Michail Gorbatschow Zitate

In der Ansprache zum 70. Jahrestag der Großen Sozialistischen Oktoberrevolution. Unsere Zeit 4.11.1987

eigentlich "Gefahren warten nur auf jene, die nicht auf das Leben reagieren." in einer spontanen Erklärung gegenüber der ARD am 6. Oktober 1989 in Ost-Berlin, nach Ulla Plog: „Wer zu spät kommt, den bestraft das Leben“, FAZ, 6. Oktober 2004 faz.net http://www.faz.net/s/RubFC06D389EE76479E9E76425072B196C3/Doc~E02352E0E964A46D5A566C561B7470187~ATpl~Ecommon~Scontent.html). Vollständige Fassung: "Ich glaube, Gefahren warten nur auf jene, die nicht auf das Leben reagieren. Und wer die vom Leben ausgehenden Impulse - die von der Gesellschaft ausgehenden Impulse aufgreift und dementsprechend seine Politik gestaltet, der dürfte keine Schwierigkeiten haben, das ist eine normale Erscheinung." (protokolliert nach Video "Fünf Wochen im Herbst. Protokoll einer deutschen Revolution", Spiegel-TV 1990).
Laut seinen Memoiren will Gorbatschow am 7. Oktober 1989 Honecker in einem Vieraugengespräch gesagt haben: "Das Leben verlangt mutige Entscheidungen. Wer zu spät kommt, den bestraft das Leben." ( Stimmt’s? : Gorbis Warnung DIE ZEIT 41/1999 http://www.zeit.de/stimmts/1999/199941_stimmts_gorbatsc)
Vorlage für das fälschlich zugeschriebene Zitat war "Those who are late will be punished by life itself." als zusammenfassendes Zitat von Gennadi Gerassimow nach der Rede Gorbatschows auf einer spontanen Pressekonferenz, faz.net, gleiche Quelle http://www.faz.net/s/RubFC06D389EE76479E9E76425072B196C3/Doc~E02352E0E964A46D5A566C561B7470187~ATpl~Ecommon~Scontent.html
Fälschlich zugeschrieben
Variante: auch "Gefahren warten nur auf jene, die nicht auf das Leben reagieren", in der Rede Gorbatschows vor dem Politbüro der DDR am 7. Oktober 1989, faz.net, gleiche Quelle http://www.faz.net/s/RubFC06D389EE76479E9E76425072B196C3/Doc~E02352E0E964A46D5A566C561B7470187~ATpl~Ecommon~Scontent.html

Internetzeitschrift, aktuell.ru http://www.aktuell.ru/russland/kommentar/gorbatschow_perestroika_ist_auch_heute_aktuell_195.html, 24. März 2005

In einer Rede vor Vertretern der Massenmedien und der Kulturschaffenden im Juli 1987. Nach Unsere Zeit 20.7.1987

zitiert in der Zeit, 1999, zeit.de http://www.zeit.de/1999/41/199941.stimmts_gorbatsc.xml und der FAZ, 6. Oktober 2004, faz.net http://www.faz.net/s/RubFC06D389EE76479E9E76425072B196C3/Doc~E02352E0E964A46D5A566C561B7470187~ATpl~Ecommon~Scontent.html.
Vollständige Fassung: "Ich glaube, Gefahren warten nur auf jene, die nicht auf das Leben reagieren. Und wer die vom Leben ausgehenden Impulse - die von der Gesellschaft ausgehenden Impulse aufgreift und dementsprechend seine Politik gestaltet, der dürfte keine Schwierigkeiten haben, das ist eine normale Erscheinung." - Video "Fünf Wochen im Herbst. Protokoll einer deutschen Revolution", Spiegel-TV 1990.

Internetzeitschrift, aktuell.ru http://www.aktuell.ru/russland/kommentar/gorbatschow_perestroika_ist_auch_heute_aktuell_195.html, 24. März 2005

Internetzeitschrift, aktuell.ru http://www.aktuell.ru/russland/kommentar/gorbatschow_perestroika_ist_auch_heute_aktuell_195.html, 24. März 2005

In einer Rede vor Vertretern der Massenmedien und der Kulturschaffenden im Juli 1987. Nach Unsere Zeit 20.7.1987

Quelle: Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: Preparing for my address I found in an old Russian encyclopedia a definition of "peace" as a "commune" — the traditional cell of Russian peasant life. I saw in that definition the people's profound understanding of peace as harmony, concord, mutual help, and cooperation.
This understanding is embodied in the canons of world religions and in the works of philosophers from antiquity to our time.

"Nature Is My God" - interview with Fred Matser in Resurgence No. 184 (September-October 1997) http://www.resurgence.org/resurgence/184/gorbachev.htm
Kontext: We have retreated from the perennial values. I don't think that we need any new values. The most important thing is to try to revive the universally known values from which we have retreated.
As a young man, I really took to heart the Communist ideals. A young soul certainly cannot reject things like justice and equality. These were the goals proclaimed by the Communists. But in reality that terrible Communist experiment brought about repression of human dignity. Violence was used in order to impose that model on society. In the name of Communism we abandoned basic human values. So when I came to power in Russia I started to restore those values; values of "openness" and freedom.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: During the last six years we have discarded and destroyed much that stood in the way of a renewal and transformation of our society. But when society was given freedom it could not recognize itself, for it had lived too long, as it were, "beyond the looking glass". Contradictions and vices rose to the surface, and even blood has been shed, although we have been able to avoid a bloodbath. The logic of reform has clashed with the logic of rejection, and with the logic of impatience which breeds intolerance.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: I am an optimist and I believe that together we shall be able now to make the right historical choice so as not to miss the great chance at the turn of centuries and millenia and make the current extremely difficult transition to a peaceful world order. A balance of interests rather than a balance of power, a search for compromise and concord rather than a search for advantages at other people's expense, and respect for equality rather than claims to leadership — such are the elements which can provide the groundwork for world progress and which should be readily acceptable for reasonable people informed by the experience of the twentieth century.
The future prospect of truly peaceful global politics lies in the creation through joint efforts of a single international democratic space in which States shall be guided by the priority of human rights and welfare for their own citizens and the promotion of the same rights and similar welfare elsewhere. This is an imperative of the growing integrity of the modern world and of the interdependence of its components.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: After a time of rampant separatism and euphoria, when almost every village proclaimed sovereignty, a centripetal force is beginning to gather momentum, based on a more sensible view of existing realities and the risks involved. And this is what counts most now. There is a growing will to achieve consensus, and a growing understanding that we have a State, a country, a common life. This is what must be preserved first of all.

101 Best Ways to Get Ahead: Solid Gold Advice from 101 of the World's Most Successful People (2004) by Michael E. Angier and Sarah Pond, p. 30
1990s

Nobel Address (1991)

Statement (8 June 1990), as quoted in The Economics of the Environment and Natural Resources (2004) by R. Quentin Grafton, p. 277
As quoted in The Guardian [London] (21 June 1990)
1990s
Variante: The market came with the dawn of civilization and it is not an invention of capitalism. … If it leads to improving the well-being of the people there is no contradiction with socialism.

As quoted in an interview with The London Daily Telegraph (7 May 2008) http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/russia/1933223/Gorbachev-US-could-start-new-Cold-War.html
Kontext: We had 10 years after the Cold War to build a new world order and yet we squandered them. The United States cannot tolerate anyone acting independently. Every US president has to have a war.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: Today, peace means the ascent from simple coexistence to cooperation and common creativity among countries and nations.
Peace is movement towards globality and universality of civilization. Never before has the idea that peace is indivisible been so true as it is now.
Peace is not unity in similarity but unity in diversity, in the comparison and conciliation of differences.
And, ideally, peace means the absence of violence. It is an ethical value.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: The new integrity of the world, in our view, can be built only on the principles of the freedom of choice and balance of interests. Every State, and now also a number of existing or emerging regional interstate groups, have their own interests. They are all equal and deserve respect.
We consider it dangerously outdated when suspicions are aroused by, for instance, improved Soviet-Chinese or Soviet-German, German-French, Soviet- US or US-Indian relations, etc. In our times, good relations benefit all. Any worsening of relations anywhere is a common loss.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: Progress towards the civilization of the 21st century will certainly not be simple or easy. One cannot get rid overnight of the heavy legacy of the past or the dangers created in the post-war years. We are experiencing a turning point in international affairs and are only at the beginning of a new, and I hope mostly peaceful, lengthy period in the history of civilization.
With less East-West confrontation, or even none at all, old contradictions resurface, which seemed of secondary importance compared to the threat of nuclear war. The melting ice of the Cold War reveals old conflicts and claims, and entirely new problems accumulate rapidly.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: I see the decision to award me the Nobel Peace Prize also as an act of solidarity with the monumental undertaking which has already placed enormous demands on the Soviet people in terms of efforts, costs, hardships, willpower, and character. And solidarity is a universal value which is becoming indispensable for progress and for the survival of humankind.
But a modern state has to be worthy of solidarity, in other words, it should pursue, in both domestic and international affairs, policies that bring together the interests of its people and those of the world community. This task, however obvious, is not a simple one. Life is much richer and more complex than even the most perfect plans to make it better. It ultimately takes vengeance for attempts to impose abstract schemes, even with the best of intentions. Perestroika has made us understand this about our past, and the actual experience of recent years has taught us to reckon with the most general laws of civilization.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: Today, peace means the ascent from simple coexistence to cooperation and common creativity among countries and nations.
Peace is movement towards globality and universality of civilization. Never before has the idea that peace is indivisible been so true as it is now.
Peace is not unity in similarity but unity in diversity, in the comparison and conciliation of differences.
And, ideally, peace means the absence of violence. It is an ethical value.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: I began my book about perestroika and the new thinking with the following words: "We want to be understood". After a while I felt that it was already happening. But now I would like once again to repeat those words here, from this world rostrum. Because to understand us really — to understand so as to believe us — proved to be not at all easy, owing to the immensity of the changes under way in our country. Their magnitude and character are such as to require in-depth analysis. Applying conventional wisdom to perestroika is unproductive. It is also futile and dangerous to set conditions, to say: We'll understand and believe you, as soon as you, the Soviet Union, come completely to resemble "us", the West.
No one is in a position to describe in detail what perestroika will finally produce. But it would certainly be a self-delusion to expect that perestroika will produce "a copy" of anything.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: Preparing for my address I found in an old Russian encyclopedia a definition of "peace" as a "commune" — the traditional cell of Russian peasant life. I saw in that definition the people's profound understanding of peace as harmony, concord, mutual help, and cooperation.
This understanding is embodied in the canons of world religions and in the works of philosophers from antiquity to our time.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: A period of transition to a new quality in all spheres of society's life is accompanied by painful phenomena. When we were initiating perestroika we failed to properly assess and foresee everything. Our society turned out to be hard to move off the ground, not ready for major changes which affect people's vital interests and make them leave behind everything to which they had become accustomed over many years. In the beginning we imprudently generated great expectations, without taking into account the fact that it takes time for people to realize that all have to live and work differently, to stop expecting that new life would be given from above.

Speech to the UN General Assembly (7 December 1988)
Kontext: We are witnessing most profound social change. Whether in the East or the South, the West or the North, hundreds of millions of people, new nations and states, new public movements and ideologies have moved to the forefront of history. Broad-based and frequently turbulent popular movements have given expression, in a multidimensional and contradictory way, to a longing for independence, democracy and social justice. The idea of democratizing the entire world order has become a powerful socio-political force. At the same time, the scientific and technological revolution has turned many economic, food, energy, environmental, information and population problems, which only recently we treated as national or regional ones, into global problems. Thanks to the advances in mass media and means of transportation, the world seems to have become more visible and tangible. International communication has become easier than ever before.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: I have long ago made a final and irrevocable decision. Nothing and no one, no pressure, cither from the right or from the left, will make me abandon the positions of perestroika and new thinking. I do not intend to change my views or convictions. My choice is a final one.
It is my profound conviction that the problems arising in the course of our transformations can be solved solely by constitutional means. That is why I make every effort to keep this process within the confines of democracy and reforms.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: A period of transition to a new quality in all spheres of society's life is accompanied by painful phenomena. When we were initiating perestroika we failed to properly assess and foresee everything. Our society turned out to be hard to move off the ground, not ready for major changes which affect people's vital interests and make them leave behind everything to which they had become accustomed over many years. In the beginning we imprudently generated great expectations, without taking into account the fact that it takes time for people to realize that all have to live and work differently, to stop expecting that new life would be given from above.

"Nature Is My God" - interview with Fred Matser in Resurgence No. 184 (September-October 1997) http://www.resurgence.org/resurgence/184/gorbachev.htm
Kontext: We have retreated from the perennial values. I don't think that we need any new values. The most important thing is to try to revive the universally known values from which we have retreated.
As a young man, I really took to heart the Communist ideals. A young soul certainly cannot reject things like justice and equality. These were the goals proclaimed by the Communists. But in reality that terrible Communist experiment brought about repression of human dignity. Violence was used in order to impose that model on society. In the name of Communism we abandoned basic human values. So when I came to power in Russia I started to restore those values; values of "openness" and freedom.

Speech to the UN General Assembly (7 December 1988)
Kontext: We are witnessing most profound social change. Whether in the East or the South, the West or the North, hundreds of millions of people, new nations and states, new public movements and ideologies have moved to the forefront of history. Broad-based and frequently turbulent popular movements have given expression, in a multidimensional and contradictory way, to a longing for independence, democracy and social justice. The idea of democratizing the entire world order has become a powerful socio-political force. At the same time, the scientific and technological revolution has turned many economic, food, energy, environmental, information and population problems, which only recently we treated as national or regional ones, into global problems. Thanks to the advances in mass media and means of transportation, the world seems to have become more visible and tangible. International communication has become easier than ever before.

As quoted in TIME magazine (9 September 1985)
Kontext: Certain people in the United States are driving nails into this structure of our relationship, then cutting off the heads. So the Soviets must use their teeth to pull them out.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: All members of the world community should resolutely discard old stereotypes and motivations nurtured by the Cold War, and give up the habit of seeking each other's weak spots and exploiting them in their own interests. We have to respect the peculiarities and differences which will always exist, even when human rights and freedoms are observed throughout the world. I keep repeating that with the end of confrontation differences can be made a source of healthy competition, an important factor for progress. This is an incentive to study each other, to engage in exchanges, a prerequisite for the growth of mutual trust.
For knowledge and trust are the foundations of a new world order.

Perestroika: New Thinking For Our Country and the World (1987)
1980s

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: The new integrity of the world, in our view, can be built only on the principles of the freedom of choice and balance of interests. Every State, and now also a number of existing or emerging regional interstate groups, have their own interests. They are all equal and deserve respect.
We consider it dangerously outdated when suspicions are aroused by, for instance, improved Soviet-Chinese or Soviet-German, German-French, Soviet- US or US-Indian relations, etc. In our times, good relations benefit all. Any worsening of relations anywhere is a common loss.

Nobel Address (1991)
Kontext: Being resolute today means to act within the framework of political and social pluralism and the rule of law to provide conditions for continued reform and prevent a breakdown of the state and economic collapse, prevent the elements of chaos from becoming catastrophic.
All this requires taking certain tactical steps, to search for various ways of addressing both short- and long-term tasks. Such efforts and political and economic steps, agreements based on reasonable compromise, are there for everyone to see.

"Nature Is My God" - interview with Fred Matser in Resurgence No. 184 (September-October 1997)
Kontext: I believe in the cosmos. All of us are linked to the cosmos. Look at the sun. If there is no sun, then we cannot exist. So nature is my god. To me, nature is sacred. Trees are my temples and forests are my cathedrals.

Perestroika: New Thinking For Our Country and the World (1987)
As quoted in TIME magazine (4 January 1988)
1980s
Variante: Soviet rockets can find Halley's comet and fly to Venus with amazing accuracy, but . . . many household appliances are of poor quality.