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By SARAH WHEATON
Tips, tales, traumas to @swheaton or [email protected] | View in your browser
HOWDY. As we wrapped up this week’s edition of EU Influence, we were keeping an eye on reports that Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico was seriously injured in a “politically motivated” shooting — thus we’re dialing down the humor factor here a bit. (But we’ll still snark a bit about some topics close to our heart. Read on.)
Q & A: CEFIC’S MARCO MENSINK
FROM ANTWERP DECLARATION TO DIALOGUES: The Antwerp Declaration was, by Brussels standards, the smash hit of the season. The February call for an industrial deal — a companion (or, some say, a competitor) to the Green Deal — drew Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and Belgian Prime Minister Alexander De Croo to a high-powered confab at a BASF plant in the Belgian port city. Now boasting nearly 2,000 signatories (mostly companies and organizations) from 25 sectors, the initiative is moving forward with a set of sector-specific dialogues — including trade players, organized labor, NGOs, capitals and the Commission — to get into the nitty-gritty of the declaration’s 10 big asks.
Bubbling over: The swelling initiative was started by the European Chemical Industry Council (Cefic). It already had one of Brussels’ most complicated missions, juggling a kaleidoscope of chemicals subject to individual regulatory measures. Now its team is working to build up enough momentum to stay strong post-election, while keeping the structure informal and loose.
Gabfests: On Wednesday, IndustriAll spearheaded discussion to define quality work, with a biotech dialogue held Monday. (An energy and climate dialogue took place last month.) The aim is to present the conclusion of these Antwerp Dialogues to the Belgian presidency.
Cefic Director General Marco Mensink stopped by POLITICO HQ after a Berlaymont meeting Tuesday to talk about how the initiative has affected the trade association’s work and its next steps. Our conversation has been edited for length and clarity (we’ve removed a lot of the policy substance to focus on tradecraft).
How does this compare to Cefic’s expectations when you first started talking about the Antwerp Declaration?
It’s grown much bigger than we expected.
You can say that the Antwerp meeting was exactly at the right time and the start of a much bigger awareness on the need for an industrial deal. We started with 14 sectors; we started with 20 CEOs — became 30, became 73, became 88. When 88 CEOs go on LinkedIn at the same time, pretty much every CEO in Europe saw the message.
How did you get von der Leyen to show up?
We asked.
You asked?
Yeah. And of course, with the support of the Belgian presidency, who were in agreement. The same with [Enrico] Letta being there. And she confirmed like the week before.
Is there an overarching Antwerp Declaration infrastructure?
There’s no central organization. There’s also no funding of Antwerp as an entity. It’s a group of like-minded people who signed up to the declaration. And we facilitate with the core group of sectors.
So after the declaration, when Eurelectric signed up and EFPIA signed up, they also took on part of the activities.
At the meeting itself not only were there the CEOs, but BusinessEurope was present with Markus Beyrer; Veronique Willems of SME United was there, Esther Lynch, ETUC, and Judith Kirton-Darling, together with Michael Vassiliadis from IndustriAll.
How has this affected Cefic, as an association acting as a secretariat?
[Pause to take a sip of water and wipe his brow.]
The team has been amazing.
It’s like a snowball, and you start running and the snowball gets bigger and you keep on running, but you have to run faster and it gets bigger and you run faster again. So we’ve taken it in chunks. We started with a small summit, which became a big summit. It was the first time, as well, to work with the protocol of a president and a protocol for prime minister — the security around these meetings, to start with.
The next day, and saw the amount of signatures, and had to reorganize the website, do checks of the signatures and put the team together. And then work on the dialogues. And what you see is that everyone on the team just jumped on it and got it done.
We went from, I would say, quite a strong trade federation to a whole new level through this exercise. It’s been a lot of sweat equity. And we still have to do our own job. So there’s a reason for also not making this into a fixed organization.
What you need, as well, as a trade federation, is a board that says, “Make it happen. Go for it. And if this is possible, let’s do it.”
Did you get any pushback from people saying, “Chemicals are already super diffuse, we can’t take on these things for all these other sectors?” Was there any worry that you’re gonna lose focus on Cefic’s core mission?
Not at all, because first of all, it’s come on top [of the regular work].
Secondly, if you look at our key asks, in the declaration, we need an industrial deal. And the reason is, you need to implement the Green Deal. We have until 2040 to decarbonize industry and get this done.
If you then look at the 2040 impact assessment, it talks about doubling of the electricity production in Europe. And industry investment has to be 6.6 times the historic average. And at this moment, we go into a downturn. And on top of that, you can see that neither the EU itself nor the member states will have the money to fund it, let alone fund it for everyone.
And that was the core of Antwerp. All the CEOs there said ‘help us implement the Green Deal, help us get the investments.’ And that was a very positive atmosphere.
Have you gotten any concrete promises out of this movement?
In Brussels terms, yes. If you see what’s happened since: We had the stocktake document for the clean transition dialogue, which content-wise hits the nail on the head.
Then you see that translated into the European Council conclusions, which were very strong on industrial policy.
We’re now going to see the translation to a next level in the COMP Council conclusions. You’ve seen it in the strategic agenda. I expect it in the political guidance of the Commission and the mission letters. I think that’s the maximum we can do now in a period where there’s no legislative agenda.
After the elections, what do you see happening with this movement? And how long is Cefic really going to play a central role?
It’s important that the call for an industrial deal gets traction after the elections as well. That’s a decision for von der Leyen in the end. That depends on the elections. That depends on her negotiations after the elections. But I think everything seems to be aligned to the certainty that defense will be a key priority and that industrial policy and competitiveness is a key priority — and that the link between the two is called strategic dependency.
If that’s with Cefic or not, I don’t mind. I think the movement needs to move forward. Yeah. And of course, we’ll do as much as we can to keep it on the agenda.
RADICAL TRANSPARENCY
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THE -GATES IN COURT
KILLING QATARGATE SLOWLY: Has the Qatargate investigation in Belgium been handled so badly that it deserves to be totally or partially canceled? Lawyers for most of the main suspects in the alleged cash-for-favors scandal were in court Tuesday to discuss procedural questions related to this fundamental question.
Election-week surprise: Belgium’s competence in the case is likely to be on trial starting June 4, just three days before the EU election, my colleague Elisa Braun found out after taking a cappuccino in Brussels’ Palace of Justice.
Welcome, third investigative judge: A year and a half after the police raids and bags of cash found in suspects’ apartments, the picture is indeed looking a bit messy, to say the least: A third investigative judge has entered the picture as the second one has recently been suspended and the first one had to put himself aside because of conflict of interest accusations — which Belgian authorities deny. The five-member police team is dealing with sick leave and regular attacks from the defense parties, and now it has to start working with a new set of prosecutors — and, therefore, new methods. All this has massively delayed the case, which could ultimately result in a trial that will only see the day of light in six to seven years, several legal experts say.
Let the fun begin. Starting June 4, the Belgian prosecutor will defend the Belgian investigation for four hours. Following that, Eva Kaili’s defense team requested three hours to make her case, Francesco Giorgi’s wanted two hours and Pier Antonio Panzeri’s wanted 30 minutes. It should be the first time they all talk publicly about the investigation in debates that are usually held à huis clos.
Shrouded justice: The European Parliament, which has joined the case as a victim, said that those debates shouldn’t be public, according to opinions sent to all the parties and seen by Elisa. The request for public debates was put forward by Kaili, the ex-Parliament VP who is still fighting to be heard. Last week, she obtained the right to speak to journalists again and appealed a case in front of the ECJ that she had lost, her lawyer Sven Mary told us during a cigarette break.
What’s next: After those public (or non-public) debates, top Belgian magistrates will say whether or not the whole investigation or parts of it should be binned. Among the main questions: Whether MEPs’ immunity was breached, whether the alleged conflict of interest of a judge weighed on the investigation, and whether some evidence should be taken out of the case.
PFIZERGATE IN LIÈGE. An important hearing in the so-called Pfizergate case is to be held in the Walloon city of Liège on Friday. That discussion centers on who can handle the high-profile prosecution.
In case you needed a reminder: Ursula von der Leyen is one of the key targets here, along with Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla. Plaintiffs include Hungary and several other parties.
The matter: The European Public Prosecutor’s Office (or EPPO) has taken over the case in recent months as it has the competence to lead investigations related to alleged misuse of EU money.
But, but, but: The implementation of EPPO’s regulation in Belgium makes it difficult for EPPO to take over the investigation, and some of the parties also plan to debate whether the vaccine procurements include EU money, as previously disclosed.
ETHICS BODY
ETHICS BODY AGREEMENT SIGNED: Representatives of eight EU institutions — minus the European Council president, of course — signed the agreement to set up an inter-institutional ethics body. (Write-up here.) Commission VP for Transparency Věra Jourová laid out the timeline for the next steps.
May 17: Official Journal publication
June 6: Entry into force
June-September: Designation of members and alternates by the institutions (the Parliament will need to choose a new vice president for ethics in July or September)
By September 6: Appointment of the five independent experts (at which point institutions can ask for a consultation on conflicts of interest)
End of September-October: First ethics body meeting
January to April 2025: Agreement on common minimum standards … after which point the institutions have to start implementing them.
A man’s body? The family photo was a reminder of the gender imbalance at the top of the EU’s institutions. With Parliament President Roberta Metsola and European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde merely delivering video messages, that left Jourová the only woman available to appear on stage alongside Belgian Perm Rep Willem van de Voorde and the dudes in charge of the Committee of the Regions, the European Court of Auditors, the European Court of Justice, and the European Economic and Social Committee. Even Metsola and Lagarde sent men to appear in their place.
MAYBE THIS EXPLAINS IT
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OR MAYBE THIS EXPLAINS IT
HARASSMENT HOLDING BACK WOMEN IN POLITICS: More insight on that ethics body sausage fest above: Women continue to be under-represented in the national parliaments and their share is growing at a snail’s pace, Ketrin Jochecová reports. At the same time, gender-based harassment and hate speech is getting stronger, Director at the European Institute for Gender Equality Carlien Scheele said at a webinar on women in elections that took place on Tuesday. “Women account for 1 out of 3 parliamentarians across the EU. Only 6 national parliaments had more than 40 percent of women MPs,” said Scheele.
On a positive note: The EU has made advancements, such as adopting the pay transparency directive, European care strategy or the directive to combat violence against women. The number of women MEPs also increased in the last EU election.
However: “Women hold only 32 percent of senior leadership roles in European politics,” said MEP Radka Maxová (S&D), adding that there are huge regional differences, with Sweden being the country with the largest female representation in national parliament (47 percent) and Malta having of the smallest (15 percent).
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AT THE RACES: MEP Hilde Vautmans, head of the Flemish liberals’ list in the June election, is the latest EU lawmaker to face accusations of bullying her staff and misspending her salaries. But another detail from a Knack report (via the Antwerp Gazette) caught our eye: Revelations that Vautmans likes to use expensive VIP tables at show-jumping events as a chance to promote the EU and hand out swag. She’s not accused of breaking any rules by doing this, but it’s a venue that would surely also appeal to Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, whose team said she didn’t have to disclose meetings with Vautmans’ MEP Horse Group.
**What role can non-banks play in the European Commission's CMU push? On Wednesday, June 19, EU policymakers and financial experts will join POLITICO Live for a timely panel discussion and networking reception. Apply today to attend onsite!**
INFLUENCERS
BIG GROWS: The Brussels Institute for Geopolitics, aka BIG, announced its board this week, including German Federal State Secretary of Finance Heiko Thoms as chair.
Emphasis on optics…: From the get-go, the think tank has emphasized the importance of optics while flexing its connections to Europe’s most powerful men: It famously launched at the first meeting of the European Political Community with a photo of its founders — including historian Luuk van Middelaar and Shearwater Global lobbyist Hans Kribbe — standing next to French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte.
…While keeping the lights dim: Yet after a year and a half, its founders say they’re still refining their policies on sponsorships, and neither the website nor the Transparency Register offer much insight.
Funding policy: “Our policy is simple: European funding,” BIG co-founder and executive manager Sébastien Lumet said in an email. “This means state funding only from European states. Donations, private and corporate funding only from organisations that are a) active in Europe and b) subscribing to the institute’s objective to strengthen strategic culture. We will fine-tune this in the months ahead.”
A little confusion: Lumet added that BIG aims to preserve its independence by avoiding funding based on specific projects. Yet in another email, van Middelaar told us that in addition to EU country and institution support, BIG has “limited funding from charities and corporate members, as well as some project funding.”
CIVIL SOCIETY
— Defend Democracy, the NGO founded and run by Power 40 Brussels alum Alice Stollmeyer, is growing into a bigger operation, with a slate of board members including outgoing Dutch MEP Paul Tang.
COMPETITION
— Revolving door alert: Henrik Morch will join the new Brussels office of Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison LLP as a partner in its antitrust practice. Morch has already “de facto” left his post as Director for Transport, Post and Other Services at DG COMP, MLex’s Nicholas Hirst reports, and will “face restrictions.”
EUROPEAN COMMISSION
— Stephen Quest has been promoted to Director-General for Human Resources and Security at the European Commission.
CONSULTING & COMMS
— Marianne Lamérand started working as development and training manager for the consultancy EPPA’s European Training Institute.
HEALTH CARE
— Antonio Estrella has joined the European Policy Centre as senior adviser on healthcare data and technologies. He was previously with Verge HealthTech Fund.
— Anna Kiss is now a policy research officer for the European Cancer Organisation, joining from the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control.
FINANCIAL SERVICES
— Louise Wandahl Tavares is now fiscal attaché at the Danish Permanent Representation to the EU. She was previously with the Danish Ministry of Taxation.
— Andy Hill and Natalie Westerbarkey have been promoted to co-head of the International Capital Market Association’s Market Practice and Regulatory Policy (MPRP) team. Andy will lead on market practice and Natalie will lead on public policy and advocacy.
TECH
— Matteo Quattrocchi has joined Cisco’s Brussels team as head of EU AI policy. He was previously with BSA | The Software Alliance.
THINK TANKS
— Valeria Tabelli became a junior researcher at the European Institute for Asian Studies, focusing on China, Southeast Asia and their relations with the EU.
THANKS TO: Elisa Braun and especially Ketrin Jochecová; web producer Natália Delgado and my editor Paul Dallison.
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