Baixe o app Kindle gratuito e comece a ler livros do Kindle instantaneamente em seu smartphone, tablet ou computador - sem a necessidade de um dispositivo Kindle.
Leia instantaneamente em seu navegador com o Kindle para internet.
Usando a câmera do seu celular, digitalize o código abaixo e baixe o app Kindle.
Imagem não disponível
Cor:
-
-
-
- Para ver este vídeo faça o download Flash Player
My Life, Our Times Capa comum – 28 agosto 2018
Preço | Novo a partir de | Usado a partir de |
Audiolivro, Versão integral
"Tente novamente" |
R$ 128,99
| — | — |
Gordon Brown has been a guiding force for Britain and the world over three decades. This is his candid, poignant and deeply relevant story.
In describing his upbringing in Scotland as the son of a minister, the near loss of his eyesight as a student and the death of his daughter within days of her birth, he shares the passionately held principles that have shaped and driven him, reminding us that politics can and should be a calling to serve.
He explains how as Chancellor he equipped Britain for a globalised economy while swimming against the neoliberal tide and shows what more must be done to halt rising inequality. In his behind-the-scenes account of the financial crisis and his leading role in saving the world economy from collapse, he addresses the question of who was to blame for the crash and why its causes and consequences still beset us.
From the invasion of Iraq to the tragedy of Afghanistan, from the coalition negotiations of 2010 to the referendums on Scottish independence and Europe, Gordon Brown draws on his unique experiences to explain Britain's current fractured condition. And by showing us what progressive politics has achieved in recent decades, he inspires us with a vision of what it might yet achieve today.
- Número de páginas512 páginas
- IdiomaInglês
- EditoraVintage
- Data da publicação28 agosto 2018
- Dimensões12.7 x 3.3 x 19.69 cm
- ISBN-109781784707460
- ISBN-13978-1784707460
Clientes que compraram este item também compraram
Descrição do produto
Sobre o Autor
All Gordon Brown's proceeds from My Life, Our Times will go to the Jennifer Brown Research Laboratory and Theirworld children's charity.
Detalhes do produto
- ASIN : 1784707465
- Editora : Vintage (28 agosto 2018)
- Idioma : Inglês
- Capa comum : 512 páginas
- ISBN-10 : 9781784707460
- ISBN-13 : 978-1784707460
- Dimensões : 12.7 x 3.3 x 19.69 cm
- Ranking dos mais vendidos: Nº 111,159 em Livros (Conheça o Top 100 na categoria Livros)
- Nº 37 em Biografias Importadas da Realeza
- Nº 65 em Biografias Importadas de Presidentes e Chefes de Estado
- Nº 426 em Memórias e Biografias Importadas
- Avaliações dos clientes:
Sobre o autor
Descubra mais livros do autor, veja autores semelhantes, leia blogs de autores e muito mais
Avaliações de clientes
As avaliações de clientes, incluindo as avaliações do produto por estrelas, ajudam os clientes a saberem mais sobre o produto e a decidirem se é o produto certo para eles.
Para calcular a classificação geral por estrelas e o detalhamento percentual por estrelas, não usamos uma média simples. Em vez disso, nosso sistema considera coisas como o quão recente é uma avaliação e se o avaliador comprou o produto na Amazon. As avaliações também são analisadas para verificar a confiabilidade.
Saiba mais sobre como as avaliações de clientes funcionam na AmazonPrincipais avaliações de outros países
In this memoir, Brown lays out his philosophy for a fairer, more equal society, accepting globalisation as an incontrovertible fact but looking for ways to make it work for the weak as well as the strong, internationalist, and, above all, with the belief that the highest purpose of any politician or government should be to lift children out of poverty and give them the health and educational opportunities to achieve whatever their potential may be. He discusses the policies he put in place to achieve these aims, first as Chancellor, then as Prime Minister, and is as honest about his failures as his successes. He talks about the events, many of them external to the UK or global in nature, that restricted his ability to go at the speed he wished. And he discusses how the job of Prime Minister has changed in the age of 24-hour news where everyone wants a five-second soundbite rather than a considered debate, and where PMs are expected to be the mouthpiece on every policy decision, rather than Cabinet Ministers having responsibility for their own departments. He recognises that this makes the role more Presidential, a change he clearly rues, and that it means that a PM now has to be first and foremost a communicator, even an entertainer, certainly a celebrity, rather than the Chair of a Cabinet of equals. He is honest about his own failings in that respect.
In terms of policy, Brown is the politician I have most admired in my lifetime. It was rare for me ever to disagree with his policies, as Chancellor or PM, and his political priorities are mine too. Not too surprising, perhaps, since we both grew up in the same era, in a Scotland which still valued its place in the Union and which had Calvinism embedded into every aspect of life. Equality through education has been a pillar of Scottish ambition for generations – often mistaken as arising from the country’s socialist tendencies, but in reality more complex than that, rooted more in the Reformation than in revolution. As a son of the Manse, Brown is open about his strong religious beliefs and how they formed his political philosophy and have motivated him throughout his life. He is not, however, a proselytiser – for him, faith is personal but the ideals of faith should be universal. And for Brown, universal means looking beyond borders – he believes that rich countries have a duty to developing nations, especially with regards to ensuring universal access to education for all children. This is a cause to which he still devotes himself long after leaving the main political arena. It was also under Brown that the UK first made a legal commitment to reduce carbon emissions, the first major economy to do so, and which changed the debate from “if” to “when” and “how”.
The book is very much a political memoir. A reader hoping for juicy gossip about the Blair/Brown saga or salacious tidbits about scandals in Westminster will be disappointed. He starts with a quick run-through of his childhood and education, just enough to give the reader an understanding of the foundations on which his lifetime of service is built. He talks of the injury in his youth that left him partially sighted, and how it to some extent limited his career options and has always been a difficulty he has had to work to overcome.
Entering Parliament in 1983, he is fairly brief about the Thatcher years, discussing them only in so far as they led to Brown and Blair developing the political platform which would come to be known as New Labour, or in Blair’s more mystical phrase, the Third Way – a centrist position that attempts to achieve the aims of socialism within a globalised capitalist system. He talks about the famous “deal” the two men made when the then Labour leader John Smith unexpectedly died, that Brown would not stand against Blair for the job of Labour leader but that Blair would hand over to him at some unspecified and frequently disputed point in the future. But though one can metaphorically hear that his teeth are still grinding a little over what he saw as Blair’s refusal to fulfil his part of the deal, he doesn’t dwell on it. He praises Blair’s achievements and recognises his skills as a communicator. To many of us who had waited too long for a Labour government, it seemed they were the ideal combination – Brown with strong roots in the Labour tradition guiding economic and social policy, Blair with the ability to appeal to people who would never have thought of themselves as left-wing, and thus win elections – a thing the leftist purists would do well to remember is essential. The book left me with the impression that Brown still doesn’t fully understand how frustrating many of us found it that their time in office should be marred by a feud over who should be the alpha male.
The bulk of the book, however, is given over to a detailed discussion of the policies he put in place, or tried to, as Chancellor and then as PM. For political geeks (like me), this is fascinating and insightful, although there is not much in it that we didn’t already know. He tells us about the impact of “Events, dear boy, events!”, such as the terror attacks that followed the US-led invasion of Iraq, the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease and the later global banking crash, on his ability to fulfil his agenda. And he finishes with a kind of manifesto for the future, not so much on policy, but on how democracy in our suddenly unstable Union, still wobbling from the impact of Brexit, needs to renew and strengthen itself if it is to be fit to face an uncertain future.
A serious, thoughtful book from a man who still believes that politics can change the world for the better, if we want it to. Both refreshing and depressing to be reminded of how recent it is that we had people of the calibre of Blair and Brown in power, and perhaps a timely call to arms for us to do a better job of picking our future leaders.
Let’s start with a quote from Gordon to kick off things:
‘The task of leadership is to discover where power lies, to ask how justified it is and, where it is unjustified, rein it in.’
Gordon uses the word ‘neoliberalism’ quite freely, and I had to stop reading to do a search through the eBook to see if I could get my head around this term, which I admit I had heard a lot in the media, and just went along with, even though I hadn’t a clue what this was.
I see neoliberalism as something which has branched out from globalisation. To be frank, I still don’t really understand it, but sometimes you have to go along with something just to try and keep up with the rest of the class.
Gordon says he had to answer the question, Can the Labour Party be trusted with the economy? ‘None doubted our willingness to spend money, but too many doubted our capacity to spend prudently.’
Gordon writes about ‘how we set out new approaches and how they succeeded or failed.’ He further goes on to say: ‘My own biggest regret was that in the greatest peacetime challenge – a catastrophic global recession that threatened to become a depression – I failed to persuade the British people that the progressive policies I pushed for, nationally and internationally, were the right and fairest way to respond.’ Gordon says historians will assess the last seven years ‘as a lost decade’ but ‘that the story need not end this way.’
I can’t help feeling that it’s not always what is said that matters, but what is left unsaid. 2003 is a year that won’t go away. Gordon says about Tony Blair, ‘He felt that after falling out with Germany and France on Iraq, he could rebuild alliances over the euro, and, of course he also saw it as part of his legacy.’
Subsequently Gordon describes ‘a furious shouting match between Tony and me.’ I leave it to the reader to come to his/her own conclusions.
What is clear, though, is that Gordon was against GB adopting the euro because ‘evidence we had assembled showed that the economics of the single currency currently did not work for Britain.’ In what way, we might ask. Gordon suggests if we did enter, ‘we would have to do more to protect our housing market’ for instance.
I wonder what we are teaching our children in school about this bloody period. Mr Blair wanted to exchange the British pound for the euro so that he could be friends with France and Germany again because they didn’t want the Iraq invasion, but he did?
This is the part of the book I felt needed breaking down. So let’s do this:
Refer to Chapter 13 Iraq: How We Were All Misled. Then do a search on ‘weapons of mass destruction’ and/or ‘WMD’. Gordon says, ‘I ask myself over and over whether I could have made more of a difference before that fateful decision was taken.’
As the then Chancellor, Gordon’s job was to find the money to finance the war: ‘Just before Parliament was recalled and the dossier published I agreed to Geoff Hoon’s equipment requests, setting an initial overall ceiling of £150 million.’
I searched the internet and came up with this archive Daily Telegraph heading: Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan were a 'failure' costing £29bn
The UK has spent £35 billion on wars since the Berlin Wall fell, according to the Royal United Services Institute
To sum up: I found the Index useful, as was the search tool, seeing as I had bought the eBook. Because Gordon has to cover so much in such limited word count, it is credit to the editor that a book is produced which isn’t too heavy. Readers can focus on the areas that interest them in particular; for example, the toxic Fred Goodwin saga is covered quite neatly here, along with Gordon’s role, taking all the credit – related not without humour − in snatching the world from the jaws of financial meltdown. Actually that’s not a great metaphor. Let’s try again: How about holding on to the world’s feet as it was sucked into the abyss by the amorphous blob aka financial meltdown. There. I think I’ll go and have a lie down now.
There are some really nice b/w photos at the end of the eBook, which come out quite clearly on my Kindle.
I would like to add that all proceeds from Gordon’s book go to the Jennifer Brown Research Laboratory and Theirworld children’s charity.
This is a political memoir: the truth as one man sees it, but not the whole truth. So commentators will pick over it to compare and contrast it with other accounts. But I think its value is that here we can find out how Gordon Brown sees himself. He begins by saying he is not good at sharing his emotions. There is a moving chapter on the birth, short life and death of his daughter Jennifer. But apart from that we mostly get the political rather than the personal. He returns many times to the core belief in a fairer world that shaped his career and fuelled his ambition. But while his beliefs are clear, the process of implementing them comes across as an agony. He recounts his successes - tax credits, investment in the NHS - without seeming to be someone at peace with himself or able to work with colleagues.
Even when he becomes prime minister, he seems uneasy - until his finest hour comes with the world banking crisis. The chapters on how governments around the world were rallied to prevent a repeat of the 1930s slump are exhilarating. But a terrible let down follows. As Brown puts it, he won the battle but lost the war when he lost power to a government committed to the austerity he knew was a mistake. The chancellor who in 1997 committed himself to tight controls of spending and the deficit could not persuade people in 2010 that public spending and deficits were now a good thing.
The arguments about the Blair-Brown years will echo down the years. This account will be part of the evidence, along with Blair’s brasher, more glibly confident version. His own conclusion seems to reflect self-doubt: “You have to stay true to the dream. That I hope I did most of the time.”
Brown wants to take Blair on by showing he is a great communicator of ideas and by painting his picture of a fairer Britain, but this was/is Blair's strength and Brown's weakness. Brown on the other hand is brilliant when disclosing his dominant role in organising developed nations to agree a united monetary/fiscal response to the GFC. Barely a year after saving the world Brown was ejected by the electorate for the bumptious mediocrities of Cameron/Osbourne and in one of the best chapters, Brown laments his failure to explain just how heroic he had been in saving the global financial system to the electorate. He also lucidly explains why Cameron's austerity programme was a failure and the grand folly of the Liberal party signing up to this too. The chapter on the 2010 election is excellent; in particular the days after the election when Brown remained at number 10 as all the parties sought a coalition. The subsequent chapters setting out his beliefs are awful and feel like they have been rush written.
I mean no offence by this, because Gordon Brown's achievement (he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and Prime Minister) was impressive, but he was social awkward I think and had a view of himself that didn't chime with what others said. That he didn't address this (other than talking about one row with Tony Blair -who had talked about thinking about sacking him for years- probably does confirm this view, to my mind at least, as it attests to a certain lack of self awareness being present.
So, what was the book like? It probably had the right balance between growing up (maybe 25 to 30% of the book), his early political years, his time as Chancellor, and Prime Minister, and his views on what happened after he left office.
One of my two grumbles would focus on the fact he seems convinced he could have maybe won the leadership election against Tony Blair (and not just split the progressive vote), and definitely won had Tony Blair not entered. I kind of doubt this, as it beggars the question if you thought that, why didn't you enter?
My other grumble focuses on what he did in the heat of the financial crisis, arguing that raising public spending in the poor times and allowing the market to take over in good times. He then goes on to concede that he was spending in the good times too, and dismissed any thought that this was incongruous with what he did later in 2 or 3 paragraphs.
All in all it's not a bad book, but you'll be feeling a bit irritated by how he sees himself by the end of the book I think.