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It's OK to Be Angry About Capitalism Hardcover – February 21, 2023
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“A clarion call against the American oligarchs . . . powerful.”—The Guardian
It’s OK to be angry about capitalism. Reflecting on our turbulent times, Senator Bernie Sanders takes on the billionaire class and speaks blunt truths about our country’s failure to address the destructive nature of a system that is fueled by uncontrolled greed and rigidly committed to prioritizing corporate profits over the needs of ordinary Americans.
Sanders argues that unfettered capitalism is to blame for an unprecedented level of income and wealth inequality, is undermining our democracy, and is destroying our planet. How can we accept an economic order that allows three billionaires to control more wealth than the bottom half of our society? How can we accept a political system that allows the super rich to buy politicians and swing elections? How can we accept an energy system that rewards the fossil fuel corporations causing the climate crisis? Sanders believes that, in the face of these overwhelming challenges, the American people must ask tough questions about the systems that have failed us and demand fundamental economic and political change. This is where the path forward begins.
It’s OK to Be Angry About Capitalism presents a vision that extends beyond the promises of past campaigns to reveal what would be possible if the political revolution took place, if we would finally recognize that economic rights are human rights, and if we would work to create a society that provides a decent standard of living for all. This isn’t some utopian fantasy; this is democracy as we should know it.
- Print length320 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherCrown
- Publication dateFebruary 21, 2023
- Dimensions6.43 x 1.1 x 9.55 inches
- ISBN-100593238710
- ISBN-13978-0593238714
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What's it about?
A progressive takedown of the uber-capitalist status quo that has enriched millionaires and billionaires at the expense of the working class, and a blueprint for what transformational change would actually look like.Popular highlight
True individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence.425 Kindle readers highlighted thisPopular highlight
Economic rights are human rights, and true individual freedom cannot exist without those rights.277 Kindle readers highlighted thisPopular highlight
The uber-capitalist economic system that has taken hold in the United States in recent years, propelled by uncontrollable greed and contempt for human decency, is not merely unjust. It is grossly immoral.248 Kindle readers highlighted this
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About the Author
John Nichols is an award-winning progressive author and journalist who serves as the national affairs correspondent for The Nation.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Not Me, Us
The 2020 campaign and the fight to transform our country
On April 8, 2020, after almost fourteen months of competing for the Democratic presidential nomination, I announced that we were suspending our campaign. The important message in the statement I made that day was “While this campaign is coming to an end, our movement is not.”
Given the growing pandemic, and social distancing requirements that effectively ended in-person campaigning, I made the announcement through a livestream from my home. I was deeply moved that some seven million people ended up viewing it. During my remarks, I chose to focus less on the practicalities of a campaign that had fallen short in the delegate count and more on the historic nature of what we had accomplished.
“I cannot in good conscience continue to mount a campaign that cannot win and which would interfere with the important work required of all of us in this difficult hour,” I explained. “But let me say this very emphatically: As you all know, we have never been just a campaign. We are a grassroots, multiracial, multigenerational movement which has always believed that real change never comes from the top on down but always from the bottom on up.”
Our campaign was like none other in modern American history. Built upon the foundation of a 2016 bid that had proposed a political revolution, we forged a grassroots working-class movement that was national in character, and which sought to overcome the overwhelming barriers to progress in the Democratic Party and the broader politics of the United States.
I ran, as had been the case since my first campaign almost fifty years earlier, as a democratic socialist who was ready and willing to take on the oligarchs, the plutocrats, and the billionaire class that had turned our economic system into their plaything. But this time was different. While my ideas were still dismissed as “radical” by political elites and many in the media, I began the 2020 campaign with a base of supporters that numbered in the millions and was prepared to fight for fundamental change. By the time the campaign was done, we had taken on Wall Street and the enormously powerful economic interests that control not just the economy but the politics of our nation. We had challenged the billionaire class and the corporate elite, their media and their super-PACs. We had taken on the political establishment in both major parties.
From the start, we achieved victories that shocked the pundits. We won the popular vote in the first three primary states on the way to securing almost ten million votes nationwide for a campaign that was suspended before more than two dozen primaries were held. We won California, the most populous state in the country, by more than 450,000 votes. For a time, we led the national polls, not only in the race for the Democratic nomination but in head-to-head matchups against Donald Trump. And we built a movement powered by young people who were prepared to trudge through snow to knock on doors in northern New Hampshire and to sweat through ninety-degree days in South Texas.
We had organized the most ambitious and most successful progressive presidential campaign in a century. Our ideas, which just a few years earlier had been dismissed as too extreme to be politically viable, had become part of the mainstream Democratic Party agenda. Our supporters and allies had begun to be elected to seats in Congress, and to chair state parties. We had expanded political consciousness and gotten millions of Americans to embrace a new understanding of what they had a right to expect from their government.
Most important for the long term, as a result of our campaign, young people were participating in the political process at an unprecedented rate. It turned out that our ideas and our movement were, in fact, the future of the Democratic Party. While poll after poll showed us doing more poorly than we’d hoped with older voters, those same polls showed that we were swamping the other candidates among younger voters—winning overwhelming support from Black, Latino, Asian American, Native American, and white voters under age forty. What was striking was that these young people were not only voting for us; they were the foundation of our grassroots campaign. They were the ones handing out literature, making phone calls, texting, raising small contributions, and volunteering in a hundred different ways.
A Campaign Finance Revolution
Our campaign attracted a new generation of voters because we revolutionized modern presidential politics.
At a time when virtually all campaigns were funded by super-PACs and the very rich, we broke that long-established mold and created an entirely new approach to raising sufficiently large sums of money to run a truly national presidential campaign. We did not hold one fundraiser in a billionaire’s mansion. We did not seek the support of super-PACs. Our campaign was fueled by the working class—teachers, postal clerks, Amazon warehouse workers, nurses, small-business owners, farmers, and veterans—with more than two million individual donors making ten million contributions that averaged $18.50. No campaign in American history had ever received that kind of support. We had revolutionized campaign financing, developing an entirely new model that rejected Big Money and put the people in control.
The way we ran our campaign was intentional. We knew that, to reach people who had grown justifiably cynical about politics, we had to abandon the practices that had caused tens of millions of American to lose faith in both major parties. We didn’t just talk about “rejecting the influence of big corporate money”—although I did that a lot—we actually did it. And we explained why it was absolutely necessary to reject “greed-fueled, corrupt corporate influence over elections.” The simple truth, as I said in every stump speech, is that no elected official is going to represent ordinary Americans and take on the special interests if they are beholden to Big Money. You can’t receive campaign contributions from the pharmaceutical industry and lower the outrageous cost of prescription drugs. You can’t rely on funding from the fossil fuel industry and combat climate change. You can’t take big checks from CEOs who have made their fortunes running non-union plants and then implement pro-worker labor law reforms. You can’t do fundraising events with billionaires and help develop a fair and progressive tax system.
Ultimately, of course, this country needs to enact fundamental campaign finance reforms to overturn the disastrous Supreme Court ruling in Citizens United and establish public funding of elections. But to get to the point where we can enact those reforms, candidates have to break free from the stranglehold of Big Money. And the only way to do that, as I learned a long time ago, is by relying on contributions from working-class people. Our campaign showed it was possible to do this even at the level of presidential politics.
Initially, we were told our approach was impractical. That it could never work. I knew that was wrong. So I went on social media and wrote: “I have a wild idea: I want to challenge you to help our campaign hit a goal that will absolutely astonish the political and financial establishment.” People from all across the country responded and political veterans were, indeed, astonished when our campaign raised $45 million in a single month—February 2020—with more than 2.2 million donations. The Guardian newspaper said we’d “established a gold standard for small-dollar fundraising.”
I was enormously proud of what we accomplished. I was prouder still of the legacy of our grassroots online fundraising efforts, which can be seen in the campaigns of a new generation of candidates, especially those running for Congress, who have rejected all corporate PAC money, basing their fundraising on small donations—ensuring they will never have to bend to pressure from Big Money interests.
Product details
- Publisher : Crown (February 21, 2023)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 320 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0593238710
- ISBN-13 : 978-0593238714
- Item Weight : 1.22 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.43 x 1.1 x 9.55 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #45,731 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #20 in Political Economy
- #56 in Economic Conditions (Books)
- #75 in United States National Government
- Customer Reviews:
About the author
BERNIE SANDERS ran as a Democratic candidate for President of the United States in 2015 and 2016. He served as mayor of Burlington, Vermont’s largest city, for eight years before defeating an incumbent Republican to be the sole congressperson for the state in the U.S. House of Representatives in 1991. He was elected to the Senate in 2007 and is now in his second term, making him the longest-serving independent in the history of the Congress. He lives in Burlington, Vermont, with his wife, Jane, and has four children and seven grandchildren.
Photo by United States Congress (http://sanders.senate.gov/) [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons
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Bernie addresses all the usual suspects, from health care to climate change. But he saves his greatest wrath for the capitalist forces that subordinate and exploit working Americans, most of whom are indentured wage-earners, and 60% of which struggle to get by from one paycheck to another. As he so correctly notes, it is capitalism itself, now hijacked by the owners of capital who control Wall Street, the banks, and corporate America, that is to blame for much of what ails America today.
“The uber-capitalist economic system that has taken hold in the United States in recent years, propelled by uncontrollable greed and contempt for human decency, is not merely unjust. It is grossly immoral.”
We are, as a result, witnesses to, and victims of, the greatest consolidation of wealth and income the country has ever seen:
“Yet, roughly 90 percent of the wealth of the nation is owned by one-tenth of 1 percent of that total [population].”
“Three firms – BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street – now control assets of over $20 trillion and are the major stockholders in more than 96 percent of S&P companies.”
“…three multibillionaires own more wealth than the 160 million Americans who make up the bottom half of our society.”
Workers “wages have been stagnant for fifty years” despite huge increases in productivity, the benefits of which has all been transferred upward.
There are many culprits, as Bernie notes, but none more significant than the formation of monopolies in all facets of the economy, particularly tech and finance. The eighteenth-century Scottish political economist, Adam Smith, who provided the blueprint for Western democratic capitalism, warned us that while free markets are more productive than regulated markets, they are prone to the formation of monopolies, which have to be regulated out of existence or they will destroy economic balance.
This inherent tendency, however, was hastened by the tech revolution, which famously removed the most significant barrier to monopolization; the capture, management, and dissemination of information. No longer restricted by geography or the practical constraints of managing growth, the tech revolution, having first established massive tech monopolies through structural disruption, not managerial talent, went on to monopolize traditional industries of every stripe – all while enriching Wall Street, the banks, and the capital class.
“Today, roughly 90 percent of all U.S. media is controlled by eight major media conglomerates…“
“In 2020, the CEOs of just eight prescription drug companies made $350 million in total compensation.”
The most visible manifestation of this demonic uber-capitalism is the total commercialization of American society and culture. Corporate executives were turned into capitalists by the activist shareholders of the 1980s and 90s. Entertainment and leisure was commercialized at about the same time.
In the 00s and 10s our political system was commercialized by the super-PACs and SCOTUS, which gave us Citizens United and Buckley v. Valeo, essentially turning our politicians into puppets of the capitalist class.
Most recently, even amateur sports have been uber-commercialized, as witnessed by the NCAA men’s and women’s basketball championship. NIL’s and the trade portal, along with corporate glorification of celebrity college athletes in the interest of selling unrelated products have made college sports a battle of mercenaries, essentially vaporizing the notion of team play and team spirit.
All told, this is a great book that shines a light on the blight of uber-capitalism and its negative impact on our politics, our society, and the quality of the lives we lead. In this election year it is the one book you should read. Thank you, Bernie.
I recommend this to everyone who knows the system has failed them because it brings hope to what feels like a hopeless situation