Retail politics is the secret to Doug Ford’s success in Ontario

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MICHAEL TAUBE

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Ontario Premier Doug Ford and his Progressive Conservative Party had solid wins in both of the province’s recent byelections. In the riding of Milton, Zee Hamid won 47 per cent of the vote, while in Lambton-Kent-Middlesex, Steve Pinsonneault won 57 per cent. The victorious PC candidates will take their seats in the Ontario legislature shortly.

Should we be surprised by this? No. The Progressive Conservatives held both seats before the May 2 byelections were called. Plus, the party is polling at or above 40 per cent and has a double-digit lead over Bonnie Crombie’s Liberals, according to surveys by Liaison Strategies on April 7 and Abacus Data on April 16. The gap between the two parties in the latter poll is 16 points (41-25).

Yet, if you poked your nose around in certain print publications, TV stations and on social media, you would swear some sort of seismic change was on the horizon — with all roads leading doom and gloom to Ford’s political doorstep.

Since he took power in 2018, the premier’s critics have viewed him as everything from the devil incarnate to a court jester. They doubt he’s able to properly control his government caucus and backbenchers. They claim he makes policies on the fly, and runs away from them at the first sign of trouble or pushback. They feel he apologizes too much, or doesn’t apologize enough. They believe he doesn’t care about anything from ensuring proper educational standards in Ontario schools to controlling the protests in support of Palestinians and, at times, Hamas.

This doesn’t just refer to Ford’s left-leaning critics. There’s been plenty of criticism from conservatives, too. Their frustrations with the premier boil over on an almost daily basis. They don’t feel he’s onside with their ideas, policies and values very much — or, in some instances, at all.

When you put it all together, Ford is one of the most misunderstood and underestimated politicians in Canada. That being said, if an election were held in Ontario today, he’d likely win another majority government.

How does he keep doing it? What’s the secret to his success?

I’ve written and spoken about this topic in the past. Others have, too. Let’s try explaining this once more.

The Ontario premier, along with his late brother, former Toronto mayor Rob Ford, developed a unique political brand over the past few decades. Their guiding philosophy, Ford Nation, combines conservative principles, populist rhetoric and retail politics. It stands for lower taxes, reducing government expansion and interference, fiscal prudence, supporting individual rights and freedoms, standing up for the little guy — and giving power back to the people.

This isn’t the type of small-c conservatism that was espoused by great conservative politicians like Barry Goldwater, Ronald Reagan, Helmut Kohl and Margaret Thatcher. It’s not the same tonic of populist-style national conservatism promoted by former United States president Donald Trump, former British prime minister Boris Johnson, former Australian prime minister Scott Morrison and others. It’s not a form of Canadian conservatism that former prime ministers like Brian Mulroney and Stephen Harper touted in different ways. It’s not even the same type of modern conservatism we associate with federal Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre or Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, either.

Ford isn’t a traditional conservative ideologue. He isn’t ideological at all, truth be told. Rather, his preference has been to build bridges and alliances with individuals and groups who aren’t necessarily natural political allies. That’s why he’s worked hand-in-hand with Liberal Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland on many issues, such as drawing investment to Ontario. Last month, the trio announced it drew in a $15-billion commitment by Japan’s Honda to build four electric vehicle manufacturing plants in Ontario, for example.

That’s how Ford was able to earn the endorsement of several unions while promoting free markets and free enterprise, which is nearly impossible for most conservatives to even dream of achieving. He also provided strong leadership during COVID-19 by developing robust ties with a medical community that was initially skeptical of working with him.

Does this mean Ford fundamentally agrees with his opponents and critics? Absolutely not. He comes after them with a vengeance when it’s necessary to do so. He criticized Trudeau for being “selective” in condemning provinces for wielding the notwithstanding clause in 2022, for instance. He also butted heads with Freeland in 2023 after her insinuation that Ontario wasn’t contributing enough financially to Windsor’s Stellantis battery plant.

It’s all there in black and white if you look closely enough.

Alas, some Ontario conservatives still don’t understand (or refuse to understand) what Ford is doing to build and maintain political support. He knows, much like Poilievre, that conservative politicians only win elections in Canada when they successfully expand well beyond the political base. You can’t win an election in this historically liberal country as a red-meat conservative. It’s not possible, and stop imagining that it is.

However, you can win if you adjust and position your ideas and policies to appeal to non-traditionally conservative voters. In other words, show them why mainstream conservative values that can potentially help individuals, families, businesses and communities to grow, develop and succeed are completely simpatico with modern Canadian values.

That’s retail politics at its finest. Ford has long been one of the best practitioners, as his track record and two majority governments show. And that’s the Ontario premier’s secret to his political success.

National Post