Overview
This entry reviews the research support and developmental trends of emotional reactivity in adolescence. This construct has generally been described under the umbrella term of emotion dysregulation which captures a problematic pattern of reaction to events and failure to regulate these emotions. This entry will define emotional reactivity and describe several methods to assess for individual differences in research. Emotional reactivity changes throughout development and may become more dysregulated during adolescence. This entry will conclude with identifying common forms of psychopathology related to maladaptive emotional reactivity and consider treatment implications.
Defining Emotional Reactivity
In recent years, a growing body of research has examined the relation between emotional processes and maladjustment throughout development (Eisenberg et al. 2010). This examination generally has focused on risk factors that alter normal developmental trajectories into those that may lead to poor outcomes (Cicchetti and Cohen 2006). The focus of this “affect revolution” (Adrian et al. 2011) has generally fallen under the encompassing rubric of temperament. Temperament is a broad construct that is considered a constitutionally based individual difference of emotional, motor, and attentional reactivity and self-regulation that is present from infancy and is relatively stable over time (Rothbart and Bates 1998). Importantly, researchers have highlighted that temperament is not as immutable as once thought and should be considered a developmental process that influences and is influenced by one’s environment (Rothbart 1989). Indeed, researchers have distinguished reactivity and regulatory aspects of temperament which, although dynamic and reciprocal, are distinct components of an individual’s emotional experience (Derryberry and Rothbart 1998; Gross et al. 1998).
Emotion regulation consists of internal and external processes responsible for monitoring, evaluating, and modifying emotional reactions to accomplish one’s goal (Thompson 1994). In general, emotion regulation is an ongoing process of an individual’s pattern of responding to contextual demands. Researchers have highlighted many processes involved in emotion regulation, with some viewed as automatic and involuntary, whereas others are under voluntary control (Gross and Thompson 2007). Effortful control, which includes the ability to shift and to focus one’s attention, to inhibit behavior, and to engage in actions toward a goal, is an aspect of self-regulation that is voluntary and develops with age (Eisenberg et al. 2010). Under difficult conditions, poor emotion regulation can impair functioning and contribute to the development of psychopathology (Yap et al. 2007).
Within the framework of this review, we focus on emotional reactivity, which is a distinct aspect of reaction to events (Eisenberg et al. 2010). Emotional reactivity has been characterized as the emotional response to events that may vary between individuals in terms of intensity, speed at which it reaches peak, and return from this peak back to baseline (Rothbart and Derryberry 1981). Nock et al. (2008) summarize the conceptualization of emotional reactivity as the extent to which an individual experiences emotions, responds to a variety of stimuli (sensitivity), the intensity of the response, and the duration of arousal. Adding to the intricacy of this construct is that emotionality is manifested across multiple systems including subjective experiences, behavioral responses, and physiological changes (Tracy et al. 2014). Emotional reactivity is an area of particular importance, as it may help explain how and why some individuals are vulnerable to develop psychopathology based on their reactivity to life events or by their behavioral tendencies (Nock et al. 2008).
Assessment of Emotional Reactivity
Currently, there is not an individual measure for emotional reactivity that is identified as the “gold standard.” Given that there are many factors that influence emotions and emotional responses, emotional reactivity can be broken down into subcategories including (1) experiential/subjective, (2) behavioral/expressive, and (3) physiological (Bylsma et al. 2008). The following examples are for illustrative purposes of common measures used to assess emotional reactivity; however, this is not an exhaustive list (for a thorough list, see Adrian et al. 2011).
Self-/Parent Report
Due to the lack of specificity in research examining emotional processes, much of the measurement of emotional reactivity may be found embedded within questionnaires targeted at emotion regulation or dysregulation (Kovacks et al. 2008). For example, the Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale (DERS; Gratz and Roemer 2004) measures several different aspects of emotionality. This 36-item self-report questionnaire includes subscales of impulsive difficulty in controlling emotions that parallel the emotional intensity feature of emotional reactivity. Additionally, other self-report questionnaires measure constructs that are related to emotional reactivity, such as the Response to Stress Questionnaire (RSQ; Connor-Smith et al. 2000), which measures the strategies (including emotion) used to cope with stress (Adrian et al. 2011), and the Child Pictorial Scale of Problems (Kidwell and Barnett 2007), which assesses emotional responses to problems, such as scary dreams, and is intended for 6-year-old children (Adrian et al. 2011). Although these measures were not designed to directly map onto the defining features of emotional reactivity, there is a strong parallel between these scales and emotional reactivity.
Some scales have been designed to directly assess the various features of emotional reactivity. The Emotion Reactivity Scale (ERS; Nock et al. 2008), a 21-item self-report measure, is often used to assess three subcategories (emotional sensitivity, persistence, and intensity) and is helpful in determining trait levels of self-reported emotion response to events. For example, Shapero et al. (2016) utilized this assessment in a sample of 127 adolescents and found a high degree of internal consistency and a significant association with self-reported intensity of reaction to a social stress task, suggesting that this measure is a valid measure of self-reported emotional reactivity. Another direct measure of emotional reactivity was developed by Carthy et al. (2010) entitled the Reactivity and Regulation (REAR)-Situation Task. This task is a computerized self-report measure to assess emotional reactivity in response to several daily life scenarios and has been utilized in early to late adolescents (10–17 years old).
Parents often play an important role in assessing their child’s emotional reactivity, particularly at a younger age. The National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development asked mothers to complete a 10-item questionnaire regarding how they perceived their child’s expression of emotions in response to different scenarios (Eisenberg et al. 1994). An emotional reactivity score was calculated from the mother’s responses, with higher scores indicating more perceived emotional reactivity. A study that used this measure of reactivity found significant association with later emotional and behavioral problems suggesting that early signs of maladaptive responses to events were good predictors of possible maladaptive outcomes, particularly when in a context of high stress (Shapero and Steinberg 2013).
Interviews and Vignettes
In addition to self-report questionnaires, clinically administered interviews and vignettes may also be useful measures of emotional reactivity. For example, the Challenging Situation Task (CST; Zahn-Waxler et al. 1996) is a semi-structured interview used to measure emotional organization in responses to situations or dilemmas and may characterize how an individual emotionally responds in a variety of scenarios and is intended for use with children ages 4–6. In addition, Giesbrecht and colleagues (2010) modified the Child’s Coping Scale (Eisenberg et al. 1993) to be used as both a child self-report as well as a parent-report measure to assess the child’s emotional response to rejection/social exclusion by peers and is intended for use with children ages 4–12 (Adrian et al. 2011). These interviews incorporate aspects of emotional reactivity; however, there is not a clinical interview designed to measure emotional reactivity as a stand-alone construct.
Physiological Measures
An individual’s physiological response to stress is often used as a correlate of emotional reactivity. The autonomic nervous system (ANS), through the sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous system, constitutes a key part of the body’s fast-acting “fight-or-flight” response to threat and works by increasing or decreasing biological systems such as respiration and heart rate (Bernston et al. 1991). In youth, the ANS response can be obtained by various types of measurement including heart rate, blood pressure, vagal tone, electrocardiogram (e.g., EKG), and galvanic skin response (Adrian et al. 2011). These measures can often be useful in interpreting differences between groups responding to stress. For example, Rottenberg et al. (2003) measured respiratory sinus arrhythmia responses in depressed and nondepressed individuals using EKG/ECG and found that depressed subjects did not experience an increase in ANS response when shown sad stimuli, despite invoking tearful crying. These findings were interpreted to suggest that there may be a deficit in the ANS in depressed individuals as there was discordance in their physiology and behavioral expressions. Although there are many metrics used to measure reactivity, it is important to incorporate developmental considerations in these systems as important differences may emerge based on pubertal status (Hankin et al. 2010).
Development of Emotional Reactivity
Given the link with temperament, researchers suggest emotional reactivity develops early in life. Importantly however, in young children it is difficult to distinguish between reactivity and regulation of emotions (Yap et al. 2007; Zemon et al. 2006). It appears that early individual differences in emotional reactivity may influence the development of these regulatory processes later in life (e.g., Fox and Calkins 2003). Differential emotions theory (Izard and Malatesta 1987) suggests that infants exhibit universal emotional expressions early in life and that during later infancy and the toddler years, they begin to develop the differentiation of expression to specific stimuli. This development is largely due to the socialization of emotions from early caregivers and later through overt discussion and social context (Zemon et al. 2006). Researchers have measured levels of emotionality in early childhood (Eisenberg et al. 1994) and have correlated these emotional expressions with internalizing and externalizing problems (Eisenberg et al. 2001). Using a longitudinal design, Belsky et al. (2001) found that negative emotionality in young children predicted less social competence, compared to those with lower levels of this emotional expression. Although the measurement of emotional experience during childhood has largely been through observation, parental report, or physiological measurement, researchers have also attempted to incorporate self-report and interview-based approaches (Bowie 2010).
Adolescence is a developmental period with a number of important transitions including puberty, shifting parental and peer support, dating, the development of self-identity, and continued cognitive maturation (Steinberg and Morris 2001). In addition, adolescence may mark an important transition in the normative development of emotional reactivity (Spear 2009) with some reporting that adolescence is a time of significant increases in emotional reactivity and greater sensitivity to stressors (e.g., Casey et al. 2010; Diener et al. 1985). Researchers suggest that the biological changes that occur during pubertal maturation are associated with unique responses to stress, heightened baseline stress, and increases based on stress-induced activity (Lupien et al. 2009; Romeo 2010). Sumter et al. (2010) evaluated the stress response in a sample of individuals ranging from 9 to 17 years of age. Consistent with the notion of biological stress sensitivity during adolescence, results suggest an increasing response to stress in both the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis and ANS system, which increased both as a function of age and pubertal status (Sumter et al. 2010). Taken together, emotional reactivity appears to develop through childhood and increase during adolescence, making this an important factor of change during this pivotal period in an individual’s development.
When Emotional Reactivity Becomes Maladaptive
Researchers have been interested in risk factors in childhood that may lead to alterations in developmental trajectories of emotional reactivity. Similar to work focused on temperamental differences, some aspects of emotional reactivity are, in part, related to biological characteristics. In their review from a neuroscience perspective, Goldsmith et al. (2008) highlight genetic and neural processes that may modulate different emotional reactions and the ability of children to regulate their emotional response. In addition, physiological reactions in the fear response both in the amygdala and HPA system may be one mechanism that influences the experiences of an emotional response (Compas et al. 2004; Zemon et al. 2006). An examination of how these constitutional differences interact with early life experiences to predict developmental trajectories is a fruitful endeavor for future research.
A multitude of research has focused on contextual factors that influence the developmental of emotional reactivity. Researchers have highlighted the importance of the family environment in the development of emotionality and suggest that children may develop emotion competencies and strategies through direct observation of parents, as a consequence of specific parenting practices, and through the emotional climate of the family (Morris et al. 2007). For instance, Graziano et al. (2010) examined the role of maternal behavior and children’s emotion processes in the development of reactive control and found that, over time, children’s reactive control increased from an early age to childhood so that they were better able to regulate their emotions. Importantly, maternal behavior characterized by high levels of overcontrol and intrusiveness at an early age was found to negatively predict a child’s effortful control, whereas maternal warmth and responsiveness was found to positively predict a child’s effortful control 3 years later (Graziano et al. 2010), highlighting the role of caregivers and family context in the development of effective self-regulation abilities. Similarly, parenting styles that are characterized by warmth and positive expression may be a protective factor for emotional instability early in life (Eisenberg et al. 2005). An emotional contagion effect of negative emotions also may be induced from parents who are depressed. Infants of depressed mothers may be more reactive and less able to use effective strategies to self-soothe compared to infants of nondepressed mothers (Manian and Bornstein 2009). Family emotional expressivity and expressed emotion may also be a mechanism through which heightened levels of emotional reactivity may be developed, although relatively few studies have directly examined this hypothesis (Morris et al. 2007).
Stress in the family context is consistently associated with maladaptive outcomes in childhood and adolescence. According to Evans et al. (2005), growing up in a chaotic household, characterized by a lack of structure and routine, high levels of noise, and overcrowding, may interfere with developmental competencies. These researchers suggest that living in a household in which routines are inconsistent and unpredictable may lead to feelings of helplessness in children and may undermine a child’s ability to self-regulate (Evans et al. 2005). In a long-term longitudinal study, McLaughlin et al. (2010) found that children who grew up with a lower socioeconomic status and with childhood environments characterized by greater conflict and adversity demonstrated higher levels of emotional reactivity that, in turn, predict the onset of adult mood and anxiety disorders. Taken further, contextual stress may differentially impact youth who are emotionally reactive. A nationally representative longitudinal study followed youth from early childhood until adolescence and found that the impact of household chaos on adolescent mental health depend on the child’s emotional reactivity (Shapero and Steinberg 2013). That is, the adverse impact of household chaos on emotional problems was observed among adolescents who were highly emotionally reactive as young children, but not among those who were less reactive, suggesting that individual temperament impacts experiences of childhood contexts (Shapero and Steinberg 2013).
Emotional Reactivity and Psychopathology
Adolescence is a period of increased stress (Ge et al. 1994) and heightened risk for the development of psychopathology (Kessler et al. 2005). The confluence of developmental processes, increases in environmental stressors, and the increased risk for the development of psychopathology in adolescence makes studying emotion reactivity integral in understanding relationship between emotional reactivity and various forms of psychological problems.
Emotional reactivity is consistently linked with depression. Individuals who report more intense and labile emotions and less effective regulation strategies reported more problem behaviors and more depressive symptoms (Silk et al. 2003). McLaughlin et al. (2009) found that adolescents who were more emotionally dysregulated, in terms of their emotional expression, were more likely to experience depressive symptoms when confronted by peer victimization. In a longitudinal examination, Charbonneau et al. (2009) found that those high in emotional reactivity were more likely to experience depressive symptoms in response to stress compared to those lower in reactivity. Individuals high in emotional reactivity are also more likely to experience self-injurious thoughts and behaviors (Nock et al. 2008).
The tripartite model (Clark and Watson 1991) suggests that low positive emotionality may be uniquely associated with depression, whereas high negative emotionality may be predictive of both depression and anxiety. This conceptualization has received considerable support (Compas et al. 2004). For example, in a sample of young children, those with internalizing symptoms were more prone to negative emotionality and lower abilities to regulate their emotions (Eisenberg et al. 2001). Krueger et al. (1996) also found that negative emotionality during adolescence and early adulthood was significantly associated with both concurrent and subsequent depressive symptoms. Individuals who had low levels of positive emotionality were more likely to experience depressive symptoms when confronted by parental rejection, whereas those with high levels of positive emotionality appeared to be protected against such events (Lengua et al. 2000). Negative emotionality also has been associated with internalizing symptoms and is a vulnerability factor for the development of mood and anxiety disorders in adulthood (Caspi et al. 1995).
The connection between high negative emotionality and anxiety proposed in the tripartite model has been supported by numerous child and adolescent studies. When presented with ambiguous situations with potentially threatening meanings, Carthy et al. (2010) found that anxious children demonstrated higher intensity and frequency of negative emotional responses in the ambiguous situations when compared to non-anxious controls. In a study designed to measure adolescent emotional reactivity in real time, anxious adolescents reported greater levels of nervousness and upset affect in response to distressing events (Tan et al. 2012). Additionally, children with anxiety disorders report experiencing worry and anger more intensely than children without anxiety disorders, supporting the connection between anxiety and high negative emotional reactivity (Suveg and Zeman 2004). Longitudinal research has shown that high emotionality in childhood is linked to symptoms of depression and anxiety in adolescence (Karevold et al. 2009) and in adulthood (McLaughlin et al. 2010).
Emotional reactivity is also associated with substance use among adolescents. In a longitudinal study, Winward et al. (2014) found an association between increased emotional reactivity and heavy episodic drinking (≥4/≥5 drinks in females/males within a 2-h period) and greater alcohol consumption and frequency in adolescence. In addition, emotional reactivity may be a risk factor for the development of future substance-related problems in adolescence. Griffin et al. (2015) found a positive association between emotional process and perceived stress and later misuse of substances. Moreover, dysregulated emotions during late childhood have been associated with the development of substance use disorders by early adulthood making the context through which one processes emotions a risk factor for the development of later substance-related problems (Tarter et al. 2003).
Deficits in emotional reactivity are often reported in youth with disruptive behavior disorders. For example, boys with conduct disorders have lower self-reported and ANS response to aversive stimuli than healthy subjects (Herpertz et al. 2005). The combination of conduct disorders (CD) and ADHD is associated with even lower reactivity (Herpertz et al. 2005) and faster habituation to aversive stimuli (Herpertz et al. 2001). Additionally, Sharp et al (2008) conducted a study in children between 7 and 11 years old to elicit an emotional response and then followed them after 1 year. They found that youth with decreased arousal at baseline had higher levels of conduct problems and that youth with high levels of arousal had higher subsequent anxiety symptoms. Thus, it is posited that behavioral problems may be associated with youth experiencing negative stimuli as less aversive (Masi et al. 2014). This represents a distinction between these externalizing disorders and previously described associations with increased reactivity in youth who develop depression, anxiety, or substance-related problems.
Summary
Emotional reactivity has been defined as the intensity and duration of an emotional response to a variety of stimuli and can be measured through direct observation and interviews, self-report, and physiological means. Emotional reactivity is a distinct construct from emotion regulation and is often characterized under the overarching term of emotion dysregulation. As described, emotional reactivity is a developmental process that changes from childhood to adolescence. Numerous factors, such as parenting styles and environmental context, contribute to the development of maladaptive forms of emotional reactivity. Differences in emotional responses to environmental stimuli have been associated with concurrent and prospective forms of psychopathology during adolescence and young adulthood. Although psychological interventions tend to target forms of psychopathology, there is a direct association between outcomes and emotional responses (e.g., Carthy et al. 2016). There is a growing interest and body of research in developmental considerations of emotional reactivity and outcomes which stand to make a considerable impact on our understanding of emotional processes throughout life. Future inquiry should continue to use rigorous scientific methods to build off of the research described in this review.
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Shapero, B.G., Dale, C.F., Archibald, A.R., Pedrelli, P. (2018). Emotional Reactivity. In: Levesque, R.J.R. (eds) Encyclopedia of Adolescence. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-33228-4_786
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