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Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945 (Oxford History of the United States) Reprint Edition
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The Depression was both a disaster and an opportunity. As David Kennedy vividly demonstrates, the economic crisis of the 1930s was far more than a simple reaction to the alleged excesses of the 1920s. For more than a century before 1929, America's unbridled industrial revolution had gyrated through repeated boom and bust cycles, wastefully consuming capital and inflicting untold misery on city and countryside alike.
Freedom From Fear explores how the nation agonized over its role in World War II, how it fought the war, why the United States won, and why the consequences of victory were sometimes sweet, sometimes ironic. In a compelling narrative, Kennedy analyzes the determinants of American strategy, the painful choices faced by commanders and statesmen, and the agonies inflicted on the millions of ordinary Americans who were compelled to swallow their fears and face battle as best they could.
Both comprehensive and colorful, this account of the most convulsive period in American history, excepting only the Civil War, reveals a period that formed the crucible in which modern America was formed.
The Oxford History of the United States
The Atlantic Monthly has praised The Oxford History of the United States as "the most distinguished series in American historical scholarship," a series that "synthesizes a generation's worth of historical inquiry and knowledge into one literally state-of-the-art book. Who touches these books touches a profession."
Conceived under the general editorship of one of the leading American historians of our time, C. Vann Woodward, The Oxford History of the United States blends social, political, economic, cultural, diplomatic, and military history into coherent and vividly written narrative. Previous volumes are Robert Middlekauff's The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution; James M. McPherson's Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (which won a Pulitzer Prize and was a New York Times Best Seller); and James T. Patterson's Grand Expectations: The United States 1945-1974 (which won a Bancroft Prize).
- ISBN-100195144031
- ISBN-13978-0195144031
- EditionReprint
- PublisherOxford University Press
- Publication dateApril 19, 2001
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions9.4 x 6.1 x 2.1 inches
- Print length936 pages
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"A grand historical synthesis...this is the kind of book prizes are made for."--Chicago Tribune
"A sophisticated and complete one-volume history of a traumatic period such as the Great Depression or World War II.... Kennedy gives a seamless account of the war."--Mark Gamin, Cleveland Plain Dealer
"An elegant book, beautifully written and remarkably quick to read. In the realm of narrative history, as the saying goes, it doesn't get any better than this....The author is both a master at guiding the reader through the diplomatic thicket of that era and a first-rate chronicler of the invasions, land campaigns, sea battles, and air strikes in every theater of the War."--David M. Oshinsky, The New Leader
"An indispensable account of the two great formative events of 20th century American history--the Great Depression and the second World War."--The Economist
"By linking the Depression and World War II...David Kennedy has undertaken an original approach to modern history.... [he] provides a grand historical synthesis in Freedom From Fear.... this is the kind of book prizes are made for."--Herbert Mitgang, Chicago Tribune
"Excellent text, well-written, focused."--David Lindquist, Indiana University
"Kennedy skillfully weaves together the era's social, economic, and political strands. Even those who thought they knew it all, or who indeed lived through all or most of these years, will find illuminating information and insights on almost every page"--Los Angeles Times Book Review
"One of our most broad-gauged American historians brings us that increasing rarity: a big book about a big subject.... The Stanford scholar takes on the job of tracing the American people through three of the most important and important and widely written about epochs in the century...and provides us with consistently original and sometimes startling conclusions."--The Washington Post
"Splendid.... It is a worthy addition to the multi-volume 'Oxford History of the United States' and deserves to become the standard work of introduction to its three subjects--the Depression, the New Deal, and America's part in the second world war.... Mr. Kennedy is master of his material in a double sense. He exhibits a comprehensive knowledge of events, making very few factual slips... The benefit, in terms of clarity, is immense.... This is one of the most valuable forms of scholarly originality, and it will make itself felt over a long time."--The Economist
"This is modern America's story--modern America's most thrilling, most irresistible, and most significant story--and in this massive volume, David M. Kennedy makes it his story in a way that no one has before. Freedom From Fear, the fourth installment of the new Oxford History of the United States to appear, is as much a triumph as its predecessors, providing every indication that the series, once completed, will stand as the most comprehensive and most compelling narrative history of the nation."--David M. Shribman, Boston Globe
"Rarely does a work of historical synthesis combine such trenchant analysis and elegant writing as does Kennedy's spectacular contribution to the Oxford History of the United States. Kennedy uses a wide canvas to depict all aspects of the American political, social and economic experience from 1929 to 1945. He also provides a stunningly original reinterpretation of the competing forces and interests that combined to shape the New Deal under FDR's direction. The book's final 400 pages admirably demonstrate exactly how the U.S. emerged victorious in WWII.... Because of its scope, its insight and its purring narrative engine, Kennedy's book will stand for years to come as the definitive history of the most important decades of the American Century." --Publishers Weekly
"An engrossing narrative of a momentous time. The best one-volume account of the Roosevelt era currently available.... Good old-fashioned history."-- The New York Times Book Review
"The book...has my strong approval. As it will have, I cannot doubt, that of the many readers it deserves."--John C. Gilbraith, The Washington Monthly
"An invaluable compendium of the hyperactive period that contains the Great depression and the Second World War."--The Washington Times
"Kennedy's book is the most illuminating, riveting, comprehensive, and graceful one-volume history of this nation's experiences during the Great Depression, New Deal, and WWII published to date.... This is social, political, dipolmatic, and military history written magisterially with broad but nuanced strokes across a 16-year span that utterly transformed the lives of Americans and the world.... Librarians should order this book for their libraries, faculty members should assign it, and everyone should read it."—Choice
"Kennedy's grasp of deep-rooted social problems and his enlightening, analytical style are very much in evidence.... [he] brilliantly explores the conflicting nuances of [Roosevelt's] character and program.... Kennedy has achieved a judicious balance in his treatment of the Depression and the military operations and diplomatic maneuvers of World War II. His narrative style is in the grand tradition of American historical writing, an unfaltering display of clarity and detail."--Philadephia Inquirer
"No other book so vividly captures the spirit of those 17 years that forever changed America."-- Christian Science Monitor
"A major achievement in objective historical writing that should be a legacy to generations of students seeking authoritative reference material on the period."--Kirkus Reviews
"David Kennedy...is absolutely masterful in this literate and lively history of the American people in the Depression and World War II."--The Waterbury Republican-American
"From its dramatic prelude depicting Franklin Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, Adolf Hitler, and Joseph Stalin hearing the news of the end of World War I on November 11, 1918, to its moving climax on board the USS Missouri in Tokyo Bay on September 2, 1945, this panoramic narrative pulses with life, color, incident, and action. We know how it all comes out, yet the fate of the nation seems to hang in the balance as Kennedy captures history's throat-catching contingency." --Jack Beatty, author of The Rascal King: The Life and Times of James Michael Curley and The World According to Peter Drucker
"We expect the best from David Kennedy and he will not disappoint anybody with this competent, complete and literate volume. Covering a time of large and intense change, it is all here. A major and thoroughly fine piece of work."--John Kenneth Galbraith
Freedom from Fear brings together in one place the epic story of how America faced the greatest challenges in its history. At a time when we tend to bemoan our selfish preoccupations, it is bracing to read David Kennedy's moving account of our better selves. This is history the way it ought to be.-- Alan Wolfe, Boston University, author of One Nation After All
"Displaying a literary craft uncommon in survey works, he has woven together narrative, sketches of character, and critical judgment to record and analyze the economic, political, social, and military events of these epic years.... This account of the crucial struggles and events of the Depression and war years will lend perspective like few others."--Library Journal
"David Kennedy is one of America's most distinguished historians, and Freedom from Fear is a remarkable achievement: deeply researched, insightful, and beautifully written. Fast-paced, it presents vivid portraits of major actors such as Roosevelt, Churchill, and Hitler, as well as of the hopes and fears of millions of lesser-known people caught up in the tumultuous years of the Great Depression and of World War II."--James T. Patterson, Bancroft Prize-winning author of Grand Expectations
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- Publisher : Oxford University Press; Reprint edition (April 19, 2001)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 936 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0195144031
- ISBN-13 : 978-0195144031
- Lexile measure : 1460L
- Item Weight : 3.03 pounds
- Dimensions : 9.4 x 6.1 x 2.1 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #232,161 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,919 in World War II History (Books)
- #5,953 in United States History (Books)
- #6,004 in Unknown
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About the author
David M. Kennedy is Donald J. McLachlan Professor of History Emeritus at Stanford University and co-director of the Bill Lane Center for the American West. After C. Vann Woodward’s death, he was appointed series editor for the Oxford History of the United States series. His volume in the series, Freedom From Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945, won the Pulitzer Prize for History, the Francis Parkman Prize, the Ambassador's Prize, and the California Gold Medal for Literature. He is the author of Over Here: The First World War and American Society, which was a Pulitzer Prize finalist, and Birth Control in America: The Career of Margaret Sanger, which won a Bancroft Prize. He lives in Palo Alto, California.
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Economic 'depressions' had happened before in our country, in the late 1830s, late 1870s, and mid-1890s. However the event we now know as the 'Great Depression' lasted longer than any other and came as a great shock because the twenties had been such a boom time. Kennedy traces the source of the severity of this depression to the international factors that emerged from World War I. In this analysis, Herbert Hoover had been more of a victim of events than the cause of them. Nevertheless, Hoover no longer had the public's trust nor confidence and the electorate turned him out of office in 1932. What I learned from this book was how the Depression came in waves. That it was not right after the stock market crashed that things went bad, but a series of events that continued to torpedo the U.S. Economy until it collapsed.
When Franklin D. Roosevelt and his wife Eleanor move into the White House, the President brought with them Harry Hopkins and Frances Perkins. While in Washington they begin to set up the New Deal. Kennedy spends a great deal of time discussing the New Deal and its impact. The New Deal benefited and continues to benefit the nation. Its immediate impact with programs like the Civilian Conservation Corps provided the unemployed temporary employment. The New Deal continues to impact us today with Social Security, banking reforms, a minimum wage, and safety regulations for workers. Kennedy explains clearly that the New Deal did not end the depression. What it did do however, was provide security for the American people from the rough waves of the market. The same reason levies are built to protect against floods, the New Deal gave security to so the common people were not completely left exposed to the economic forces beyond their control.
"Roosevelt had prepared the ground well. His transparent allusions to less responsible schemes helped convince congressional doubters that the president's measured radicalism was far preferable to the dread Long and Townsend alternatives--or the even more dread option of a bill introduced by Minnesota representative Ernest Lundeen, which called for unemployment compensation at full wages to all jobless workers, paid for out of general tax revenues and administered by local workers' councils. After lengthy hearings through an exceptionally crowed legislative season, the Social Security Act became law on August 14, 1935." (p.271)
Roosevelt was not without his faults however, and those faults were exposed with the Court-packing scheme. His fault was not an attempt to reform the Court, for the Court for the fifty years prior had been acquiring quite an infamous reputation as the enemy of reform. It would impose its own narrow view of the U.S. Constitution and use it to undermine progressive legislation that the people had been trying for years to achieve through their elected representatives. Roosevelt was able to get the Court to change its tune but the unwise manner in which he did it cost him a great deal of political capital.
Then of course comes World War II, with American isolationism at an all-time high, Roosevelt did what he could to aid the allies with the Land Lease deal, turning America into an 'arsenal for democracy'. However, with the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, America could no longer turn its back on the war.
World War II had some of the history's most affective leaders. From the heroic Roosevelt, Churchill, and DeGalle on the allies; to the more villainous Stalin--who fought with the good guys--, Hitler, Mussolini and Tojo; no side in this conflict lacked for effective leadership. There was also a great deal of talented generals and admirals. Although having a great deal of talent is nice problem to have it, in part, made Roosevelt's job harder as he had to choose who would lead Operation Overlord and liberate Europe. Roosevelt felt that justice demanded that he use George Marshall, however, in the end he felt the right man for the job was Dwight D. Eisenhower.
"Eisenhower's studied geniality found an appreciative admired in Franklin Roosevelt, himself an adept scholar of the human psyche and virtuoso practitioner of the recondite craft of leadership. Now, flying from Tunis to Sicily for an inspection tour of American troops, Roosevelt the accomplished master instructed Eisenhower the sedulous apprentice in the arts that he must summon and home in his new assignment. Huddling in a seat alongside the general as their aircraft droned over the Mediterranean, the president dwelt on the teeming difficulties that awaited Eisenhower in London. There he would confront head-on, day in a day out, the full majesty of the British Government and the seductive personality of Winston Churchill. Churchill still believed, Roosevelt warned, that a failed Channel attack could cost the allies the war--and that the risk of failure was large. Despite his assurances at Quebec and his submission at Teheran, Churchill had not laid to rest his gnawing anxieties about Overlord. It would take all of Eisenhower's skill and resolution, Roosevelt advised, to keep Overlord on schedule." (p.690)
On the Pacific front Fleet Admiral Nimitz and General MacArthur had their hands full with Japan. Kennedy describes the War in the Pacific as one brutal blood bath. The amount of blood and gore that went on in this side of the war played as a major factor for Harry S. Truman to use the Atomic Bomb.
"When the battle officially ended on June 22, only some 7,000 of the original 77,000 remained alive. The fighting had also killed over 100,000 Okianawan civilians. The Americans suffered 7,613 killed or missing, 31,807 wounded, and 26,211 non-battle casualties on the island, a nearly 35 percent casualty rate, in addition to the nearly 5,000 who dies and 4,824 who were wounded at sea. Among the dead were Buckner, his chest sundered by a Japanese shell fragment, as well as the celebrated war correspondent Ernie Pyle, felled by a sniper's bullet. The awful carnage on Okinawa, like that on Iwo Jima, weighed heavily on the minds of American policymakers as they now contemplated the war's endgame." (p.834)
This book is covers so much in under a thousand pages. One thousand seems like a lot, but for the amount of information the reader receives it is actually quite a low number. Kennedy does not go into a great deal about the Holocaust primarily because this book is about the United States, but he does discuss how the people in the United States had a difficult time in the absorbing what was actually happening to the Jews and other 'undesirables' of Germany. The book also covers the American home front, the status of African-Americans and other racial minorities, and the changing attitudes about the role of women as a result of the war. Kennedy goes over the horrible internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II, and the tragic case of Fred Korematsu. I really appreciate Kennedy's take on the 'average American' before and after these two events.
On a technical side note I would once again say that I appreciate the Oxford series for leaving the footnotes at the bottom of the pages they are on and not at the end of the book. It makes looking at sources easy and does not distract from the general narrative.
Freedom from Fear is a wonderful book which I highly recommend to anyone. Like the rest of this series I find its depth incredible without being overwhelming.
The operative word for Kennedy is security. All of the contradictions of the New Deal can be reconciled with the observation that the goal was to find economic security and to become a more inclusive society that left no one behind. And in foreign affairs, Americans were made to realize that their domestic security depended on the ability to create a world where goods and ideas travelled freely across open borders.
Kennedy's writing is endearing because he can empathize with his subjects while at the same time can bloodlessly expose their shabby underside. A wonderful and entertaining writer like Stephen Ambrose lost this gift, and his works suffered as a result. To appreciate the good that the United States has accomplished, one must first appreciate its dark side. And Kennedy lays it all out: the callous disregard for the dispossessed, the racism, the narrow insularity and cowardice of American diplomacy between the wars, the willingness to let the British and the Russians fight our battles, and the mean spiritedness of the race war with Japan.
What is remarkable is that the nation emerged the better from all of this. The nation's ability after World War II to embrace its responsibilities to rebuild Europe and Japan, to promote European union, to contain the U.S.S.R., and to build a more inclusive society at home is a remarkable contrast to the mind-set of 1929.
Kennedy rehabilitates Hoover's image. He's no hero, of course, but he's not the heartless free market idealogue portrayed in the popular literature. Hoover was a great man and a great progressive, but a poor politician ill suited to lead the country in a time of revolutionary change. Roosevelt comes off as a truly great political leader, but Kennedy pulls no punches in showing the equivocation and the at times bloodless political calculation that characterized Roosevelt.
Kennedy has the judgment and erudition necessary to touch on all the great controversies about this period and to reach conclusions that are convincing. Roosevelt's New Deal, while a profound success in establishing the principle of government management of the economy and the twin governing principles of security and inclusiveness, was not sufficiently aggressive. Only with World War II do we finally emerge from the Depression, and Roosevelt perhaps went too far to accommodate big monied interests during World War II. And as for the war with Japan, it was a destructive race war that probably was avoidable. Roosevelt's handling of the European conflict was, on the other hand, exceptionally skillful, and Roosevelt did all that was politically possible in prodding the country from isolationism.
Regarding the atomic bomb, Kennedy makes the point that there was no real debate about using it. It was a weapon that embodied and in some ways perfected the American approach to war as a war of great technology. The decision to use it was made years before when we chose to invest so much in its creation. In a passage that captures Kennedy's skill as a writer, Kennedy contrasts the tremendous industrial might of the superfortress bomber and atomic bomb with the pathetic Japanese effort to build balloon bombs that floated over the Pacific and then dropped into the American Northwest. The Japanese ability to mobilize and commitment to the war could not be equalled by the Americans. But the Americans were not fighting the same war as the Japanese -- they were fighting a war of industry and resources. And so the Japanese were smashed and suffered the first defeat in their long and glorious history.
And yet, the nation emerges from all of this far better than it was in 1929 and the basic commitments to security at home and abroad were formed. This ability to transcend the dark side of the American character should be a source of great pride. Kennedy's love of country is a far more profound thing that the rah-rah approach of Ambrose or Brokaw.
Until I read this book, I thought that David Potter's "The Impending Crisis", which dealt with the long decade of 1848-1861, was the greatest work of narrative American history. In some ways Kennedy betters Potter because he carries the story through the war (not just the lead-up) and because he incorporates the modern trend of emphasizing the experience of the common man, as opposed to writing history entirely through the eyes of political leaders. Potter, on the other hand, could write like a poet. On balance, I'd say that Kennedy is Potter's equal and has done for 1929-45 what Potter did for 1848-61.
A very long book that is worth every page.