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Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang Paperback – May 18, 2010
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Prisoner of the State is the story of Premier Zhao Ziyang, the man who brought liberal change to China and who was dethroned at the height of the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989 for trying to stop the massacre. Zhao spent the last years of his life under house arrest. An occasional detail about his life would slip out, but scholars and citizens lamented that Zhao never had his final say.
But Zhao did produce a memoir, secretly recording on audio tapes the real story of what happened during modern China’s most critical moments. He provides intimate details about the Tiananmen crackdown, describes the ploys and double crosses used by China’s leaders, and exhorts China to adopt democracy in order to achieve long-term stability. His riveting, behind-the-scenes recollections form the basis of Prisoner of the State.
The China that Zhao portrays is not some long-lost dynasty. It is today’s China, where its leaders accept economic freedom but resist political change. Zhao might have steered China’s political system toward openness and tolerance had he survived. Although Zhao now speaks from the grave, his voice still has the moral power to make China sit up and listen.
- Print length336 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSimon & Schuster
- Publication dateMay 18, 2010
- Dimensions6.13 x 1 x 9.25 inches
- ISBN-101439149399
- ISBN-13978-1439149393
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Editorial Reviews
Review
—Erik Eckholm, The New York Times
“Until the appearance of this posthumous work, not a single voice of dissent had ever emerged from the [Chinese Communist] party’s inner circle . . . Fascinating.”
—The Economist
“Zhao speaks from beyond the grave . . . the up-close-and-personal tone [of the book] stands out. Scholars will mine Prisoner of the State for historical nuances.”
—Perry Link, coeditor of The Tiananmen Papers
“[T]his book will be of special importance to anyone interested in what happened during the spring of 1989, culminating in the Tiananmen killings of June 3 and 4.”
—Jonathan Mirsky, The New York Review of Books
About the Author
Adi Ignatius is an American journalist who covered China for The Wall Street Journal during the Zhao Ziyang era. He is currently editor in chief of the Harvard Business Review.
Bao Pu, a political commentator and veteran human rights activist, is a publisher and editor of New Century Press in Hong Kong.
Product details
- Publisher : Simon & Schuster; 1st edition (May 18, 2010)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 336 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1439149399
- ISBN-13 : 978-1439149393
- Item Weight : 13.1 ounces
- Dimensions : 6.13 x 1 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,655,393 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #256 in Historical China Biographies
- #2,810 in Chinese History (Books)
- #7,743 in Political Leader Biographies
- Customer Reviews:
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And some of this - but not very much - is in the Tiananmen Papers. For the most part, however, Zhao is laying in his own record of events that he personally participated in, leading with the Tiananmen incident of June 1989, but going back to the beginnings of reform and opening, for which Zhao's leadership in Sichuan province (and Wan Li's in Anhui) were seminal in the testing of agricultural reforms that were the foundation of China's present relative prosperity, and forward to an evaluation of China after Zhao's political demise and Zhao's evaluation of the leaders he worked with during nearly a decade at the center of the storm in Beijing.
Throughout, Zhao relies on what must have been a prodigious memory - assisted, almost certainly, by former assistant Bao Tong and other friends and colleagues. It's interesting, though, that Zhao gets some dates wrong (as pointed out by editorial notes by Bao Pu, son of Bao Tong), which suggests that, unlike most other memoirists, he had no documentation to work from and had to rely solely on his own notes and recall. From Zhao we get marvelous glimpses of how petty and preening life at the top was - and almost certainly remains, in a land where Politburo members are treated, except by themselves, as living gods. Moreover, following reports of a meeting between Deng and two other of the "Eight Immortal" senior party elders, Zhao gives a nod to their characterization of Deng's role as an authoritative "mother-in-law" to the Politburo Standing Committee, observing that this was an apt way of describing how the system worked. We also get detailed confirmation of how great a pack of old fools, opportunists, and ideologues were men like Li Xiannian, Bo Yibo, Li Peng, Yao Yilin, Hu Qiaomu, and Deng Liqun. Peng Zhen, the "grinning tiger," on the other hand, comes off rather well (as he does in the Tiananmen Papers, lobbying for the moderate reformer Wan Li to replace Zhao as party chief), as does Hu Qili, who was tossed overboard along with Zhao in May 1989.
Readers will want to know what Zhao, reflecting in his long political exile, ultimately thought of Deng Xiaoping, father of China's modern economy. Zhao provides a balanced appraisal of Deng, filled with gratitude at the opportunities Deng extended to him and at the same time pointing out problems of Deng's making, underscoring the fact that Deng was an economic liberal who wanted to unleash market forces in China but was NEVER a political reformer; instead, Deng was the driving force behind a host of "anti-liberal" campaigns that Chinese and Western analysts alike had attributed primarily to Chen Yun, Hu Qiaomu, and Deng Liqun and that created problems and contradictions within the reform movement. Zhao also provides a balanced, sympathetic account of his predecessor as party general secretary, Hu Yaobang, whose great-hearted impetuousness sped him to an early political demise, primarily, in Zhao's estimation, because Hu failed to take Deng's political conservatism and absolute deference to the Communist Party's political primacy more seriously and immediately.
Specialists will find this book thoroughly engrossing and the voice absolutely authentic. I'm astonished, however, that Simon and Schuster didn't see fit to help specialists and generalists out by including an index. The book does have a very useful 15 pp dramatis personae for which many, like readers of Russian novels, will be grateful. As Zhao's apology, this is a good one, and Zhao gives himself a good deal of credit for China's early advances in economic reform. He should: he was literally at the center of the storm during the seminal years of transformation and held the field against determined political foes. Many of his ideas, bloodied and battered, have been realized or remain in play, continuing to shape the debate particularly about political reform. One hopes that some day Chinese citizens will be able to freely acknowledge their debt to this their great countryman and mention him in the same breath as Deng Xiaoping, whose close colleague, idea man, sounding board, and implementing agent he was for the foundational decade.
It's a good start. As other reviewers have mentioned, Zhao's journal is absolutely critical in understanding the rivalries and fissures within the Chinese Communist Party during the 1980's. Even now, Prisoner of the State gives us an invaluable look at how China's leaders debated political and economic reforms, and many of the inner workings of the Party.
For me, the most valuable lessons from Zhao's account derived from learning about the subtle ways in which leaders exerted power and influence. I was particularly struck by the continuing influence of "party elders" such as Chen Yun and Li Xiannian, even if they did not hold formal posts. Similarly, Prisoner brilliantly describes the ways in which Zhao, newly installed as CCP General Secretary, was able to muzzle the "anti-bourgeois liberalization" campaign that conservatives such as Li and Deng Lichun had advocated. Zhao never OPPOSED the campaign, but merely cabined it, forbidding editorials attacking individuals, preventing guilt-by-association tactics common during the Cultural Revolution, and enunciating the idea that true progress meant maintaining vigilance against both Left- and Right-deviationism. He also kept the Left at bay by eliminating their power centers, such as Red Flag magazine, and the research department of the Party Secretariat. Mao famously said that power flows from the barrel of a gun, but Zhao's picture shows something quite different: in Deng's China, power flowed from an ability to hold together political coalitions, keep one's opponents off guard and guessing as to your intentions, and -- of course -- maintaining the support of Deng himself.
Zhao realized too late that he had failed in this critical third requirement. At times, he seems to fool even himself. In the first part of the book, Zhao claims that his political fall originated essentially in a mistake of etiquette. When Zhao was out of the country, conservatives scared Deng about the protests; the supreme leader called the protesters anti-socialist and anti-patriotic; conservatives published Deng's comments in the People's Daily; the students became angry and refused to stop until receiving a retraction; and since Deng could not admit a mistake, something had to give. But by the end of the memoir, Zhao concedes what he had failed to see previously, viz. Deng was simply not going to tolerate meaningful political reform. He was committed to the dominance of the CCP.
Indeed, until the end of the book, Zhao seems unaware of the big picture political issue that underlies all the talk of China's future -- whether China will remain a Communist autocracy. Essentially, what emerges through most of the work is a portrait of a technocrat, cautiously and for the most part wisely moving toward market reforms, but seemingly oblivious to the question of the future of the Party. Even at the end of the book, Zhao seems to insist that parliamentary democracy will be beneficial not only to China, but to the Party itself. This is clearly false.
Zhao was no democrat, and at the end of the book, he concludes that moving toward democracy is necessary only because it is a prerequisite for economic reform. But as of this writing, that diagnosis has been proved wrong: China's economy has moved ahead by leaps and bounds, and has become the second most important economy in the world, but the nation remains completely autocratic in the political sphere. Freedom and democracy are crucial for their own sake, not because they will help raise GDP.
Zhao was the best of his generation, a man with the intelligence and flexibility to mastermind China's economic reforms, and with the seeming common decency to shy away from turning China's army on its best and brightest young students. In future decades, he will once again be honored in his own country. But he was not the man to bring democracy to China, and Prisoner of the State shows why.
During the Tiananmen Square protests Zhao felt that the situation was not initially as serious as it later became and advocated defusing tensions by holding a series of meetings with and speeches to the students. Hardliners disagreed and what happened next reads like something out of Shakespeare as elders circled with daggers in their sleeves.
Zhao was cast from power and spent the remainder of his life under house arrest. He was unable to speak with journalists, foreigners or former colleagues. Through it all he kept a secret journal which was smuggled out of China after his death. In it he recounts the transformation and rapid growth of the Chinese economy, Tiananmen Square and his political downfall, and his prescription for the future China. This is a rare glimpse behind China's silk curtain of power.
I read Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang immediately after reading Beijing Coma: A Novel and would recommend that other interested readers do the same.
Top reviews from other countries
It is facinating! A good book to anyone who wants to know the mindset of native chinese.
après les événements de Tien An Men. Sa valeur est dans sa vérite et le vecu d'un homme d'état chinois
qui a traversé des années proche du pouvoir et qui a dû subir des années coupés du monde extérieur. Il a
laissé, dans ce livre, toute une histoire de son pays et des manipulations politiques du gouvernement Mao.
This book is based on the foresight and legacy of one very patriotic Chinese in China. His name or rather his late name was Zhao Ziyang, a once upon time Prime Minister.
He was firm, strong, courageous and non-compromising when coming to punishing the protesting students at Beijing, and whose many a death climaxed notoriously as the TIANANMEN MASSACRE. This tragedy happened in the year 1989. And because Premier Zhao sided with the students against the entrenched and die-hard members of the Chinese Communists elders of which the then Paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping, by his angry body language and dire accusations levelled at Zhao in a supposedly private meeting. But it turned out to be a kangaro type of judgment against Zhao by the group of his worse enemies who hated him out of covetedness and extreme personal jealousies. Zhao was summarily fired from his post as "heir" to Deng and imprisoned under house arrest at his home in Beijing. Even his guards would not sympathize with this dedicated leader. Before Zhao's dead some years earlier, he dictated what he felt was right and proper cause for China to persue - parlimentary democracy and freedom of speech and assembly - such daring concepts which are diametrically opposed to Communism - would have Deng's and Mao's bodies stirring fitfully in their graves had they known...! Premier Zhao recorded some 30 audio-tapes and arranged for these to be shipped secretly out of the country by his three buddies who came to visit with the sick and aging leader. After his death in 2004, the tapes were finally transcribed and now made available in English for not only the Chinese people but the entire free world to read , to ponder, and to learn the inner truth and struggles that went on inside the forbidding fortress of Beijing where the Communist elders sequested themselves and enjoying excellent food, wine and women at the expenses of the Chinese people outside who are slogging and earning just a bowl of rice in the cities and villagers. So what a contrast...! We all should thank the late Premier Zhao for telling the truth of his economic reforms and his intensed struggle with jealous party officials who were jockeying and currying favour with Paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, the old man! Had Premier Zhao live he would, no doubt, be awarded either the Nobel Peace Prize or the Noble Prize for Economics, as he was the main architect in opening up the country to foreign trade and develop economic reforms which we all witness today in China...and accorded her the superpower status.
I end here with a silent prayer to the late Premier Zhao Ziyang and may his soul rests in eternal peace with our Risen Lord...Amen.