, however, that on certain p. 27-28. co ns from the hird Intermediate 228 sG 807 (K. J - i , Period, Shu is depicted supporting the u den Denkm lern des Erziehers Djed-pillar, not Ptah: A. H m , Psametiks II , MDAIK 52, 1996, pl. 31) Eine ungew hnliche GesichtsdarstelJE 37210 (H. S im, hree Unpublished lung des Neuen Reiches , ZÄS 75, 1939, Naophorous Statues from sairo Muse- p. 61, n. 4 J. Di , op. cit., p. 12. um , MDAIK 60, 2004, pl. 23) Toronto, 328 i o au teu r ties with Shu’s paciication of Tefnut (doc. 5), and all three statues employ the keywords tw or rmn (doc. 5-7). In short, the acts of carrying, supporting, or just protecting a divine naos or statue, suficed to identify the subject with the Heliopolitan god Shu. As suggested in the introduction, this divine equivalence might explain the peculiar form of standing naophoroi popular in the 4 th c. rs, where dedicants would hold the shrines unnaturally between their hands without pillar or support (cf. supra). ry assuming this impossible posture, sculptors drew attention to the artiiciality of the naophorous conceit, the notion that a human could carry or protect a god.230 In other words, this iconographic convention intentionally represented the priests as replicas of the atlantid god Shu, perfectly capable of supporting such shrines. he vignettes under discussion conirm this conceptual leap: when carrying divine statues and shrines, the priest is assisted by Shu, represented under the naos and identiied with the dedicant. Sp ec im en Nonetheless, these statues do not evoke Shu merely as the patron deity of heavy lifting. Rather, they refer to a tradition in which the Heliopolitan god served as naophorous priest for Re, thus representing the archetypal bearer of divine shrines. Multiple temple inscriptions from the Ptolemaic period characterize Shu or his heban avatar, shonsu-Shu as a priest tasked with carrying the naos of Amun-Re. he primary source is a mythological text from the Second Pylon of Karnak. After creating the cosmos, gods, and people, Amun-Re institutes the irst clergy of primeval deities to serve him:231 He ordained the Ogdoad as his god-fathers and prophets, along with Shu as his naophorous priest, and Tefnut as God’s Wife. In the line referring to Shu, the sign following m-nṯr clearly depicts a priest carrying a portable shrine on his shoulders, serving as both a determinative and su x pronoun (ig. 5). his theme is elaborated in various ofering scenes, where Shu or shonsu-Shu can support (k wt) the shrine (k r) of Amun upon their heads, just as the royal Ka (k ) bears the serekh over his head.232 In the famous staircase processions at Dendera, meanwhile, naophorous priests are 230 On Ramesside theophorous I stat- 1944, p. 119-120, n. c D. K o , Caesar ues, priests credit their local god with in the City of Amun: Egyptian heology making their limbs strong enough (rwḏ) and Temple Construction in Roman to carry such divine e gies: e.g. KRI IV, hebes, MRE 12, 2012, p. 60-61 R. P , 131, 3-4 KRI VII, 407, 13-14. L’originalité des soubassements de la 231 Urk. VIII, 142, 5 É. D io o , Les porte monumentale du deuxième dédicaces de Ptolémée Évergète II sur le pyl ne du temple d’Amon à Karnak , in deuxième pyl ne de Karnak , ASAE 44, A. Rickert, r. Ventker (ed.), Altägyptische Photo D. Klotz wḏ.n⸗f (Nny.w)| m t.w-nṯr- m.w-(nṯr)⸗f nʿ Šw m m-nṯr⸗f Tfn.t n⸗f m m.t-nṯr . . Detail of inscription from the Second Pylon of Karnak. Enzyklopädien, Soubassementstudien I, vol. II, SSR 7, 2014, p. 866-867. 232 A. G , Textes fondamentaux de la théologie de Kom Ombo, I, BdE 47, 1973, p. 439-441, n. d D. K o , op. cit., p. 108-109. i o 329 Sp ec im en au teu r described with the neologism , šš, to carry (a shrine) a denominal verb based on a common epithet of Shu, spittle ( šš) of Atum .233 In hebes, this cultic service naturally follows from shonsu-Shu’s role as a local mortuary priest or choachyte who voyaged from Karnak to Medinet Habu daily to provide water and incense to Kematef, the Ogdoad, and the blessed dead buried in the Mount of Djeme.234 et this tradition had more ancient roots, as Shu had long represented the ideal funerary priest, serving both his deceased father Atum,235 and his grandson Osiris.236 In general, Shu was an active demiurge who controlled the breath of life as well as all earthly sustenance.237 In Graeco-Roman ofering scenes, Shu supervises the creation of divine oferings in his role of ry- db or ry-wḏb.238 At Esna, meanwhile, priests distinguished between two demiurgic manifestations of Khnum: in Esna proper, the urban Khnum-Re was identiied with Ptah-Tatenen, responsible for creating gods and humanity in North Esna, the agricultural god, Khnum Lord of the Field, was a local form of Shu.239 A large liturgical hymn from Edfu accompanies the consecration of food oferings to the sacred falcon.240 In this text, the o ciating priest, speciically the servant of the falcon ( m-gm sw), presents food to a god he addresses as . rlackman identiied this god as 241 an obscure, otherwise unattested Ṯty, Table-god, but a much more likely reading is ḫty, He of the Horizon (Re-Atum) .242 he falcon priest explicitly identiies himself with Shu presenting oferings to his father,243 and he receives various epithets beitting Shu, master of largesse. Just as Horus sacriices to his deceased father Osiris, so the Heliopolitan heir Shu gives oferings to his creator Re-Atum. All of these examples illustrate how Shu served as a divine priest, particularly while presenting food oferings to the gods or cool water to the deceased. rut they do not explain his 233 Wb. I, 136, 1 D. M , AL II, 237 sf. H. i m , op. cit., p. 302-303, 241 A.M. r m , op. cit, p. 63-64, 78.0507 P. i o , A Ptolemaic with n. 1800. n. 28 followed by P. i o , A Ptolemaic Lexikon, p. 114 S. s i , Le temple 238 D. I o -ro i o , Les Lexikon, p. 1178-1179 LGG VII, 447. de Dendara. Les chapelles osiriennes, III: titres ri- db et ri-wḏb dans les ins- 242 D. K o , hoth as Textual Index, BdE 119, 1997, p. 64. criptions des temples gréco-romains , sritic: he Interrupting raboons at 234 D. K o , op. cit., p. 101-104. RdE 40, 1989, p. 65-89. Esna Temple , ENIM 7, 2014, p. 34, 235 Shu tends to his deceased fa239 shr. L i , Die beiden krypto- n. a D. K , Edfou VI, p. 261, n. 7. ther Atum in the soffin Texts graphischen Inschriften aus Esna mit 243 Edfou VI, 152, 2: the servant of (H. A m , Die Vereinigung den iddern und Krokodilen , SAK 29, the falcon bends his hand for him in des Schu mit dem Urgott Atum: remer- 2001, p. 253-254. Note, however, that his physical form of Shu, son of Re kungen zu sT I 385d-393b , SAK 15, 1991, the two aspects sometimes merge into ( m-gm s r q n⸗f ḏr.t m rw⸗f n Šw p. 1-16 H. i m , he Shu- Spells a singular creative deity: Ptah-Shu z -Rʿ) Edfou VI, 153, 6: he is like Shu, in Practice , in H. illems (ed.), he (e.g. Esna III, 225, 15 41 , 19 53 301, who bends his hand to his creator (sw m World of the Coin Texts, EgUit 9, 1996, 12 308, 25 Esna VI, 503, 13 537, 19). Šw, q ḏr.t n qm sw) Edfou VI, 155, p. 209-226 id., he Coin of Heqata, 240 A.M. r m , he King of 7-8: the servant of the falcon in his form OLA 70, 1996, p. 278-286, 290-292, Egypt’s Grace refore Meat , JEA 31, 1945, of Shu, son of Re ( m-gm s m rw⸗f n 295-297, 312-313. p. 57-73 D. K , Edfou VI, ITE I/3, Šw z -Rʿ) cf. also Edfou VI, 156, 5-6, 236 For Shu serving Osiris in the sof- 2014, p. 260-269 substantial portions describing the divine falcon of Edfu: in Texts, see ibid., p. 284, 303-304 in of this text are repeated at Kom Ombo his son Shu bends his hand to him later tradition, Shu-Onuris and Tefnut- and Esna: J.-sl. Go o , Une formule (z ⸗f Šw r q n⸗f ḏr.t) . sf. D. K , Mehyt protect and revivify Osiris in solennelle de puriication des ofrandes Edfou VI, p. 251, n. 4-6. Abydos, cf. S. s i , L’hymne à dans les temple ptoléma ques , CdE 45, Mehyt d’Edfou , BIFAO 82, 1982, p. 117. 1970, p. 267-281. 330 i o particular connection to the naophorous form. Shu most often appears supporting the sky on his hands, but he also lifts up or carries other celestial entities. In the concluding scenes of the Netherworld rooks, for example, it is speciically Shu who elevates the newly reborn Re out of the Duat.244 Already in the so n Texts, Shu proclaims:245 hat I open a way for Re, is so he can sail to the western horizon. It is I who am at his nose, my arms carrying him. au teu r wp⸗ w .t n Rʿ sqd⸗f r ḫ.t mnt.t nk r fnḏ⸗f ʿ.wy⸗ ẖr⸗f In other words, Shu not only holds up the sky, but he can also support the solar bark and Re himself. Priests who carried divine barks, statues,246 naoi, or standards in procession thus emulated Shu on a smaller scale.247 Unequivocal evidence for this association comes from a royal statue from Memphis (present location unknown), where Ramesses II carries the divine standard of a god (Ptah or Amun) and remarks:248 Behold, I serve your majesty, Lord of the Gods. My pure arms are upon your divine staf, having embraced it. Behold, I elevate your perfection to the masses, just like Shu did for his father, Re […] Sp ec im en m.k (w ) r šms m⸗k nb-nṯr.w ʿ.wy⸗ wʿb(.w) r mdw-šps⸗k pt.n(⸗ ) sw m.k (w ) r wṯz nfrw⸗k n rḫy.t m r.n Šw n t⸗f Rʿ … As this New Kingdom statue demonstrates, the king could also emulate Shu, most strikingly in the ritual of lifting up heaven (tw p.t) .249 Just as on the naophorous statues under discussion, the king lifts the sky over his head, and the captions expressly compare him to Shu and Heh. In these royal scenes of lifting up heaven (tw -p.t) , whether in temples or on bark stands, the superhuman gesture is metaphorical. ry sponsoring temple construction and maintaining processional routes, the king provides a sacred, celestial pathway for the solar bark. It is through his ordinary benefactions that he supports the igurative heaven .250 ith the private naophorous statues, meanwhile, dedicants vaunt their support on a micro-scale. hile they may not have built entire temples, non-royal o cials could donate necessary cultic 244 r.R. H i , op. cit., p. 64, n. 11 (with many references), p. 68-70. 245 CT II, 37g-h (Spell 80) cited by r.R. H i , op. cit., p. 70, n. 35. 246 sompare rritish Museum EA 60042, a statuette of the ithyphallic Amun-Kamutef (E. G , op. cit., p. 224-227, pl. 20 a-b, P24). Similar to the private statues discussed above, Shu is depicted on the front of its socle carrying the solar bark in his upraised arms, thereby forging a conceptual link between the processional image and the bark. 247 On a stela from Deir el-Medina Funktionsbestimmung der gypti(MMA 1996.91), the famed scribe schen Stabtr ger-Statuen , JKSW 77, Amennakht claimed to be between 1981, p. 27 (A 16) s. s , Les heaven and earth (r wd p.t r wtn) statues porte-enseignes de l’Égypte ancienne during a bark procession of Amun, per- (1580-1085 av. J.-C.). Signiication et inserhaps comparing himself to Shu because tion dans le culte du Ka royal, Paris, 1982, he participated in the public festival p. 32-33, 142 (PE R II 9), 173, n. 16. (D. K o , retween Heaven and Earth 249 D. K , Den Himmel Stützen: in Deir el-Medina: Stela MMA 21.2.6 , Die „Tw pt“ Szenen in den ägyptischen SAK 34, 2006, p. 272, col. 2, p. 277-278, Tempeln der griechisch-römischen Epoche, n. d, pl. 22). RitEg 2, 1975. 248 KRI II, 495, 6-7 discussed by 250 D. K , op. cit., p. 136-143. H. S i , Der heilige Stab als Kraftquelle des K nigs: Versuch einer i o 331 au teu r equipment, erect portals and statues, properly manage the local priesthood, or in the case of Udjahorresnet, save a temple from invading armies (cf. supra, Introduction). At the very least, initiated priests could protect their favorite divinity by literally carrying the sacred statue or naos responsibly in processions. In the so n Texts, Shu bypasses various obstacles including threatening serpents and lames in order to reach the mysterious shrine of his deceased father, Re-Atum. Above all else, the Shu-spells aimed to transform the deceased into Shu (ḫpr m Šw), thereby obtaining the breath of life and all earthly goods. In the later naophorous and theophorous statues, devotees represented this transformation in three dimensions, identifying themselves with Shu, the shrine-bearing priest par excellence. Perhaps they intended to demonstrate that they had access to the inner sanctuary, that they maintained an intimate relationship with their local divinity and performed crucial rituals for its statue, just as Shu served Re-Atum. Or perhaps they merely wished to memorialize their individual support for their favorite gods and goddesses, without which the cults eventually ceased to function. Sp ec im en Previous interpretations of naophorous and theophorous statues are still valid: dedicants protected the divinities with their bare hands, received the same divine oferings, and participated in the temple cult for all eternity. et it was only by identifying themselves with Shu that these non-royal, mortal individuals could presume to accomplish such superhuman activities. i Sp ec im en au teu r 332 . . l. a-b. Mexico sity, ex-collection Endre Ungar. Front and rack (photos courtesy of the CLES). o o 333 Sp ec im en au teu r i . . l. a-b. Mexico sity, ex-collection Endre Ungar. Right and Left proiles (photos courtesy of the CLES). i au teu r 334 o Sp ec im en . Mexico sity, ex-collection Erich Ungar. Detail of Head (photograph courtesy of the CLES). . Mexico sity, ex-collection Endre Ungar. Front of Naos (photograph courtesy of the CLES). l. a-b. o 335 Sp ec im en au teu r i l. a-b. Mexico sity, ex-collection Endre Ungar. rack Pillar (photograph courtesy of the CLES). . . i o Sp ec im en au teu r 336 . . l. a-b. shiddingstone sastle, Denys Eyre rower sollection, 01.0573. Front and rack (photographs courtesy Trustees of the Denys rower bequest). o 337 Sp ec im en au teu r i . l. a-b. shiddingstone sastle, Denys Eyre rower sollection, 01.0573. Right and Left proiles (photographs courtesy Trustees of the Denys rower bequest). .