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On Violence (Harvest Book) Taschenbuch – 11. März 1970
Kaufoptionen und Plus-Produkte
- Seitenzahl der Print-Ausgabe112 Seiten
- SpracheEnglisch
- Erscheinungstermin11. März 1970
- Abmessungen13.49 x 0.64 x 20.32 cm
- ISBN-109780156695008
- ISBN-13978-0156695008
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Über den Autor und weitere Mitwirkende
Hannah Arendt (1906–1975) is considered one of the most important and influential thinkers of the twentieth century. A political theorist and philosopher, she is also the author of Crises of the Republic, On Violence, The Life of the Mind, and Men in Dark Times. The Origins of Totalitarianism was first published in 1951.
Produktinformation
- ASIN : 0156695006
- Herausgeber : Harcourt Brace Javanovich; 1. Edition (11. März 1970)
- Sprache : Englisch
- Taschenbuch : 112 Seiten
- ISBN-10 : 9780156695008
- ISBN-13 : 978-0156695008
- Abmessungen : 13.49 x 0.64 x 20.32 cm
- Amazon Bestseller-Rang: Nr. 200,499 in Bücher (Siehe Top 100 in Bücher)
- Nr. 302 in Konflikte (Bücher)
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Informationen zum Autor
Hannah Arendt war eine der signifikanten politischen Denkerinnen des 20. Jahrhunderts. Sie wurde 1906 in Hannover geboren und emigrierte 1933 zunächst nach Paris, 1941 dann mit ihrem Mann nach New York. Bis sie 1957 die amerikanische Staatsbürgerschaft erhielt, war sie staatenlos. Nicht nur ihr Buch über den Eichmann-Prozess sorgte international für Furore. Arendt war Professorin an der Universität in Chicago und lehrte danach an der New School for Social Research in New York. Dort starb sie 1975.
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〇この本が書かれた時代背景から、また著者が大学に居たことから、学生運動を強く意識した議論が多く、その意味で懐かしくはあるが、やはり古いという感じは否めない(当時の記憶がまったくない人たちにとってはなおさらそうであろう)。
〇そのような論考のなかから私なりに汲み取った著者の結論は、「Weberなどの一般的な議論によれば、権力powerとは相手を自身の思うとおりに動かすものであり、その究極のかたちが暴力violenceだということになる。しかし、実は権力と暴力はまったく違うものである。権力の究極的形態は、多数が一人を支配すること(民主政ではもちろん、君主政でも多くの人の支持が欠かせない)であり、暴力の究極的形態は、一人がその他多数を支配することである(なるほど!)」というものである。権力powerが消滅したところで暴力violenceが現れて人を支配するようになるということか。権力と切り離すことによって暴力を完全否定するのが著者の意図であるように思える。
Arendt demolished the idiodic nonsense of using atomic and nuclear weapons. She was clear that the use of such super weapons would ruin both "winners" and "losers." Diplomacy and war are weaspons used to gain some ecnonomic and political advantage. The rhetorical question that Arendt raised is what would the "winners" gain except a destroyed civilization. She could have treated the effects of atomic and nuclear radiation illness which would make those who died instantly the "lucky ones." In other words, the destruction caused by atomic and nuclear weapons would negate ANY economic or political advantage. The fact is that there would be nothing left worth debate or dispute. The issue may be to limit war given the economic problems with reduced military budgets.
Pundits raised the question about policy makers think about the "unthinkable" re mass destruction. Arendt's answer was that policy makers do not think at all. They create models and adhere to them with the stupid mentality of "what could possibly go wrong." Arendt's answer was that the policy makers make a claim for a randomm chance or "glitch." As Arendt noted, the random events and "glitches" ARE the norm. Bureaucrats can hide behind the fact that when tragic blunders do occur, Mr. or Mrs. Nobody is responsible. Scapegoats are in good supply and make easy fodder for political leaders and media gurus who refuse to actually know anything and, again, refuse to think. Slogans and ad hominem responses are substituted for knowledge and clear thinking. In spite if smugness and arrogance, policy makers and ultimately citizens realize too late that there are limits to power, and power can lead to weakness and decay.
Arendt also had interesting commentary re the student protests of the 19060s and 1970s. Some of these protesters had good reason to complain. However, those who preached violence and Marxist-Lenist nonsensee and violence lived in a dream world. Those who preached such violence had a romantic, naive notion that a Third World (whatever that means) violent revolution would be a Second Coming. These naive fools thought there was some unity between Mao, Che, & co. when no such unity ever existed. The original Leninist, Marxist leaders such as Lenin and Stalin would NEVER HAVE tolerated student dissent and protest. They would have employed the phrase of "The Stalinist Method of Management." This is what happens when men and women refuse to study history and fall prey to ideological nonsense.
Another concept that Arendt dealt with was that of violence. Arendt made a good case that violence is not the same thing as power or strength. Power and strength are often based on popular agreement, good organization, and acceptence of the status quo. One the other hand, violence is used when those in power are desparate and see their power successfully challenged. Those who invoke violence do not understnad that violence can beget violence. Another side of this issue is that men and women will not rebel when their are in bad conditions. Men and women rebel when they THINK their conditions are bad even though others have worse situtaions. Rebellions and revolutions do not occur when the tyranny is real, but they occur when tyranny and tyrants appear to be weak. The French and Revolutions are good exmaples of such conditions. Often calls for violence come from those who are stupid and cannot react to reason and knowledge except to make violent threats thus exposing weakness and desparation.
Hannah Arendt's books and essays include such works such as THE ORIGINS OF TOTALITARIANISM, EICHMANN IN JERUSALSM, CRISES OF THE REPUBLIC, etc. Those books and the one that is reviewed show the difference between what is reality and what is false.
James E. Egolf
June 25, 2013
Arendt coined the phrase "the banality of evil" in the context of Adolf Eichmann who had a key role in the holocaust. As a Jew who had fled Germany she was (it seems to me) clearly moved by the reality of violence; by the need to have as little of it as possible; and by a desire not to commend those who like Fanon and Qtub advocated the kind of terrorist violence we are defending ourselves against today. But she also says that no-one's yet come up with an alternative to violence for settling our incompatible conflicts; the trouble with peace is you need armies to enforce it. This whole argument sounds rather like the Orwellian "war is peace" to me.
I think it is a worthwhile, stimulating, very well written book - but of course of its time.
I thought some other reviews expected more of the work that was realistic - I don't myself expect a relatively short work to cover everything or to fully reference everything; if one wants that aspect of Arendt's work one can go to her longer publications.
THis is short work, really just an essay but it is both simplistic and powerful in its' discussion of Violence and its role in mans affairs. Highly recommended.