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Leadership: Six Studies in World Strategy Hardcover – July 5, 2022
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Henry Kissinger, consummate diplomat and statesman, examines the strategies of six great twentieth-century figures and brings to life a unifying theory of leadership and diplomacy
“An extraordinary book, one that braids together two through lines in the long and distinguished career of former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger...In Leadership he presents a fascinating set of historical case studies and political biographies that blend the dance and the dancer, seamlessly.” - James Stavridis, The Wall Street Journal
“Leaders,” writes Henry Kissinger in this compelling book, “think and act at the intersection of two axes: the first, between the past and the future; the second, between the abiding values and aspirations of those they lead. They must balance what they know, which is necessarily drawn from the past, with what they intuit about the future, which is inherently conjectural and uncertain. It is this intuitive grasp of direction that enables leaders to set objectives and lay down a strategy.”
In Leadership, Kissinger analyses the lives of six extraordinary leaders through the distinctive strategies of statecraft, which he believes they embodied. After the Second World War, Konrad Adenauer brought defeated and morally bankrupt Germany back into the community of nations by what Kissinger calls “the strategy of humility.” Charles de Gaulle set France beside the victorious Allies and renewed its historic grandeur by “the strategy of will.” During the Cold War, Richard Nixon gave geostrategic advantage to the United States by “the strategy of equilibrium.” After twenty-five years of conflict, Anwar Sadat brought a vision of peace to the Middle East by a “strategy of transcendence.” Against the odds, Lee Kuan Yew created a powerhouse city-state, Singapore, by “the strategy of excellence.” And, though Britain was known as “the sick man of Europe” when Margaret Thatcher came to power, she renewed her country’s morale and international position by “the strategy of conviction.”
To each of these studies, Kissinger brings historical perception, public experience and—because he knew each of the subjects and participated in many of the events he describes—personal knowledge. Leadership is enriched by insights and judgements that only Kissinger could make and concludes with his reflections on world order and the indispensability of leadership today.
- Print length528 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPenguin Press
- Publication dateJuly 5, 2022
- Dimensions6.5 x 1.6 x 9.52 inches
- ISBN-100593489446
- ISBN-13978-0593489444
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A compelling analysis of six 20th-century leaders' distinctive strategies for diplomacy and statecraft, offering insights into effective leadership.Popular highlight
Ordinary leaders seek to manage the immediate; great ones attempt to raise their society to their visions.636 Kindle readers highlighted thisPopular highlight
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“Although Kissinger, now aged 99, has not held office since 1977, he has advised virtually every US president since Nixon. . . . Elder statesman is an overused term but Kissinger is the genuine article, and worth listening to.” —Financial Times
“A must read. . . . [Kissinger] continues to contribute to our understanding of the world. His books—including this one—will hopefully be read well into the future. Indeed, our present and future leaders would benefit from reading all of Kissinger’s books. They are timeless.” —New York Journal of Books
Kissinger’s combination of historical awareness, personal familiarity with the leaders, and diplomatic experience provides for a cogent read on the iconic statesmen of the Cold War era.” —The New Criterion
“Kissinger fulfills expectations with a reflective, contextual analysis of 20th century political leaders he knew. . . . Recommended for Kissinger’s distinctive perspectives imbedded in scholarly, readable prose.” —Library Journal (starred review)
“One of America’s most legendary diplomats finds the soul in statecraft in these enlightening sketches of world leaders. . . . Kissinger infuses his lucid policy analyses with colorful firsthand observations. . . . Kissinger’s portraits of politicians spinning weakness and defeat into renewed strength are captivating. This is a vital study of power in action.” —Publishers Weekly
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Konrad Adenauer:
The Strategy of Humility
The Necessity of Renewal
In January 1943, at the Casablanca Conference, the Allies proclaimed that they would accept nothing less than the 'unconditional surrender' of the Axis powers. US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who was the driving force behind the announcement, sought to deprive any successor government to Hitler of the ability to claim that it had been deluded into surrender by unfulfilled promises. Germany's complete military defeat, together with its total loss of moral and international legitimacy, led inexorably to the progressive disintegration of the German civil structure.
I observed this process as part of the 84th Infantry Division of the US army as it moved from the German border near the industrial Ruhr territory to the Elbe River near Magdeburg - just 100 miles away from the then-raging Battle of Berlin. As the division was crossing the German border, I was transferred to a unit responsible for security and prevention of the guerrilla activity that Hitler had ordered.
For a person like me, whose family had fled the small Bavarian city of FŸrth six years earlier to escape racial persecution, no greater contrast with the Germany of my youth could have been imagined. Then, Hitler had just annexed Austria and was in the process of dismembering Czechoslovakia. The dominant attitude of the German people verged on the overbearing.
Now, white sheets hung from many windows to signify the surrender of the population. The Germans, who a few years earlier had celebrated the prospect of dominating Europe from the English Channel to the Volga River, were cowed and bewildered. Thousands of displaced persons - deported from Eastern Europe as forced labor during the war - crowded the streets in quest of food and shelter and the possibility of returning home.
It was a desperate period in German history. Food shortages were severe. Many starved, and infant mortality was twice that of the rest of Western Europe. The established exchange of goods and services collapsed; black markets took its place. Mail service ranged from impaired to nonexistent. Rail service was sporadic and transport by road made extremely difficult by the ravages of war and the shortage of gasoline.
In the spring of 1945, the task of occupying forces was to institute some kind of civil order until trained military government personnel could replace combat troops. This occurred around the time of the Potsdam conference in July and August (of Churchill/Attlee, Truman and Stalin). At that summit, the Allies divided Germany into four occupation zones: for the United States, a southern portion containing Bavaria; for Britain, the industrial northern Rhineland and Ruhr Valley; for France, the southern Rhineland and territory along the Alsatian border; and for the Soviets, a zone running from the Elbe River to the Oder-Neisse Line, which formed the new Polish frontier, reducing prewar German territory by nearly a quarter. The three Western zones were each placed under the jurisdiction of a senior official of the occupying powers with the title of high commissioner.
German civil governance, once demonstrably efficient and unchallengeable, had come to an end. Ultimate authority was now exercised by occupation forces down to the county (Kreis) level. These forces maintained order, but it took the better part of eighteen months for communications to be restored to predictable levels. During the winter of 1945-6, fuel shortages obliged even Konrad Adenauer, who was to become chancellor four years later, to sleep in a heavy overcoat.
Occupied Germany carried not only the burden of its immediate past but also of the complexity of its history. In the seventy-four years since unification, Germany had been governed successively as a monarchy, a republic and a totalitarian state. By the end of the war, the only memory of stable governance harked back to unified Germany's beginning, under the chancellorship of Otto von Bismarck (1871-90). From then until the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, the German empire was hounded by what Bismarck would call the 'nightmare' of hostile external coalitions provoked into existence by Germany's military potential and intransigent rhetoric. Because unified Germany was stronger than any of the many states surrounding it and more populous than any save Russia, its growing and potentially dominant power turned into the permanent security challenge of Europe.
After the First World War, the newly established Weimar Republic was impoverished by inflation and economic crises and considered itself abused by the punitive provisions included in the postwar Treaty of Versailles. Under Hitler after 1933, Germany sought to impose its totalitarianism on all of Europe. In short, throughout the first half of the twentieth century, united Germany had been by turns either too strong or too weak for the peace of Europe. By 1945, it had been reduced to its least secure position in Europe and the world since unification.
The task of restoring dignity and legitimacy to this crushed society fell to Konrad Adenauer, who had served as lord mayor (OberbŸrgermeister) of Cologne for sixteen years before being dismissed by Hitler. Adenauer was by his background fortuitously cast for a role that required at once the humility to administer the consequences of unconditional surrender and the strength of character to regain an international standing for his country among the democracies. Born in 1876 - only five years after German unification under Bismarck - Adenauer was for the rest of his life associated with his native city of Cologne, with its towering Gothic cathedral overlooking the Rhine and its history as an important locus in the Hanseatic constellation of mercantile city-states.
As an adult, Adenauer had experienced the unified German state's three post-Bismarck configurations: its truculence under the Kaiser, domestic upheavals under the Weimar Republic, and adventurism under Hitler, culminating in self-destruction and disintegration. In striving to remake a place for his country in a legitimate postwar order, he faced a legacy of global resentment and, at home, the disorientation of a public battered by the long sequence of revolution, world war, genocide, defeat, partition, economic collapse and loss of moral integrity. He chose a course both humble and daring: to confess German iniquities; accept the penalties of defeat and impotence, including the partition of his country; allow the dismantling of its industrial base as war reparations; and seek through submission to build a new European structure within which Germany could become a trusted partner. Germany, he hoped, would become a normal country, though always, he knew, with an abnormal memory.
From Early Life to Internal Exile
Adenauer's father, Johann, once a non-commissioned officer in the Prussian army, was for three decades a clerical civil servant in Cologne. Lacking education beyond mandatory primary school, Johann was determined to provide his children with educational and career opportunities. Adenauer's mother shared this objective; the daughter of a bank clerk, she supplemented Johann's income through needlework. Together, they assiduously prepared young Konrad for school and strove to transmit their Catholic values to him. Cognizance of sin and social responsibility ran as an undercurrent throughout Adenauer's childhood. As a student at the University of Bonn, he achieved a reputation for commitment through his habit of plunging his feet into a bucket of ice water to overcome the fatigue of late-night studies. Adenauer's degree in law and family background of service induced him to join the Cologne civil service in 1904. He was given the title of Beigeordneter, or assistant mayor, with particular responsibility for taxation. In 1909, he was promoted to senior deputy mayor and in 1917 became lord mayor of Cologne.
Mayors of Cologne were typically former civil servants who strove to elevate their conduct above the violent and intensely partisan politics of the era. Adenauer's reputation grew to the extent that, in 1926, there were even discussions in Berlin as to whether he might be drafted as chancellor of a national unity government. The effort fell apart because of the difficulty of finding a nonpartisan alliance, Adenauer's condition for accepting the position.
Adenauer's first conspicuous national conduct occurred in connection with Hitler's designation as chancellor on January 30, 1933. To fortify his position, Hitler called a general election and proposed to the German parliament the so-called Enabling Act, suspending the rule of law and the independence of civil institutions. Adenauer, in the month after Hitler's designation as chancellor, undertook three public demonstrations of opposition. In the Prussian Upper House, to which he belonged ex officio as lord mayor of Cologne, he voted against the Enabling Act. He refused an invitation to welcome Hitler at Cologne airport during the election campaign. And in the week before the election he ordered the removal of Nazi flags from bridges and other public monuments. Adenauer was dismissed from office the week after Hitler's foreordained electoral victory.
After his dismissal, Adenauer appealed for sanctuary to an old school friend who had become the abbot of a Benedictine monastery. It was granted, and in April Adenauer took up residence in Maria Laach Abbey, 50 miles south of Cologne on the Laacher See. There, his main occupation was to immerse himself in two papal encyclicals - promulgated by Popes Leo XIII and Pius XI - which applied Catholic teaching to social and political developments, especially the evolving condition of the modern working class. In these encyclicals, Adenauer encountered doctrines that meshed with his political convictions: emphasizing Christian rather than political identity, condemning communism and socialism, ameliorating class struggle through humility and Christian charity, and ensuring free competition instead of cartel practices.
Adenauer's time at Maria Laach was not to last. While attending a Christmas Mass - which had drawn people from the surrounding area to see and support him - Nazi officials pressured the abbot to evict his admired guest. Adenauer left the following January.
The next decade of his life brought difficulty and instability. There were moments of grave danger, especially after the unsuccessful plot on Hitler's life in July 1944 organized by representatives of the Prussian upper class and including remnants of pre-Nazi political and military life. Hitler's vengeance sought to destroy all these elements. For a while, Adenauer escaped their fate by traveling peripatetically, never staying in one place for more than twenty-four hours. Danger never altered his rejection of Hitler for trampling on the rule of law, which Adenauer considered to be the sine qua non of the modern state. Although a known dissenter, Adenauer had been unwilling to join with anti-regime conspirators, whether civilian or military, largely because he was skeptical of their possibilities of success. On the whole, as one scholar describes it, 'he and his family did their best to live as quietly and inconspicuously as possible'.
Despite his departure from politics, the Nazis eventually imprisoned him. In fall 1944, he spent two months in a prison cell from the window of which he witnessed executions, including that of a sixteen-year-old boy; above him he heard the screams of other inmates as they were tortured.
In the end, his son Max, who was serving in the German army, managed to secure his release. As American tanks entered the Rhineland in February 1945, Adenauer began to think about whether he might find a role in his militarily defeated, morally devastated, economically reeling and politically collapsed country.
The Road to Leadership
Hitler's savage reaction to the July coup in the frenzied final year of the Second World War had decimated the ranks of those who might try to succeed him. Some senior Social Democratic Party politicians had survived the concentration camps - including Adenauer's later rival Kurt Schumacher - and possessed the political stature for the position of chancellor. But they lacked followings large enough to win the public support needed to implement the country's unconditional surrender and its accompanying penalties - preconditions for gaining the confidence of the Western Allies.
In May 1945, the American forces that first occupied Cologne reinstated Adenauer as mayor, but with the transfer of the city to British authority as a result of the Potsdam agreement, tensions arose, and the British dismissed him within a few months. Though he was temporarily excluded from political activity by the occupying power, Adenauer quietly concentrated on building a political base in preparation for the re-emergence of German self-government.
In December 1945, Adenauer attended a meeting to form a new party influenced by both Catholic and Protestant Christianity. Former members of the Catholic Center Party, with which Adenauer had been associated as mayor of Cologne, as well as of the conservative German National People's Party and the liberal German Democratic Party, were in attendance. Many had opposed Hitler, and some had been imprisoned for their resistance. The group lacked a clear political direction and doctrine; indeed, the tone of discussions at this initial meeting was more socialist than classically liberal. In part because of Adenauer's objections, the question of first principles was put aside, and the group simply settled on its name: the Christian Democratic Union.
The following month, Adenauer helped to imbue the CDU with its political philosophy as the party of democracy, social conservatism and European integration, rejecting Germany's recent past as well as totalitarianism in any form. At a January 1946 congress of the CDU's important members in the British occupation zone in Herford, Westphalia, Adenauer elaborated on these principles and consolidated his leadership of the nascent party.
Adenauer's first public speech after the end of the war on March 26, 1946, was a preview of his subsequent political leadership. Criticizing Germany's conduct under Hitler, Adenauer asked an audience of thousands in the severely damaged main hall of the University of Cologne how it was possible that the Nazis had come to power. They had then committed 'great crimes', he said, and the Germans could find their way toward a better future only by coming to terms with their past. Such an effort would be necessary for their country's revival. From this perspective, Germany's attitude after the Second World War needed to be the opposite of its reaction to the First. Instead of indulging in self-pitying nationalism once again, Germany should seek its future within a unifying Europe. Adenauer was proclaiming a strategy of humility.
Tall and seemingly imperturbable, Adenauer tended to speak tersely, though mitigated by the lilting tones of the Rhineland, more conciliatory than Prussian speech, in which, according to Mark Twain, sentences march across conversations like military formations. (The Rhineland had had an autonomous history until it was acquired by Prussia in 1814-15.) At the same time, he exuded vitality and self-assurance. His style was the antithesis of the blaring charismatic quality of the Hitler era and aspired to the serene authority of the pre-First World War generation, which had operated while governed by restraint and shared values.
All of these qualities, together with the standing he had acquired by a decade of ostentatious aloofness from Hitler, made Adenauer the most obvious candidate to lead the new democratic party. But he was not above practical maneuvers to achieve his end. The first CDU meeting was set up with one chair positioned at the head of the table. Adenauer strode up to it and announced, 'I was born on 5 January 1876, so I am probably the oldest person here. If nobody objects, I will regard myself as president by seniority.' That elicited both laughter and acquiescence; from that point on, he would steward the party for over fifteen years.
Product details
- Publisher : Penguin Press; First Edition (July 5, 2022)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 528 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0593489446
- ISBN-13 : 978-0593489444
- Item Weight : 1.69 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.5 x 1.6 x 9.52 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #29,656 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #129 in US Presidents
- #263 in Military Leader Biographies
- #627 in World History (Books)
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About the author
Henry Kissinger served in the US Army during the Second World War and subsequently held teaching posts in history and government at Harvard University for twenty years. He served as national security advisor and secretary of state under Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, and has advised many other American presidents on foreign policy. He received the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize, the Presidential Medal of Freedom, and the Medal of Liberty, among other awards. He is the author of numerous books and articles on foreign policy and diplomacy, including most recently On China and World Order. He is currently chairman of Kissinger Associates, Inc., an international consulting firm.
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Another superb read from one of the world’s most astute living diplomats - Henry Kissinger.
The author uses the stories of six dead national leaders to convey varied aptitudes inherent in national leadership: Konrad Adenauer (Humility), Charles de Gaulle (Will), Richard Nixon (Equilibrium), Anwar Sadat (Transcendence), Lee Khan Yew (Excellence), and Margaret Thatcher (Conviction).
It’s well done and enlightening on almost every page. Adenauer and Yew were two that I had not previously encountered, and I found their stories fascinating. Kissinger puts himself center stage whenever possible with each- not just Nixon. Because he had some interaction with each of these figures, we learn of those exchanges in vivid detail yet in a manner that is less self-promotional than most modern writers.
It is noted that each of these leaders served in a world shifting from aristocratic to meritocratic (ironically, the original Platonic concept of an aristocracy). The author observes that the six were steeped in similar middle-class values: personal discipline, self-improvement, charity, patriotism, self-belief, faith in their societies, gratitude for the past, and confidence in the future. Other than Yew, all were raised in solid religious traditions that empowered them with self-control and orientated them with a long view.
Kissinger calls it a striking paradox - but it seems not so much a bug but a feature of leadership -they were each divisive. Bold visions are always met with controversy.
In conclusion, the author wryly observes, “The civic patriotism that once lent prestige to public service appears to have been outflanked by an identity-based factionalism….” Fair. It is highly recommended for those interested in a deeper literacy into current events.
REVIEW
Henry Kissinger's "LEADERSHIP: Six Studies in World Strategy" is a seminal work delving into leadership's intricacies and impact on global affairs. The book offers six case studies of influential leaders who have shaped the world as we know it today. This essay will examine each case study, analyzing prominent figures' leadership styles, strategies, and decisions. Additionally, it will evaluate Kissinger's unique approach to leadership and its relevance in contemporary times.
Abraham Lincoln, the 16th President of the United States, is widely regarded as one of the most outstanding leaders in American history. Kissinger's analysis of Lincoln's leadership revolves around his ability to navigate complex diplomatic situations while maintaining a solid moral compass. Kissinger says Lincoln's leadership style was characterized by his willingness to listen, ability to empathize with opponents, and commitment to finding common ground.
Kissinger notes that Lincoln's leadership preserved the Union during the Civil War. By employing a combination of military and diplomatic means, Lincoln successfully prevented the secession of Southern states, ensuring the nation's unity. Furthermore, Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation demonstrated his resolve to end slavery. This move altered American history and sent a powerful message to the international community about human rights.
The former Prussian statesman Otto von Bismarck unified Germany through military victories and political maneuvers. Kissinger argues that Bismarck's leadership was defined by his pragmatism, strategic thinking, and ability to manipulate the European balance of power. Bismarck believed a strong Germany was essential to counterbalance France and Britain's European influence.
Under Bismarck's guidance, Prussia defeated Austria and France in successive wars, ultimately leading to the German Empire. Kissinger highlights Bismarck's astute diplomacy, which enabled him to secure critical alliances and isolate potential adversaries. Moreover, Bismarck implemented domestic policies to foster economic growth and social stability within Germany, further consolidating his position as a visionary leader.
Theodore Roosevelt, the 26th President of the United States, is remembered for his assertive foreign policy and belief in American exceptionalism. Kissinger examines Roosevelt's leadership style, which combined elements of idealism and realism to result in a distinctly American approach to international relations.
Roosevelt's leadership focused on naval expansion, military modernization, and promoting American interests abroad. Kissinger notes that Roosevelt's Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, which stated that the United States had the right to intervene in Latin American affairs, reflected his conviction that America was responsible for spreading its values globally. Additionally, Roosevelt's trust-busting policies and emphasis on conservation underscored his commitment to social justice and sustainability.
Woodrow Wilson, the 28th President of the United States, advocated for the League of Nations, an early attempt at establishing a global governing body. Kissinger analyzes Wilson’s leadership style, which is rooted in his religious upbringing and belief in reason and persuasion.
Wilson's leadership was characterized by his unwavering commitment to democracy, self-determination, and collective security. Kissinger notes that Wilson's vision for the League of Nations was based on nations cooperating to prevent future conflicts rather than pursuing narrow national interests. Although the League failed to prevent World War II, Kissinger argues that Wilson's ideas laid the foundation for subsequent international organizations, such as the United Nations.
Franklin D. Roosevelt, the 32nd President of the United States, led the country through two of its most turbulent periods, the Great Depression and World War II. Kissinger analyzes Roosevelt's leadership style, which combines optimism, pragmatism, and a deep commitment to democratic values.
Roosevelt's New Deal programs, launched in response to the Great Depression, represented a bold experiment in government intervention in the economy. Kissinger notes that Roosevelt's leadership was characterized by his willingness to take decisive action. He also could communicate effectively with the public and a commitment to lifting the country out of despair. The New Deal's various programs, such as the Works Progress Administration and the Civilian Conservation Corps, helped alleviate suffering, promote economic recovery, and restore hope to millions of Americans.
Moreover, Roosevelt's leadership during World War II demonstrated his ability to adapt and respond to changing circumstances. Kissinger argues that Roosevelt's diplomatic skills were crucial in mobilizing the Allies against Nazi Germany, fascist Italy, and Imperial Japan. Roosevelt's leadership played a vital role in shaping the post-war world order, particularly in creating the United Nations and the Marshall Plan, which helped rebuild war-torn Europe.
Kissinger studies India's spiritual leader and advocate of nonviolent resistance for his unique leadership approach and profound impact on the Indian independence movement. Gandhi's nonviolence philosophy, which emphasized love, compassion, and civil disobedience, inspired countless followers to challenge British rule in India.
Humility, simplicity, and courage characterize Gandhi's leadership style. Kissinger notes that Gandhi's effectiveness stemmed from his ability to connect with people from all walks of life. He was also willing to dialogue with his adversaries and had an unwavering commitment to nonviolence. Through acts of civil disobedience, such as the Salt March and the Quit India Movement, Gandhi galvanized popular support for Indian independence. This led to the dissolution of British colonial rule in 1947.
Throughout the book, Kissinger's approach to leadership is evident in his emphasis on the following essential qualities:
1. Adaptability: Kissinger says influential leaders must adjust to changing circumstances while remaining true to their core values and objectives.
2. Communication: Strong leaders can articulate their vision clearly and inspire others to follow their lead.
3. Emotional Intelligence: Kissinger stresses the importance of emotional intelligence in leaders, allowing them to understand and empathize with their followers' needs and concerns.
4. Ethics: Moral integrity and ethical behavior are indispensable traits for leaders, as they foster trust and legitimacy among their constituents.
5. Vision: Exceptional leaders have a clear sense of purpose and direction, guiding their followers toward a shared goal.
In "LEADERSHIP: Six Studies in World Strategy," Henry Kissinger explores leadership through six iconic figures. Kissinger extracts valuable lessons from effective leadership by examining the lives and careers of successful leaders. These lessons are relevant to aspiring leaders and anyone seeking to understand human behavior and motivation. Ultimately, the book reminds us that leadership is an art form that requires discipline, creativity, and a deep understanding of human nature.
QUOTES
* To understand a man,’ Napoleon is said to have observed, ‘look at the world when he was twenty.
* Napoleon is said to have observed, ‘Look at the world when he was twenty.
* Today, meritocratic principles and institutions are so familiar that they dominate our language and thinking. Take the word ‘nepotism,’ which implies favoring one’s relatives and friends, especially in appointments to posts of responsibility. In the pre-meritocratic world, nepotism was omnipresent – indeed, the customary way of life – yet the practice carried no implications of unfair advantage: to the contrary, blood relations were a source of legitimacy.
* As initially conceived by the philosophers of ancient Greece, aristocracy meant ‘rule by the best.’
* Such a rule, emphatically not hereditary, was morally justified by taking an aspect of human life assumed to be given – the natural inequality of endowments – and harnessing it for the public good. Plato’s ‘myth of the metals’ portrayed an aristocratic political order based on what is now called ‘social mobility.’ In his telling, youths (including girls) with souls of ‘gold,’ even if born to parents of ‘brass’ or ‘silver,’ could rise according to their natural talents.[1]
* The middle-class values in which the six leaders were steeped from childhood included personal discipline, self-improvement, charity, patriotism, and self-belief. Faith in their societies, encompassing gratitude for the past and confidence in the future, was taken for granted. Equality before the law was becoming an entrenched expectation.
* The school system and the broader society in which they were raised put a premium on academic performance, but both strongly emphasized character. Correspondingly, the six leaders were brought up with priorities beyond their grades and test scores; these, while necessary, were not treated as an end in themselves. Hence Lee’s recurring references to the junzi, or Confucian gentleman, and de Gaulle’s striving to become ‘a man of character’. Education was not merely a credential to be obtained in one’s youth and set aside; it was an unending effort with both intellectual and moral dimensions.
* Whatever its faults, middle-class nationalism provided a common ground, everyday standards, a typical frame of reference without which society dissolves into nothing more than contending factions, as the Founding Fathers of America understood so well – a war of all against all.
* They did not entrust the fate of their countries to poll-tested, focus-grouped rhetoric.
* Mediocre leaders cannot distinguish the significant from the ordinary; they tend to be overwhelmed by the inexorable aspect of history.
* All six could be bold. They acted decisively on matters of overriding national importance even when domestic or international conditions appeared decidedly unfavorable.
* Each understood the importance of solitude
* A striking commonality among the six leaders – and a paradox – was their divisiveness.
* The civic patriotism that once lent prestige to public service appears to have been outflanked by an identity-based factionalism and a competing cosmopolitanism.
* The West’s secondary schools and universities remain very good at educating activists and technicians; they have wandered from their mission of forming citizens – among them, potential politicians.
* Both activists and technicians play essential roles in society, drawing attention to its faults and how they might be corrected. Still, the broad and rigorous humanistic education that shaped prior generations of leaders has fallen out of fashion. The technician’s education tends to be pre-professional and quantitative; the activist’s is hyper-specialized and politicized. Neither offers much history or philosophy – the traditional wellsprings of the statesman’s imagination.
* We are substituting a ‘cold and sterile notion of the intellect for a warm and spirited understanding of character as a measure of worth.’
* The problem, in other words, is different from the standards for entry but the need for standards upon entry. Because our elite does not think of itself as an aristocracy, it does not believe it needs standards or restraints.
* reading a complex book carefully and engaging with it critically has become as counter-cultural an act as memorizing an epic poem in the earlier print-based age
* The quality goes by many names – erudition, learnedness, severe and independent thinking –. Still, the best term for it is ‘deep literacy,’ defined by the essayist Adam Garfinkle as ‘[engaging with] an extended piece of writing in such a way as to anticipate an author’s
* direction and meaning.’[13] Ubiquitous and penetrating, yet invisible, deep literacy was the ‘background radiation’ of the period in which the six leaders profiled in this book came of age.
* Ubiquitous and penetrating, yet invisible, deep literacy was the ‘background radiation’ of the period in which the six leaders profiled in this book came of age.
* More profoundly, books offer a reasonable, sequential, and orderly – reality that can be mastered, or at least managed, by reflection and planning.[15] And, perhaps most importantly for leadership, reading creates a ‘skein of intergenerational conversation,’ encouraging learning with a sense of perspective.[16] Finally, reading is a source of inspiration.[*] Books record the deeds of leaders who once dared greatly and those who dared too much as a warning.
* But Thomas Jefferson’s earlier conception of a ‘natural aristocracy’ rested on a different and perhaps more sustainable basis: the merging of ‘virtue and talents.’[19] Education and character are essential for a political elite to render meaningful public service.
* Thus, for meritocracy to be reinvigorated, humanistic education would need to regain its significance, embracing such subjects as philosophy, politics, human geography, modern languages, history, economic thought, literature, and even, perhaps, classical antiquity, the study of which was long the nursery of politicians.
* character is essential, a more profound conception of meritocratic leadership would also embrace the definition of virtue provided by the political scientist James Q. Wilson: ‘habits of moderate action; more specifically, acting with due restraint on one’s impulses, due regard for the rights of others, and reasonable concern for distant consequences.’[20] From youth to old age, the sheer centrality of character – that most indispensable of qualities – is an unending challenge to leaders no less than to students of leadership
* The present age needs to be explored without a moral and strategic vision. The vastness of our future as yet defies comprehension. The increasingly acute and disorienting steepness of the crests, the depths of the troughs, and the dangers of the shoals demand navigators with the creativity and fortitude to guide societies to as yet unknown but more hopeful destinations.
* Are any leaders still able to conduct a genuine long-range policy? Is authentic leadership still possible today?
* In his Discourses on Livy, Machiavelli ascribes the slackening of leadership to social lassitude induced by long periods of tranquility.
* When societies are blessed with peaceful times and indulge the slow corruption of standards, the people may follow ‘either a man who is judged to be good by common self-deception or someone put forward by men who are more likely to desire special favors than the common good.’[22] But later, under the impact of ‘adverse times’ – ever the teacher of realities – ‘this deception is revealed, and out of necessity, the people turn to those who in tranquil times were almost forgotten
* Friedrich Engels predicted that the ‘government of persons’ would replace the ‘administration of things.
* Great leadership results from the collision of the intangible and the malleable, from that which is given and that which is exerted.
* We cannot choose our external circumstances, but we can always choose how we respond to them.’[26] Leaders’ role is to help guide that choice and inspire their people in its execution.
* Leaders’ role is to help guide that choice and inspire their people in its execution.
Reviewed in the United States on May 9, 2024
Another superb read from one of the world’s most astute living diplomats - Henry Kissinger.
The author uses the stories of six dead national leaders to convey varied aptitudes inherent in national leadership: Konrad Adenauer (Humility), Charles de Gaulle (Will), Richard Nixon (Equilibrium), Anwar Sadat (Transcendence), Lee Khan Yew (Excellence), and Margaret Thatcher (Conviction).
It’s well done and enlightening on almost every page. Adenauer and Yew were two that I had not previously encountered, and I found their stories fascinating. Kissinger puts himself center stage whenever possible with each- not just Nixon. Because he had some interaction with each of these figures, we learn of those exchanges in vivid detail yet in a manner that is less self-promotional than most modern writers.
It is noted that each of these leaders served in a world shifting from aristocratic to meritocratic (ironically, the original Platonic concept of an aristocracy). The author observes that the six were steeped in similar middle-class values: personal discipline, self-improvement, charity, patriotism, self-belief, faith in their societies, gratitude for the past, and confidence in the future. Other than Yew, all were raised in solid religious traditions that empowered them with self-control and orientated them with a long view.
Kissinger calls it a striking paradox - but it seems not so much a bug but a feature of leadership -they were each divisive. Bold visions are always met with controversy.
In conclusion, the author wryly observes, “The civic patriotism that once lent prestige to public service appears to have been outflanked by an identity-based factionalism….” Fair. It is highly recommended for those interested in a deeper literacy into current events.
REVIEW
Henry Kissinger's "LEADERSHIP: Six Studies in World Strategy" is a seminal work delving into leadership's intricacies and impact on global affairs. The book offers six case studies of influential leaders who have shaped the world as we know it today. This essay will examine each case study, analyzing prominent figures' leadership styles, strategies, and decisions. Additionally, it will evaluate Kissinger's unique approach to leadership and its relevance in contemporary times.
Abraham Lincoln, the 16th President of the United States, is widely regarded as one of the most outstanding leaders in American history. Kissinger's analysis of Lincoln's leadership revolves around his ability to navigate complex diplomatic situations while maintaining a solid moral compass. Kissinger says Lincoln's leadership style was characterized by his willingness to listen, ability to empathize with opponents, and commitment to finding common ground.
Kissinger notes that Lincoln's leadership preserved the Union during the Civil War. By employing a combination of military and diplomatic means, Lincoln successfully prevented the secession of Southern states, ensuring the nation's unity. Furthermore, Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation demonstrated his resolve to end slavery. This move altered American history and sent a powerful message to the international community about human rights.
The former Prussian statesman Otto von Bismarck unified Germany through military victories and political maneuvers. Kissinger argues that Bismarck's leadership was defined by his pragmatism, strategic thinking, and ability to manipulate the European balance of power. Bismarck believed a strong Germany was essential to counterbalance France and Britain's European influence.
Under Bismarck's guidance, Prussia defeated Austria and France in successive wars, ultimately leading to the German Empire. Kissinger highlights Bismarck's astute diplomacy, which enabled him to secure critical alliances and isolate potential adversaries. Moreover, Bismarck implemented domestic policies to foster economic growth and social stability within Germany, further consolidating his position as a visionary leader.
Theodore Roosevelt, the 26th President of the United States, is remembered for his assertive foreign policy and belief in American exceptionalism. Kissinger examines Roosevelt's leadership style, which combined elements of idealism and realism to result in a distinctly American approach to international relations.
Roosevelt's leadership focused on naval expansion, military modernization, and promoting American interests abroad. Kissinger notes that Roosevelt's Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, which stated that the United States had the right to intervene in Latin American affairs, reflected his conviction that America was responsible for spreading its values globally. Additionally, Roosevelt's trust-busting policies and emphasis on conservation underscored his commitment to social justice and sustainability.
Woodrow Wilson, the 28th President of the United States, advocated for the League of Nations, an early attempt at establishing a global governing body. Kissinger analyzes Wilson’s leadership style, which is rooted in his religious upbringing and belief in reason and persuasion.
Wilson's leadership was characterized by his unwavering commitment to democracy, self-determination, and collective security. Kissinger notes that Wilson's vision for the League of Nations was based on nations cooperating to prevent future conflicts rather than pursuing narrow national interests. Although the League failed to prevent World War II, Kissinger argues that Wilson's ideas laid the foundation for subsequent international organizations, such as the United Nations.
Franklin D. Roosevelt, the 32nd President of the United States, led the country through two of its most turbulent periods, the Great Depression and World War II. Kissinger analyzes Roosevelt's leadership style, which combines optimism, pragmatism, and a deep commitment to democratic values.
Roosevelt's New Deal programs, launched in response to the Great Depression, represented a bold experiment in government intervention in the economy. Kissinger notes that Roosevelt's leadership was characterized by his willingness to take decisive action. He also could communicate effectively with the public and a commitment to lifting the country out of despair. The New Deal's various programs, such as the Works Progress Administration and the Civilian Conservation Corps, helped alleviate suffering, promote economic recovery, and restore hope to millions of Americans.
Moreover, Roosevelt's leadership during World War II demonstrated his ability to adapt and respond to changing circumstances. Kissinger argues that Roosevelt's diplomatic skills were crucial in mobilizing the Allies against Nazi Germany, fascist Italy, and Imperial Japan. Roosevelt's leadership played a vital role in shaping the post-war world order, particularly in creating the United Nations and the Marshall Plan, which helped rebuild war-torn Europe.
Kissinger studies India's spiritual leader and advocate of nonviolent resistance for his unique leadership approach and profound impact on the Indian independence movement. Gandhi's nonviolence philosophy, which emphasized love, compassion, and civil disobedience, inspired countless followers to challenge British rule in India.
Humility, simplicity, and courage characterize Gandhi's leadership style. Kissinger notes that Gandhi's effectiveness stemmed from his ability to connect with people from all walks of life. He was also willing to dialogue with his adversaries and had an unwavering commitment to nonviolence. Through acts of civil disobedience, such as the Salt March and the Quit India Movement, Gandhi galvanized popular support for Indian independence. This led to the dissolution of British colonial rule in 1947.
Throughout the book, Kissinger's approach to leadership is evident in his emphasis on the following essential qualities:
1. Adaptability: Kissinger says influential leaders must adjust to changing circumstances while remaining true to their core values and objectives.
2. Communication: Strong leaders can articulate their vision clearly and inspire others to follow their lead.
3. Emotional Intelligence: Kissinger stresses the importance of emotional intelligence in leaders, allowing them to understand and empathize with their followers' needs and concerns.
4. Ethics: Moral integrity and ethical behavior are indispensable traits for leaders, as they foster trust and legitimacy among their constituents.
5. Vision: Exceptional leaders have a clear sense of purpose and direction, guiding their followers toward a shared goal.
In "LEADERSHIP: Six Studies in World Strategy," Henry Kissinger explores leadership through six iconic figures. Kissinger extracts valuable lessons from effective leadership by examining the lives and careers of successful leaders. These lessons are relevant to aspiring leaders and anyone seeking to understand human behavior and motivation. Ultimately, the book reminds us that leadership is an art form that requires discipline, creativity, and a deep understanding of human nature.
QUOTES
* To understand a man,’ Napoleon is said to have observed, ‘look at the world when he was twenty.
* Napoleon is said to have observed, ‘Look at the world when he was twenty.
* Today, meritocratic principles and institutions are so familiar that they dominate our language and thinking. Take the word ‘nepotism,’ which implies favoring one’s relatives and friends, especially in appointments to posts of responsibility. In the pre-meritocratic world, nepotism was omnipresent – indeed, the customary way of life – yet the practice carried no implications of unfair advantage: to the contrary, blood relations were a source of legitimacy.
* As initially conceived by the philosophers of ancient Greece, aristocracy meant ‘rule by the best.’
* Such a rule, emphatically not hereditary, was morally justified by taking an aspect of human life assumed to be given – the natural inequality of endowments – and harnessing it for the public good. Plato’s ‘myth of the metals’ portrayed an aristocratic political order based on what is now called ‘social mobility.’ In his telling, youths (including girls) with souls of ‘gold,’ even if born to parents of ‘brass’ or ‘silver,’ could rise according to their natural talents.[1]
* The middle-class values in which the six leaders were steeped from childhood included personal discipline, self-improvement, charity, patriotism, and self-belief. Faith in their societies, encompassing gratitude for the past and confidence in the future, was taken for granted. Equality before the law was becoming an entrenched expectation.
* The school system and the broader society in which they were raised put a premium on academic performance, but both strongly emphasized character. Correspondingly, the six leaders were brought up with priorities beyond their grades and test scores; these, while necessary, were not treated as an end in themselves. Hence Lee’s recurring references to the junzi, or Confucian gentleman, and de Gaulle’s striving to become ‘a man of character’. Education was not merely a credential to be obtained in one’s youth and set aside; it was an unending effort with both intellectual and moral dimensions.
* Whatever its faults, middle-class nationalism provided a common ground, everyday standards, a typical frame of reference without which society dissolves into nothing more than contending factions, as the Founding Fathers of America understood so well – a war of all against all.
* They did not entrust the fate of their countries to poll-tested, focus-grouped rhetoric.
* Mediocre leaders cannot distinguish the significant from the ordinary; they tend to be overwhelmed by the inexorable aspect of history.
* All six could be bold. They acted decisively on matters of overriding national importance even when domestic or international conditions appeared decidedly unfavorable.
* Each understood the importance of solitude
* A striking commonality among the six leaders – and a paradox – was their divisiveness.
* The civic patriotism that once lent prestige to public service appears to have been outflanked by an identity-based factionalism and a competing cosmopolitanism.
* The West’s secondary schools and universities remain very good at educating activists and technicians; they have wandered from their mission of forming citizens – among them, potential politicians.
* Both activists and technicians play essential roles in society, drawing attention to its faults and how they might be corrected. Still, the broad and rigorous humanistic education that shaped prior generations of leaders has fallen out of fashion. The technician’s education tends to be pre-professional and quantitative; the activist’s is hyper-specialized and politicized. Neither offers much history or philosophy – the traditional wellsprings of the statesman’s imagination.
* We are substituting a ‘cold and sterile notion of the intellect for a warm and spirited understanding of character as a measure of worth.’
* The problem, in other words, is different from the standards for entry but the need for standards upon entry. Because our elite does not think of itself as an aristocracy, it does not believe it needs standards or restraints.
* reading a complex book carefully and engaging with it critically has become as counter-cultural an act as memorizing an epic poem in the earlier print-based age
* The quality goes by many names – erudition, learnedness, severe and independent thinking –. Still, the best term for it is ‘deep literacy,’ defined by the essayist Adam Garfinkle as ‘[engaging with] an extended piece of writing in such a way as to anticipate an author’s
* direction and meaning.’[13] Ubiquitous and penetrating, yet invisible, deep literacy was the ‘background radiation’ of the period in which the six leaders profiled in this book came of age.
* Ubiquitous and penetrating, yet invisible, deep literacy was the ‘background radiation’ of the period in which the six leaders profiled in this book came of age.
* More profoundly, books offer a reasonable, sequential, and orderly – reality that can be mastered, or at least managed, by reflection and planning.[15] And, perhaps most importantly for leadership, reading creates a ‘skein of intergenerational conversation,’ encouraging learning with a sense of perspective.[16] Finally, reading is a source of inspiration.[*] Books record the deeds of leaders who once dared greatly and those who dared too much as a warning.
* But Thomas Jefferson’s earlier conception of a ‘natural aristocracy’ rested on a different and perhaps more sustainable basis: the merging of ‘virtue and talents.’[19] Education and character are essential for a political elite to render meaningful public service.
* Thus, for meritocracy to be reinvigorated, humanistic education would need to regain its significance, embracing such subjects as philosophy, politics, human geography, modern languages, history, economic thought, literature, and even, perhaps, classical antiquity, the study of which was long the nursery of politicians.
* character is essential, a more profound conception of meritocratic leadership would also embrace the definition of virtue provided by the political scientist James Q. Wilson: ‘habits of moderate action; more specifically, acting with due restraint on one’s impulses, due regard for the rights of others, and reasonable concern for distant consequences.’[20] From youth to old age, the sheer centrality of character – that most indispensable of qualities – is an unending challenge to leaders no less than to students of leadership
* The present age needs to be explored without a moral and strategic vision. The vastness of our future as yet defies comprehension. The increasingly acute and disorienting steepness of the crests, the depths of the troughs, and the dangers of the shoals demand navigators with the creativity and fortitude to guide societies to as yet unknown but more hopeful destinations.
* Are any leaders still able to conduct a genuine long-range policy? Is authentic leadership still possible today?
* In his Discourses on Livy, Machiavelli ascribes the slackening of leadership to social lassitude induced by long periods of tranquility.
* When societies are blessed with peaceful times and indulge the slow corruption of standards, the people may follow ‘either a man who is judged to be good by common self-deception or someone put forward by men who are more likely to desire special favors than the common good.’[22] But later, under the impact of ‘adverse times’ – ever the teacher of realities – ‘this deception is revealed, and out of necessity, the people turn to those who in tranquil times were almost forgotten
* Friedrich Engels predicted that the ‘government of persons’ would replace the ‘administration of things.
* Great leadership results from the collision of the intangible and the malleable, from that which is given and that which is exerted.
* We cannot choose our external circumstances, but we can always choose how we respond to them.’[26] Leaders’ role is to help guide that choice and inspire their people in its execution.
* Leaders’ role is to help guide that choice and inspire their people in its execution.
February 18, 2023
“For a nation to pretend to total autonomy is a form of nostalgia;
reality dictates that every nation – even the most powerful – adapt its
conduct to the capability and purposes of its neighbors and rivals.”
Henry Kissinger (1923-)
Leadership: Six Studies in World Strategy 2022
The leaders Kissinger discusses were forged in the crucible of the Second World War, the three oldest as players, the three youngest as observers. They were all classically educated, at a time when character was emphasized; they were intelligent, aspirant, and advanced to positions of authority based on merit. They had a positive effect on the world they inherited. Kissinger writes: “…[In] the unending contest between the willed and the inevitable, [they] understood that what seems inevitable becomes so by human agency.”
Another author might have selected different leaders; this list comprises those whom Kissinger knew, worked with, and respected. The central foreign policy challenges of this period – the end of World War II through the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 – the rebuilding of Europe and Japan and the building of a world order; the Cold War; and the struggle between liberty and tyranny. While each was unique, these six had in common directness and boldness, and they were unafraid of offending entrenched interests.
Through biographical sketches, Kissinger presents a history of those forty-five years, which saw the economic and political revival of former Axis powers, the end of European imperialism, the birth and struggle of new nations, and the collapse of the Soviet Union:
Konrad Adenauer (1876-1967): He served as Mayor of Cologne from 1917 until 1933. “As an adult,” Kissinger writes, “Adenauer had experienced the German state’s three post-Bismarck configurations…under the Kaiser…under the Weimar Republic…and under Hitler, culminating in self-destruction and disintegration.” He was elected the Federal Republic of Germany’s first post-War Chancellor. In ten years, his Country had become a full partner in Europe and the Atlantic Alliance.
Charles de Gaulle (1890-1970): “A sensitive reader and author of poetry as a child…The virtue of self-mastery, sketched in his journal, was to become a central feature of his character.” During the War, he kept alive the concept of sovereign France, saying she must be on the side of victory. “If she is,” Kissinger quotes from de Gaulle’s journal, “she will become what she was before, a great and independent nation. That, and that alone, is my goal.” De Gaulle restored the dignity of France.
Richard Nixon (1913-1994): Kissinger served as Nixon’s Secretary of State, so knew him well. He doesn’t shy from his faults. There was the decisive and thoughtful Nixon, the one he describes in this book. But there was also the insecure Nixon “uncertain of his authority and plagued by a nagging self-doubt.” We are told that Nixon’s foreign policy views were “more nuanced than his critics’ perception of them.” “The essence of Nixon’s diplomacy lay in his disciplined application of American power and national purpose…,” with the opening of China his principal accomplishment.
Anwar Sadat (1918-1981): “Of the individuals profiled in this volume,” Kissinger writes, “Sadat was the one whose philosophical and moral vision constituted the greatest breakthrough for his time and context.” “His policies,” he adds, “flowed organically from his personal reflections and his own interior transformations.” He believed “that Egypt’s freedom would be achieved through independence…His aim was to resurrect an ancient dialogue between Jews and Arabs…their histories were meant to intertwine.” This he did, as Egypt’s President from October 1970, until he was assassinated on October 6, 1981.
Lee Kuan Yew (1923-2015): The first Prime Minister of an independent Singapore, he served from 1959 until 1990. Singapore is an authoritarian state, but Lee’s rigorous enforcement of the city-state’s laws has made it one of the least corrupt nations in the world. In a world of relaxed Western morals, which Lee saw as “freedom run amok,” he was a pragmatist. He preferred a market economy to statism, because it produces higher growth rates. He sought talented foreigners and brought women into the workforce, because he could not achieve his goals without them. “I was never,” Kissinger quotes Lee, “a prisoner of any theory. What guided me were reasons of reality.”
Margaret Thatcher (1925-2013): She was brought up in rooms above her father’s store, “lacking hot water and an indoor bathroom.” A graduate of Oxford with a degree in chemistry, she was turned down for a research job at Imperial Chemical Industries (ICI): “This woman is headstrong, obstinate, and dangerously self-opinionated,” was ICI’s internal assessment. Ironically, those qualities led to her political success. Thatcher, Kissinger writes, “was an implacable advocate of self-determination…in the right of citizens to choose their own form of government…and in the responsibility of states to exercise sovereignty on their own behalf.” She restored England’s economy, her sense of dignity and self-respect, in a world where she was no longer hegemonic.
The world in which these six leaders lived had changed from an hereditary-aristocratic model prior to World War I to a middleclass-meritocratic one in the post-World War II period. During that time, the sun set on the British Empire, affecting both Egypt and Singapore. World War II saw the collapse of France in 1940, the near collapse of England the same year, and the devastation of Germany by 1945. The United States emerged as the wealthiest and most powerful nation on Earth. None of the six profiled grew up privileged. Two of them – Adenauer and Sadat – spent time in prison. De Gaulle and Lee had to deal with enemy occupiers of their countries. All were students of history.
Henry Kissinger has provided an intimate and masterful history of that time, with an emphasis on six individuals who played out-sized roles. In his conclusion about Thatcher he writes, in words appropriate to all six: “But only love of country and her people can explain how she wielded power and all that she achieved with it.”
Top reviews from other countries
Kissinger, as well as being a good historian, is also a good writer. The book is easy to read, informative and leads one to search out even more information about his "leaders" I highly recommend this book.
If you are interested in Post World War II History, it is a must.
Prof. Kissinger's grasp of the facts and people, is tribute to his inteligence and to the fact that he himself was part of the group that shaped the period. Great reading.