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The Superpower Myth: The Use and Misuse of American Might Hardcover – February 1, 2005


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For eight years, Nancy Soderberg served with distinction and creativity at the highest levels of American government. She is uniquely positioned to explain how the world works in this new era-and when it's in danger of breaking down.
—Dr. Madeleine K. Albright, former U.S. Secretary of State

Are there limits to American power? The neoconservative brain trust behind the Bush administration's foreign policy doesn't seem to recognize any. For the first time, we have people in power who believe that as the world's reigning superpower, America can do what it wants, when it wants, without regard to allies, costs, or results. But as events in Iraq are proving, America may be powerful, but it is not all-powerful.

In practice, no country could ever be strong enough to solve problems like Somalia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq through purely military means. In the future, America's power will constantly be called up to help failed and failing states, and it is becoming clear that the complex mess of Somalia has replaced the proxy war of Vietnam as the model for what future military conflicts will look like: a failed state, a power vacuum, armed factions, and enough chaos to panic an entire region. Using vivid examples from her years in the White House and at the United Nations, Nancy Soderberg demonstrates why military force is not always effective, why allies and consensus-building are crucial, and how the current administration's faulty world view has adversely affected policies toward Israel, Iraq, North Korea, Haiti, Africa, and Al-Qaeda. Powerful, provocative, and persuasive, this timely book demonstrates that the future of America's security depends on overcoming the superpower myth.

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Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

A former U.S. ambassador to the U.N. and Clinton foreign policy adviser, Soderberg offers this cogent study of the unilateralism that she believes has taken over American foreign policy and military intervention. The argument that ignoring U.S. allies (and even neutrals) interferes with the administration's own stated goals of peace and increased democracy is familiar, but Soderberg's deep knowledge of the mechanics of diplomacy, as well as of the players and issues, allows her to assess recent moves in depth: the book carries more than 1,150 footnotes. Along the way, we get a defense of Clinton's actions toward bin Laden (and other Clintonian policies) and various swipes at neoconservatives and neoconservative doctrine). Some readers will feel that Soderberg's rehashing of interventions in Somalia and the Balkans do not argue for multilateralism as a guarantee of improved politicomilitary outcomes. And the negative views of the "New Europe" on the aspirations of the Franco-German-Russian axis are not much taken into account—though everything from the Oslo accords to troubles in Haiti is. But as a file from the opposition on the current administration's tactics, this is a satisfying document.
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

From Booklist

Commentators from both red and blue sides of the best-seller lists have occasionally found common ground in criticizing, albeit for different reasons, the Clinton administration's attempt to recast the U.S. role in the post-cold war world. Clinton wielded American influence with either too much ambivalence (leading to terrorism) or too much arrogance (leading to terrorism). This book by one of Clinton's foreign policy advisors, is a cogent critique of the current administration's hyperpower hubris and a vigorous vindication of the Clinton team's pursuit of elagant solutions to impossible situations. The U.S. may be the most powerful nation, Soderberg argues, but subscribing to the "superpower myth" of American omnipotence has led to dangerous miscalculations in Iraq and antipathy worldwide. Clinton, restrained as he was by American voters' limited tolerance of fights in which they "had no dog," understood the global equation and the limits of American power. But Soderberg neither whitewashes Clinton's failures nor looks entirely backward; rather, she advocates a humble and realistic foreign policy. Brendan Driscoll
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Trade Paper Press; 1st edition (February 1, 2005)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 416 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0471656836
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0471656838
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.42 pounds
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6.4 x 1.2 x 9.3 inches
  • Customer Reviews:

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Nancy E. Soderberg
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Top reviews from the United States

Reviewed in the United States on March 5, 2005
In this compelling book, Soderberg takes us behind the scenes of the White House in a unique way: she provides detailed factual information about America's foreign policy with perceptive insight into the personalities of the key players. Readers will begin to undertand that momentous decisions are not only the result of the events, but also the consequence of egos, various temperments, and the group dynamic.

For years, those who want to go behind the White House curtain have relied on Washington Post Reporter Bob Woodward. While Woodward has enticed us with behind-the-scene books about Washington, he relies on interviews; Ms. Soderberg is actually present in White House and therefore provides more concrete details in her reporting. She also has a much more in depth undertanding of the geo-political environment than does Woodward. The fact that Woodward's books are quote objective is irrelevant; Soderberg makes clear her political leanings. While Soderberg's "Superpower Myth" is by no means a quick read, it is one well worth the time.
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Reviewed in the United States on October 10, 2019
Important historic details, but sometimes a dry read.
Reviewed in the United States on March 2, 2005
Comedy Central March 1,2005 Jon Stewart gets the author to admit that she hopes the Middle East goes badly so the Democrats can resume the White House.

Stewart: This book--it talks about the superpower myth of the United States. There is this idea, the United States is the sole superpower, and I guess the premise of the book is we cannot misuse that power--have to use it wisely, and not just punitively. Is that--

Soderberg: That's right. What I argue is that the Bush administration fell hostage to the superpower myth, believing that because we're the most powerful nation on earth, we were all-powerful, could bend the world to our will and not have to worry about the rest of the world. I think what they're finding in the second term is, it's a little bit harder than that, and reality has an annoying way of intruding.

Stewart: But what do you make of--here's my dilemma, if you will. I don't care for the way these guys conduct themselves--and this is just you and I talking, no cameras here [audience laughter]. But boy, when you see the Lebanese take to the streets and all that, and you go, "Oh my God, this is working," and I begin to wonder, is it--is the way that they handled it really--it's sort of like, "Uh, OK, my daddy hits me, but look how tough I'm getting." You know what I mean? Like, you don't like the method, but maybe--wrong analogy, is that, uh--?

Soderberg: Well, I think, you know, as a Democrat, you don't want anything nice to happen to the Republicans, and you don't want them to have progress. But as an American, you hope good things would happen. I think the way to look at it is, they can't credit for every good thing that happens, but they need to be able to manage it. I think what's happening in Lebanon is great, but it's not necessarily directly related to the fact that we went into Iraq militarily.

Stewart: Do you think that the people of Lebanon would have had, sort of, the courage of their conviction, having not seen--not only the invasion but the election which followed? It's almost as though that the Iraqi election has emboldened this crazy--something's going on over there. I'm smelling something.

Soderberg: I think partly what's going on is the country next door, Syria, has been controlling them for decades, and they [the Syrians] were dumb enough to blow up the former prime minister of Lebanon in Beirut, and they're--people are sort of sick of that, and saying, "Wait a minute, that's a stretch too far." So part of what's going on is they're just protesting that. But I think there is a wave of change going on, and if we can help ride it though the second term of the Bush administration, more power to them.

Stewart: Do you think they're the guys to--do they understand what they've unleashed? Because at a certain point, I almost feel like, if they had just come out at the very beginning and said, "Here's my plan: I'm going to invade Iraq. We'll get rid of a bad guy because that will drain the swamp"--if they hadn't done the whole "nuclear cloud," you know, if they hadn't scared the pants off of everybody, and just said straight up, honestly, what was going on, I think I'd almost--I'd have no cognitive dissonance, no mixed feelings.

Soderberg: The truth always helps in these things, I have to say. But I think that there is also going on in the Middle East peace process--they may well have a chance to do a historic deal with the Palestinians and the Israelis. These guys could really pull off a whole--

Stewart: This could be unbelievable!

Soderberg:---series of Nobel Peace Prizes here, which--it may well work. I think that, um, it's--

Stewart: [buries head in hands] Oh my God! [audience laughter] He's got, you know, here's--

Soderberg: It's scary for Democrats, I have to say.

Stewart: He's gonna be a great--pretty soon, Republicans are gonna be like, "Reagan was nothing compared to this guy." Like, my kid's gonna go to a high school named after him, I just know it.

Soderberg: Well, there's still Iran and North Korea, don't forget. There's hope for the rest of us.

Stewart: [crossing fingers] Iran and North Korea, that's true, that is true [audience laughter]. No, it's--it is--I absolutely agree with you, this is--this is the most difficult thing for me to--because, I think, I don't care for the tactics, I don't care for this, the weird arrogance, the setting up. But I gotta say, I haven't seen results like this ever in that region.

Soderberg: Well wait. It hasn't actually gotten very far. I mean, we've had--

Stewart: Oh, I'm shallow! I'm very shallow!

Soderberg: There's always hope that this might not work. No, but I think, um, it's--you know, you have changes going on in Egypt; Saudi Arabia finally had a few votes, although women couldn't participate. What's going on here in--you know, Syria's been living in the 1960s since the 1960s--it's, part of this is--

Stewart: You mean free love and that kind of stuff? [audience laughter] Like, free love, drugs?

Soderberg: If you're a terrorist, yeah.

Stewart: They are Baathists, are they--it looks like, I gotta say, it's almost like we're not going to have to invade Iran and Syria. They're gonna invade themselves at a certain point, no? Or is that completely naive?

Soderberg: I think it's moving in the right direction. I'll have to give them credit for that. We'll see.

Stewart: Really? Hummus for everybody, for God's sakes.
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Reviewed in the United States on February 10, 2006
The author's selective amnesia about how terrorism, especially Al-Quida, flourished long before George Bush ever became president is not astounding, it is expected from the goofy left. Bush bad, Clinton (her ex-boss) good. When is this baseless, childish tripe going to stop finding a publisher??
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Reviewed in the United States on June 3, 2005
This is the kind of book that has me shaking my head in disbelief. Is she for real? Or is she just saying what she knows her liberal friends expect her to say in order to keep her liberal credentials up to date? Nancy Soderberg is a nice liberal girl who studied international relations at Georgetown University about 20 years ago under then Professor Madelaine Albright and has been sort of a protégé of Mrs. Albright ever since. Indeed, Mrs. Albright is one of the people quoted on the dust jacket helping to sell the book. President Bill Clinton gives a VERY meager three-page introduction, which is intended, apparently, to give her added legitimacy. The first half of the book describes the events of the Clinton years. Of course, she puts the best possible spin on the Clinton Administration's handling of events. The second half is mostly Bush bashing. She worked for six years during the late 1980s and early 1990s as a Congressional staffer for Senator Ted Kennedy. In 1984 she worked on the unsuccessful Mondale campaign. In 1988 she worked on the unsuccessful Dukakis campaign. Then in 1992 she got lucky when her candidate Bill Clinton won the presidency. As a reward for her contribution as an advisor to his campaign Nancy was appointed as the third ranking member of Clinton's NSC staff. The fact that Clinton would appoint someone with such meager government experience to such a high post suggests to me that either he didn't take it too seriously, or the Democrats have a VERY weak bench in foreign policy/national security, or both. Indeed, she later describes how at the end of the Clinton years she served as US delegate to the UN Security Council and all of the delegates from other countries were men who were about twenty years her senior. No matter, she assures us, since she had the prestige of the US behind her, but somehow I can't escape the impression that we were under represented, that she was like a sparrow among falcons. Nevertheless, she does describe in considerable detail most of the foreign policy events of the last decade or so. She currently works for an international non-profit group based in Brussels, (the capital of course, of the proposed European Union if their constitution ever gets ratified) in a job that appears to be primarily designed to spare her the necessity of having to seek employment in the real economy like the rest of us while she waits very impatiently for another Democratic Administration to take office and give her another big government job. The Clinton Administration failed to produce a foreign policy giant like Zbiginew Brezinski, but they did have Warren Christopher, affectionately called Chris, Anthony Lake, Sandy Berger, Les Aspin, William Perry, Republican William Cohen, George Tenet, Louis Freeh, Wesley Clark, Richard Holbrooke, Madelaine Albright, who emerges as by far the most manly of the bunch, including Clinton, and, of course, the great anti terrorism expert Mr. Richard Clarke, last seen working as a consultant for Ted Koppel at ABC News after selling his own Bush bashing book on 60 Minutes. All of whom are described in some detail as she recounts her personal experiences. Colin Powell also served as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs for the first Clinton year. Although she is very careful to not say anything critical of General Powell she can scarcely contain the glee she felt when he left the Clinton Administration since he largely tended to block their creative uses of military forces. With regard to the infamous Blackhawk Down incident in which the bodies of dead American soldiers were dragged through the streets of Mogadishu, Somalia, Nancy claims that, INCREDIBLY, President Bill Clinton and his top advisors were unaware that the US policy had changed from protecting the UN food distribution centers to apprehension of the warlord Mohammed Aideed. If true, what does this say about the competence of the Clinton team? With regard to Haiti, she completely ignores the fact that the motive for returning exiled President Aristide to Haiti with American bayonets was the tremendous political pressure brought upon Clinton by African American opinion leaders, a significant part of Clinton's political base. How's that for an unselfish motive? As she describes, pretty much all of the Republican leaders, and even members of Clinton's own Administration, and especially the CIA, had a low opinion of Mr. Aristide and were EXTREMELY dubious about the wisdom of using US military power to return him to power. Of course Mr. Aristide eventually exited the country once again under less than dignified circumstances. She laments that Mr. Aristide failed to make good on his promises to enact democratic and humanitarian reforms and instead, tried to set himself up as yet another strong man. It never occurs to her that perhaps the critics were right all along and that Mr. Aristide is simply a turkey, period. With regard to Bosnia, Kosovo, and the Serbian government of Slobodon Milosovic, probably the less said the better. UN peacekeepers were sometimes taken hostage and used as human shields. The UN and even NATO were openly threatened with violence against their soldiers, etc, and sometimes succumbed to intimidation. The European powers, the same people who like to brag about how they will eclipse the US in power and influence once they just get France and Holland to vote again and vote yes this time to accept their proposed European constitution, cried for President Clinton to pull their chestnuts out of the fire by leading a military effort to punish Serbia for ethnic cleansing, etc, and establish stability and order in the Balkans. US and NATO soldiers still stand guard against ethnic cleansing and very little has changed to give any confidence that if the soldiers were to leave they just wouldn't go back to killing each other once again. No matter, Nancy talks as if she considers this a real achievement. Of course, the centerpiece of the Clinton foreign policy was always the Middle East peace process. Nancy describes how the Clinton Administration sought to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and also sought to bring peace to Northern Ireland by reaching out to Yassir Arafat of the PLO and to Gerry Adams of the IRA and encouraging them to become peacemakers. She has developed a whole rationalization for why the peace efforts ultimately failed. But for this unfortunate event or that, we were so close, etc. She still doesn't get it that these two individuals were simply front men for ruthless terrorist groups who played the Clinton Administration for all they were worth. They were all smiles as they strung Clinton along for seven or eight years with promises that they never fulfilled. They received international recognition, legitimacy, invitations to the White House, cash, and in the case of Mr. Arafat, I believe even a Nobel Peace Prize, only to stiff us in the end. The way Ms. Soderberg tells it, the Clinton Administration boldly charted a moderate course in foreign policy, building international consensus on important global issues, working with allies to achieve common goals, pursuing unselfish policies for the common good, well, you get the idea. Then, just as they were making great progress toward solving the problems of mankind George W. Bush came along and, after becoming president, changed all that to instead pursue a selfish policy based upon national interest. For example, she is outraged that Bush announced publicly that the US would not abide by the provisions of the Kyoto treaty concerning global warming. Recognizing the obvious fact that no US president could possibly abide by the treaty she advises instead that Bush should have said nothing and simply ignored the treaty. Say what? That may be how they do things in Canada or Europe but Americans are not so good at hypocrisy, at least not the kind of Americans who voted for Bush. She blames the Bush Administration for letting North Korea get further along on their nuclear bomb program, while conveniently ignoring that Clinton paid them to be good only to let them take the money and then work on the bomb anyway. INCREDIBLY, she favors paying them again. Oh, well, I guess she feels that it worked so well when Clinton did just that. It certainly worked out well for the outlaw government of North Korea. It makes me wonder if Nancy Soderberg REALLY understands what appeasement is. Not just the textbook definition, but how it works in practice, the psychology of the victim, the rationalizations involved to convince oneself that the aggressive bully really has valid points in his favor and that it isn't really appeasement at all, that it is better to compromise, to do what he wants to redress his grievances, that it is better for everybody, etc. in the hopes of a peaceful settlement, because war is really scary. In other words, exactly the kind of arguments that she herself puts forward. By the way, I noticed that she makes no mention whatsoever of the theft of nuclear secrets from Los Alamos by the Chinese communists during Clinton's watch. I guess that this wasn't a significant enough development to merit inclusion in the book. Of course, Ms. Soderberg is dead set against Bush's decision to use force to remove Saddam Hussein and his odious regime from power. If she had her way, Saddam would still be in power, Uday and Qusay and Chemical Ali would still be murdering and torturing Iraqis, billions of dollars would continue to be looted from the UN managed Oil for Food program, Baghdad Bob would continue to give Iraqis their news, and so on. She doesn't think that it is worth the 1600 Americans killed so far, as well as perhaps 100,000 Iraqis and others to put an end to such tyranny and give the 25 million people of Iraq a fighting chance to experience freedom and prosperity, just as a decade ago the Clinton Administration, and the rest of the world, didn't think that it was worth the sacrifices required to stop the genocide in Rwanda where at least hundreds of thousands perished violently. They would rather make Hollywood movies to show how awful things can be and build holocaust memorials to commemorate the victims rather than shed any blood to actually stop a REAL genocide. At least 300,000 victims are attributed to Saddam Hussein not counting the victims of two major wars that he started. That beats Bosnia and Kosovo by a long shot. Ms. Soderberg refers derisively to those favoring the removal of Saddam Hussein from power by force as hegemons, a Greek word, first used, I believe, in reference to Philip II of Macedonia, the ruler who, in ancient times, successfully used military force to unite the Greek city states for the first time under a single ruler, also, by the way, the father of Alexander the Great. She tells a fascinating story about the day that she was appearing on a television program to urge President Bush to allow a greatly expanded role to the UN for the reconstruction of Iraq. Just then word came in of a massive truck bomb killing the head of the UN delegation in Iraq, a personal friend of Ms. Soderberg's, along with many other UN workers. True to form the UN then cut and ran, thereby giving the terrorists the victory that they were seeking. Also true to form Ms. Soderberg chose to blame Bush rather than the terrorists for the tragedy. What could be more telling than this? So, if you want to understand how privileged liberals, the kind of people who really DO regard the New York Times as the newspaper of record, such as tenured college professors and the kind of people who reside in places like Martha's Vineyard, the Hamptons, the Upper West Side of Manhattan, Aspin, and Malibu view foreign affairs, this book is for you. On the other hand, if you come from the kind of family (like me) where the young people go to serve in the armed forces to get money for college, you probably won't agree with her point of view.
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